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185.Журнал Сибирского федерального университета. Сер. Гуманитарные науки №6 2013

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Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Æóðíàë Ñèáèðñêîãî ôåäåðàëüíîãî óíèâåðñèòåòà
2013
Journal of Siberian Federal University
6 (6)
Ãóìàíèòàðíûå íàóêè
Humanities & Social Sciences
Редакционный совет:
академик РАН Е.А. Ваганов
академик РАН И.И. Гительзон
академик РАН А.Г. Дегерменджи
академик РАН В.Ф. Шабанов
чл.-корр. РАН, д-р физ.-мат. наук
В.Л. Миронов
чл.-корр. РАН, д-р техн. наук
Г.Л. Пашков
чл.-корр. РАН, д-р физ.-мат. наук
В.В. Шайдуров
чл.-корр. РАН, д-р физ.-мат. наук
В.В. Зуев
Editorial Advisory Board
Chairman
Eugene A. Vaganov
Members:
Josef J. Gitelzon
Vasily F. Shabanov
Andrey G. Degermendzhy
Valery L. Mironov
Gennady L. Pashkov
Vladimir V. Shaidurov
Vladimir V. Zuev
Editorial Board:
Editor-in-Chief
Mikhail I. Gladyshev
Founding Editor
Vladimir I. Kolmakov
Managing Editor
Olga F. Alexandrova
Executive Editor
for Humanities & Social Sciences
Natalia P. Koptseva
CONTENTS / ÑÎÄÅÐÆÀÍÈÅ
Abdolmajid Ahmadi
Techniques of the Commedia Dell’arte in the Poetics of Plays
of M.A. Kuzmin
– 775 –
Sahar Farrahi Avval
Communication Strategies: an Analysis of Communication
Strategies Used by Iranian Students of Translation Studies in
Translation from Persian into English
– 782 –
Victoriya A. Danileiko
Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their
Role in the Ethnographic Study of the North of Siberia in
1920$1930-s.
– 798 –
Nikolai P. Makarov
The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk
Northern Indigenous Peoples
– 816 –
Mikhail S. Batashev
Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd
in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes
– 842 –
Victor P. Krivonogov
The Dolgans’ Ethnic Identity and Language Processes
– 870 –
Vladimir I. Kirko,
Anna V. Keusch and Nikolay G. Shyshatskiy
Questions of Formation of Territories of Traditional Environmental
Management
– 882 –
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Consulting Editors
for Humanities & Social Sciences:
Gershon M. Breslavs
Sergey V. Deviatkin
Sergey A. Drobyshevsky
Sergey M. Geraschenko
Oleg M. Gotlib
Boris I. Khasan
Galina A. Kopnina
Natalia V. Kovtun
Aleksandr A. Kronik
Pavel V. Mandryka
Boris V. Markov
Valentin G. Nemirovsky
Daniel V. Pivovarov
Andrey V. Smirnov
Viktor I. Suslov
Evgeniya V. Zander
Igor S. Pyzhev
Vladimir I. Suprun
Liudmila V. Kulikova
Olga G. Smolyaninova
Nicolai N. Petro
Dr. Suneel Kumar
Свидетельство о регистрации СМИ
ПИ № ФС77-28-723 от 29.06.2007 г.
Olga S. Tolstikhina, Vladimir L. Gavrikov,
Rem G. Khlebopros and Viktor A. Okhonin
Demographic Transition as Reflected by Fertility and Life
Expectancy: Typology of Countries
– 890 –
Elena N. Viktoruk and Olga S. Ardykova
Universals and Pragmatics as Substantial Reference Points of
Modern Ethical Education
– 897 –
Irina A. Mezhova,
Tatiana A. Samylkina and Evgenia B. Bukharova
The Areas of Compact Settlement of the Indigenous and Smallnumbered Peoples of the North of Krasnoyarsk Krai: Setting
the Objective
– 906 –
Semen Ya. Palchin
The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous
Small-Numbered Peoples of the North as of 2012
– 913 –
Kseniya V. Reznikova
Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the
Traditional Way of Life of the Indigenous and Small-Numbered
Peoples of the North, Living in the Settlements (Posyolki) of
Turukhansk and Farkovon
– 925 –
Серия включена в «Перечень ведущих рецензируемых научных журналов и изданий, в которых должны
быть опубликованы основные научные результаты диссертации на
соискание ученой степени доктора и
кандидата наук» (редакция 2010 г.)
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 775-781
~~~
УДК 82-25
Techniques of the Commedia Dell’arte
in the Poetics of Plays of M.A. Kuzmin
Abdolmajid Ahmadi*
Tomsk Polytechnic University,
30 Lenin Str., Tomsk, 634050 Russia
Received 15.01.2013, received in revised form 15.02.2012, accepted 24.04.2013
The paper explores techniques of the commedia dell’arte, used in the dramatic works of
M.A. Kuzmin. We give a particularly detailed study of two major pieces – “The Venetian Madcaps”
and “Mary’s Tuesday” and the reason for the application of these techniques. Techniques of
dell’arte allowed deliberate use of typifi cation, suitable to depict common human situations.
Keywords: commedia dell’arte, pastiche, masks, play.
1. Introduction
Mikhail Alekseevich Kuzmin (1872-1936)
looks odd in the literature of Russian “Silver
Age”. In late 1900, he formally belonged to
the symbolism, and in 1916, literary critic
V. Zhirmunskii argued that Kuzmin “is linked
to the symbolism by the mystical nature of
his experiences, but he does not bring these
experiences into his poetry” (Zhirmunskii V.M.,
p. 107). With this definition it is not clear why
Kuzmin should be considered symbolist poet.
And since he anticipated neoclassical findings of
acmeism, then he is often seen as among acmeists,
despite his statements that acmeism is “stupid
and ridiculous...” (Kuzmin M.A. (1922), p. 100),
that acmeism is “made-up and violent school...”
(Kuzmin M.A. (1923), p. 116). In 1909, Kuzmin
wrote: “... let the world discernment be mystical,
realistic, skeptical or even idealistic <...> let
creativity techniques be impressionistic, realistic,
naturalistic; content – be lyrical or consistent
*
with the storyline <...> but, please, be logical,
<... > in the plot, in the process of creation, in the
syntax. <...> be <...> accurate and authentic – and
you will find the secret of the marvelous thing –
beautiful clarity – which I would call ‘clarism”
(Kuzmin M.A. (1910), p. 6).
Almost all researchers first of all note the
pastiche skills of Kuzmin, his ability to feel the
spirit and style of different cultures. However,
pastiche was not an end in itself for Kuzmin.
Having very personal attitude to tradition he
claimed: “Pastiche is the transfer of the plot in a
certain period and its realization in the specific
literary form of the exact time” (Kuzmin M.A.
(1910), p. 9).
2. Analysis
Kuzmin as a creator first came into contact
with commedia dell’arte by writing at the request
of V.E. Meierkhold music for the production of
A.A. Block’s “Balaganchik”; in a letter dated
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: majidoahmadini@yahoo.com
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Abdolmajid Ahmadi. Techniques of the Commedia Dell’arte in the Poetics of Plays of M.A. Kuzmin
December 3, 1906 to the director Kuzmin wrote:
“I love this thing of Alexander Alexandrovich ...”
(Meierkhold V.E., p. 79).
In 1912 he wrote the play “The Venetian
Madcaps”, “a product, dubious and risky in terms
of common morality” (Koiranskii A.A., p. 6). Poet
and critic V.F. Khodasevich in a review of the play
wrote as follows: “The content of it is simple, the
characters are primitive” (Khodasevich V., p. 5).
Meanwhile, the content is quite interesting, and
the characters are ambiguous.
In the story an actress – Finett wants to
seduce a count- Stello, but instead his friend-lover
Narchizetto falls in love with her. Stello performs
a pantomime by changing clothes to become
a Columbine and putting on Finett’s dress, and
then dressed as a Harlequin Narchizetto kills the
count. Only now Narchizetto understands that he
liked the count only, and this cures his love for
one whose dress the count put on. Then Finett
and a real Harlequin leave the city.
Researcher An Chzien believes that “none of
the characters can be identified with the eternal
loser Pierrot” (An Chzien), but his alter ego is
Narchizetto – the type of Pierrot, dressed in a suit
of Harlequin and doing what could be done by
real Harlequin. Everything is done by the plan of
Kuzmin, in accordance with the dell’arte theater
he introduces pantomime – a performance in the
performance, but so that “no one will be able to
discern where the real Harlequin and Columbine
and where their counterparts are” (Kuzmin M.
(1915), p. 66), because, as you can see, you can
not live up fully to your role.
According to Finett,
We are all comedians.
<...>
We all play different roles,
But in a Change we are
Submissive to the will of someone else
Мы все комедианты.
<…>
Мы все различные играем роли,
Но в пестрой и колеблющейся
Смене
Чужой покорны воле
(Kuzmin M. (1915), p. 76).
A quote from Shakespeare’s “As You Like
It” is obvious:
All the world's a stage,
And all the men and women merely
players:
They have their exits and their entrances;
and one man in his time plays many parts,
(Shakespeare W., p. 29–30), –
and Kuzmin’s conclusion of this is in absolute
agreement with Shakespeare, who wrote about
how time becomes destiny.
The play ends with a direct appeal of actors
to the audience, making it clear that it was just
a play. But Kuzmin brings into a play a parallel
story with Harlequin as the main character,
making it clear that the planes of real life and
theater performance can be combined: while
Stello and Narchizetto are wearing dell’arte
masks and leading this game seriously, Harlequin
is jokingly playing with the Marquise, seducing
her and bluffing.
In 1915, for the publication of the novel by
J. Cazotte “The Devil in Love” Kuzmin translated
poems from the novel, and in 1916 created his own
of the same nature “pantomime in 5 scenes (on
Cazotte)”, which featured artist “with the crowd
of Truffaldinos ...” (Kuzmin M. (1994-6), p. 263).
J. Cazotte did not have any Truffaldinos in his
play, but the use of a common name of a servant
from commedia dell’arte is remarkable here.
In 1917, Kuzmin again turned to the methods
of the Italian commedia dell’arte. As indicated in
the subtitle, “Performance in three parts for live
or wooden dolls”, the play “Mary’s Tuesday”
(1917) was intended for the theater, where people
can act as puppets, and it is no difference whether
they are live or wooden dolls.
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The play can be classified as Harlequin style
play; its beginning is the best proof of that. In the
first part of the play Newspaper seller as a barker
from fairground street theater (Harlequinade) is
selling newspapers, full of colourful, important
and trifling information:
Министерство пало!
Во время придворного бала
Фрейлина упала!
Арестовали известного нахала!
<…>
Балет,
Кабинет,
Туалет.
<…>
Социалистов съезд,
Угольный трест!
Литературный манифест!
Молодой человек, готовый на всё, ищет
места в отъезд! (Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 9–10).
The play is based on the characteristic of
the commedia dell'arte love interest. The main
characters make a triangle out of an unfortunate
admirer, frivolous beauty and her beloved.
A young man (“ready for anything”),
dissatisfied with his own social position as an
official at stock exchange and therefore not sure
about the future of his love, expresses his feelings
in mannered, and somewhat formulaic and messy
way:
Но любишь ли, но любишь ли, не знаю я,
И в этом вся трагедия, поверь, моя.
Зачем не при посольстве я атташэ?
Тогда бы был уверенней в твоей душе.
Ах, сердце так колотится, так ноет
грудь.
Меня ты поцелуешь ли когда-нибудь?
(Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 14).
In Part 2 Mary, she is Lady (meaning
beloved), vows to love the pilot, who has
taken her to the heavens. In the third part the
performance is transferred from the street to
the theater: “The auditorium is noisy; phrases
like headless birds fly without any beginning,
middle and end. <...>
...Она ответила?.. ха-ха!
...Послушайте, слова так грубы...
...Ну, кто, мой милый, без греха?
...Мне надоели эти клубы!..» (Kuzmin M.
(1921), p. 30), –
and the fundamental difference between street
noise and hum of the theater is not felt. Everyone
throws their words, and no one hears anyone.
Interestingly
enough,
apparently
independently of each other, two reviewers pointed
to “the use of cinematic methods” in Kuzmin’s play
(Vinokur G.O., p. 4), and E.F. Gollerbakh wrote
as such: “Cinematic Movie <...> is the content of
Mary’s Tuesday” . “<...> Even more interesting
is the unexpected slant to ‘mayakovschina’ ...”
(Gollerbakh E.F., p. 42). Arrangement of scenes
really lets talk about cinematographics of the
play, and some remarks without appealing to the
cinema sphere can not be played on the stage –
for example, “Meadows and pastures. Everything
is minor. <...> Finally, everything – like colored
geographical map” (Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 24–25).
By “mayakovschina” it is obviously meant the
rhythmic structure of monologues, which in the
same 1917 Kuzmin appreciated in Mayakovsky’s
verses (Kuzmin M.A. (1923), p. 117).
Let’s turn to the scene depicted in the
play where there is a trio: Pierrot, Columbine
and harlequin (note that the name of the last
character starts with a lowercase letter): “...
Pierrot sighs in the doll garden with a small
moon on the background. Columbine leans
towards him and stops corny, until harlequin
touches the strings of his guitar. Pierrot is now
forgotten and given to the old moon. Harlequin
performs his serenade confidently and vulgarly”
(Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 31). Comedic provision,
as old as the world is, is characterized by the
words of Lady:
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Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Abdolmajid Ahmadi. Techniques of the Commedia Dell’arte in the Poetics of Plays of M.A. Kuzmin
It is an old tradition
When we look out from the dark box
On the eternally sad Pierrot
(Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 33).
“On the stage now there is the buff mess with
sticks. Someone is killed ...” (Kuzmin M. (1921),
p. 33), – and it is well known that it should be
Pierrot, whom Harlequin is traditionally pounding
with a stick. Meanwhile, the other, parallel to the
doll show, trio is in the hall: they are the very
Lady, Pilot and Young man who appears in the
form of a sepulchral letter imitating Pierrot’s
manner of speech:
But I love you indescribably
And I can not, I can not, I can not!..
I wanted to die even last winter,
But it is better to lie down on the autumn
meadow
Но я люблю вас невыразимо
И не могу, не могу, не могу!..
Я хотел умереть еще прошлую зиму,
Но лучше лечь на осеннем лугу
(Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 34).
If A.A. Block created though cardboard, but
live heroes in “Balaganchik”, who symbolize the
eternal tragedy of a love triangle, Kuzmin uses the
principle of the footlight as a mirror and leaves
basically unclear, who parodies who: whether
the life is given as a theatrical performance or
the theater replicates the real life. By remark of
researcher E. Krichevskaia, Kuzmin wrote “an
harlequinade, in which an element of comedy is
always closely intertwined with an element of
tragedy” (Krichevskaia E., p. 7).
Young man like Pierrot is disappointed and
condemned to death. Unlike Pierrot, Kuzmin
always writes the name harlequin with a lowercase
letter: so sadness (Pierrot) is characterized by
individual traits, fun (harlequin) acts as a type
that exists everywhere and always (unfortunately,
in the authoritative edition of Kuzmin’s plays
of the University of Berkeley the exact fixation
of lowercase and capital letters is not always
correspond to the original, neither in “The
Venetian Madcaps”, nor in “Mary’s Tuesday”).
Lady, like Columbine, lives one day, here
and now. Perhaps here lies the mystery of the title
“Mary’s Tuesday”, which is attributable to the
second day, when God created the water and the
sky, where Lady was flying for love, which when
repeated weekly (as flights do) threatens to turn
into routine.
Both triangles develop and complete as in the
commedia dell'arte with a victory of carelessness
over seriousness, of play over reality, of this funfilled present over the sad past and uncertain
future. In the “Declaration of Emotionalism”
(1923) Kuzmin said: “There is no past, no future,
regardless of our own, sacred present perceived
emotionally with all the forces of the spirit, and
art refers to this present” (Kuzmin M. Radlova
Anna, Radlov Sergei, Iurkun Iur (2005), p. 270).
A.G. Timofeev, comparing “Mary’s
Tuesday” with “a certain confusion of tragedy
and farce”, said: “The banality and vulgarity of
what is happening is like something overlooked
through the chimney hole by the only real, not a
“doll” actor – a chimney sweeper ...” (Kuzmin M.
(1994-6), p. 407).
Чай горячий, свежий бублик
Мне дороже всех республик.
Всё ведь вылетит в трубу,
От всего золу сгребу.
На ухо скажу вороне:
«Что бывало при Нероне,
Будет через сотню лет, –
Чёрной сажи липкий след!»
(Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 18).
But the play boasts another impartial person
whose sentiments are extremely important for
understanding it, because they play ends with
the words of this character: Chauffeur. Objective
remarks of Chimney sweeper and Chauffeur
set the necessary grid of coordinates and define
# 778 #
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Abdolmajid Ahmadi. Techniques of the Commedia Dell’arte in the Poetics of Plays of M.A. Kuzmin
vertical and horizontal sections of the world
depicted. Chimney sweeper says:
Dirt under me and death,
Over me there is grey firmament and there is no hope, which Lady has for that “the
cut ether will sparkle <...> blue ...” (Kuzmin M.
(1921), p. 18, 23–24). And the other petty, but also
necessary character – Chauffeur says:
Ах, луна ли, фонари ли!
Всё один и тот же путь! –
and sums it all up – the smoke and caricature,
and they are not ours, but we should pay for
everything:
В окне карикатуры пар
<…>
Ах, всё равно, летим, летим,
Куда хотим, –
Ведь цель поставлена не нами!
<…>
Вор, кот, иль кукольный кумир,
Скрипач, банкир? –
Самоубийца ль – та же плата!
(Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 29, 35–37).)
3. Results
Kuzmin used a schematic plot involving
masks of commedia dell'arte, which, in
fact, allowed expressing his attitude to the
world. Moreover, the characters, who are not
participating in the development of the action, are
figures that are in the meaningful roll call with
theatrical masks and the main characters: thus,
pessimistic Chimney sweeper shades cynically
Young man and Pierrot, indifferent to the lives of
others Chauffeur cynically proclaims his credo,
similar to the role of harlequin and the character
of Pilot, – both observers understand life much
deeper than their potential counterparts. Even
Manicurist in her daily routine suddenly becomes
a prophetess and predicts Harry's death (Harry
is Young man) “on the verge of mistress Mary”,
where the “shoulders shine in a number of boxes
...” (Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 12–13).
Techniques of dell’arte allowed Kuzmin to
use elaborate typification, suitable for a sketch of
the timeless human situations. Types of commedia
dell’arte probably seemed to him as a kind of
standards, similar to the types of folk theater, but
commedia dell’arte attracted him more due to its
comprehensive literary pretreatment. This can
be proved by the review of Kuzmin on the staging
of “The Tragedy of Judas, Iscariot Prince” (1919)
after A.M. Remizov. In his review Kuzmin
praised the story, which is “artfully decorated
with masks, reminiscent of Italian comedy masks
(Monkey King, Pilate and the two elders)”, and
mentioned “folksy dialects of masks and Gozzi’s
fairy tales, in which the main characters remain
the standard language, which is literary and even
elevated by generosity of lyrical pathos” (Kuzmin
M. (1923), p. 111).
Writers of the pre-revolutionary years
referred to techniques of the commedia dell’arte,
its themes, the essential methods and characters,
this reference can be explained by Russian
life at that time, emotional turmoil and senses
of frustration and hopelessness embodied by
numerous Pierrots. Kuzmin’s theater was trying
to heal using the present time, pushing as an
example reckless Harlequin in a duel with grim
Pierrot; Kuzmin portrayed joy of present as
opposite to the sad past and dangerous future.
References
1.
An Chzien. Problema “stilizatsii” v russkoi dramaturgii nachala XX v.: “Mir iskusstva” I stilizatsiia
pod “balagan” M. Kuzmina. [The problem of “Stylization” in Russian drama early 20th century:
“The world of Art” and stylization under M. Kuzmin ‘s “Balagan”.] University of Toronto. Academic
Electronic Journal in Slavic Studies. http://www.utoronto.ca/tsq/01/rusdram.shtml.
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Gollerbakh E.F. M. Kuzmin. Vtornik Meri: Predstavlenie v trekh chastiakh dlia kukol zhivykh ili
dereviannykh [M. Kuzmin. Mery’s Tuesday: a presentation in three parts for living or wooden
dolls]. Kniga I revoliutsia, Petrograd. 1921. №12. p. 42.
Khodasevich V. M. Kuzmin. “Venetsianskie bezumtsy” (komedia). [M. Kuzmin. “The venetian
madmen” (comedy)]. Russkie vedomosti, Moscow, 1915. № 253. pp. 4-7.
Koiranskii A.A., Dobrovol’nye tsenzory. (K otmene “Venetsianskikh bezumtsev”). [voluntary
censors. (To cancel of “The venetian madmen”)]. Utro Rossii. Moscow, 1914. № 14. pp. 3-8.
Krichevskaia E. M. Kuzmin. “Vtornik Meri” [M. Kuzmin. “Mery’s Tuesday”]. Novyi mir, Berlin.
1921. № 152. p. 7.
Kuzmin M.A. Cheshuia v nevode [The scales in the seine]. Petrograd, Strelets Publ., 1922.
104 p.
Kuzmin M. Radlova Anna, Radlov Sergei, Iurkun Iur. Deklaratsia emotsionalizma [ the declaration
of emotionalism]. Russkii ekspressionizm: Teoria. Praktika. Kritika. [Russian expressionism: The
theory, practice, criticism]. Moscow, IMLI RAN Publ. 2005. 512 p.
Kuzmin M. “Iuda” (“Teatral’naia masterskaia”) [“Judas” (“The theatre workshop”)] Kuzmin
M. Uslovnosti: Stat’i ob iskusstve. [Kuzmin M. Conventions: Articles about the art]. Petrograd,
Poliarnaia zvezda Publ., 1923. 147 p.
Kuzmin M.A. O prekrasnoi iarosti; Zametki o proze [On beautiful Clarity; Notes on the prose].
Apollon. Saint-Petersburg, 1910, № 4, pp. 5-10.
Kuzmin M.A. Parnasskie zarosli [Parnassian thickets]. Lit. –kritich. Cb. [literary criticism
collection]. Berlin, Zavtra Publ.. 1923. pp. 116-118.
Kuzmin M. Teatr: v 4 tomakh [Kuzmin M. plays. In 4 Vol.]. Oakland, California: Berkeley Slavic
Specialties, 1994-6. 783 p.
Kuzmin M. Venetsianskie bezumtsy: Komedia. [The venetian madmen: comedy]. Moscow,
A.M. Kozhebatkin’s and V.V. Blinov’s Publ., 1915. 77 p.
Kuzmin M. Vtornik Meri: Predstavlenie v trekh chastiakh dlia kukol zhivykh ili dereviannykh
[Mery’s Tuesday: a presentation in three parts for living or wooden dolls]. Petrograd, 1921. 37 p.
Meierkhold V.E. Perepiska;1896-1939 [The letters: 1896-1939]. Moscow, Iskustvo Publ., 1976.
464 p.
Shakespeare W. Kak vam eto ponravitsia. [As You Like It]. Shakespeare W. Polnoe sobranie
sochinenii: T. 5. [The Complete works of William Shakespeare. Vol. 5]. Saint-Petersburg,
F.A. Brokgauz’s and I.A. Efron’s Publ., 1903. pp. 7–134.
Vinokur G.O. M.Kuzmin. Vtornik Meri: Predstavlenie v trekh chastiakh dlia kukol zhivykh ili
dereviannykh [M. Kuzmin. Mery’s Tuesday: a presentation in three parts for living or wooden
dolls]. Novyi put’, Riga. 1921. №125. p. 4.
Zhirmunskii V.M. Teoriia Literatury. Poetika. Stilistika. [The Theory of literature. Poetics.
Stylistics]. Leningrad, Nauka publ., 1977. 408 p.
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Abdolmajid Ahmadi. Techniques of the Commedia Dell’arte in the Poetics of Plays of M.A. Kuzmin
Приемы комедии дель арте
в поэтике пьес М.А. Кузмина
Абдолмаджид Ахмади
Томский политехнический университет
Росиия 634050, Томск, пр. Ленина, 30
В статье исследуются приемы комедии дель арте в драматическом творчестве
М.А. Кузмина, особенно подробно изучаются две его главные пьесы “Венецианские безумцы”
и “Вторник Мэри” и выясняются причины обращения к приемам дель арте, позволяющим
пользоваться высоким уровнем типизации, пригодной для обрисовки общечеловеческих
ситуаций.
Ключевые слова: комедия дель арте, стилизация, маски, игра.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 782-797
~~~
УДК 82’25:[=03.222.1=111]
Communication Strategies:
an Analysis of Communication Strategies Used
by Iranian Students of Translation Studies
in Translation from Persian into English
Sahar Farrahi Avval*
Iran
Received 21.01.2013, received in revised form 26.02.2013, accepted 30.04.2013
Communication has always been a basic tool for people to get their message across and to negotiate
meaning. Apart from different kinds of communication, language is the most effective and common
one. But to use a language the most effectively, in addition to knowing the lexicon and grammar of that
language, some tools should be at hand of the language user to compensate for any weakness in the
above mentioned tools. In this article, the author intends to introduce (CSs) and to show whether they
are workable in translation as they are in speaking tasks by conducting a research on BA students of
translation.
Keywords: communication, negotiate meaning, communication strategies, translation Process
1. Introduction
People cannot go on without having
relationship with each other and to satisfy their
needs they are obliged to be contact with others.
Sometimes, and it is better to say, most of the
time it is hard for the communicators to get their
messages across or it is hard for the receiver to
understand the speaker to understand what is
said and heard despite a big load of lexicon and
grammar rules, so the need of some tools are
felt in such a situation. The condition mentioned
can exist when people in the same language
communicate with each other such that they
cannot fi nd the appropriate word or expression.
When fi rst, CSs were introduced to the
world of linguistics; they were primarily used in
the area of teaching and learning languages.
*
Many research have been carried out
on the usage of 'communication strategies'
(CSs) in teaching and learning languages
but less is done on their usage in translation.
It is worthy to mention that these strategies
are well known as tools for communication,
within one specific language or between two
different languages.
Translation is a communication process
that involves the transfer of a message from a
source language to a target language.
Hatim and Mason consider translation as
«an act of communication which attempts to
relay, across cultural and linguistic boundaries,
another act of communication (Hatim & Mason:
1997).» In most cases, according to Houbert,
«translation is to be understood as the process
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: s_farrahi_a1980@yahoo.com
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whereby a message expressed in a specific
source language is linguistically transformed in
order to be understood by readers of the target
language « (as cited in Ordudari: 2008).
So with above mentioned reasons, we can
gather that translation into another language
is a kind of communication process with all
the conditions of speaking another language
so that the tools workable to compensate for
the weaknesses in speaking process could be
applicable for translation also. The author tries
to prove this theory by doing a research on
translation students which is explained in details
in the following parts.
2. Communication strategies (CSs)
Rubin defines communication strategies
as those strategies used by a learner to promote
and continue communication with others rather
than abandon it. They are strategies used by
speakers when they come across a difficulty in
their communication because a lack of adequate
knowledge of the language.
Regarding CSs, different typologies are
proposed by scholars in the field such as Tarone
(1977), Faerch and Kasper (1983), the Nijmegen
Group (based on Poulisse, 1987; Kellerman,
1991), Bialystok (1990), Dörnyei (1995), Dörnyei
and Scott ( 1997) and finally Rabab'ah (2001).
Although they are different in the surface but it
seems that they say the same thing. In the present
study the model proposed by Tarone is applied
and in this article we suffice to demonstrate her
model in Table 1 and.
3. Statement of the problem
and research question
The students of translation even those who
own a good mastery of words, expressions and
grammar rules have problems in translating
the texts and they are not able get through the
obstacles in communicating the meaning and
concept. It reveals that some tools are needed
to solve this problem. If the usage of CSs in
communication is subconsciously done, they are
to be manifested in the student's renderings and
if this happens, we can strongly say that CSs are
workable in translation process too. So in the
study carried out by the researcher, it is intended
to answer the question that whether the students
of translation apply CSs in their translation or
not.
Table 1. Tarones model of CSs
1. Avoidance
a Topic avoidance
b Message abandonment
2. Paraphrase
a Approximation
b Word coinage
c Circumlocution
3. Conscious transfer
a Literal translation
b Language switch
4. Appeal for assistance
5. Mime
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4. The study
4-1. Participants
The participants were 29 students of
translation, 4 of whom were male and 25 were
female (gender was not under consideration
for this study) and they were 22-30 years old.
They were selected from among 69 students of
translation which had between 14-20 credits
to graduate and had never been to any English
speaking countries before.
To have a homogenous group in terms of
language proficiency, the Oxford Placement Test
(OPT) was administered to 69 students. The
standard deviation of 69 scores was fund to be 9.86
(SD= 9.86). Then, scores falling within ± 1 SD
from the mean were included in the study (41.21≤
X ≤ 60.93, X= 51.07) and other participants who
took the OPT were omitted from the study.
4-2. Instruments
Since the focus of the study, as was
mentioned earlier, was to investigate the CSs that
the translation students used in their translations,
three kinds of materials were used to elicit the
participants' actual employment of CSs.
First, the OPT was used to select a
homogenous sample of participants. Then, in
order to investigate the CSs the participants
used for translation problems they encountered
during the translation process, a translation
task, a standard translation of « The Darling»
(a short story written by Anton Chekhov and
translated by Ahmad Golshiri consisting of 1016
words (see Appendices A and B for Persian and
English texts)) was administered to the selected
sample to translate from Persian into English.
Since the above mentioned is accepted in the
translation society, the clarity, naturalness and
accuracy f his translation of the text was out of
question.
Finally, a multiple choice test (see Appendix
C) was administered to explore students'
perceptions of each CS they made use of in their
translations. This test included 10 items; each
item included an English word, phrase or sentence
with its equivalent in English; in this process the
equivalent under consideration was provided
according to a specific CS which was included in
four choices and the participants were supposed
to distinguish it from among four given choices.
For their ease of understanding, definitions of
CSs were attached to the test papers so that the
participants could study them and then answer
the questions (see Appendix E for definitions of
CSs)
4-3. Data collection and procedure
As mentioned above, first, a screening
Oxford Placement Test was administered to 69
translation students. Then, after selecting 29
participants from them based on their mastery
level as described before, sometime later, they
were asked to do the translation job as was
described above. The students were asked not to
use any dictionaries because perfect translations
were not expected but a communicative one with
the vocabulary and grammar rules the participants
already knew and, meanwhile, they had been
assured that the results of this translation task
and the following perception test would have no
effects on their term scores so that they could feel
free to do the job.
By comparing the 29 translation done by
the participants against the standard translation
and the original text, the differences were
recorded as the CSs cases the CSs categorization
was done according to the provided defi nition
for each CSs based on Tarone model. By
calculating the Chi square for the strategies
found, statistically it revealed that the usage of
CSs in the translations were significant for the
following investigations.
The researcher looked for words, phrases
and sentences in which CSs were employed by the
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participants to convey the meaning. Based on the
model by Tarone and provided definition for each
strategy, the translations done by the participants
were analyzed and the CSs occurrences were
reported which are demonstrated in the next
chapter.
The same process was established by an
expert in the field of translation such that the
participants' translations were analyzed again
to find CSs cases. The differences between to
analyses of the researcher of the study and the
expert's were registered.
Then two analyses were compared and by
calculating the correlation coefficient which
it revealed enough correlation between the
data reported by the researcher and the data
reported by the expert. Seven CSs were found the
participants' translations. The coding reliability
for each strategy is demonstrated in tables 2, 3,
4, 5, 6, 7 and 8:
Finally, the questionnaires of 10 items were
given to them to investigate whether they knew
what CSs they had employed in their translations
or not. The calculated Chi square for the significant
frequency of correct answers is demonstrated in
the next chapter.
4-4. Results
In this section, the results of the study are
reported. Just as a reminder, there was an attempt
to see whether CSs are used by translation
students in the course translating a text.
After the selection of 29 participants
out of 69 ones by screening them through
administering the OPT, they were given the
translation task.
Table 2. The obtained correlation coefficient between two coders for approximation strategy
Correlations
Strategy type
Approximation1
Approximation 1
Approximation 2
1
.950**
Pearson Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed)
Approximation 2
.000
N
29
29
Pearson Correlation
.950**
1
Sig. (2-tailed)
.000
N
29
29
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
Table 3. The obtained correlation coefficient between two coders for topic avoidance strategy
Correlations
Strategy type
Topic avoidance1
Pearson Correlation
Topic avoidance 1
Topic avoidance 2
1
.941**
Sig. (2-tailed)
Topic avoidance2
.000
N
29
29
Pearson Correlation
.941**
1
Sig. (2-tailed)
.000
N
29
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
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Table 4. The obtained correlation coefficient between two coders for circumlocution strategy
Correlations
Strategy type
Circumlocution 1
Circumlocution1
Circumlocution 2
1
.883**
Pearson Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed)
Circumlocution 2
.000
N
29
29
Pearson Correlation
.883**
1
Sig. (2-tailed)
.000
N
29
29
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
Table 5. The obtained correlation coefficient between two coders for literal translation strategy
Correlations
Strategy type
Literal translation 1
Pearson Correlation
Literal translation 1
1
Sig. (2-tailed)
Literal translation 2
Literal translation 2
.890**
.000
N
29
29
Pearson Correlation
.890**
1
Sig. (2-tailed)
.000
N
29
29
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
Table 6. The obtained correlation coefficient between two coders for message abandonment strategy
Correlations
Strategy type
Message abandonment1
Message abandonment 1
Message abandonment 2
1
1.000**
Pearson Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed)
Message abandonment 2
.000
N
29
29
Pearson Correlation
1.000**
1
Sig. (2-tailed)
.000
N
29
29
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
4. 4. 1. Results of the translation task
The analysis of the translation task yielded
seven CSs and 1482 occurrences of CSs totally.
The CSs found, classified based on the highest
frequently occurring ones to the lowest ones are:
approximation, topic avoidance, circumlocution,
literal translation, message abandonment,
language switch and finally appeal for assistance.
Table 9 shows the type and frequency of CSs
employed by the participants.
As the table above shows, the most
frequently CS used by the participant is
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Table 7. The obtained correlation coefficient between two coders for language switch strategy
Correlations
Language switch 1
Language switch1
Language switch2
1
1.000**
Pearson Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed)
Language switch 2
.000
N
29
29
Pearson Correlation
1.000**
1
Sig. (2-tailed)
.000
N
29
29
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
Table 8. The obtained correlation coefficient between two coders for appeal for assistance strategy
Correlations
Strategy type
Appeal for assistance1
Appeal for assistance1
Appeal for assistance2
1
1.000**
Pearson Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed)
Appeal for assistance2
.000
N
29
29
Pearson Correlation
1.000**
1
Sig. (2-tailed)
.000
N
29
29
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
approximation. In Table 10 some examples
of this strategy taken from the participants'
translation are illustrated
The strategy which registered the most
after approximation was topic avoidance which
some examples of the participants' translation are
presented in Table 11 below.
The third strategy used was circumlocution.
The examples are presented in Table 12
The fourth strategy which registered the
most occurring CS after circumlocution is literal
translation.
For this kind of analysis, the back
translation of the participants were analyzed
against the Persian translation and occurrences
of literal translation were found the examples
of which are demonstrated in Table 14 as
follows:
The fifth strategy employed by the
participants was message abandonment.
Some examples of this strategy taken from
the participants' translations are illustrated in
Table 15
After message abandonment, language
switch registered the most CSs. The examples are
illustrated in Table 16:
The last strategy employed by the
participants of this study is appeal for assistance
and the examples for this CS are demonstrated in
Table 17:
The participants who used this CS intended
their readers to understand them because they
felt that they could not be able to convince the
readers understand what they had translated and
used this CS in the middle of their translation
process.
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Table 9. Types and frequency of CSs employed by the participants
Strategy type
Total number of instances
Frequency (%)
Approximation
1160
78.27
Topic avoidance
102
6.88
Circumlocution
83
5.60
Literal translation
56
3.77
Message abandonment
44
2.96
Language switch
23
1.55
Appeal for assistance
Total
14
0.94
1482
100.0
Table 10. Examples of approximation used by the participants of the study
Participants' back translation
The original text
The girl always had a crush on somebody.
She was always loving somebody.
She retold…
She repeated…
… and every woman likes to be his wife.
Animals doctor
…and any woman could be glad to get him as a
husband.
Veterinarian
… and they married.
… and the wedding followed.
Table 11. Examples of topic avoidance used by the participants of the study
Participants' back translation
The original text
In the summer she sat on the… and…
In the summer she sat on the steps and...
…who sat the whole time in his… in …
…who sat the whole time in his armchair in…
And … he had been…
And evidently he had been…
................................. .
After that she heard his sedate vice the whole day.
………………. .
It's getting to be a nuisance.
Table 12. Examples of circumlocution used by the participants of the study
Participants' back translation
, when she was going to school…
The original text
, when a pupil…
…a middle aged woman that Olenka did not know her … an elderly woman, a distant acquaintance…
very much…
… that Olenka was not familiar with…
… an elderly woman, a distant acquaintance…
… a man that you can count on…
… a steady man…
… her temperature had gone up vey much.
…fever.
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Table 14. Examples of literal translation used in translation by the participants of the study
Participants' back translation
The Persian translation
… she dragged the speech to Pustovalov and…
… she drew the speak to Pustovalov and…
… or she picked the dinner on the table…
Time how soon passes!
… because Olenka was not a secret keeper man.
… to him she draw cross…
‫ﻭ ﺩﻥﺍﺵک ﻑﻝﺍﻭﻭﺕﺱﻭپ ﻩﺏ ﺍﺭ ﺕﺏﺡﺹ ﻩک ﺩﻭﺏ‬...…
‫ﻭ ﺩﻥﺍﺵک ﻑﻝﺍﻭﻭﺕﺱﻭپ ﻩﺏ ﺍﺭ ﺕﺏﺡﺹ ﻩک ﺩﻭﺏ‬...…
‫ﺩیچ یﻡ ﺯیﻡ یﻭﺭ ﻡﺍﺵ ﺍی‬...…
‫!ﺩﺭﺫگ یﻡ ﺩﻭﺯ ﻩچ ﻥﺍﻡﺯ‬
... ‫ﺩﻭﺏﻥ ی ﺭﺍﺩﻩگﻥ ﺯﺍﺭ ﻡﺩﺁ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ ﻥﻭچ‬.
... ‫ﺩﺵک یﻡ ﺏیﻝﺹ ﻭﺍ ﻩﺏ‬...
Table 15. Examples of message abandonment used in translation by the participants of the study
Participants' back translation
The original text
In the evening they…
In the evening they prepared lessons together, and
Olenka wept with sasha over the difficulties.
He stayed only about ten minutes, and spoke little, but
Olenka fell in love with him…
When the doctors discuss things, please don't mix in.
He stayed only about ten minutes and…
When the doctors…
Table 16. Examples of language switch used in translation by the participants of the study
Participants' back translation
The original text
… araghitoon and gazaneyeh badboo…
Dock and thistles overgrew the yard.
…masoom smile…
…and at the good naïve smile that…
She repeated the dampezeshk words…
She repeated the veterinarian's words…
…his black rish…
…his dark beard…
Table 17. Examples of appeal for assistance used in translation by the participants of the study
Participants' translation
… I mean that…
… it means that….
… the meaning is that….
… I am meaning that…
4.4.2. Results
of CSs perception questionnaire
After the translation task was carried out, a
questionnaire of 10 questions on CSs perception
test to which the definitions of a number of CSs were
enclosed were distributed among the participants
and they were asked to answer them. Analysis
of the papers revealed that nobody answered all
10 questions. In Table 18, the number of correct
answers for each question are illustrated.
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Table 18. The number of correct answers for each question of the CSs test
Questions
No of correct answers of 29 participants
Q1
Q2
Q3
Q4
Q5
Q6
Q7
Q8
Q9
Q 10
27
25
17
20
24
17
25
27
19
28
Table 19. The Chi square of approximation
Approximation
Observed N
Expected N
Residual
35
2
2.6
-.6
36
2
2.6
-.6
37
3
2.6
.4
38
3
2.6
.4
39
3
2.6
.4
40
1
2.6
-1.6
41
6
2.6
3.4
42
4
2.6
1.4
43
2
2.6
-.6
45
2
2.6
-.6
46
1
2.6
-1.6
Total
29
4-5. Data analysis
By comparing the 29 back translation
done by the participants against the standard
translation and the original text, the differences
were recorded as the CSs cases by the researcher
and by calculating the Chi square for each CS
found, statistically it revealed that the usage of
CSs in the translations were significant for the
following investigations.
In Table 20 the Chi square calculated for
topic avoidance is illustrated.
In Table 21 the Chi square calculated for
circumlocution is illustrated.
In Table 22 The Chi square calculated for
literal translation is illustrated.
In Table 23 the Chi square calculated for
message abandonment is illustrated.
In Table 24 the Chi square calculated for
language switch is illustrated.
In Table 25 the Chi square calculated for
appeal for assistance is illustrated.
Finally, the Chi square of the perception
test was calculated and the results which are
illustrated in Table 26 showed a significant
meaningfulness in perception of the participants
of CSs employment.
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Table 20. The Chi square for topic avoidance
Topic avoidance
Observed N
1
Expected N
4.1
Residual
-3.1
5
4.1
.9
9
4.1
4.9
9
4.1
4.9
3
4.1
-1.1
1
4.1
-3.1
1
4.1
-3.1
29
Table 21. The Chi square for circumlocution
Circumlocution
Observed N
Expected N
Residual
1
5.8
-4.8
2
9
5.8
3.2
3
15
5.8
9.2
4
1
5.8
-4.8
5
3
5.8
-2.8
1
Total
29
Table 22. The Chi square for literal translation
Literal translation
Observed N
Expected N
Residual
0
3
5.8
-2.8
1
10
5.8
4.2
2
6
5.8
.2
3
7
5.8
1.2
3
5.8
-2.8
4
Total
29
6. Conclusions
Based on the findings discussed, a few
conclusions can be drawn. First of all, a look at
the findings of this research reveals the necessity
of teaching CSs to the students of translation in
Iran from the first semester of studying translation
studies at BA level. Teaching these strategies would
be beneficial and the application of these strategies
helps students of translation, future translators, to
get over difficulties they may encounter during
translation process. These difficulties may arise
from the deficiency in knowledge of grammar or
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Table 23. The Chi square for message abandonment
Message abandonment
0
Observed N
5
Expected N
5.8
Residual
-.8
1
11
5.8
5.2
2
8
5.8
2.2
3
3
5.8
-2.8
2
5.8
-3.8
4
Total
29
Table 24. The Chi square for language switch
Language switch
0
Observed N
17
Expected N
5.8
Residual
11.2
1
4
5.8
-1.8
2
5
5.8
-.8
3
2
5.8
-3.8
4
1
5.8
-4.8
Expected N
9.7
Residual
4.3
Total
29
Table 25. The Chi square for appeal for assistance
Appeal for assistance
0
Observed N
14
1
14
9.7
4.3
2
1
9.7
-8.7
Total
29
Table 26. The Chi square of the CSs perception test
5
Observed N
2
Expected N
5.8
Residual
-3.8
6
4
5.8
-1.8
7
1
5.8
-4.8
8
10
5.8
4.2
12
5.8
6.2
9
Total
29
‫»‪Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис‬‬
‫…‪Sahar Farrahi Avval. Communication Strategies: An Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students‬‬
‫‪and the participants would have operated more‬‬
‫‪powerfully.‬‬
‫‪As was pointed out earlier, translation is a‬‬
‫‪communicative act and this point should be taught‬‬
‫‪to students of translation also and with such a‬‬
‫‪look at this communicative act, the necessity of‬‬
‫‪teaching these strategies to students of translation‬‬
‫‪will be recognized.‬‬
‫‪lexis. In addition, students of translation should‬‬
‫‪have enough opportunities and time to carry out‬‬
‫‪translation tasks.‬‬
‫‪Translating from English into Persian is‬‬
‫‪focused more than translating from Persian into‬‬
‫‪English in Iranian universities. If this type of‬‬
‫‪translation had been focused before administering‬‬
‫‪this study, the result would have been different‬‬
‫‪References‬‬
‫‪Golshiri, A. (2005). The Best Short Stories. Iran. Tehran, Negah‬‬
‫‪Hatim, B. & Mason, I. (1997). Translator as Communicator. London and New York: Routledge.‬‬
‫‪Ordudari, M. (2008).Good Translation: Art, Craft, or Science?. Translation Journal, 12, (1).‬‬
‫‪Retrieved May, 13, 2010.‬‬
‫‪Rusk, J. (1999). 201 Stories by Anton Chekhov. Retrieved June 27, 2010 from www.ibiblio.org/‬‬
‫‪eldritch/ac/jr/index.html.‬‬
‫‪1.‬‬
‫‪2.‬‬
‫‪3.‬‬
‫‪4.‬‬
‫‪Appendix A‬‬
‫ﻩﻕﺍﻝﻉ ﺵﺭﺩپ ﻩﺏ ﺍﺩﺕﺏﺍ ‪.‬ﺩﻥک یگﺩﻥﺯ ﺕﺱﻥﺍﻭﺕ یﻡﻥ یﺭگیﺩﺭﻭﻁ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺏ یﺱک ی ﻩﺕﺥﺍﺏﻝﺩ ﻩﺕﺱﻭیپ ﺭﺕﺥﺩ‬
‫‪.‬ﺩیﺵک یﻡ ﺱﻑﻥ یﺕﺥﺱ ﻩﺏ ﻭ ﺕﺱﺵﻥ یﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﺥﺭچ یﻝﺩﻥﺹ یﻭﺭ یکی ﺭﺍﺕ ﻕﺍﺕﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺏ ﺭﺍﻡیﺏ ﻩک ﺕﺵﺍﺩ‬
‫‪،‬ﻥﺁ ﺯﺍ ﺵیپ ﺍﻩ ﺕﺩﻡ ﻭ ‪.‬ﺩﻡﺁ یﻡ ﺵﻥیﺩیﺩ ﻩﺏ کﺱﻥﺍیﺭﺏ ﺯﺍ ﻥﺍیﻡ ﺭﺩ ﻝﺍﺱ کی ﻩک ﺩﺵ ﺵﺍ ﻩﻡﻉ ی ﻩﺕﻑیﺵ ﺱپﺱ‬
‫ﺵﻭﺥ ﻭ ﻥﺍﺏﺭﻩﻡ ‪،‬ﻑﺭﺡ ﻡک ‪.‬ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﺭک ﺍﺩیپ ﻩﻕﺍﻝﻉ ﺵﺍ ﻩﺱﻥﺍﺭﻑ ﻥﺍﺏﺯ ﻡﻝﻉﻡ ﻩﺏ ‪،‬ﺕﻑﺭ یﻡ ﻩﺱﺭﺩﻡ ﻩﺏ یﺕﻕﻭ یﻥﻉی‬
‫یﻡ ﻭﺍ ﻥﻭگﻝگ یﺍﻩ ﻩﻥﻭگ ﻩﺏ یﺕﻕﻭ ﺍﻩﺩﺭﻡ ‪.‬ﺩﻭﺏ ﺕﺱﺭﺩﻥﺕ ﻭ ﺕﺵﺍﺩ یﻥﺕﺵﺍﺩ ﺕﺱﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺏﺭﻭﻡ ﻥﺍﻡﺵچ ‪،‬ﺩﻭﺏ ﻕﺍﻝﺥﺍ‬
‫ﻉﻕﻭﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭ ﺵﺍ ﻩﻥﺍﻝﺩ ﻩﺩﺍﺱ ﻭ ﻥﺍﺏﺭﻩﻡ ﺩﻥﺥﺏﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻥﺩﺭک یﻡ ﻩﺍگﻥ ﺵﻩﺍیﺱ ﻝﺍﺥ ﺍﺏ ﻭﺍ ﺩیﻑﺱ ﻥﺩﺭگ ﻩﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻥﺕﺱیﺭگﻥ‬
‫‪.‬ﺩﻥﺩﺯ یﻡ ﺩﻥﺥﺏﻝ ﻭ »!ییﻭﺭﺏ ﻝﺩ ﻭﺕ ﺭﺕﺥﺩ ﻩچ »‪:‬ﺩﻥﺕﻑگ یﻡ ﺩﻭﺥ ﺍﺏ ‪،‬ﺩﻥﺩیﺩ یﻡ ‪،‬ﻉﻭﺏﻁﻡ ﺯیچ ﺭﻩ ﻩﺏ ﻥﺩﺍﺩ ﺵﻭگ‬
‫»‪:‬ﺩﻥﺕﻑگ یﻡ ﺩﻥﻝﺏ ‪،‬ﺩﻥﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﻡﺁ ﺩﺝﻭ ﻩﺏ ﻩک ﻥﺍﻥچﻡﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻥﺕﻑﺭگ یﻡ ﺍﺭ ﻭﺍ ﺕﺱﺩ ییﺍﻩ ﺕﻕﻭ ﻥیﻥچ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻩ ﻥﺯ ﻭ‬
‫‪!».‬ﻡﺯیﺯﻉ‬
‫ﺭﺱ ﺍﺕ ﺭﺱ ﻥﺯ ‪.‬ﺩﺍﺩ ﻩﻡﺍﺩﺍ ﺵﻩﺍﺭ ﻩﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭک یﻅﻑﺍﺡﺍﺩﺥ ﻭﺍ ﺯﺍ ﺩﻥﺍﺱﺭ ﺵﺍ ﻩﻥﺍﺥ گﺭﺯﺏ ﺭﺩ ﺍﺕ ﺍﺭ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ ﻩکﻥﺁ ﺯﺍ ﺱپ ﺩﺭﻡ‬
‫‪.‬ﺩﺭﻭﺁ یﻡ ﺭﻅﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺍﺭ ﻭﺍ ﻩﺍیﺱ ﺵیﺭ ﺕﺱﺏ یﻡ ﺍﺭ ﺵﻥﺍﻡﺵچ ﻩک ﻥیﻡﻩ ﻭ ﺩیﻥﺵ یﻡ ﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻡ ﺵﺥﺏ یﻝﺱﺕ یﺍﺩﺹ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻥﺁ‬
‫ﺍﺏ ﺍﻩﺭﺩﻕ ﻥﺁ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ ﻩک یﺍ ﻩﺩﺍﺕﻑﺍﺍﺝ ﻡﻥﺍﺥ ﻩک ﺕﺵﺫگﻥ یﺯیچ ﺍﺭیﺯ ؛ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺕﺵﺍﺫگ ﺭیﺙﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﻡ ﺭﺏ ﺯیﻥ ﻥﺯ ﺍﺭﻩﺍﻅ‬
‫ﺕﺏﺡﺹ ﻩک ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺕﺱﺵﻥﻥ ﺯیﻡ ﺕﺵپ ﺯﻭﻥﻩ ﻥﺯ ‪.‬ﺩیﺵﻭﻥ یﺍچ یﻥﺍﺝﻥﻑ ﻭ ﺩﻡﺁ ﺵﺍ ﻩﻥﺍﺥ ﻩﺏ ‪،‬ﺕﺵﺍﺩﻥ ییﺍﻥﺵﺁ ﻭﺍ‬
‫ﺵیپ ﺭﺩ ﻭﺍ ﺍﺏ ﺩﺭﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺁ یﻥﺯﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺕﺱﺍ یﻥﺍﻥیﻡﻁﺍ ﻝﺏﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻥیﻥﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻡ ﻩک ﺕﻑگ ﻭ ﺩﻥﺍﺵک ﻑﻝﺍﻭﻭﺕﺱﻭپ ﻩﺏ ﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻑﺭﺡ ﻭ ﺩﻥﺍﻡﻥ ﻩﻕیﻕﺩ ﻩﺩ ﺯﺍ ﺵیﺏ ‪.‬ﺩﺯ ﻥﺯ ﻩﺏ یﺭﺱ ﺵﺩﻭﺥ ﻑﻝﺍﻭﻭﺕﺱﻭپ ﺩﻉﺏ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻩﺱ ‪.‬ﺩﻭﺵ ﺭﺽﺍﺡ ﺍﺱیﻝک ﺏﺍﺭﺡﻡ‬
‫ﺡﺏﺹ ﻭ ﺕﺥﻭﺱ یﻡ ﺏﺕ ﺕﺩﺵ ﺯﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺏ ﺭﺍﺩیﺏ ﺡﺏﺹ ﺍﺕ ﺏﺵ ﻩک ﺩﺵ ﺵﺍ ﻩﺕﺥﺍﺏﻝﺩ ﻥﺍﻥچ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ ﺍﻡﺍ ؛ﺩﺯﻥ یﺩﺍیﺯ‬
‫‪.‬ﺩیﺱﺭﺭﺩ یﺱﻭﺭﻉ ﺏﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻥﺩﺵ ﺩﺯﻡﺍﻥ ﻩک ﺕﺵﺫگﻥ یﺯیچ ‪.‬ﺩﺍﺕﺱﺭﻑ ﻩﺩﺍﺕﻑﺍﺍﺝ ﻡﻥﺍﺥ ﻝﺍﺏﻥﺩ ﻩﺏ ﺩﻉﺏ ﺯﻭﺭ‬
‫‪.‬ﺩﺭﻭﺁ یﻡ ﻥﺍﺏﺯ ﻩﺏ ﻭﺍ ﻩک ﺕﺵﺍﺩ یﻡ ﻥﺍیﺏ ﺍﺭ ییﺍﻩ ﻩﺩیﻕﻉ ﻥﺍﻡﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭک یﻡ ﻭگ ﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﺭ کﺵﺯپﻡﺍﺩ یﺍﻩ ﻩﺕﻑگ ﺍﻝﺍﺡ ﻭﺍ‬
‫ﻕﺍﺕﺍ ﻭﺩ ﺭﺩ ﺍﺭ یﺕﺥﺏﺵﻭﺥ ﻭ ﺩﻥک یگﺩﻥﺯ ﻥﺍﺭگیﺩ ﺍﺏ ﻁﺍﺏﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻥﻭﺩﺏ ﺩﻥﺍﻭﺕ یﻡﻥ ﻝﺍﺱ کی یﺕﺡ ﻩک ﺩﻭﺏ ﻥﺵﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺱک چیﻩ ﺍﻡﺍ ؛ﺩی ﺭﺍﺏ یﻡ ﺵیﻭﺱ ﻩﺏ ﺕﻑﻭکﺭﺱ ﻥﺍﺭﺍﺏ ﺩﻭﺏ ﻭﺍ یﺍﺝ یﺭگیﺩ ﻥﺯ ﺭﻩ ‪.‬ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺕﻑﺍی ﺵﺍ ﻩﻥﺍﺥ ﻁﺍیﺡ‬
‫ﻩﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍ ﻩﻥ ‪.‬ﺕﺵﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﺝﻭ ﺵﺍ یگﺩﻥﺯ ﺭﺩ یکی ﺭﺍﺕ ﺯیچ چیﻩ ﻥﻭچ ‪،‬ﺩﺍﺩ یﻡﻥ ﻩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺥ ﻩﺏ ﻭﺍ ی ﻩ ﺭﺍﺏﺭﺩ ﺩﺏ ی ﻩﺵیﺩﻥﺍ‬
‫ﻥﺁ ﺩﻥﺩﺭک یﻡ یﻉﺱ یﺕﺡ ؛ﺩﻥﺩﺯ یﻡﻥ یﻑﺭﺡ یﺱک ﺍﺏ ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﻡﺁ ﺵیپ ﻥﺍﺵ ﻁﺏﺍﻭﺭ ﺭﺩ ﻩک یﺭییﻍﺕ ﺯﺍ کﺵﺯپﻡﺍﺩ‬
‫‪# 793 #‬‬
‫»‪Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис‬‬
‫…‪Sahar Farrahi Avval. Communication Strategies: An Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students‬‬
‫ﻥﺍﺭﺍکﻡﻩ ﻭ ﺕﺵﺍﺩ ﻥﺍﻡﻩﻡ یﺕﻕﻭ ﺩﺭﻡ ‪.‬ﺩﻭﺏﻥ ی ﺭﺍﺩﻩگﻥﺯﺍﺭ ﻡﺩﺁ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ ﻥﻭچ ؛ﺩﻥﺩﺵیﻡﻥ ﻕﻑﻭﻡ ﺍﻡﺍ ؛ﺩﻥﺭﺍﺩ ﻩگﻥ ﻥﺍﻩﻥپ ﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻥﻭﻉﺍﻁ ﻩﺏ ﺍﺭ ﺕﺏﺡﺹ ﻝﺍﺡ ﻥﺁ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩیچ یﻡ ﺯیﻡ یﻭﺭ ﻡﺍﺵ ﺍی ﺩﺭﻭﺁ یﻡ یﺍچ ﻥﺯ ‪،‬ﺩﻥﺩﻡﺁ یﻡ ﺵﺭﺍﺩیﺩ ﻩﺏ ﺵﺍ یﻡﺍﻅﻥ‬
‫یﺕﻕﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺭک یﻡ ﻡگ ﺍﺭ ﺵیﺍپ ﻭ ﺕﺱﺩ ﺩﺭﻡ ‪.‬ﺩﻥﺍﺵک یﻡ ی ﺭﺍﺩﺭﻩﺵ یﺍﻩ ﻩﺍگ ﺭﺍﺕﺵک ﻩﺏ ﻭ یﻥﺍﻭیﺡ ﻝﺱ ﻩﺏ ‪،‬یﻭﺍگ‬
‫‪:‬ﺕﻑگ یﻡ ﺕیﻥﺍﺏﺹﻉ ﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺕﻑﺭگ یﻡ ﺍﺭ ﻥﺯ ﺕﺱﺩ ﺩﻥﺕﻑﺭ یﻡ ﺍﻩ ﻥﺍﻡﻩﻡ‬
‫ﺡﺭﻁﻡ ﻭﺭ یﻉﻭﺽﻭﻡ ﺍﻩ کﺵﺯپﻡﺍﺩ یﺕﻕﻭ !ﻥﺯﻥ یﻑﺭﺡ ﻩﺵ یﻡﻥ ﺕﺭﺱ ﻩک ییﺍﻩﺯیچ ی ﻩ ﺭﺍﺏﺭﺩ ﻡﺍ ﻩﺕﻑگ ﺭﺍﺏ ﺩﺹ «‬
‫»!یﻥک یﻡ ﺕﺡﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭ ﻩﻡﻩ !ﻥکﻥ یﻁﺍﻕ ﻭﺕﺩﻭﺥ ‪،‬ﻥﻥک یﻡ‬
‫ﻩک ییﺍﺝ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺏ یﻝﻭﻡﻉﻡ ﻥﺍﺏﺍیﺥ ﺍﻝﺍﺡ ﺍﻩ یﻝﻭک ﻩﺩﺍﺝ ‪.‬ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﺭک ﺍﺩیپ ﻩﻉﺱﻭﺕ ﻭﺱ ﻩﻡﻩ ﺭﺩ ﻩﺕﻑﺭ ﻩﺕﻑﺭ ﺭﻩﺵ‬
‫!ﺩﺭﺫگ یﻡ ﺩﻭﺯ ﻩچ ﻥﺍﻡﺯ ‪.‬ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﺵ ﺍﻥﺏ یﺩﺍیﺯ یﺍﻩ ﻩچﻭک ﻭ ﺍﻩ ﻩﻥﺍﺥ ‪،‬ﺕﺵﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﺭﻕ یﺵﻭﺭﻑ ﺏﻭچ ﻭ یﻝﻭیﺕ ﻍﺍﺏ یﺯﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺕ ﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﺵ ﺭﺏ کی ی ﺭﺍﺏﻥﺍ ‪،‬ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﺯ گﻥﺯ ﻩﻥﺍﺥ یﻥﺍﻭﺭیﺵ ‪،‬ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﺭک ﺍﺩیپ یﺭﻕﺡﻡ ﺭﻩﺍﻅ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ ی ﻩﻥﺍﺥ‬
‫ﻝکﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺱ ﺯﺍ ﻭ ﻩﺕﺵﺍﺫگ ﻥﺱ ﻩﺏ ﺍپ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ ‪.‬ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺕﺵﺍﺏﻥﺍ ﻭﺏﺩﺏ ی ﻩﻥﺯگ ﻭ ﻥﻭﻁیﻕﺍﺭﺍ یﺍﻩ ﻩﺕﻭﺏ ﺍﺭ ﻁﺍیﺡ ﺭﺱ‬
‫ﺭﻁﺍﺥ ﻩﺩﺭﺯﺁ ﻭ گﻥﺕﻝﺩ ﻭ یﻩﺕ ﺩﺭک یﻡ ﺱﺍﺱﺡﺍ ‪،‬ﻩﺕﺵﺫگ ﻝﺙﻡ ‪،‬ﻭ ﺕﺱﺵﻥ یﻡ ﻥﺍﻭیﺍ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻩ ﻥﺍﺕﺱﺏﺍﺕ ‪.‬ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﺍﺕﻑﺍ‬
‫یﺕﻕﻭ ﺍی ی ﺭﺍﻩﺏ یﺍﻭﻩ ﻥیﻝﻭﺍ ﺍﺏ یﻩﺍگ ‪.‬ﺩﺵ یﻡ ﻩﺭیﺥ ﺍﻩ ﻑﺭﺏ ﻩﺏ ﻭ ﺕﺱﺵﻥ یﻡ ﻩﺭﺝﻥپ ﺕﺵپ ﺍﻩ ﻥﺍﺕﺱﻡﺯ ؛ﺕﺱﺍ‬
‫یﻡ ﻥﺍﺝیﻩ ﺯﺍ ﺵﺏﻝﻕ ‪،‬ﺕﻑﺭگ یﻡ ﻥﺍﺝ ﺵیﻭﺭ ﺵیپ ﻩﺕﺵﺫگ ﺕﺍﺭﻁﺍﺥ ‪،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺁ یﻡ ﺍﺭ ﺍﺱیﻝک ﺱﻭﻕﺍﻥ یﺍﺩﺹ ﺩﺍﺏ‬
‫یﻩﺕ ﺕﻝﺍﺡ ﻥﺍﻡﻩ ﺯﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺩییﺍپ یﻡﻥ ﺭﺕ ﺵیﺏ یﺍ ﻩﻅﺡﻝ ﺕﻝﺍﺡ ﻥیﺍ ﺍﻡﺍ ‪.‬ﺩﺵ یﻡ ﺯیﺭﺏﻝ کﺵﺍ ﺯﺍ ﺵﻥﺍﻡﺵچ ﻭ ﺩیپﺕ‬
‫یﻡ ﺵیﺍپ ﻩﺏ ﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺥ ‪،‬ﺍکﺱیﺭﺏ ‪،‬ﺵﻩﺍیﺱ ی ﻩﺏﺭگ ‪.‬ﺩﻥک یﻡ یگﺩﻥﺯ ﻩچ یﺍﺭﺏ ﺕﺱﻥﺍﺩ یﻡﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭک یﻡ ﺱﺍﺱﺡﺍ ﺍﺭ‬
‫؟ﺩﺭﻭﺥ یﻡ ﻭﺍ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻩچ ﻩﺏ ﺍﻩ ﺵﺯﺍﻭﻥ ﻥیﺍ ‪.‬ﺕﺵﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﺍ ﺭﺏ یﺭیﺙﺍﺕ ﻩﺏﺭگ یﺍﻩﺵﺯﺍﻭﻥ ﻥیﺍ ﺍﻡﺍ ﺩﺭک یﻡ ﺭﺥﺭﺥ ﻡﺍﺭﺁ ﻭ ﺩیﻝﺍﻡ‬
‫‪،‬ﺩﺍﺩ یﻡ ﻩﺵیﺩﻥﺍ ﻭﺍ ﻩﺏ ﻩک یﺕﺏﺡﻡ ‪،‬ﺩﺵ یﻡ کﻝﺍﻡ ﺍﺭ ﺵﻥﻩﺫ ﻭ ﺵﺡﻭﺭ ‪،‬ﺵﺩﻭﺝﻭ ﻡﺍﻡﺕ ﻩک ﺕﺵﺍﺩ ﺯﺍیﻥ یﺕﺏﺡﻡ ﻩﺏ‬
‫یﻡ ﺱپ ﺵﻥﻡﺍﺩ یﻭﺭ ﺯﺍ ﺍﺭ ﻩﺏﺭگ ﺱپﺱ ‪.‬ﺩﺭک یﻡ ﻡﺭگ ﺍﺭ ﻭﺍ ﺩﻥﻡﻝﺍﺱ ﻥﻭﺥ ﻩک یﺕﺏﺡﻡ ‪،‬ﺩﺍﺩ یﻡ یگﺩﻥﺯ ﺭﺩ یﻑﺩﻩ‬
‫‪.‬ﻥﻭﺏﺱچﻥ ﻥﻡ ﻩﺏ ﻭﺕﺩﻭﺥ !ﺵیپ !ﺵیپ»‪:‬ﺕﻑگ یﻡ ﺕیﻥﺍﺏﺹﻉ ﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻥﺍﺭ‬
‫یﺕﻕﻭ ‪.‬ﺩﻥﺯیﺭ یﻡ کﺵﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻥﻩﺩ یﻡ ﻡﺍﺝﻥﺍ ﻑیﻝکﺕ ﻡﻩ ﺍﺏ ﺍﻩ ﺏﺵ ‪،‬ﺩﻥﺭﻭﺥ یﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻥ ﻡﻩ ﺍﺏﺭﻩﻅ ﺯﺍ ﺩﻉﺏ ﻩﺱ ﺕﻉﺍﺱ‬
‫ﻩﺏ ﺱپﺱ‪.‬ﺩﻥک یﻡ ﻩﻡﺯﻡﺯ ﺍﻉﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺵک یﻡ ﺏیﻝﺹ ﻭﺍ ﻩﺏ یﻥﺍﻝﻭﻁ یﺕﺩﻡ ‪،‬ﺩﻥﺍﺏﺍﻭﺥ یﻡ ﺏﺍﻭﺥﺕﺥﺕ ﺭﺩ ﺍﺭ ﺭﺱپ‬
‫ی ﻩﻥﺍﺥ ‪،‬ﻩﺩﺵ ﺱﺩﻥﻩﻡ ﺍی ﺭﺕکﺩ ﻭ ﻩﺩﺭک ﻡﺍﻡﺕ ﺍﺭ ﺵﺱﺭﺩ ﺍﺵﺍﺱ ﻩک ﻡﻭﻝﻉﻡﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩ ی ﻩﺩﻥیﺁ ﻩﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ یﻡ ﺏﺍﻭﺥﺕﺥﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭ یﻡ ﻭﺭﻑ ﺏﺍﻭﺥﺕﺥﺭ ﻩﺏ ﻥﺯ ‪.‬ﺩﺵیﻥﺍ یﻡ ﺕﺱﺍ ﻩﺩﺵ ﺭﺩپ ﻭ ﻩﺩﺭک ﺝﺍﻭﺩﺯﺍ ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺩ ﻩکﺱﻝﺍک ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺩ ﺏﺱﺍ ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺩ یگﺭﺯﺏ‬
‫ی ﻩﺏﺭگ ﻩچﺏ ‪.‬ﺩﻭﺵ یﻡ ی ﺭﺍﺝ ﺍﻩ ﻩﻥﻭگ یﻭﺭ ﺵﺍ ﻩﺕﺱﺏ یﺍﻩ ﻡﺵچ ﺯﺍ کﺵﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻥیﺏ یﻡ ﺏﺍﻭﺥ ﻩﺏ ﺍﺭ ﺍﻩﺯیچ ﻥﺍﻡﻩ ﻭ‬
‫»‪... .‬ﺭﺥ‪...‬ﺭﺥ‪...‬ﺭﺥ »‪:‬ﺩﻥک یﻡ ﺭﺥﺭﺥ ﻭ ﺩﺵک یﻡ ﺯﺍﺭﺩ ﺵﺭﺍﻥک ﻩﺍیﺱ‬
‫پﺍﺕ ﺵﺏﻝﻕ ‪،‬ﺩیﺁ یﻡ ﺩﻥﺏ ﺵﺍ ﺱﻑﻥ ﺱﺭﺕ ﺯﺍ ‪،‬ﺩﻭﺵ یﻡ ﺭﺍﺩیﺏ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ ‪.‬ﺩﻥﻥﺯ یﻡ ﻡکﺡﻡ ﺍﺭ ﻩﻥﺍﺥ گﺭﺯﺏ ﺭﺩ ﻥﺍﻩگﺍﻥ‬
‫‪.‬ﺩﻥﻥﺯ یﻡ ﺭﺩ ﺯﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺫگ یﻡ یﺍ ﻩﻕیﻕﺩ ﻡیﻥ ‪.‬ﺩﻥک یﻡ پﺍﺕ‬
‫!ﺍﺭﺍگﺩﺭﻭﺭپ ‪،‬یﺍﻭ ‪...‬ﻩﺩﺍﺕﺱﺭﻑ ﺭﺱپ ﻝﺍﺏﻥﺩ ﻑک ﺭﺍﺥ ﺯﺍ ﺍﺵﺍﺱ ﺭﺩﺍﻡ ‪،‬ﻩﺩیﺱﺭ ﻑک ﺭﺍﺥ ﺯﺍ یﻡﺍﺭگﻝﺕ »‪:‬ﺩﺵیﺩﻥﺍ یﻡ ﻥﺯ‬
‫‪.‬ﺩﺯﺭﻝ یﻡ ﺵﻥﺩﺏ ﻡﺍﻡﺕ ﻭ‬
‫ﺕﺥﺏﺩﺏ ﺍیﻥﺩ یﺍﻩ ﻥﺯ ی ﻩﻡﻩ ﺯﺍ ﻩک ﺩﺱﺭ یﻡ ﺵﺭﻅﻥ ﻩﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺵ یﻡ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺵیﺍﻩﺍپ ﻭ ﺍﻩ ﺕﺱﺩ ‪،‬ﺭﺱ ‪.‬ﻩﺩﺵ یﺩیﻡﻭﻥ ﺭﺍچﺩ ﻥﺯ‬
‫‪.‬ﺕﺱﺍ ﻩﺕﺵگﺭﺏ ﻩﺍگﺵﺍﺏ ﺯﺍ کﺵﺯپﻡﺍﺩ ‪:‬ﺩﻭﺵ یﻡ ﻩﺩیﻥﺵ ییﺍﻩﺍﺩﺹ ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺫگ یﻡ یﺭگیﺩ ی ﻩﻕیﻕﺩ ﺍﻡﺍ ‪.‬ﺕﺱﺍ ﺭﺕ‬
‫‪Appendix B‬‬
‫‪She was always loving somebody. She couldn't get on without loving somebody. She had loved her‬‬
‫‪sick father, who sat the whole time in his armchair in a darkened room, breathing heavily. She had loved‬‬
‫‪her aunt, who came from Brianska once or twice a year to visit them. And before that, when a pupil at‬‬
‫‪the progymnasium, she had loved her French teacher. She was a quiet, kind-hearted, compassionate‬‬
‫‪girl, with a soft gentle way about her. And she made a very healthy, wholesome impression. Looking‬‬
‫‪at her full, rosy cheeks, at her soft white neck with the black mole, and at the good naïve smile that‬‬
‫‪always played on her face when something pleasant was said, the men would think, «Not so bad,» and‬‬
‫‪would smile too; and the lady visitors, in the middle of the conversation, would suddenly grasp her‬‬
‫‪hand and exclaim, «You darling!» in a burst of delight.‬‬
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He took her to the wicket-gate, said good-bye and went away. After that she heard his sedate voice
the whole day; and on closing her eyes she instantly had a vision of his dark beard. She took a great
liking to him. And evidently he had been impressed by her, too; for, not long after, an elderly woman,
a distant acquaintance, came in to have a cup of coffee with her. As soon as the woman was seated at
table she began to speak about Pustovalov--how good he was, what a steady man, and any woman could
be glad to get him as a husband. Three days later Pustovalov himself paid Olenka a visit. He stayed
only about ten minutes, and spoke little, but Olenka fell in love with him, fell in love so desperately
that she did not sleep the whole night and burned as with fever. In the morning she sent for the elderly
woman. Soon after, Olenka and Pustovalov were engaged, and the wedding followed.
She repeated the veterinarian's words and held the same opinions as he about everything. It was
plain that she could not exist a single year without an attachment, and she found her new happiness in
the wing of her house. In any one else this would have been condemned; but no one could think ill of
Olenka. Everything in her life was so transparent. She and the veterinary surgeon never spoke about
the change in their relations. They tried, in fact, to conceal it, but unsuccessfully; for Olenka could
have no secrets. When the surgeon's colleagues from the regiment came to see him, she poured tea,
and served the supper, and talked to them about the cattle plague, the foot and mouth disease, and the
municipal slaughter houses. The surgeon was dreadfully embarrassed, and after the visitors had left,
he caught her hand and hissed angrily:
«Didn't I ask you not to talk about what you don't understand? When we doctors discuss things,
please don't mix in. It's getting to be a nuisance.»
Gradually the town grew up all around. The Gypsy Road had become a street, and where
the Tivoli and the lumber-yard had been, there were now houses and a row of side streets. How
quickly time flies! Olenka's house turned gloomy, the roof rusty, the shed slanting. Dock and thistles
overgrew the yard. Olenka herself had aged and grown homely. In the summer she sat on the steps,
and her soul was empty and dreary and bitter. When she caught the breath of spring, or when the
wind wafted the chime of the cathedral bells, a sudden flood of memories would pour over her, her
heart would expand with a tender warmth, and the tears would stream down her cheeks. But that
lasted only a moment. Then would come emptiness again, and the feeling, What is the use of living?
The black kitten Bryska rubbed up against her and purred softly, but the little creature's caresses left
Olenka untouched. That was not what she needed. What she needed was a love that would absorb
her whole being, her reason, her whole soul, that would give her ideas, an object in life that would
warm her aging blood. And she shook the black kitten off her skirt angrily, saying: «Go away! What
are you doing here?»
At three o'clock they had dinner. In the evening they prepared the lessons together, and Olenka
wept with Sasha over the difficulties. When she put him to bed, she lingered a long time making the
sign of the cross over him and muttering a prayer. And when she lay in bed, she dreamed of the faraway, misty future when Sasha would finish his studies and become a doctor or an engineer, have a
large house of his own, with horses and a carriage, marry and have children. She would fall asleep still
thinking of the same things, and tears would roll down her cheeks from her closed eyes. And the black
cat would lie at her side purring: «Mrr, mrr, mrr.»
Suddenly there was a loud knocking at the gate. Olenka woke up breathless with fright, her heart
beating violently. Half a minute later there was another knock.
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«A telegram from Kharkov,» she thought her whole body in a tremble. «His mother wants Sasha
to come to her in Kharkov. Oh, great God!»
She was in despair. Her head, her feet, her hands turned cold. There was no unhappier creature in
the world, she felt. But another minute passed, she heard voices. It was the veterinarian coming home
from the club.
Appendix C
CSs perception test
Choose the correct communication strategy for each question.
1- the thing you open bottles for corkscrew:
a)appeal for help
b)topic avoidance
c)circumlocution
d) approximation
2- ship for sailboat:
a) approximation
b) word coinage
c)literal translation
d) prefabricated pattern
3- …………………… for dinner is ready:
a) approximation
b) literal translation
c) topic avoidance
d) word coinage
4- vegetarianist for vegetarian:
a) topic avoidance
b) approximation
c) word coinage
d) circumlocution
5- making the sound: ghoor, ghoor for frog:
a) literal translation
b) non linguistic signals
c) topic avoidance
d) word coinage
6- when you do not remember something, you say to the person you are talking to: what do you call it?
a) circumlocution
b) non linguistic signals
c) appeal for help
d) prefabricated pattern
7- I put on my kafsh:
a) literal translation
b) code switching
c) appeal for help
d) non linguistic signals
8- making a circle with your hands when you do not know the word circle in English:
a) code switching
b) literal translation
c) approximation
d) non linguistic signals
9- you eat it when you are hungry for food:
a) circumlocution
b) literal translation
c) word coinage
d) appeal for help
10- using the word thing for specific words you do not know, for example:
I like a thing to drink and a thing to read:
a) approximation
b) word coinage
c) use of all purpose word
d) literal translation
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Стратегии коммуникации:
анализ коммуникационных стратегий,
используемых иранскими студентами-переводчиками
в переводе с персидского на английский язык
С.Ф. Аввал
Иран
Коммуникация всегда выступала основным инструментом, использующимся для передачи
сообщений. Одновременно с иными видами коммуникации человеческий язык является наиболее
эффективным и привычным видом. Однако в целях наиболее эффективного использования языка
в дополнение к знанию лексикона и грамматики данного языка для носителя языка должны
быть доступны некоторые инструменты, призванные компенсировать любые недостатки
отмеченных выше средств. В данной статье автор делает обзор коммуникативных стратегий
и старается продемонстрировать их применимость к переводу на примере устных заданий
для студентов-бакалавров, обучающихся переводческому делу.
Ключевые слова: коммуникация, передача значения, коммуникативные стратегии, процесс
перевода.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 798-815
~~~
УДК 930
Government Institutions
and Scientific Organizations
and their Role in the Ethnographic Study
of the North of Siberia in 1920–1930-s.
Victoriya A. Danileiko*
Archaeology and Ethnography Department
Regional Muzeum of Local Lore of Krasnoyarsk
84 Dubrovinskogo Str., Krasnoyarsk, 660049 Russia
Received 24.12.2012, received in revised form 04.02.2013, accepted 15.03.2013
This article attempts to give an overview of the history of the organization of the ethnographic study
of the indigenous people of the North of Siberia in the first decades of Soviet rule. The activities and
interconnections of a significant number of scientific non-governmental organizations and government
institutions of Moscow, St. Petersburg (Leningrad), Novosibirsk, Omsk, Tomsk, Krasnoyarsk and other
cities were studied using a wide range of published and archive sources. This research will fill up a
number of gaps in the history of the organization of scientific research
This work would fill a number of gaps in the organization’s history of science in the early twentieth
century. In Russia in general, and in the history of ethnography North Siberia in particular, as well as
introduce a new scientific revolution material.
Keywords: North of Siberia, 1920–1930-s., Ethnography, organization science, Soviet affairs,
national policies.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
Introduction
It is known that the emergence and
development of the Soviet ethnography proceeded
in line with government policy. Ethnography
was at the forefront of solving the accelerated
integration of the indigenous population of
the USSR in its economic, social and political
structure. Not only the scientific public
organizations were engaged in an ethnographic
*
study of the indigenous population of the young
state but government institutions also took part
in it.
The growing interest towards history of
domestic ethnography of the twentieth century
leads to historians developing a significant
number of its problematic aspects each year.
So the topic of the history and activities of the
various organizations and institutions in the
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: danileikozima@mail.ru
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1920 – 30’s engaged in the study of the country
(including ethnography) has already drawn a
lot of research. But there are only few specific
papers on the subject, and they don’t give us the
complete picture of the way ethnographic science
was organized at that time.
However, it is worth noting a number of
important studies. T.D. Solovey, N.I. Gagen-Torn,
O. I. Yeremeeva, V.D. Esakov, O.A. Krasnikova,
M. Mogilner and others1 wrote about the work of
research institutions and government institutions
in Moscow and St. Petersburg (Leningrad) which
were studying the country.
History of the organization of the study
of Siberia in 1920-30’s involved works by
A.A. Syrian, L.Y. Kitov, N.A. Tomilov,
S.A. Krasilnikov, S.F. Fominyh, V.L. Soskin,
A.S. Vdovin, etc.2 Among foreign researchers is
worth mentioning J. Cadiot, T. Martin, J. Slezkina,
N.V. Ssoin-Chaikova 3and works of which more
or less dealt with the work of imperial and Soviet
scientific public and government institutions.
It should be mentioned that creating a new
social-political and economic system in 1920-30’s,
the Bolshevik government formed a “special type
of science” as an element of the system, as for the
formidable tasks of a general modernization then
put to the country was not possible without the
use of a high status scientific knowledge (Solovey,
2004: 145 ).
Changing the connection between the
science and the state had started during the
First World War, when the “international
aspect” of the scientific society has come to
depend on the state regulation of international
cooperation, as well as the beginning of a
gradual integration of the social sciences in the
structure of the social state in some “expert and
educational” role (Dmitriev, 2007: 13). In the
case of ethnography founding of the Russian
Imperial ethnographic bureau4 is an example of
that integration.
Speaking of national ethnography which
was not properly formed in the early twentieth
century: almost not taught in higher educational
institutions, and numerous ethnographic
institutions were poorly organized, with poor
management of personnel and finance. New
ethnographic approaches were developed and
distributed mainly in the museums (Cadiot, 2010:
136). The Academy of Sciences, for example, had
no division of ethnographic profile. Ethnographic
divisions existed since the beginning of the
century only in the Kunstkamera (cabinet of
curiosities) at the Russian Museum of Alexander
III.
The situation has changed since 1917:
Ethnography acquired a permanent status
of an independent scientific discipline, was
institutionalized and got government support.
T.D. Solovey explains this demand for ethnography
by the government launch of the “vector of world
revolution in the awakening East” in the 1920s.
The significant increase in the interest towards
the foreign and domestic Asia stimulated the
development of the Oriental studies, including
ethnographic research. The second factor,
in her opinion, was the modernization of the
“backward peoples” in the forefront of which is
always Ethnography. T.D. Solovey said that at
that time there was a “mutual complementarity
of science and the new state”: the connection
with the practice of socialist construction was
an important condition for government support,
due to which Russian ethnographers were able
to implement many plans and ideas, with no
significant ideological and political constraints
(Solovey, 2004 : 156-157).
Professor of University of California
Y. Sliozkin indicates a lack of moral complexities
of the researchers of the 1920s regarding their
participation in the government’s work and
relates this phenomenon to the tradition of the
Russian liberal intellectuals to consider the
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moral and political activity the sacred duty of
science. The young government offered the
opportunity to spend meaningful reforms,
and scientists agreed not really thinking at the
time about the Bolshevik political platform.
Another reason for the optimism of the Russian
ethnographers Y. Sliozkin sees in growing
prestige and role of ethnography in the West
(Sliozkin, 2008: 175).
Modern French historian Jean Cadiot points
on the continuation of the liberal traditions of the
Russian intelligentsia of 1900s, linking political
activity of the ethnographers of the early twentieth
century to their scientific practice: science is
considered the best tool for a deep renewal of
society and the state. The restrained attitude
of researchers towards the idea of autonomy of
indigenous peoples and centralization of their
management G. Cadiot explains by the trust in
the guaranteed help of the government for the
“non-Russian” (Cadiot, 2010: 116-117, 118).
According to M. Mogilner, the only
alternative to the “social, scientific, political,
and, finally, physical marginalization and
death” for the scientists of the time was the
nationalization of science. The researcher says
that the conditions of the strict resource allocation
stimulated the urge “to present their discipline as
strategically important to the class struggle and
socialist construction.” As for the dominance of
Ethnography in the human sciences, M. Mogilner
explains this fact by the extremely populist nature
of ethnography, in which “left-wing researches
who had gone through the political exile lead
among the representatives of the pre-revolutionary
generation” (Mogilner, 2008: 457-459).
In this study we tried to give an overview of
the ethnographic study of the northern outskirts
of Siberia during the difficult period of the early
twentieth century and up to 1930s. It was the time
of establishment of Soviet ethnographic North
study school, which has a number of specific
features. Thus, the reference to this problem
will not only fill the gaps in the history of Soviet
ethnography but will also help to understand the
origins of its specific character.
This study is based on common scientific
and historical methods (ideographic, historical,
genetic, chronological, etc.).
Main propositions
The leading research institution in Russia
was the Russian Academy of Sciences (RAS)
(successor of the St. Petersburg Imperial
Academy of Sciences) from 1917 to 1925. In July
1925 it was transformed into the Academy of
Sciences of the USSR. Despite the fact that the
General Assembly had expressed a negative
attitude toward the revolution, it didn’t decline
to cooperate with the Academy of Sciences.
Especially since the Soviet authorities took notice
of its work, recognized the importance of its needs
and promised both assistance in the development
of the issues of a scientific nature and maintaining
the independence of the institution (Esakov,
1994: 126, 129-130). Funding of the Academy of
Sciences was entrusted to Narkompros (People’s
Commissariat for Education) and the Central
Commission for improving living conditions of
scientists (CCILCS). It should be noted that before
the revolution Academy did not have sufficient
financing, so the launching of the expeditions
had always been very difficult for it, and its large
arctic expedition with the participation of its
employees were subsidized from other agencies.
Under the Soviet rule Academy of Sciences
took an active part in solving social and
economic problems of the young state, including
those in the study and development of Siberia.
This participation involved Commission for
the Study of Natural Productive Forces and
Natural Resources (CNPF), established in 19155
in order to help the country at war in a general
mobilization.
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Interestingly to point out that at the
same time a famous scientist (anthropologist,
geographer, ethnographer) D.N. Anuchin already
included in CNPF, stood for the foundation of
a second similar state commission, but for the
study of the actual population of the empire – its
most important “productive force” (Mogilner,
2008: 453-454; Solovey, 2004: 141-142). The
idea of D.N. Anuchin was implemented in the
foundation of the Commission for the Study of
the Tribal Population (CSTP), with which CNPF
coordinated its research in 1917. CSTP initially
existing in the Department of Ethnography
of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society
(IRGS) goes into the structure of the Academy
from 1917. It was headed by Oriental scientist
S.F. Oldenburg. Other ethnographers working
there were V.G. Bogoraz-Tan, S.K. Patkanov and
L.Y. Sternberg. Initially D.N. Anuchin himself
was not included in the Commission, apparently
because of his disagreements with the capital
counterparts (Mogilner, 2008: 459). Subsequently
CSTP dealt with all other problems concerning
the ethnic structure of the border regions in
addition to mapping.
CNPF facing the complete separateness of
the work in the North convened a meeting of
representatives of scientific societies, institutions
and agencies October 15, 1917. The meeting
made up the Subcommission on the subject of
the study and use of the natural productive forces
of the Russian North6. But the activity of the
Subcommission was soon interrupted, mainly
due to lack of financing, and resumed only after
the October Revolution, when the Council of
People’s Commissars (CPC) at the initiative
of V.I. Lenin financed CNPF and the Academy
of Sciences in 1918. Then, among the fourteen
new departments in Subcommission (late April
19187) VIII Department of Research of the
North started its work. The first chairman of the
department was the President of the Academy of
Sciences and chairman of the Polar Commission,
A.P. Karpinskiy8.
In the seven years of the existence of the
department the most successful were years from
1918 to 1921. Its objectives were: 1) the scientific
examination of the natural resources of the North
(Arkhangelsk, Vologda, Olonets, Vyatka, Perm
provinces and Siberia); 2) the compilation of
bibliographic index of literature on the North and
Siberia; 3) the integration and coordination of
separate work “done by some people and mostly
local agencies sometimes simultaneously “; 4)”
assistance in writing scientific papers and solving
practical problems aimed to raise the cultural and
industrial life of the North”9.
The important work of the Northern
Department was drawing of the Wall map of
Northern polar countries and a detailed map of the
entire Northern region of Russia from Norway to
the Yenisei River and from Svalbard (Grumant)
and Franz Josef Land to the latitude of 55 º, and a
number of other works.10
Apart from this department the research of the
North were mainly conducted in the “Department
of the White Coal11” and “Department of stone
building materials»12 of CNPF and also in the
Regular Polar Commission, the Commission
of the degree measurements on the islands of
Svalbard and in the Commission for the launch of
Russian Polar Expedition (the question was raised
about the unification of the last three13).
The Arctic Commission, as well as CNPF
was founded before the revolution in physics
and mathematics department of the Academy
of Sciences (founded April 30, 191414) to
coordinate the research conducted by various
departments in the Arctic. The main coordinator
of the Commission was a famous geologist,
geographer and paleontologist I.P. Tolmachev,
and the continuous chairman was Academician
A.P. Karpinskiy15. Before the revolution, the
Commission’s work did have the support of
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the government and was denied approval of a
permanent body of research on Arctic affairs16.
Despite the difficult conditions of work in 19171922s, temporary isolation of the northern
areas of the country from Petrograd, loss of its
members, the Commission retained its structure
and organization and did not stop its work (for
example the work continued on development of
the final map of the Arctic expeditions).
In 1920s new alignment of political forces
had led the Arctic Commission to proving its
importance for the country, like many other
scientific organizations of that time. It was
involved in the fulfilling of foreign policy
objectives and in expert evaluation of projects
of domestic and foreign expeditions to explore
the Arctic territories. Like many other academic
institutions at that time the Arctic Commission
began its research in the north, which lasted until
1936, almost immediately after the revolution due
to financing by the Soviet government.
In 1919, the Commission has united under its
leadership the works of academic Russian polar
and Svalbard expeditions of the early twentieth
century. In 1920 for the first time it was able to
equip a unit in the Northern Scientific-fishing
expedition; in 1922 the map of the northern
Russian Sea to the Bering Strait, showing the
routes of all expeditions from 1648 to 191517 was
printed. Polar Commission also proved itself
in organizing and uniting the newly-emerging
“Northern bodies” – CNPF North Division, which
was mentioned above, and the Commission on the
practical use of resources of the Russian North
(formed January 30, 1919 in St. Petersburg by
the People’s Commissariat of Trade and Industry
and later renamed the Northern Scientific fishing
expedition of the Supreme Economic Council)18.
With the participation of the Polar Commission
in 1920 the General Meeting on the North was
convened at the RGS marking the foundation of
the future Institute for the Study of the North19.
Worth mentioning that the work of these
three organizations (Regular Polar Commission,
the North Division of CNPF and the Commission
for study and practical use of the Russian North),
maintaining close contact with each other since
1919, worked simultaneously and often duplicated
each other’s work. Due to closer contacts
between the Commission of the Russian North
and Regular Arctic Commission, the scope of the
two organizations was determined more or less
accurately, that was the distinction of work of the
Northern Division CNPF and Arctic Commission
that was difficult20. Later, it was determined that
the Regular Polar Commission leads all the
polar research of Academy of science; North
Division CNPF combines all the scientific work
in the North of Russia, and also makes its own
cartographic, bibliographic and publication work;
the Commission of the Russian North conducts
research of the resources and trades of the Russian
North.21
The transformation of the Commission of the
practical use of resources of the North on March
4, 1920 in North scientific fishing expedition
SEC (Sevekspeditsiya) naturally shifted the focus
of the study of natural resources in the North
to this state organization: Department of the
North CNPF at first had to reduce its work, and
in 1925 was made into North Department of the
Bibliographic bureau of CNPF.22
Sevekspeditsiya, run by the Petrograd
branch of the Scientific and Technical
Department of the Supreme Economic Council,
was an operating body the main objective of
which was “the production of scientific and
technological research of the natural productive
forces of the Russian North (meaning the
territory of European and Asian Russia to the
north of 60º N latitude) for the purpose of its
best practical use, and management of all
academic work done by the respective agencies
in the field»23. The Presidium was placed at
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the head of Sevekspeditsiya, the Academic
Council supervised all the scientific work.
A.P. Karpinskiy24, president of the Academy of
Sciences, was elected to be the representative.
Besides, the Academic meeting in Moscow and
executive management of the expeditions in the
field were arranged.
The studies of the Northern Scientificfishing expedition covered the Kola Peninsula
(the biggest part of the field work was held there),
Murmansk coast, Kemsky and Onega region,
the White Sea and the Barents Sea, north-west
coast of the White Sea, Novaya Zemlya and
Vaigach islands, Pechora district and Ob-Yenisei
region25. In total, there were about twenty units
(North Kola Geological, The soil and botanical
Murmansk biotech, reindeer, etc.). There was an
Ethnographic unit working with the participation
of Professor V.G. Bogoraz-Tan. The unit collected
ethnographic and other materials “characterizing
the languages and the life Samoyedic people,
their trades, handicrafts, etc.”, and its work was
illustrated by N.G. Prokofiev, the artist who
painted about 70 watercolors and pencil drawings
during his stay in the basins of the Ob and the
Yenisei rivers26.
Enormous contribution to the study and the
development of the North of Siberia still continued
to make the Russian Geographical Society (RGS)
(Vdovin, Prokhorchuk, 2011: 11-12).
During the war and the revolution the
organization’s work has not stopped, but the
position of the RGS and its departments (the
number of which was four in Siberia in the early
1920s) then and later was extremely difficult: their
activity was partly curtailed; the departments
went underground and didn’t keep in touch
neither with its center nor the Soviet authorities.
For example, the Yenisei Krasnoyarsk Territory
subunit was able to officially register only in 1921
(Vdovin, Gulyaeva, Makarov, Batashev, Vasiliev,
Vydrin, 2001: 7-8).
Siberian departments of the Geographical
Society reported to Siberian Department of
Education (Sibnarobraz). but generally and
in scientific matters, they were under the
jurisdiction of the People’s Commissariat of
Education and the Central Division of RGS, and
had Administrative Department of Sovnarkom
and its Research Department constant support27.
After the restoration of communication with the
Central Council of the RGS in 1921, the situation
has improved, but problems continued up to
1923. For example, there was a conflict of the
Siberian departments of the RGS with Siberian
Revolutionary Committee (Sibrevkom), which
raised the question of their closing.28
Under the Soviet rule the Geographical
Society and its departments have experienced
more than one reorganization: in 1926 the RGS
was renamed State Geographical Society, and
in May 1931 – was reorganized into the State
Geographical Society of the RSFSR. At the
end of 1930, in connection with the release
of the East-Siberian region, the Society for
the Study of the productive forces of Eastern
Siberia (SSES) is founded, consisting of the
Mid-Siberian, Trans-Baikal and Troitskosavsk
Geographic Societies as its departments. SSES
existed until 1931, when it was reorganized into
the East Siberian local history society according
to the decision of the executive committee of
the East Siberian.
Possibly the establishing of the Regular
Committee of the North under the Geographic
Society in May 1920 was an attempt to fit RGS
work to the economic needs of the country, to the
general educational work, and to make changes in
the old organization according to the new time in
1920s (Danileiko, 2009: 89-90). Little is known
about the history of this organization, in contrast
to the Committee of the North, established in
1924 under the Presidium of the Central Executive
Committee.
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The main objective of Committee of 1920
was “acquaintance of all institutions involved
in research of the North, with a common set of
ongoing and planned by individual agencies
actions, and the setting the very close connection
between them concerning: 1) surveys of the sea
coasts and waterways adjacent to them, and
2) fish, fur, and cattle; 3) forestry, agriculture,
mining; 4) economic, statistics and colonization;
... 6) and other related to the study of the Northern
Territory. “ In addition the Committee of the
North was granted with the “right for the selfinitiative in the exploration of the North of Russia,
for which purpose it may include and establish
new institutions under the Committee.” It should
be noted, that the Committee officially received
independence as a research institution only in
March 1921.
Council Committee was made of
the representatives of 13 organizations
(RAS, RGS, Main Hydrographic Agency, Military
Topographers Corps, etc.): one representative
from each organization, and two of the RAS
and the Scientific Agricultural Committee. It
should be said that in 1921 the Board consisted
of representatives of 15 organizations, the
representatives of other 18 attended the general
meeting29.
The Chairman of the Board of the
RGS Y.M. Shokal’skiy became the Chairman of
the Committee and the Council. Together with
the Comrade of the Chairman and a Member of
the Council, they formed a two-year Presidency
of the Council30. Scientific and Executive Office
was to be under the Council. Committee of the
North had the right to print their own publications,
and all materials in case of its closure were to be
handed over to the RGS.
Although it was decided to convene the
Council Committee of the North, twice a
year, in spring and autumn, in spring of 1921
the general meetings was held four times.
They were devoted to the work in the area
of the Murmansk railway, North Colonizing
Expeditions of the People’s Commissariat for
Agriculture (Narkomzem) and the Bureau of
the survey of wagon roads in the north, of the
North Research fishing expedition SEC and the
work of the Geological Committee, as well as
the specific question of the role of the “Museum
and exhibition of the North.31” Thus, we can see
that the organization in 1921 covered only the
parts of the Russian North.
In the same year the Council Committee
of the North managed to begin its publishing:
“Essays on the history of the colonization of the
North”, “Russian North, its colonization – land
life”, the first two issues of “Committee of the
North reference book”32 were sent to the press.
A number of other works were preparing to
publish.
Serious financial problems began for the
Committee in 1922, having a particularly strong
negative impact on publishing: stopped the
production of “Committee of the North reference
book”, a few completed monographs on the North
were put away. The Committee only managed
to publish the second edition of “Essays on the
history of the North and Siberia colonization”33.
In spite of this, the organization’s work has
covered the Eastern Siberia in 1922: started the
development of the eastern sea route to the mouth
of the Lena River and land routes in Lensky
region, the economic ties between the sea and the
land, which was formed on the base of research
materials of the Main Hydrographic Department.
The Russian North remained in sight.34
In addition, the staff of the Committee
developed North Study courses, which were
supposed to be organized in several universities
in Petrograd. From 1923 we haven’t detected any
information about the fate of the organization,
most likely, the Committee ceased to exist
(Danileiko, 2009: 92-93).
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Along with the central organizations local
organizations and institutions studied and
Developed Siberia. Common Siberian coordinating
center was in the city Novonikolaevsk. The issue
of establishing a research organization arose
after the transformation of the city in the regional
center in 1925 (renamed Novosibirsk). In January
6, 1925 the Siberian Research Society was set
up by a group of researchers from Novosibirsk,
Tomsk, Omsk and Irkutsk. V.D. Wegman was
elected the Chairman of the Society. In December
1926, it was renamed the Society for the Study of
Siberia and its productive forces (SSS) 35(Kitova,
2007: 13) (S.A. Krasilnikov points to other dates
of the existence of the Society: Spring 1925 –
Spring 193136). The structure of the SSS included
Siberian universities, territorial and regional
museums, and departments of the RGS and some
economic organizations. The Society had “study
of Siberia and parts of it, both by its natural
resources, and by the population and its culture”
as its main objective. Wishing to combine the
scientific research institutions, organizations
and individuals, the SSS had as its objective
the coordination of the work by establishing its
Bureaus “in the larger centers, proven themselves
in research work.” The objectives of the Bureau
were: “assisting to the scientific organizations in
economic and cultural development, establishing
contact between local research organizations and
identifying the scope and nature of the research
produced, and so forth”37.
The organizational structure of the SSS
has changed along with the complexity and
extension of the problems: originally there were
three section (socio-economic, small nations and
the natural sciences), later the General Science
Department of five sections appeared (geological,
geographical, botanical, zoological, soilscience) and the Division of human studies with
anthropological and ethnological, archaeological,
historical, medical, literary, artistic and economic
sections, which later became an independent
department, the latest to set up were the Bureau
of Local History and the Bureau of Expeditions
which later became the key elements of the
organization38. The Society was eliminated
in 1931, and its functions were transferred to
the West-Siberian Bureau of local history and
the Academic Committee under the regional
executive committee39.
On April 25, 1929 Mid-Siberian State
Geographical Society informs the Committee
of the North that the Society has taken over the
functions of the Krasnoyarsk Bureau of Research
Society in Siberia40.
We must also mention another agency – the
Research Institute of Siberia (RIS) in Tomsk
(February 1919 – July 1, 1920) (The registers
of the meetings ..., 2008: 5), which set the task
of systematic theoretical and practical study of
nature and life in Siberia for the rational use of
resources of the region, its cultural and economic
development (Vdovin, 2009: 169). The Local
branches of RIS “to coordinate the field work”
were established in Krasnoyarsk and other cities
of Siberia. But the proposal to set up the Yenisei
department had no time to implement (Vdovin,
Gulyaev, Makarov, Vasiliev, Vydrin, 2001: 6).
The idea of the RIS organization was firstly
expressed in the fall of 1917 during the first
Siberian Meteorological Congress in Irkutsk;
the organizing committee for convening the
members of the Board of the Institute was
elected then. But because of the changed political
situation in the country only a year later has the
work on organizing of the Institute started, when
there was a meeting of Tomsk members of the
board of the Institute in Tomsk. The Congress
for organization of the RIM opened January
15, 1919. Interestingly, the preliminary work on
the establishing of the Institute was not only in
Siberia, but also in Petrograd: on April 21, 1918,
a meeting of the Organizing Committee for
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the Institute of Siberia Study was held. It was
supposed to set up a department in Petrograd
without waiting for the Tomsk Institute. The
extension of this organization is unknown. Most
likely the plans failed because of the difficult
political situation in the country. (Vdovin, 2009:
169).
There were a lot of various problems at
the time. Particular difficulties were in that
part of research that was initiated by the central
authorities and institutions: organizations of
Sibkrai (Siberian Region) could neither influence
these studies, nor communicate with the central
institutions and coordinate the work with them.
First of all, we are talking about a central institution
such as the Society for the Study of the Urals,
Siberia and the Far East, established in Moscow
in 1924. Since 1925 the Society was financed
by Glavnauka (Main Department of academic,
scientific, artistic and museum institutions),
which basically funded only the search, mining
and industrial construction, so the financing of
humanities research was more the methodical one
(Kitov, 2007: 12). The organization’s perspective
was to unite the studies of the eastern regions of
the country (North Asia) and the people from the
region who have worked and lived in Leningrad
and Moscow, as well as those already engaged in
research in the area. The societies had a branched
structure of sections, also send an expedition to
the East, initiated or supported consideration
of the development of the eastern regions in the
highest state authorities.41
The Study of Man and Life Department
worked under the Society, joining the researchers
working in the field of human sciences:
anthropology, ethnography, history, archeology,
art, folklore, medicine, demography, and so
on (for example, there were anthropologicalethnological
and
archaeological-historical
section (Kitov, 2007: 12)). During 1926-27s the
department assisted in the processing of scientific
materials for Siberia collected by its members
in previous years: G.P. Sosnovskiy processed
paleontological materials from Khakassia; and
P.E. Ostrovskiy – diaries of the Uryankhai trip.
I.A. Evsenin was the Secretary of the ethnographic
section of the Society, doing research of Karagas
in Sayan. Moreover the department began to
organize ethnological and anthropological office
of the Society, a seminar for students, compiling
regional studies programs, etc. (Yarkho, 1928:
92-93).
In general, we can say that the founding of
the Society for the Study of the Urals, Siberia
and the Far East, as well as the establishment
of several other institutions (Central Bureau of
Local History in Moscow (CBLH), the Russian
Academy of the History of Material Culture
(RAHMC) in Petrograd, etc.) is the beginning of
the government policy to ensure the administrative
management of public associations.
Nomination of ethnography at the forefront
of solving the accelerated integration of
indigenous peoples in the economic, social and
political structure of the Soviet Union stimulated
its nationalization. The study of the northern
outskirts of the country preceding the building
of socialism was closely connected with the
national policy of the Soviet state. This affected
not only the inclusion of scientific organizations
in the building of socialism, but also included
the research component of the work of numerous
Soviet central and local authorities in terms of
national policy and engaged in implementing this
policy of economic and economic development of
the border regions of the country.
Since 1917 the People’s Commissariat for
Nationalities (Narkomnats) was engaged in the
national policy of the new state. Comparing with
important foreign policy challenges of that time
the problems of the North troubled Narkomnats
less. Especially as at the moment there was no
coherent national policy, and for the next several
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years the government had to deal only with its
development. In 1920 the Council of Nationalities
was formed under Narkomnats, which included
representatives of the Volga region, the Urals
and Western Siberia. The decision was made
to transform the National Commissariats into
National departments. Gubnatsy and Unatsy
(Departments of Nationalities) have been set
up at the provincial and district executive
committees. In November of the same year the
Siberian Department of National Affairs (Sibnatz)
was set up under the Siberian Revolutionary
Committee to implement the decisions of the
People’s Commissariat of Nationalities in Omsk,
but actually this department the dealt with the
growing immigration and led organizational
instructing job. Sibnatz had several subsections:
organizational-instructing and ethnographereconomic, financial, economic and management
of the business, as well as a number of national
sub-divisions (including Yakutia and Buryatia).
Siberian Council of Nationalities was founded
under Sibnatz which was a part of «the national
association of the masses, both among themselves
and with all the administrative and political
bodies of the Soviet rule” (Ustyugov, 1922: 200).
In September 1921 the Institute of
plenipotentiary representative of Narkomnats
(CEC approved on November 14) was established
under Sibrevkom, which was due to “the need
to guide and monitor the actual progress of the
national policy of Soviet rule in Siberia”42. The
founding of this Institute was associated with
the tendency to the overall expansion of national
work in the field.
In order to further study of the non-Russian
population departments of nationalities made
projects with Sibnatz to launch the research
expeditions. Furthermore Gubnats’ organized
and conducted a one-month training courses for
“conscious citizens,” and Soviet workers coming
from the most backward nations, also founding
native school, translation committees, etc.
(Ustyugov, 1922: 200-201).
In the spring of 1921, after the decision of
the Soviet government to reduce state institutions
Sibnatz was closed and replaced by the Bureau of
Siberian People’s Commissariat for Nationalities
(including Sibrevkom as the body that does
not have the right to vote, but reports directly
to Moscow.) All its national subsections were
eliminated, and instead Gubupolnomochennye
(authorized representative) of the Narkomnatz
under Gubispolkom (Provincial Executive
Committee) had been appointed; all national
departments in the Siberian party committees,
and educational institutions were also abolished.
Instructing – organizational and ethnographiceconomic departments stayed under Sibbyuro
(Siberian Bureau). Former employees of the closed
agencies became plenipotentiary for the Siberian
bureau of the commissariat, but it was soon closed
too (May, 1923) (Sliozkin, 2008: 166-167).
After official registration of the USSR
in 1922, and the policy of strengthening the
unitary state and the ranking nation-building,
the problems of the indigenous peoples of the
North were considered with more attention.
At the beginning of 1922, “Polar managing
subdivision of indigenous peoples of the North”
was established in the Department of National
Minorities of Narkomnats whose objectives
included the organization of the management of
primitive tribes, a comprehensive study of life
and living, and the settlement of a number of
economic issues (Sergeev, 1955: 214). The work
of the Arctic Department, officially called the
Subdivision of the management and protection of
fishing tribes of the North of Tobolsk, distributed,
first of all on the North of Tobolsk itself: Tobolsk,
Berezovsky, Obdorsky Surgut and Tyumen
Province districts. Also the work of the Arctic
and sub-division covered Narym district of
Tomsk province, Turukhan County of the Yenisei
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province and Pechiorskiy – Arkhangelsk. It should
be noted that the foundation of the Subdivision
was held under difficult circumstances, since the
People’s Commissariat had no information about
national minorities of the Arctic North, and with
the liquidation of the Tyumen gubnatz (Provincial
Department for Nationalities) ceased all contact
with local organizations and institutions, and in
of any problems had to recreate “intercourses
with locals “43
Evaluating the work of Subdivision in the
future, the head of the Department of National
Minorities A. Skachko and the head of Arctic
Subdivision P. Sosunov, in a memorandum to
the Board of the People’s Commissariat, noted
that at the time of the reductions of Narkomnats
functions and the elimination of the lower
organization of minorities, The Arctic department
“remained as the most hard-working”, managed
to meet its main objectives, unlike the very
Department of National Minorities, whose work
was characterized as “very incomplete” work,
due to the lack of its representatives in the field44.
(Skachko, 1930: 5).
In the same note, Skachko and Sosunov
foreseeing the ceasing of the “promising national
influence on protection of the interests of small
tribes of the Tobolsk North”, after the expected
termination of the Arctic Subdivision which
would have followed the liquidation of the People’s
Commissariat, asked about saving functions of the
Subdivision and “attaching it to the relevant bodies
of the Central Executive Committee to solve any
problems with nationalities in the future45”. But
the Arctic subdivision still was abolished, and its
program laid down the foundations of the work of
the Committee of the North.
In 1922-23s Soviet political system was
relatively stable, and the acute national question
lost its original acuteness. NEP (New Economic
Policy) years were a time to implement the
outcomes of the resolutions on national politics
approved in1923. Narkomnats was abolished
the next day the new Constitution came into
effect (April 1924), and dealing with national
problems became the work of the Department of
Nationalities of the Central Executive Committee
of the RSFSR and the Council of Nationalities of
the Central Executive Committee of the USSR
(1925-1938).
Significant contribution to the study and
development of the Northern outlying districts
of the country was made by the Committee of
assistance to the Peoples of Northern outlying
districts (the Committee of the North) under the
Presidium of the Central Executive Committee
(1924-1935), which was founded to reorganize
the life and living conditions of the North in
accordance with socialist principles and science.
Over the years, this state and social organization
was able to influence government policy regarding
national-state system of the North, has developed
principles and methods of land management on
their territory, organized cooperative farms,
health care of the population, trade and exchange,
etc. Practical aim of studying the indigenous
peoples of Siberia, being finally considered as a
living culture, led to the appearance of the works
of applied ethnographic nature, stimulating
the interest towards ethnographic study of the
country’s outlying districts (Akulich, Syrina,
2009: 340; Singer, 1935: 88-90; Sergeev, 1955
224-227; Skachko, 1930: 5-37; Skachko, 1934,
9-21; Sliozkin, 2008: 176-204).
Committee of the North initially conceived
as an advisory body, was to focus its work
mainly on economic activities and coordinating
working in the field, as well as giving directives
to all government and business organizations. It
was recommended to use resources of the state
apparatus and avoiding, if possible, building of
its own administrative apparatus or expanding
administrative network in the field46. But it was
impossible to control the work that wasn’t being
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done and in the first stages of its existence,
the Committee of the North confined itself
to describing the general situation with small
nationalities in the county.
The systematic work of the Committee
began only from the end of October 1924.
The so-called Local Committees of the North
were organized under the local executive
committees, but the financing was minimal: to
form committees under Sibrevkome (Siberian
Revolutionary Committee), Dalrevkome (The
Far East Revolutionary Committee), Urals
obliskome (The Urals Regional Executive
Committee), the Central Executive Committee
of the Yakut ASSR, Executive Committee of
the Komi Republic and the provincial executive
committees in Arkhangelsk, Yenisei, Tomsk,
Irkutsk and Kamchatka provinces (The resolution
of the Executive Committee and Sovnarkom of
the RSFSR ..., 1925: 103). In April 1926 it was
decided to establish local committees under the
Body of the Local Committee of authorized
representatives. But in the absence of real power
and money opportunities Committee of the North
still remained very limited.
Since the mid-1930s the Soviet government
stuck in administration almost lost its interest
toward the national interests of the Siberian
peoples. In August 1935, the Committee of
Assistance to the Peoples of Northern outlying
districts shuts down as “served their purpose.”
The party and the people considered this national
question resolved as it was believed that the North
during the Second Five-Year Plan has entered a
new stage of historical development, and needs
new organizational forms of its development.
Instead of the Committee the leading authority
on the North was given to a young institution –
the Chief Directorate of the Northern Sea Route
under the Council of People’s Commissars of the
USSR (the Committee of the North executives
were transferred there by the Government).
The period considered is characterized by
the close interaction between government and
academic organizations on both organizational
and practical levels: their activities had to be
aimed at addressing common objectives of the
new Soviet government. The Commission on
the Russian North is one of the examples of such
interaction, which included representatives of
the Supreme Council of the National Economy,
trade, industry, agriculture and education
commissariats, Commission for the Study of
Natural Productive Forces representatives,
Regular Arctic Commission, Geological
Committee and the People’s Commissariat of the
Northern Division of The People’s Commissariat
of Transport47.
We have already mentioned the problems
that existed between government institutions
and research organizations. A positive example
is the joint work of the Siberia Research Society
in Novosibirsk and the Bureau for the Study of
Productive Forces under the Siberian Planning
Commission (Sibplan) to integrate research
Siberian Region48 (Skokan, 1928: 87). Since
1927 this two organizations started to register
and coordinate field and stationary researches
conducted by separate departments, agencies and
organizations in Siberia. SSS and the Research
Bureau of the Siberian Planning Commission
together released a newsletter “Siberian Studies”
under the socio-political edition of “Life in
Siberia.”49
The 1920s was a time of extensive exhibitions,
conferences and congresses, organized mainly
by the government institutions, with often
participation of scientific organizations.
For example, from the 2nd50 to the 5th of
March 1921, the meeting of representatives of
the natives of Siberia (All-Siberian Congress of
the Provincial Departments for Nationalities)
was held in Omsk, convened Sibnatz. The
meeting was intended to gather materials for
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the rational study of the natives’ economic life,
along with acquainting the natives with the
policy of the Soviet government in general and
towards the national question in particular51.
National Department of Tomsk Provincial
Executive Committee called the “The First NonRussian Congress of Narym territory52” on 2627 December, 1921. The first event of the Arctic
Subdivision was the conference of native tribes of
the Arctic North on July 15, 1922 in Samarskoye
village in Tobolsk district of Tyumen province to
draw up a “program of work [for] the protection
and management of native tribes ... to improve
their cultural and economic well-being ...”.53
In 1927, according to the resolution of the
Commission of the Central Executive Committee
of the USSR, State Academy of Artistic Sciences
(SAAS) were to organize the exhibition of art
of the nationalities of the USSR devoted to the
tenth anniversary of the October Revolution.
Unlike the three previous exhibitions organized
by SAAS, this exhibition was to display all the
artistic culture of the tribal population of the
USSR in general (art, art school, literature and
folklore, music, theater and cinema).54
By its fifth anniversary (in 1929-30)
Committee of the North organized the exhibition
reporting the work of the Soviet government and
its institutions in the North, the objectives of
which were also practical. First of all it concerned
the section of handicrafts: the study of what
types of trades should be developed and how.
All local committees had to participate in the
reporting exhibition, for which each of them had
a special exhibition committee. It included the
staff of the organization department, Turuhanskh
union, Sibkrayohotsoyuz (Siberian region
hunting union), the Committee of the Northern
Sea Route, the Geographical Society, Sibstat
(Siberian Statistics), the SSS, Sibtorg (Siberian
Trade), the Committee of the Siberian North, etc.
Also, the publishing plan for the exhibition was
to publish several books: a collection of decrees,
regulations, and orders of the central and local
government and Party bodies for small peoples
of the North, the Party’s work in the Far North
(studies and materials), economy of small nations,
historical review about the natives of the northern
outskirts from its conquest to 1917; brochure
“Social groups among northern peoples.”55
It is interesting to note that nine central
institutions worked in 1926-27s in Siberia,
such as: the Academy of Sciences, Geological
Committee, Meadow and Hydrological Institutes,
the Institute of Experimental Agronomy, the
Russian Museum and the Museum of Ethnology,
and trusts: Minerals and Rusgrafit (Russian
Graphite) (Skokan, 1928: 88).
There were four research institutes, four
universities and twenty museums under the
Department of the People’s Commissariat. Seven
of this museums were at district schools and six
had large collections and libraries, and also were
engaged into research work (Omsk, Barnaul,
Krasnoyarsk, Minusinsk, Irkutsk and Novosibirsk
museums)56.
The scientific societies also include the four
branches of the Russian Geographical Society, two
of which were highly specialized (ornithological
and natural-testing), also thirteen local history
societies (Tomsk, Achinsk, Society for the Study
of Siberia in Novosibirsk, Study Group at Tomsk
State University and others), and four large public
libraries.
Apart from these organizations and
institutions the work was carried out by People’s
Commissariat for Agriculture (Narkomzem)
institutions,
Resettlement
Administration,
Committee of the North, under the Superior
Council of the People’s Economy: Geodesic
departments, Geological Committee, trusts
Telbesstroy (Telbess Constructing), Sibzoloto
(Siberian Gold), Eniseyzoloto (Yenisei Gold),
Sibslyuda (Siberian mica) and others, as well as
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organizations in the Military Department ( local
Siberian departments for the safety of navigation,
Military Topographic Directorate ) and The
People’s Commissariat of Transport (Skokan,
1928: 88).
Both research organizations and government
institutions, central and local, was carrying out
active expeditionary research in 1920-1930-ies in
the North of the Yenisei Siberia, performing the
same tasks set by the Soviet government.
Thus, it can be concluded that the 1920-1930ies became a period of formation of the Soviet
science as a whole (its structure, development,
the system of state financing and regulation),
and Ethnography of Siberia in particular. It was
an interesting phenomenon of interaction of
different spheres: the national policy of the Soviet
government, inseparable from the process of
socialist construction in the national borderlands
and the scientific study of Siberia mobilized
the socialist construction. It was believed that
assistance to indigenous peoples of the North
and to their development is not feasible without
careful study of them in the first place.
Until the monopolization of the science by
the central government and its rigid bureaucracy
in 1930, regulation of local history research by
the state resulted in significant acceleration of
the process of uniting various institutions and
organizations which conducted a comprehensive
research of Siberia. Indigenous peoples have
ceased to be regarded as primitive, and their culture
as a relic. Practical problems led to the appearance
of applied ethnographic works (the expedition
of scientists from the center, local historians,
employees of different organizations, from the
museum to the fur and fishing companies, etc.).
In addition, in the 1920s important work has done
to identify and register all the past and ongoing
research, providing a common framework for
further research and make the process of Siberia
study more integral.
Since the beginning of the “Great Change”
many scientific societies, both with the rich prerevolutionary past and traditions and the new
ones founded recently under the Soviet rule,
were closed down, which means that, in the
Soviet system social research structures were
not non-governmental and in reality depended
from the authorities almost entirely. The work of
government institutions became more controlled
and bureaucratic. The Committee of the North
shuts down and many expeditions winds up.
In 1936 another improvement of the structure
of the Academy of Sciences took place, connected
with the adopting of the new Constitution of the
USSR and the corresponding transformations of
state power: it was decided then to reduce the
number of committees either by merging them with
the relevant institutions or by direct elimination.
This is how the Arctic Commission was shut
down due to several factors: the existence of the
Main Administration of the Northern Sea Route,
the active work of the Institute for the Study of the
North at the Supreme Economic Council (now –
the Research Institute of the Arctic and Antarctic
(AARI)), who led the work in the Arctic, as well as
the transition to stationary research. In 1937, the
Siberian divisions of the Russian Geographical
Society were abolished, and in 1938 – the State
Geographical Society itself (reformed into the
Geographical Society of the USSR (also AllUnion Geographical Society)). The repressions,
which started in 1930, affected many researchers
of Siberia.
Therefore, we can say that the interest
of the Soviet institutions and organizations
towards the north of Siberia was determined
not as much as by science but economic and
political problems. As for the ethnographic
research, it was a part of the Soviet nationalities
policy. However, this statement is completely
true only for the institutions in general:
many scientists have used the capabilities of
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various institutions and organizations for the
ethnographic study of the remote areas of the
Yenisei Siberia, the materials collected during
their expeditions indicated.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
Further research on this topic will help to
understand the process of formation of the Soviet
ethnography better and fill the gaps in the history
of exploration and study of North Siberia.
Solovey T.D. From «bourgeois» Ethnology to the «Soviet» ethnography. History of domestic Ethnology of the fi rst third
of the twentieth century. – M., 1998, «fundamental change» in domestic ethnography (discussion about the subject of
ethnology: the end of 1920 beginning of 1930) / / Ethnographic Review. – 2011 – № 3. – P. 101-121, Authorities and science
in Russia. Essays of the university ethnography in the the context of disciplinary (XIX – beginning of XXI century.). –
Moscow: Prometheus, 2004. – 498 p., Gagen-Torn N.I. Leningrad ethnographic school in the twenties (at the origins of
Soviet ethnography) / / Soviet Ethnography. – № 2. – 1971 – pp. 134-145; Eremeeva O.I. The Institute of the North in the
1930s.: First Steps / / Proceedings of ASU. – 2010. – № 4-1. – P. 91-97; Esakov V.D. From Imperial to Russian. Academy of
Sciences in 1917 / / National History. – 1994. – № 6. – pp. 129-130; Krasnikova OA Academy of Science and Research in
the Arctic: Polar Commission activities in 1914 – 1936 г. / / http://vivovoco.rsl.ru/VV/JOURNAL/VIET/ARCTICA.HTM;
Mogilner M. Homo imperii: History of physical anthropology in Russia (end of XIX – early XX centuries.). M.: The New
Literary Review, 2008. – P. 459.
Akulich O.A., Sirin A.A. Irkutsk center of ethnographic research in the 1920s: the people, the works, the fate / / Vuzovskaya archeology and ethnology of Northern Asia. Irkutsk school 1918-1937. All-Russian seminar on the 125th anniversary
of the B.E. Petri, Irkutsk, 3-6 May 2009 – Irkutsk: Publishing house «Amtera», 2009. – S. 340-342; Tomilov N.A. Russian
Ethnographic Siberia studies in twentieth century (about the problem) / / Ethnographic Review, 2001 – Vol. 3. – S. 92 –
101; Kitova L.Y. History of Siberian Archeology (1920 – 1930): Study monuments of metal era. – Novosibirsk: Publishing
House of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, 2007. – 272. etc.
Cadiot J. Laboratory of Empire: Russia / Soviet Union, 1860-1940. – New York: The New Literary Review, 2010. – 336.,
Martin T. The Empire «positive activities.» Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923-1939. – Moscow: Russian
Politic Encyclopedia (ROSSPEN): Foundation «Presidential Center B.N. Yeltsin, 2011. – 664 p.; Slezkin Y. Arctic Mirrors:
Russia and the small peoples of the North. – New York: The New Literary Review, 2008. – 512 p.
Bureau, which would take up the study of the population of the empire and mapping was designed by Leo Sternberg in
1909, and was a response to the «challenge of national separatism that threatened the integrity of the empire.» Similar
functions will initially be fulfilled by the Commission for the Study of the tribal population (CSTP).
Osipov Y.S. Academy of Sciences in the history of the Russian state: http://www.ras.ru/about/history/revolution.aspx
SSC RF AARI. P – 1797, s. 1.
According to other documents created in September 1917 (SSC RFFAANII. P – 1771, l.4) and May 1918 (SSC RF AANII. P –
1797, p. 1).
SSC RF AARI. R – 1771, p. 27-28.
SSC RF AANII. R – 1771, p. 28; RFAANII SSC. R – 1797, p. 1-3.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1797, p. 4-6, 8-9.
White coal – figurative expression used to refer to the energy of natural water flows, which technically could be used for
hydropower (translator’s note)
SSC RF AARI. P – 1797. p. 10.
SSC RF AARI. P – 1771. p. 8.
SSC RFAANII. P – 1771. p. 1. In hre article Krasnikova O.A. is stating that «the decision of the official establishment of
the commission took place only in September 1915».
Krasnikova O.A. Academy of Science and Research in the Arctic: Polar Commission activities in 1914 – 1936 г.: http://
vivovoco.rsl.ru/VV/JOURNAL/VIET/ARCTICA.HTM
SSC RF AARI. R – 1771, p. 4.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1771, p. 4-6.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1771, p. 4.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1771, p. 4.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1771, p. 7.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1463, p. 7.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1771, p. 30.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1463, p. 21,22.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1463, p. 22.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1463, p. 37.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1463, p. 40-51.
Sorokoletova G.I., Museum and West Siberian branch of the Russian Geographical Society: 1920-1923.: Http://www.
sibmuseum.ru/ogik/izvestiya6/Sorokoletova.html; Annual Report of the State Russian Geographical Society in 1928 –
Leningrad, 1929 .: Edition GRGO. – Pp. 5 – 8.
SAKR F. 1380, op. 1, 13, p. 24.
SARF. A – 2307, op.2, d.352, p. 6, 9, 26, 28.
SARF. A – 2307, op.2, d.352, p. 10.
SARF. A – 2307, op.2, d.352, p. 22, 24-25.
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32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
SARF. A – 2307, op.2, d.352, p. 26-27.
SARF. A – 2307, op.2, d.352, p. 48, 49.
SARF. A – 2307, op.2, d.352, p. 48-49.
SANR. F. R – 217, op. 1. on 265 / / http://libinfo.org/index/index.php?id=140145
Krasilnikov S. Society for the Study of Siberia from the heyday before sunset (1925 – 1931) / / Science in Siberia. – № 19
(2255) – May 12, 2000: http://www-sbras.nsc.ru/HBC/article.phtml?nid=100&id=14
SAKR F., 1845, op. 1, F. 133, p. 23.
Krasilnikov S. Society for the Study of Siberia from the heyday before sunset (1925 – 1931) / / Science in Siberia. – № 19
(2255) – May 12, 2000: http://www-sbras.nsc.ru/HBC/article.phtml?nid=100&id=14
SANR. F. R – 217, op. 1. on 265 / / http://libinfo.org/index/index.php?id=140145
SAKR F., 1845, op. 1, F. 505, p. 51.
Krasilnikov S. Society for the Study of Siberia from the heyday before sunset (1925 – 1931) / / Science in Siberia. – № 19
(2255) – May 12, 2000: http://www-sbras.nsc.ru/HBC/article.phtml?nid=100&id=14
SSC RF AARI. R – 1449, p. 10.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1452, p. 72.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1452, p. 77.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1452, p. 77-78.
The meeting of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee on August 25, 1924
SSC RF AARI. R – 1463, p. 6.
SAKR F., 1845, op. 1, file 205, p. 51-51.
Krasilnikov S. Society for the Study of Siberia from the heyday before sunset (1925 – 1931) / / Science in Siberia. – № 19
(2255) – May 12, 2000: http://www-sbras.nsc.ru/HBC/article.phtml?nid=100&id=14
According to Ustyugov from 1st March and lasted for six days. (Ustyugov P. Work among the minorities of Siberia / / Life
in Siberia. – 1922 – № 4. – P. 200).
SSC RF AARI. R – 1883, p. 1.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1883, p. 7.
SSC RF AARI. R – 1883, p. 6.
SAKR F., 1845, op.1, f. 130, p. 44, 46, 50.
SAKR F., 1845, op. 1, f. 130, p. 6, 13, 16–17, 45, 129.
Kitova writes that by the 1930s there were approximately 30 museums in Siberia, and that the fi rst organizations and institutions in Siberia, studying region were more than 50 and (Kitova L.Y. History of Siberian archeology (1920 – 1930): A
Study of works from the metal. – Novosibirsk: Publishing House of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography of the
RAS, 2007. – P. 13).
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List of abbreviations
SARF – State Archive of the Russian Federation
SSC RF AARI – State Scientific Center of Russian Federation Arctic and Antarctic Research
Institute
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Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study…
SAKR – State Archives of the Krasnoyarsk Region
SANR – State Archives of the Novosibirsk region
KRM – Krasnoyarsk Regional Museum
KSPU – Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogical University
Государственные учреждения
и научные организации и их роль
в этнографическом изучении
Севера Сибири (1920–1930-е гг.)
В.А. Данилейко
Отдел археологии и этнографии
Красноярский краевой краеведческий музей
Россия 660049, Красноярск, ул. Дубровинского, 84
В данной статье сделана попытка представить общую картину истории организации
этнографического изучения коренных народов Севера Сибири в первые десятилетия
советской власти. На основе широкого круга опубликованных и архивных источников была
изучена деятельность и взаимосвязь значительного числа научных общественных организаций
и государственных учреждений Москвы, Санкт-Петербурга (Ленинграда), Новосибирска,
Омска, Томска, Красноярска и других городов. Представленная работа позволит восполнить
ряд существующих пробелов как в истории организации науки в начале ХХ в. в России в общем,
так и в истории этнографии Севера Сибири в частности, а также ввести в научный оборот
новый материал.
Ключевые слова: Север Сибири, 1920–1930-е гг., этнография, организация науки, советское
строительство, национальная политика.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 816-841
~~~
УДК 902.01
The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis
of the Krasnoyarsk Northern
Indigenous Peoples
Nikolai P. Makarov*
Siberian Federal University
79 Svobodny, Krasnoyarsk, 660041 Russia
Received 21.12.2012, received in revised form 06.02.2013, accepted 11.03.2013
The current article presents a review of the archaeological researches that have been carried out in
the vast territory of the Northern territories around the Yenisei since the first academic expedition
of D.G. Messerschmidt in 1720-1727 till our days. On the basis of a wide range of archaeological
sources kept in museum funds, literature analysis and various unpublished documents it provides a
reconstruction of the sophisticated genesis processes of the culture of the indigenous people living
in the North of Krasnoyarsk Region in various periods of the Stone, Bronze, Iron ages and during
the Middle Ages. The archaeological material used in the article is represented by the pictures and
photographs of the most remarkable artifacts.
Keywords: archaeology, the Yenisei, the North, Krasnoyarsk Region.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
Introduction
The current research presents a general
picture of evolution of the material culture of the
ancient Middle Siberian tribes for the period from
the Stone Age to the Middle Ages on the basis of
the general theoretical findings and archaeological
collections that have been accumulated during
the three hundred years’ study of the region.
The work was carried out with the
general scientific, historical and archaeological
(e.g., typological, comparative historical,
stratigraphical, chronological etc.) and natural
scientific methods.
*
It were the researches by D.G. Messerschmidt,
P.S. Pallas, G.F. Miller, I.G. Gmelin and other
participants of the Academic expeditions in
the XVIII-XIX centuries that provided the first
scientific results in studying the ancient history
of Siberia. It was no coincidence that the most
informative publications of that period were
the works by the expedition members issued in
Sweden (Strallenberg, 1730), Germany (Gmelin,
1751-1752), and Russia (Pallas, 1773-1788).
O.H. Appelgren-Kivalo, A.O. Heikel studied the
vast Siberian lands looking for the ancestral home
of their people (Salminen, 2003).
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: mnp@kkkm.ru
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In the second half of the XIX century the
garland in studying ancient Siberia was carried
by the Finnish researchers. The expeditions
of M.A. Castrén, J.R. Aspelin studied the vast
Siberian lands in search of the ancestral home
of their people (Salminen, 2003). However, the
majority of the mentioned expeditions studied
the South of Siberia Governorate. Only at the
end of the XIX century the leading positions in
archaeological studies of the region were taken
by the local research institutions which also
paid attention to the Northern areas surrounding
the Yenisei. Among them there are, fi rst of
all, subdivisions of the Russian Geographical
Society, museums and local educational
institutions.
Back in the Soviet period one of the
archaeological centres of Siberia began
to form itself in Krasnoyarsk. Nowadays,
some new archaeological centres making
significant contribution into the research of
ancient regional history are still developing
in Krasnoyarsk. At the same time, the
researchers pay more and more attention not
only to the famous Minusinsk Hollow rich
in archaeological objects, but also to the
territories located farther to the North. The
boom of archaeological findings happened
in the years 2006-2012, in the North Angara
Region, in the f lood area of the Boguchany
Dam. With the efforts of the archaeological
expeditions from the Institute of Archaeology
and Ethnography of the Siberian Branch of the
Russian Academy of Science, Siberian Federal
University, Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogical
University, Krasnoyarsk Museum of Regional
Studies and other science centres, hundreds
of thousands of artefacts were found, which
formed the base for reconstructing the
genesis of culture and ethnos of pre-Russian
population at a new level (Korovushkin, 2010:
466-470).
Main clauses
History of Archaeological Research
The major part of Krasnoyarsk North and
equated localities has been a blank space in the
archaeological map of Middle Siberia. The fi rst
steps towards the studies of Siberian antiquities
are connected with the name of Peter the Great.
According to his order the fi rst Academic
Expedition to Siberia led by D.G. Messerschmidt
was organized. However, from the archaeological
point of view scientists were mostly attracted by
the steppes of Minusinsk Hollow, where even
an unqualified eye can see thousands of ancient
burial mounds. It is no coincidence that the fi rst
archaeological excavations in Russia were done
near Abakanskoe village, in the year 1722. At the
same time the expedition of D.G. Messerschmidt
found a sculpture of a stone fish on the bank of
the Karaulnaya River near Krasnoyarsk, and in
the year 1725 near Klimova village on the Angara
some rock drawings depicting two horse riders
were found and described. The “painted stone”,
as the locals call the rock, was numerously
examined by G.F. Miller, I.G. Gmelin and other
participants of the Great Northern Expedition
in the years 1733-1743. The fi rst archaeological
material accumulated in various places of
Siberia allows the researchers to outline three
periods of history: the Stone, the Bronze and the
Iron Ages.
One of the first ones to arrive at the
conclusion that the history of Siberia had begun
back in the Stone Age, followed with copper and
bronze tools, was A.N. Radishchev. During his
Siberian exile in the years 1791-1796 he found a
lot of stone axes, knives, arrowheads and other
archaeological objects in the ploughed areas
around Ilimsk (Okladnikov, 1950: 22-24).
In the year 1874 geologist I.A. Lopatin
discovered an ancient encampment near the
mouth of the Chadobets River during his trip to
the Angara. Since those times the encampment
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was numerously visited by researchers of
ancient history. One of the last ones to visit
it was Doctor Vitsin from Yeniseisk, who
collected a considerable collection of artefacts
on the Chadobets River. However, the fi rst
one to research almost the whole Angara
region looking for archaeological objects was
N.I. Vitkovsky. With the support of Russian
Geographical Society he did an archaeological
trip from Irkutsk city to the Taseeva River in
the year 1882. In the North Angara region he
managed to discover such encampments as
Mozgovaya, Kezhma, Pashino, and examine
the cave drawings on the Kamennye Islands and
near Klimina village. During the archaeological
excavations of Chadobetskaya encampment the
researcher found the fi rst remains of burials
discovered in the Low Angara Region. On the
basis of the received materials Vitkovsky arrived
at the conclusion that it is possible to outline
the Neolithic, the Copper and the Iron Ages
in the history of Chadobetskaya encampment
(Vitkovsky, 1890).
The opening of the museums in Minusinsk,
Krasnoyarsk and other cities of Yenisei
province brought some order to the collection
of archaeological objects. In the year 1892
archaeological research on the Angara was
carried out by the curator of Krasnoyarsk
Municipal Museum A.S. Elenev. After it, new
collections from the North Angara Region
were delivered by M.L. Sher, I.I. Berdnikov,
A.P. Ermolaev, A.A. Savelyev (Vdovin,
Guliaeva, Makarov and others, 2001: 120 p.).
In the years 1918-1919 N.K. Auerbakh,
G.P. Sosnovsky and captive Austrian archaeologist
G.K. Mergart began working for Krasnoyarsk
Museum. The political events that took place
during the Civil War forced N.K. Auerbakh
and V.I. Gromov move to the North, where they
carried out the excavations of the first Russian
settlements in the mouth of the Promyslovaya
River. In their turn, the Austrian researcher and
the Museum Director A.Ya. Tugarinov organized
some works along the banks of the Yenisei River
from Krasnoyarsk to Yeniseisk in August 1920,
which discovered two encampments: one in the
mouth of the Kan and another near Maklakovo
village (Makarov, 1989: 142-156).
In the year 1921 the expedition of
Krasnoyarsk Museum guided by its Director
carried out a combined research near the
Podkamennaya Tunguska River, where near
the village which bears the same name A.Ya.
Tugarinov found another ancient encampment.
As a result, some arrowheads, jasper adzes,
fragments of clay vessels and iron slags
(Tugarinov, 1924: 4-5) were found. For several
decades the mentioned encampment remained
the most Northern archaeological object on the
Yenisei exposed to excavations.
For various reasons the North Angara region
was the only region of Krasnoyarsk North rich
in archaeological findings. In the year 1924
geologists N.M. Kuhner and V.S. Milich brought
an interesting collection of ceramic, stone,
bronze and iron objects from the Angara River to
Krasnoyarsk Museum (collection No. 148).
Due to some hydropower stations projects
on the Angara River which were made in the
beginning of the ’30-s, the Angara Region became
the site for a large scale archaeological research.
A special role in it was played by the future
academician A.P. Okladnikov, who managed
to discover and study dozens of archaeological
objects of all ages. The works of the ’30-s and
those published later by the members of the
Angara (1951-1955) and Bratsk (1955-1959)
expeditions became the base of some fundamental
researches and the periodization of the Neolithic
and the Bronze Ages of the mentioned regions
(Okladnikov, 1950, 1955). The periodization is
still used now, though it has been corrected to
some extent by other researchers.
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The systematic research in the North Angara
Basin carried out in the past fifty years is mostly
related to the construction of the Ust-Ilimsk
and Boguchany Dams. Since the year 1967, the
archaeological expedition of Angaro-Ilimsk from
the Institute of History, Philosophy and Philology
of the Siberian Department of the Academy of
Science, Novosibirsk, has been working there.
Along with the academic Institute of
History, Philosophy and Philology various
expeditions from Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogical
University and Irkutsk University made their
contribution to the researches in the late ’60-s –
’80-s of the XX century. In the ’80-s of the past
century, some archaeological and ethnographical
expedition crews from Krasnoyarsk State
Museum of Regional Studies started their work
in the territory of Kezhemsky and Boguchansky
provinces (Makarov, 1989: 131-189).
The findings from Ust-Kova encampment
were classified as belonging to the Upper
Palaeolithic, which means that the region of the
North Angara was populated around 30 thousand
years ago. Moreover, the Mesolithic-Middle
Stone Age was outlined especially for this region,
which counts for 11-7 thousand years back; the
periodization of the main stages of the Stone Age
in the North Angara was made (Vasilyevsky,
Burilov, Drozdov, 1988: 6-7). Some distinctive
burials of Ust-Koda (Drozdov, 1974: 229-236),
Sergushkin Island and other monuments of the
early Bronze Age classify them as belonging to
Glazkov culture that dates back to 2 thousand
years B.C. (Privalikhin, 2009: 300-310).
One of the most significant achievements
of the Lower Angara archaeology is finding
the original Tsepan culture of the early Iron
Age (Privalihkin, 1993; 2011: 161-183). Along
with this, some archaeological sites of the welldeveloped Iron Age and Middle Ages were well
described in two dissertation works (Gladilin,
1985; Leontyev, 1999).
A special period in the archaeological
studies of the North Angara lasted from 2006
to 2012. During this period, around 30 crews
of 800-1000 people worked every year in the
flooding zone of the Boguchany Dam. It caused an
avalanche-like boom of archaeological fi ndings
belonging to various epochs (Korovushkin,
2010, p. 466-470).
The situation in the Northern regions not
involved in large hydropower station construction
was quite different. Even planned expeditions do
not go there often. In the year 1958 a combined
expedition for archaeology and ethnography from
the Institute of Ethnography of the Academy of
Science, from the Museum of Anthropology and
Ethnography, from Krasnoyarsk and Yeniseisk
Museums was organized. In Turukhansk province,
near Serkovo village on the Kureyka River,
near Surgutikha and Podkamennaya Tunguska
encampments, and a year later near Makovskoe
village, R.V. Nikolaev found some ceramics and
flintlock accessories belonging to the Neolithic,
Bronze and Iron ages. Till the end of the eighties,
this researcher returned to archaeological and
ethnographic researches of that region from time
to time (Nikolaev, 1963: 127-131; Nikolaev, 1980:
20-26).
The main Northern confluents of the
Yenisei, the Podkamennaya Tunguska and the
Nizhnyaya Tunguska, were studied in the sixties
by the member of the Institute of Archaeology
of the Academy of Science, G.I. Andreev. In
those unexplored areas of Evenkia he managed
to find materials belonging to various epochs
from the Neolithic to the Iron Age. Among the
best collections, there are Neolithic tools from
the encampments around Vanavara village,
Chambinsky and Penolinsky Rifts, Baykit, UstKamo and other places. Some stone axes, adzes,
scrapers, arrowheads and shaftheads, cores,
knives and daggers were found there (Andreev,
Fomin, Pashkin, 1965: 100-115). The socketed axe
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found in the area along with some other findings,
according to the researcher, belongs to the early
Iron Age (Andreev, 1971:46).
Since the year 1967 L.P. Khlobystin has
been leading many years’ archaeological and
ethnographical studies of the Taymyr Peninsula
and the Lower Yenisei. In the centre of the
Taymyr, Mesolithic encampment Tagenar V and
bronze workshop Abylaakh I were found together
with the Neolithic encampments Maymeche I and
IV. In the later expeditions to the Lower Yenisei,
L.P. Khlobystin and his colleagues managed
to discover over 200 archaeological objects of
various periods, from the Mesolithic Age to the
ethnographically contemporary times, along
the Pyasina, Kheta, Khatanga and other rivers
(Khlobystin, 1998: 8-12).
From the end of the seventies to the nineties
of the XX century, Evenkia and Turukhansk
province were in the centre of attention for the
archaeological expeditions from Krasnoyarsk
State Pedagogical Institute and Krasnoyarsk
Museum of Regional Studies. Some archaeological
materials were collected in the Upper (Makarov,
Privalikhin, Drozdov, 1978: 251) and the Middle
Podkamennaya Tunguska (Privalikhin, Drozdov,
Makulov, 2005: 66-86), and around the mouth of
the river (Makarov, 1983, p. 211-212). This way
over 100 archaeological monuments of various
epochs, from the Neolithic to the Iron Age were
found. Among them, there were Vodozima,
Chemdalsk, Tetere, Champinsky Porog, Panova
winter quarters, Chambe and others. Along with
the multiple findings of typical stone tools there
were some unusual ones discovered near the
Khushmo River (Makulov, Leontyev, 2003: 5962).
The industrial development of Evenkia oil
resources required some archaeological survey
for the future pipeline tracks and drilling sites.
During one of such surveys carried out in the
Upper Podkamennaya Tunguska and its confluent
river, the Vodozim, in the year 2004 by the
expedition from Krasnoyarsk State University
(now, Siberian Federal University) under the
leadership of P.V. Mandryka, a whole series
of new sites was found. The huge collection of
several thousand objects consisted mostly of stone
tools, adzes and axes, scrapers and hogs, cores,
arrowheads, slabs and flakes. Among the findings
there was an iron knife and some fragments of
ceramic vessels (Mandryka, 2010: 25-44).
P.V. Mandryka made a special contribution
to the studies of Yeniseisk and Kazachinskoe
provinces. Here, along the banks of the Yenisei
River, in the eighties and nineties he found
some artefacts belonging to all epochs from
the Palaeolithic to the Middle Ages during the
excavations.
In the mid-nineties, Krasnoyarsk Museum
of Regional Studies focused on archaeological
studies in the valley of the Lower Yenisei. Some
stationary excavations were carried out at the
encampments of Ilyinka, Nazimovo, Utiny
Stolb, Monastyrskaya Protoka. The result of the
excavations was a great collection of materials
from various epochs, from the Mesolithic to the
Iron Age (Batashev, Makarov, 1990).
At the same time the banks of the Lower
Yenisei were studied by the Krasnoyarsk State
Pedagogical University crew for classification of
archaeological objects (Makulov, Drozdov and
others, 1997: 11-12).
In general, even though a great number
of works has been carried out, we can claim
that from the archaeological point of view the
Northern areas of Krasnoyarsk Region remain
poorly explored. If the number of archaeological
findings from the area of Minusinsk Hollow
counts up to 30000, even including the latest
findings along the Angara, the North of the whole
huge Krasnoyarsk region possesses up to several
hundreds of ancient encampments and burial
mounds.
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Discussion
Stone Age
Considering all accumulated material and
the hypotheses listed above, we can outline
the basic lines of the history of the ancient
cultures developed in the North of Krasnoyarsk
Region.
The most sophisticated question is the one
on the fi rst population of the Northern territories.
Today we can only speak of the population of
the North Angara areas with the Palaeolithic
people. Besides the widely known fi ndings from
Ust-Kova, Koda, Mozgovaya encampments of
A.P. Okladnikov, G.I. Medvedev, N.I. Drozdov
(Vasilyevsky, Burilov, Drozdov, 1988), there is
some new material from the sites (Akimova,
Stasiuk, Gorelchenkova and others, 2011: 354358). Some interesting sites were found at the
newly discovered encampments of the Old
Stone Age: Beryamba (Grevtsov, Meshcherin
and others, 2011: 391-395), Kolpakov Ruchey
(Rybin, Kuban and others, 2010: 575-581),
Bolshaya Pelenda (Postnov, 2010: 565-568),
Gora Kutarey (Vybornov, Vasilyeva and
others, 2011: 377-380), Ruchey Smolokurny
(Markovskiy, 2011; 436). Based on the data
from the mentioned sites, we can outline the
early and the late Palaeolithic ones. The early
sites indicates that the North Angara Region
was populated by ancient people around 3040 thousand years ago. The researchers of the
Palaeolithic Age agree that with the beginning
of the severe Sartan Ice Age over 20 thousand
years ago the ancient population of the Angara
lived in the open woodless areas of cold
humid tundra steppe. During this period the
main activity of the population was hunting
mammoth, reindeer and other animals of the Ice
Age. It is no coincidence that one of the most
distinctive fi ndings of Ust-Kova encampment
is a mammoth statuette (Vasilyevsky, Drozdov,
1983: 59—65). Moreover, among the found
tools there were side and edge scrapers, hogs,
chisel-like tools, cores for making slabs and
flakes with sharp knife-like edges.
According to the materials found in UstKova, in the second half of the Upper Palaeolithic
Age stone industry was based on siliceous rocks.
Among the tools there are scraper-like and knifelike tools of large slabs, incisors, piercers, sheetshaped chippers. Besides the stone objects, some
beads and other jewellery made of mammoth
tusks were found together with small flakes and
little slabs.
11-10 thousand years ago the territory around
the Angara Region is a forest steppe with some
small areas of bogged tundra.
For the farther Northern territories the
question of the first ancient population remains
open. The scrapers, hobs and processed stones of
Palaeolithic look found near Bakhta and Sukhaya
Tunguska, unfortunately, do not directly indicate
to the fact of the population of the territory during
the Palaeolithic Age. This far they are just some
single objects not related to any cultural layer
(Nikolaev, 1963, p. 127; Makulov, Drozdov and
others, 1997: 11-12). Let us also remark that the
great glacial sheet that reached the Podkamennaya
Tunguska, and the severe climate prevented
the migration of people to the North during the
Palaeolithic Age.
The situation changed in the Middle Stone
Age, the Mesolithic epoch, which was connected
with the global warming that happened around
10 thousand years ago followed with the ice
melt. The people reached the Taymyr, which is
proved by the excavated encampment of Tanegar
and other objects (Khlobystin, 1988: 32-54).
According to the archaeological encampments
Peshchera Eleneva and Kazachka, indicative
for Krasnoyarsk and Kansk forest steppe, the
Mesolithic Age of Central Siberia is counted back
to 10,5-7 thousand years ago (Makarov, Orlova,
1992: 171-175).
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From the Taymyr to the North Angara areas
and further to the South, up to Kazachinsky
Rift and Krasnoyarsk city, a series of typical
Mesolithic tools is widely spread. The most
typical of them are stone axes with a grasp. In the
Lower Yenisei such tools were found in complex
encampments of Utiny Stolb and Nazimovo,
located in the North of Yeniseisk province. In
the North Angara Region such axes were found
in the encampments of Chadobets, Ust-Kova,
Prospikhinskaya Shivera 2. In the tool arsenal
of Mesolithic Angara Region, stone scrapes and
hogs accompanied by some minor and major
accessories dominate, together with knife-like
slabs of regular shape, wedge-like, cone-like and
prismatic cores, some polyhedral and transversal
incisors (Vasilyevsky, Burilov, Drozdov, 1988:
96, 133).
The basic activity of the Mesolithic tribes
living around the North Angara and the Lower
Yenisei was hunting wild animals. The faunal
remains, according to N.D. Ovodov, belong
to reindeer, buffalo, red deer, bear. From the
Mesolithic period fishing becomes more and
more popular (Mandryka, Batashev, Vdovin,
Yamskikh, 1998: 117-118).
The materials dated as Neolithic witness
three cultural and historical provinces in the
North of Krasnoyarsk Region: Taymyr, Evenki
and Angara. The best studied of them is the
North Angara area. According to the modern
data, the beginning of the Neolithic period is
remarkable for emergence of some clay vessels,
which happened around 7 thousand years ago.
The most ancient vessels were of egg-like shape
with a round or a wedge-shaped bottom and
the prints of some wickerwork on its external
surface.
Among other methods of making vessels
there are long-line method and gouging out
from a whole piece of clay. The vessels were
decorated with lines of small hollows, jagged
prints and small blade prints. An original
kind of pattern was ceramic of so-called
“Posolskaya” type.
This pattern was named after Posolskaya
encampment on Lake Baikal. This kind of
ceramics is characterized with wedge-shaped or
round bottom and thin lines and rope prints on
its external surface. The ornament is localized in
the upper third of the vessel. Its edge is a little
thickened from the exterior, decorated with
triangle jagged prints and a line of little holes
along a thin hollow made with a pattern making
tool. Under the edge, there are horizontal lines of
stamp prints going below; under them there are
slant lines made with a modelling stick.
The collection archaeological material
showed that this type of ceramics is widely
spread on the Baikal, along the Angara and the
Central Yenisei up to the lands of Krasnoyarsk.
The base of Neolithic studies of Central Siberia
which has considerably increased during the
works of Boguchany Expedition of the Institute
of Archaeology and Ethnography of the Academy
of Science in the years 2008-2001 includes new
sites with ceramic vessels of Posolskaya type.
Some more vessels of this type were found during
stationary excavations in the encampments on
Sosnovy Mys and Sergushkin islands, in Tolsty
Mys 2, Tolsty Mys and Khedugin Ruchey, Otiko
I, Gora Kutarey, Prospikhinskaya Shivera IV and
in other sites (Makarov, 2012: 67-72).
Speaking of Posolskaya ceramics and
network ceramics’ dating, we should remark, that
unlike those around the Baikal, the early Neolithic
burials of the North Angara region remained
practically unexplored. Only some single burials
and settlements with some features of Kitoy
culture are known. In the numerous encampments
and settlements with Posolskaya ceramics,
sometimes Kitoy-type fishing accessories are
found together with some stone fishing baits,
axes with ear-like grasps, shaft straighteners. The
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authors of the published researches only provide
some preliminary general dating of the Neolithic
and the early Bronze Age ceramics. Therefore,
the Neolithic findings of the North Angara remain
stratigraphically undifferentiated. For this reason
the combined sites in the cross-border regions of
Krasnoyarsk-Kansk forest steppe acquire special
significance.
Fig. 1. Ceramic vessels of Posolskaya type. 1, 4-6: North Angara Region. 2,3: Krasnoyarsk surroundings
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Fig. 2. Neolithic polished nephrite hammers. Funds of Krasnoyarsk Museum of Regional Studies
In the well-explored encampments
Kazachka, Nyasha and Peshchera Eleneva in
the basin of the Middle Yenisei the most ancient
from the point of view of tradition was network
ceramics along with that of Posolskaya type,
which was later dated with the late Neolith.
Radiocarbon dating for network and Posolskaya
ceramics proves the presence of ceramic vessels
in the sites and in the North Angara back in the
Early Neolith, V millennium B.C.
During the Neolithic period stone processing
techniques were also developed. The blades of
axes and adzes were often polished. Arch and
arrows were improved, too. To make the wooden
arches springier they are complete with tusk
details; it increased the destructive force of the
arrow and the length of its flight.
During the Neolithic period the cults of
animism, totemism and hunting magic become
widely spread in the Central Siberia. The
numerous drawings of animals and hunting
scenes found on the rocks around the Angara are
the proof of it.
The fishing cults are witnessed by some
original stone figures of fish found in the Eastern
Siberia around V-III millennia B.C.
Such cult figures were to bring luck in fishing
and increase the number of fish in the river.
Similar figures were found on the Angara, in the
encampments of Chadobets, Ust-Kova, Angarsky
Lespromkhoz, Sergushkin Island; on the Yenisei
they were found in Kazachinsky province, near
Piskunova village, and on the Karaulnaya River
near Krasnoyarsk, and in some other sites of
archaeological excavations.
Hunting and fishing remain the basic
activities of the population. It is no coincidence
that Neolithic encampments are usually located
in the mouths of major rivers’ confluents, where a
lot of fish is usually found.
During that period, ancient people went far
beyond the Polar Circle, building encampments
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Fig. 3. Neolithic stone figures of fish. North Angara Region. Exposition of Krasnoyarsk Museum of Regional Studies
around the Khatanga River and the other Northern
territories of the Yenisei area
Speaking of the Northern territories
of Krasnoyarsk region, it is hard to outline
the Neolithic era, because the technology of
producing stone tools in the North remained till
the modern ethnographic times. For example,
the stone arrowheads, scrapers, cores, knifelike slabs and flakes found in the encampments
Ilyinka, Monastyrskaya Protoka, Utiny Stolb
and in the other sites of the Lower Yenisei are
distinctively dated with the cultural layers of
the Iron Age. Moreover, the use of stone knives,
adzes and scrapers by the Siberian peoples during
the modern ethnographical times was noticed.
For example, so-called stone axes with earlike grasps which have been traditionally dated by
archaeologists as belonging to the Age of Neolith,
IV-III millennia BC, were used by some Evenkis
living in the North of Yeniseisk province up to the
second half of the XIX century (Peoples of the
North of Siberia in the Collections of OGOIiLM,
1986: 212). Outlining the Neolithic sites among
the other findings is also complicated due to the
mixture of materials from various epochs in
the cultural layers of the excavated areas. For
example, the material found in Podkamennaya
Tunguska encampment which was excavated part
by part, was dated by the researchers as Neolithic.
At the same time, the drawing of a restored vessel
with thin wavy patterns (Nikolaev, 1963), in our
opinion, belongs to the Iron Age. It is proved by
the location of such ceramics in Monastyrskaya
Protoka encampment by the side of iron objects
and slags.
Just like in the North Angara Region, in
Evenkia and on the Taymyr Peninsula the most
ancient kind of ceramics is Neolithic network
ceramics. The beginnings of Taymyr ceramic
traditions, according to L.P. Khlobystin (1998:
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Fig. 4. Stone tools from Chambensky Porog encampment. 1 – 4, 7, 8 – adzes, 1981-1982; 5 – arrowhead, 1981;
6 – knife, 1977; 9 – small axe with ear-like grasps, 1982
61), can belong both to the South or to the
East, which is connected with the two main
ways leading to the North Taymyr areas, from
Evenkia along the valleys of the Yenisei and
the Kotuy, and from Yakutia, along the NorthSiberian Lowland. In the developed and the late
Neolithic period ceramics with rope prints from
a beater coiled with rope are widely spread.
Similar ceramics can be found in the Neolithic
Belkachinskaya culture of Yakutia that dates
back to the III millennium B.C. In the Neolithic
Age along with ceramics, some stone axes with
ear-like grasps, various types of adzes, scrapers
and arrowheads appear and spread all around
the Extreme North.
In the encampments of Evenkia and the
Taymyr the most often found cores are the pencilshaped ones and those made for producing thin
knife blades. According to the findings in the
encampments Khatanga II, Ust-Kamo and others,
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such blades were inserted in special tusk cases
and served as knife blades.
In general, only some separate Neolithic
monuments of Evenkia and the Taymyr Peninsula
were exposed to stationary excavations, which
means the lack of studies of the Neolithic Age in
the history of the Extreme North (Makarov, 2010:
16-17).
Bronze Age
The Bronze Age in the history of the
Northern territories still remains unexplored.
In the whole Lower Yenisei territory only
one bronze knife with a Karasuk-looking
curve found near Vereshchagino village can
be classified as belonging to the Bronze Age
(Nikolaev, 19890: 22).
With the same time one knife from the
surroundings of Sukhaya Tunguska village is
dated. However, R.V. Nikolaev who accepted
this periodization also remarked the similarity
of these objects to Tagar texturized knives
(Nikolaev, 1960: 64). The latter dating seems
more acceptable in the context of the Early Tagar
bronze findings near Novopyatnitskoe village of
Uyar province of Krasnoyarsk Region. The knives
from this finding are extremely similar to the one
from Sukhaya Tunguska in their size, shape and
the zigzag ornaments of the hilt. Moreover, in the
same finding there were several socketed axes of
Krasnoyarsk-Angara type, similar to those from
Podkamennaya Tunguska, Kureyka and the one
made in the bronze workshop in the Taymyr polar
region, in Abylaakh I encampment. Looking at
the bronze socketed axe, the dating of the latter
with the end of the Bronze Age (Khlobystin,
1998: 87-96) should be corrected; the workshop
is more likely to belong to the early Iron Age. The
ornament of triangles with vertical lines between
them on the sides of the axe is more typical for
socketed axes or Krasnoyarsk-Angara type of the
VII-V centuries B.C. (Makarov, 2010: 196-198).
At the same time L.P. Khlobystin who studied
the polar territories of the Taymyr Peninsula,
suggests that Ust-Polovinka, Malaya Korennaya
I-II, Abylaakh and other metallurgical centres
witness the well-developed bronze production in
the North of Krasnoyarsk Region back in the IIbeginning of the I millennium B.C.
As for the most popular material found in
the encampments, which is ceramics complete
with some other accessories, there are two
distinctive cultures in the North of Krasnoyarsk
Region.
In taiga areas of the North Angara Region
there is Glazkov culture of the early Bronze Age,
and in the Extreme North there is Ymyiakhtakh
culture.
For both of these cultures it is typical to
combine some metal objects with the traditional
stone tools. They still use stone axes, knives,
scrapers, arrowheads and others. Metal objects
are first used for decoration, and then some
metal knives, axes, fishing hooks and other tools
appear. The analysis of the findings showed that
the first metal used for production was barrel
copper. For example, in the encampments Malaya
Korennaya I and Abylaakh of the polar territories
of the Taymyr all metal objects were made of
almost pure copper, with little impurity. Nuggets
of native copper, with the weight of 1-5 kg were
often found in various copper deposits, and on
the Ondodomi River a copper nugget of 24 kg
was found, with the content of copper counting
up to 99%.
In their turn, the alloys of copper with
other metals are used for making easily-melting
bronze products. In some cases, for example, in
Abylaakh I encampment, they used stannum,
while in others, for example, in the settlements
like Ust-Polovinka and Malaya Korennaya I, they
used arsenic and stibium.
It is interesting that some samples of ancient
bronze found in this territory are enriched with
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nickel at the same rate as blister copper produced
nowadays at Norilsk deposits.
In the settlement of Ust-Polovinka in
one of the houses 12 vessels for casting metal
were found. According to the calculations of
L.P. Khlobystin, it was enough for melting up to
14 kg of bronze.
In the Bronze Age, the culture of the ancient
North Angara settlements went through some
significant modifications. Though the main
territory of Glazkov tribe migrations are the
territories surrounding the Baikal Lake, in the
North Angara Region their burial mounds and
settlements are also found. One of the distinctive
features of Glazkov burials are stone ornaments
of long oval shape made around the bones of the
dead. The researchers suppose that the shape of
the ornament symbolizes a contour of a boat on
which the soul of the deceased floats away to the
afterlife. It is no coincidence that the Glazkov
people buried their tribesmen lying flat on the
back, with the head looking towards the stream
of the river. In the final stages of Glazkov culture
crouched burials were practiced. In men burials
the researchers found some arrowheads, knives,
axes, harpoons, fishing hooks and other things
used for hunting or fishing. In women burials there
were some scrapers, needles and needle holders,
other housekeeping utensils. In the burials of the
Glazkov people there always was a lot of jewellery.
There were pendants of animal teeth, flat motherof-pearl beads made of river shells, copper earrings and rings, discs of marbled rocks and rings
of white nephrite. Rings and discs put on the head
and the chest of the deceased are interpreted by
archaeologists as solar symbols.
Of special interest are anthropomorphic
figures found in the burials. For example, in one
of the burials in the mouth of the Koda River,
behind the back of the dead woman there were
two figures made of mammoth tusk (Drozdov,
1974: 229-236).
One more feature of Glazkov burials is that
all the arrowheads, axes and other things look
as though they had been intentionally broken
before being buried. Such practice may be
connected either with the fear of the deceased
who could hurt the living people with the sharp
tools, or with the process of “mortification” of
the tools before sending them to the “world of
the dead”.
Great influence on the development processes
of ancient Siberian cultures was made by the
climatic factor. Around 4,5 thousand years ago
the climate grew colder, which led to so-called
“small” Ice Age. The forests stepped further to
the South, and the tundra expanded its borders.
Trying to get out of the crisis, a part of steppe
dwellers migrated to the North, spreading the
metallurgy and other achievement of the Southern
tribes. On the Taymyr Peninsula, in Evenkia and
Yakutia Ymyiakhtakh culture spread around,
getting exposed to the influence of the Glazkov
people and their neighbours. Round-bottomed
vessels of the Glazkov and Ymyiakhtakh people
were made by gouging; on the inner surface
of the vessels there were some small squareshaped hollows that made it look like a waffle.
Into the clay mix used for making vessels the
Ymyiakhtakh people used to add not only sand
and some other substances, but also animal fur,
usually reindeer.
The climatic changes caused the expansion
of tundra zone, and, therefore, the prolongation
of regular migration of reindeer. The ancient
hunters used to make ambush in their regular
migration paths. Near such regular hunting sites
they built their settlements like Abylaakh, UstPolovinka and the other Bronze Age settlements
mentioned above. Besides hunting, the
Ymyiakhtakh people continued doing fishing,
which is indicated by the fishing accessories
found in their settlements and their location
along the riverside.
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Fig. 5. Tusk things, nephrite ring and marble discs from the Glazkov burial at Sergushkin burial mound 3. North
Angara. Excavated by V.I. Privalikhin in 1978, in 1984 exhibited in Krasnoyarsk Museum of Regional Studies
In general, the achievements of the Bronze
Age tribes formed the base for the new stage of
historical development, which is early Iron Age.
Early Iron Age
The most distinctive discoveries of the
early Iron Age are a Scythian type bronze pot
and a spear head, found 10 kilometres away
from Vorogovo village. Besides the mentioned
ones, there are some bronze goods from Ilyinka
encampment, where a cambered tubber knife and
a nail-like awl with a distinctive neck were found
(Batashev, Makarov, 2000:12).
Several objects of early Iron Age, including
a cambered tubber annulate knife and a three-
bladed spear plug tip of Kulay type, were found
around the mouth of the Podkamennaya Tunguska
River (Makarov, 1983:211-212).
Of special interest are cast open-work
semiabstract images of a moose. They were found
in the mouth of the Podkamennaya Tunguska
River and in the upper river, near Sulomay village.
The similar lattice-like images of moose and deer
are found in Kulay culture of Ob region and in the
burial mounds of the forest steppe Tagar culture.
(Nikolaev, 1980:22, Fig. 1-4).
At the same time, the bronze knife and the
awl from Ilyinka encampment have ceramics
different from those typical for Kulay or Tagar
vessels. The closest analogues of Ilyinka
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ceramics we fi nd in the North Angara region.
First of all, they are fragments of original
ceramics of so-called “Karabulsky” type.
This kind of ceramics is distinguished with
distinctive characteristics found on the dozens
of vessels from Ust-Karabula encampment on
the Lower Angara. The upper edge of the vessel
collars are thickened with a wide moulded line,
decorated with various combinations of jagged
stamps, a belt of round hollows and fi nger tucks
with bow-like prints made with nails. Often,
jagged prints continue on the wider part to the
vessel’s body, but remaining in its upper third.
Obviously, “Karabulsky” type of ceramics is
typical for the unknown Tsepan culture spread
in the North Angara in the VII – II centuries BC
(Makarov, Bykova, 2011:227-231).
This kind of ceramics is well-known on the
Lower Angara and the Middle Yenisei. We can
suppose, that a part of Lower Yenisei territory and
taiga area of the Middle Yenisei joins the cultures
of the Scythian ages, is related to Tsepan culture
(Privalikhin, 1993; Mandryka, 2008: 68-76).
We would like to remark, that considering the
conservatism of Tagar culture in its forest steppe
area, the chronological framework of Tsepan
culture itself should be enhanced up to the first
centuries A.D.
Opposed to the stock-raising tribes who
lived further to the South, the peoples of the
North kept on hunting and fishing way of life up
to early Iron Age. The leading role of hunting is
proved by findings of many arrowheads made of
stone, tusk, and bronze. Very often the arrows
could combine several functions There were some
stone arrowheads, which could be installed into a
stone mediator, connected to a wooden shaft at
the opposite side.
Among other distinctive objects there were a
bronze dagger with a handle of moose horn, some
bronze awls and needles with pieces of sinew
threads and leather belt, in which the needles had
Fig. 6. Bronze pot and spear of the Early Iron Age. Accidentally found 10 km away from Vorogovo village. The
Lower Yenisei. Turukhansk province
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Fig. 7. Bronze moose figure. Mouth of the Podkamennaya Tunguska. Early Iron Age. Accidentally found.
Krasnoyarsk Museum of Regional Studies
been pierced and inserted into a needle holder,
made of a hollow body bone.
Among the most impressive objects of that
time there are a settlement and burial mound on
Kazachinsky Rift of the Yenisei River, a cult place
near the Idol of Taseevo, archaeological sites of
North Angara Region in mouth of the Pashina
River, Sergushkin Island, Otik Island, Sloptsy
and Kaponir areas, and other locations. Of the
greatest interest are several highly artistic bronze
products, found on the Yenisei and the Angara
rivers. Only in the surroundings of the Idol of
Taseevo hundreds of expressive ornamentals
were found: butterfly-shaped badges in the
form of gryphon’s head, jingle and bell-shaped
pendants, barrel-shaped beads, elliptic badges
with semiabstract image of a human eye, and a
mirror with a camel image (Drozdov, Grevtsov,
Zaika, 2011: 77-85).
The bone sculpture of a shaman woman
found in one of Otik burial mounds, bronze
boar figures, butterfly-shaped badges and other
ornamentals from the Ust-Shilka burial mounds
of Kazachinsky Rift, and many other stone, bone,
and bronze arrowheads are of great interest as
well.
In the very North of Yenisei region,
Malokoreninsk and Pyasino cultures were
developed.
One of the proofs of the Taymyr’s turning
from the Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age is the
finding of a bimetal knife with a bronze handle
and an iron edge in Ust-Polovinka settlement
belonging Pyasino culture.
The found materials prove, that the territory
of North Angara Region and the Lower Yenisei
in the I millennium belonged to the related
cultures of the Early Iron Age with its high
developed bronze metallurgy and beginning of
iron production.
The
same
metal-making
situation
characterizes Pyasino and Malokoreninsk cultures
of the Taymyr. Along with the abovementioned
bimetal knife, some bronze arrowheads, needles,
piercers, and ornamentals were found in UstPolovinka settlement and other locations. In
fact, stone tools are still in favour. Arrowheads,
scrapers, knives, and other traditional stone tools
are still used.
In that period the population of the Taymyr
was living in slightly deepened half-dugouts,
5-6 metres long and 4-5 metres wide. The half-
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Fig. 8. V.I. Privalikin’s integrated table of Tsepan Culture inventory, the Early Iron Age of the North Angara.
1-ceramics; 2-6, 31, 33 – stone; 7-10, 14-30, 36, 37 – bronze; 11-13, 18, 30-35, 38-54 – horn and tusk
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dugouts were heated by fire, located in the
middle of a house. 4-5 people could live in one
half-dugout, and the population of villages was
around 20 people. A big number of found moulds,
scratchers, and other objects helped archaeologist
L. P. Khlobystin arrive at the conclusion, that the
major part of the village life was concentrated in
this sort of dug-outs.
The Iron Age and the Middle Ages
Around two millennia ago on the major part
of the Yenisei Region, from the Taymyr Peninsula
to the Minusinsk Hollow, the transition for the
developed Iron Age began.
In the North Angara Region the traces of
metal casting are proved by a large number of
slags and remains of casting workshops. One of
such melting-pots was found by the author of the
article in Ust-Karabula encampment.
In the ancient times it was a construction
which was dug into the ground up to the half of
its depth. The upper part of the construction was
round, with the diameter of around 50 cm, made
of clayed stones that became brown of annealing
during metal melting.
The process of metal melting required
dissembling the upper part of the melting pot
to take the metal ball from inside the pot. For
this reason near the pot we found some slags
and fragments of the dissembled pot with the
remains of melted metal. Having cleaned the
pot we also found that in the fundament of the
construction there were four flat stone slabs, dug
into the ground vertically. After that the whole
construction around the melting pot was laid with
birch-tree bark, and the space between it and the
stone slabs was filled with clay solution. The next
layer after the birch-tree bark was clay 10-12 cm
thick. The prints of the muzzle with the diameter
of 3 cm are still distinctive on the iron ball and
on the slags around it (Bykova, Makarov, 2009;
p. 16-17).
Fig. 9. North Angara Region. Pashino encampment. Metal melting pot of developed Iron Age. Excavated by
N.I. Drozdov, 1976
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Fig. 10. North Angara Region. Ust-Karabula encampment. Metal melting construction made in the Iron Age.
Excavated by N.P. Makarov, 2008
A similar construction was found earlier
during the excavations of melting station in
Pashino encampment led by N.I. Drozdov,
and in some other sites of the North Angara
Region.
After melting, the metal was soft, fritted
sponge-like mass. The mass was thickened by
additional annealing. After that the iron mass
cut in pieces was heated in an open pot, and a
blacksmith made objects of required shape with
a hammer and an anvil. Easily-melting bronze
is only used for art. But the ancient blacksmiths
were masters of their craft. For example, the
blacksmith of Ust-Karabula encampment could
make various ornamentals, pendants and one
anthropomorphic figure.
Pottery was also developing. In the ceramic
works new fragments ornamented with a thin
wavy pin, nail-made hollows, lines of jagged
prints and other patterns appeared. Similar
ceramics, as those found in Krasnoyarsk forest
steppe, were dated with the I millennium A.D., or
even the II millennium A.D. Moreover, ceramic
works with thin moulded edges were found
not only in the sites of the Lower Angara, but
also over a thousand kilometres to the North,
along the Yenisei banks. Pottery of this kind
was found by the author during excavations of
Chermyanka encampment in Yeniseisk province,
Monastyrskaya and Podkamennaya Tunguska
encampments in Turukhansk province, along
with the other sites of the Krasnoyarsk North.
Moreover, similar pottery was found in the
Taymyr Peninsula, in the encampments of
Boyarka I-II, Pyasina I-IX.
Due to geographical conditions, throughout
the Iron Age the population of the Northern
territories keeps on doing hunting and fishing.
Among the products they make, arrowheads
of tusk, stone and iron still prevail. But among
the remains of animals in the North Angara
settlements sometimes some horse bones are
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Fig. 11. Ust-Karabula encampment. North Angara Region. Iron Age. Stone and iron arrowheads, knives and a
bronze dagger, an anthropomorphic figure and an iron pendant. Excavated by N.P. Makarov, 1982-1985, 2008.
Exhibited at Krasnoyarsk Museum of Regional Studies
found, which proves the influence of the Southern
steppe cultures.
Unfortunately, the historiographical base
of medieval history of Krasnoyarsk North that
could push us to conclusions of the origin of the
modern indigenous peoples of Yeniseisk Region,
still leaves much to be desired. From this point
of view, some unique information is provided by
Prospikhinskaya Peshchera IV burial, studied
in the past years by P.V. Mandryka. Thousands
of distinctive tools and hundreds of medieval
burials were found. Researches of other medieval
objects studied by the members of Boguchany
Expedition, along with the materials provided
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Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples
by Lesosibirsk and Chermyansk settlements of
Krasnoyarsk Region are of great interest as well.
Even though these materials are just entering the
world of historical research, it is obvious that they
do not belong to the ancestors of the Evenkis,
the descendants of whom Russians encountered
on the Angara River in the XVII century.
Cremation ceremony carried out away from the
settlement, the evidence of which was found
on the burial mound of Prospinkaya Shivera, is
more typical for the Southern nomadic peoples
(Mandryka, Senotrusova, Biryuleva, 2011: 432436; Biryuleva, 2012: 183-185).
Conclusion
This way, archaeological research of the
Krasnoyarsk North is still at its initial stage, and
it can lead only to some preliminary conclusions
of the ancient culture genesis of the peoples living
in the region.
According to the newest data, North Angara
Region was populated with ancient people 4030 thousand years ago. No reliable data on the
inhabitancy of the Palaeolithic people to the
North from the Angara has been found.
Among the tools used by the people were:
edge and end scrapers, hogs, sheet-like chippers,
chisel-like tools, cores, slabs, cutters, piercers
and others.
In the Mesolithic period, 10-7 thousand
years ago, due to the global warming the whole
territory of the Krasnoyarsk North up to the
Taymyr Peninsula got populated. In the tool
arsenal the people had stone axes with grasps,
edge and end scrapers and hogs along with knifelike slabs of regular shapes, cone-like, wedge-like
and prismatic cores, polyhedral and transversal
cutters.
The materials belonging to the Neolithic
age, 7-5 thousand years ago, witness the
existence of three cultural and historical
provinces in the North of the region: Taymyr,
Evenki and Angara. The earliest pottery with a
technical ornament of a woven net and ceramics
of Posolskaya type emerge in the V millennium
BC. In the developed Neolith pottery decorated
with various kinds of jagged prints appear.
Among stone objects there are axes with earlike grasps, various types of adzes, arrowheads,
scrapers, cores, original sculpture works of fish.
In the late Neolith, pottery is decorated with
prints of a ribbed blade.
In the Bronze Age, North Angara region is
populated by the bearers of Glazkov culture; for
the Extreme North, Ymyiakhtakh culture of the II
millennium B.C. is more typical.
In the early Iron Age, Tsepan,
Nizhneporozhinskaya and Shilinskaya cultures
of the I millennium B.C. are widely spread along
the Lower Angara and the valley of the Yenisei
around its mouth; however, the borderlines
between them are still vague.
In the very North of Yenisei Region,
Pyasino and Malokoreninskaya cultures are
developing.
The Iron Age and the Middle Ages in the
I – early II millennia A.D. are characterized
with highly developed iron metallurgy, various
kinds of metal knives, arrowheads and other
objects, along with ceramic works decorated with
moulded edges and ribbed blade prints.
The period of Late Middle Ages is still not
well explores.
In general, many periods of the ancient
history of Yenisei region have significant gaps,
and still require gathering information.
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Древние этапы культурогенеза
народов Красноярского Севера
Н.П. Макаров
Сибирский федеральный университет
Россия 660041, Красноярск, пр. Свободный, 79
В данной статье представлен обзор археологических исследований на обширной территории
Севера Приенисейского края, проведенных по времени от первой академической экспедиции
1720-1727 гг. Д.Г. Мессершмидта до современности. На основе широкого круга археологических
источников, хранящихся в фондах различных музеев, литературных данных и неопубликованных
архивных документов, дана реконструкция сложных процессов культурогенеза коренных
народов Красноярского края в различные периоды каменного, бронзового, железного веков, а
также эпохи Средневековья. Описанный в публикации археологический материал представлен
в рисунках и фотоиллюстрациях наиболее выразительных артефактов.
Ключевые слова: археология, Енисей, Север, Красноярский край.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 842-869
~~~
УДК 902
Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples
of the Yeniseysky Uyezd
in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes
Mikhail S. Batashev*
Krasnoyarsk Regional Studies Museum,
84 Dubrovinskogo Str., Krasnoyarsk, 66049 Russia
Received 18.01.2013, received in revised form 21.03.2013, accepted 15.04.2013
This article gives an overview of the ethnic history of the indigenous population of the Yeniseysky
uyezd from the 17th century to the historical present.
On the basis of a wide range of archival sources and ethnographic data the article suggests the
reconstruction of the complex processes of cultural genesis of the Evenks and other indigenous peoples
of the Krasnoyarsk Territory in the North Angara Region, in the Yenisei and the Ket river basins.
Keywords: ethnography, the Yenisei, the North Angara region, the Krasnoyarsk Territory.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
In the history of the Eastern Siberia
development the Yeniseysky uyezd plays a
special role. It was formed from the moment of
the chief town foundation and for several decades
had spread its boundaries further and further
east- and southwards. In the period of the greatest
territorial expansion of the Yeniseysky uyezd it
included almost the entire basin of the Angara, the
Baikal region, Western Trans-Baikal, most of the
modern Yakutia (except for its most distant northeastern part). The Yeniseysky Cossacks, foremen
and atamans while on “duty” had to face many
tens of tribes and clans whose representatives
were at different stages of development of the
social system (from relationships based on
*
tribal principles to communities standing on
the threshold of the statehood formation). The
Yeniseysky servicemen organized military
campaigns to the “non-peaceful lands”, took
hostages, charged yasak payments from the
ancestors of the modern Khakasses, Evenks,
Buryats, Yakuts and Yukagirs. Even in the last
quarter of the 17th century when the territory of
the Yeniseysky uyezd significantly reduced due
to the separation of the Krasnoyarsky (1628), the
Yakutsky (1641 together with the Ilimsky that
was formed later), the Nerchinsky (1658) and the
Irkutsky (1682) uyezds, it continued to be one
of the most diverse administrative structures in
Siberia.
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: bms@kkkm.ru
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The central part of Central Siberia that is the
border zone to the north, west, east and south of
Siberia and because of its location between the
taiga and the forest-steppe areas is unique in ethnic
terms for the whole Siberian region. This fairly
small (judging by the Siberian scale) territory is
populated with representatives of several language
groups and families. Thus, the western and the
south-western parts of the Yeniseysky uyezd at
that time were inhabited by representatives of the
peoples speaking the Yeniseian languages – the
Pumpokols, the Yugs and the Asans. The right
bank of the Yenisei River, as well as almost all
the Lower and Middle Angara region was a part
of the zone of settlement of various tribal groups
of the Tungus language. The Upper Angara was
inhabited by the ancestors of modern Buryats –
the Bulagat, the Ekherit and the Khongodor tribes.
The north-western, western and southern parts of
the Yeniseysky uyezd bordered with other peoples
(the Sayan Samoyeds, among them the ancestors
of the modern Tofalars, as well as the ancestors of
the Ket, the Selkup and the Chulym Turks), and
Yeniseysky serving people had to make contact
with their representatives from time to time.
This article applies only to the part of the
indigenous population of the Yeniseysky uyezd
that lived on the banks of the Yenisei, the Ket and
the Lower Angara rivers, which is now the part
of the Krasnoyarsk Territory. The Upper Angara
region (now the part of the Irkutsk region), with its
indigenous settlers – the Tungus and the Buryat
clans, although included in the Yeniseysky uyezd
at the end of the 17th century, is not considered by
the author.
The fi rst information about the peoples
of the region considered by us dates from the
beginning of the 17th century. The origin of the
Yeniseysky uyezd associates with the foundation
of Surgut (1594). Over the next few years the
Surgut Cossacks were able to move far to the
east charging yasak payments from the Ostyak
tribes living along the banks of the Ob and its
tributaries – the Vakhu, the Tymu and the Ket.
Around 1602 in the upper Ket they founded
the Kungopsky stockaded town. And by 1605
there was already an independent Ketsky uyezd
separated from Surgut. Later, between 1606 and
1610 Kungopsky stockaded town was moved
to the lower Ket and was named Ketsky. Over
the next 10 years the territory of the Ketsky
uyezd had expanded east- and southwards and
included the peoples living in the west of the
middle Yenisei and in the basin of the Chulym
except for its upper reaches. With the arrival of
Russian military men to the banks of the Yenisei
there was an urgent need for a new base for the
further advancement of “meeting the sun”. And
such base was the city of Yeniseysk established
in 1618 and formed simultaneously with the
Yeniseysky uyezd. Originally the Yeniseysky
uyezd got from the Ketsky uyezd its most distant
eastern areas, yasak paying volosts located
in the upper reaches of the Ket and on the left
bank of the Yenisei above and below Yeniseysk,
from the mouth of the Sym to the mouth of the
Kacha. And by the end of the 1620s the Tungus
groups of the Lower and Middle Angara became
the part of the yasak paying population of the
Yeniseysky uyezd.
The Ket River was the main penetration route
of the Russian statehood to the Middle Yenisei
and further to the east. Of course, there were other
ways. For example, along the Vakha and the Tyma
and then through a system of trails to the Elogui
and the Sym with access to the Yenisei. But it was
the Ket road that was the most convenient and
less time-consuming, despite all the difficulties
that awaited travelers on the way. Moving up the
Ket the “sovereign’s people” charged, sometimes
with force of arms and sometimes with the
promise of protection (from the Tungus “princes”
or the Yenisei Kyrgyzs) tributary payments
from the local “Ostyak” population. Then, at the
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beginning of the 17th century, a general system of
taxed units (yasak paying districts) developed on
the left bank of the Yenisei River, which existed
then, with some modifications, for over a century
and even longer.
The overview of the indigenous population
of the Yeniseysky uyezd shall start with its
western and south-western borders, with those
ethnic groups that first became a part of the
tax-paying population of the Russian state. The
exact date of their entry is difficult to state, but
by 1607-1609 the farthest eastern parts of the
Ketsky uyezd from 1618/19 included in the newly
formed Yeniseysky uyezd were introduced as the
following yasak paying volosts: the Kungopskaya
(Pumpokolskaya), the Kadyzhskaya or the
Kadskaya (Natskaya), the Kema Peaks volost , the
Makutskaya, the Yamyshskaya, the Kuznetskaya,
the Kipanskaya, the Symskaya and the Kasskaya.
The documents of that era indicate that all
these volosts, with few exceptions, were called
“Ostyak”. For our convenience we, following
Boris O. Dolgikh, combine these volosts into the
three ethno-territorial groups: Pumpokolskaya
(according to Dolgikh – Natsko-Pumpokolskaya),
Kuznetsko-Kipanskaya and the Dyukans group
(Symsko-Kasskaya).
The
Pumpokolskaya
(originally
Kungopskaya) yasak paying district was located
in the upper reaches of the Ket and bordered with
the Ketsky uyezd. It is on its territory that around
1602 the first Ketsky stockaded town, then known
as Kungopsky, was formed. Its foundation in this
place was probably due to two factors. Firstly, by
the time of founding the Kungopsky stockaded
town it was probably the most eastern point of
penetration of the Russian statehood to the east.
Secondly, at the time, the Kungops were the most
numerous and organized group of local people.
Their head was not only a founder or an elder,
but a real military leader, a tribal leader of the
squad having residence – a settlement-fortress
fortified with moats, ramparts and palisades.
Such Kungops leader in the first quarter of
the 17th century was Urnuk Piminov (Urnuk,
Urnyuk, Urlyuk). The residence of Urnuk was in
the Urlyuk yurts, Urlyuk settlement, according
to current data, located 679 kilometers upstream
from the Ket mouth (Yakovlev, 1997, p. 73). There
is a description of the settlement given in 1675 by
the Russian ambassador to China N. Spafariy: “...
And that settlement is now empty and everything
is rotted and overgrown... But the Urlyuk
settlement stands on a red land, in the ravine.
And the Urlyuk settlement will bring Makovsky
Ostyaks” (Milescu Spafariy, 1997, p. 249).
About Urnuk himself it is known that,
according to the Russian documentation, he
was a knyazets (a prince), the head of the
Pumpokolsky (Kungopsky) Ostyaks (Dolgikh,
1960, p. 186). In December 1608 Urnuk informed
the Ketsky stockaded town that he had received
the news from the knyazets Namak (the head
of the Kadyzhsky Ostyak yasak paying volost)
about the attack of the Tungus on the Ostyaks of
the Kuznetskaya yasak paying volost and their
intention to destroy the Ketsky stockaded town.
The Tungus, according to Urnuk, wanted to force
Ostyaks from the Ket River to pay the yasak to
them, but not to Russians (Miller, 2000, pp. 48,
52, 244). In May 1609, the Ketsky stockaded
town sent a detachment of Russian military men,
the Zyryans and the Ostyaks which included
Urnuk and his men to attack the Tungus. The
combined forces defeated the enemy; several
wounded Tungus men were taken prisoners.
However, all of the prisoners died of wounds
(Miller, 2000, p. 247). In December 1609,
Urnuk, when bringing the yasak to the Ketsky
stockaded town, announced the intention of the
Tungus people to continue their attacks on the
Russians (Miller, 2000, p. 252). In 1619 his volost
was transferred to the newly formed Yeniseysky
uyezd. In January 1621, Urnuk paid from his 34
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yasak payers 31 sables and 282 yasaks. And for
the previous debt he paid 93 sables and 1 beaver.
In May 1621, he returned the remaining debt in
the amount of 83 sables and 7 beavers (Miller,
2000, p. 303). In December 1621, Urnuk paid
from his District 34 sables and 374 yasaks and
1 beaver (Miller, 2000, p. 319). In January 1623,
for 1622 he made a gift payment of 35 sables and
3 beavers and a yasak payment of 384 sables and
2 beavers (Miller, 2000, p. 340).
Considering the above materials in the
initial period of inclusion of the population of
the left bank of the Yenisei River to the Russian
state, Urnuk from the two evils – to be governed
by the Moscow tsar or become a tributary to the
belligerent Tungus princes of the Lower Angara
region, chose what seemed to him the least. But,
over time, with strengthening of the Russian
statehood, he became the head of a usual taxpaying unit, one of hundreds of similar ones in
Siberia at the time.
The first known information about the
number of yasak paying population of the
Pumpokolskaya volost belongs to 1617-1618,
before the formation of the Yeniseysky uyezd.
According to it, the yasak payment was made
by 37 people, namely, adult males from 16-18 to
55. Applying the findings of Boris O. Dolgikh
that the ratio between the adult male population
and the rest of population (women, children,
elderly people) in the Siberian taiga (hunters,
fishermen, herders) is 1 to 4, the total number of
the Pumpokols of that date was 150 people.
Over the following decades of the 17th and
the first decade of the 18th century the total
number of the Pumpokolsky Ostyaks had been
steadily declining reaching its lowest level for
that period – 9 yasak payers (45 people of both
sexes) by 1710 (Dolgikh, 1960, P. 187, 190). Like
other natives of the Upper Ket the Pumpokols
suffered especially great damage in 1630, during
the outbreak of the smallpox epidemic that killed
at least half of their population. 18 yasak payers
and 88 “wives and children” died. Only 16 or 17
yasak paying people survived (Dolgikh, 1960,
pp. 187-188).
Around 1705 the Russian administration
was forced to organize consolidation of small
Ostyak volosts remaining at that time. The
Pumpokolskaya volost included its neighboring
Natskaya volost located in the Upper Ket region
(Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 186, 188). This is how NatskoPumpokolskaya volost was established, which
lasted until the beginning of the 20th century.
The Kadyzhskaya volost (Kadskaya). It
was also located on the Ket River, but above the
Pumpokolskaya volost. It was brought to yasakpaying by the Ketsky service people, apparently,
at the same time as the Pumpokolskaya. During
its membership in the Russian state the head of
the volost was the knyazets Namak (Nomak,
Amanak) Koybytsyn. And the history of the
Kadtses of that time is closely associated with his
name. Between 1602 and 1605 (?) Namak with
the knyazets Chaptonday “changed” and killed
20 yasak collectors of the Ketsky stockaded
town. A detachment of serving people was sent
against them, but the case was settled peacefully.
The knyazets repented and took citizenship of the
Russian state (Miller, 1999, pp. 449-450). In 1608,
through the “best man” of the Pumpokolskaya
volost Olku sent to take the yasak from him,
Namak informed the Ketsky stockaded town
authorities about the attack of the Tungus on
the Ostyaks of the Kuznetskaya volost and their
intention to destroy the town located then in the
Kungopskaya volost. The objective of the Tungus,
according to Namak, was to force the Ostyaks to
pay the yasak to them, but not to the Russian state
(Miller, 2000, p. 48, 244).
In response to this attack in May 1609
the Ketsky stockaded town sent a detachment
of Russian military men, the Zyryans and the
Ostyaks including Urnuk and his men to attack
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the Tungus. The combined forces defeated the
enemy; several wounded Tungus men were taken
prisoners. However, all of the prisoners died
of wounds (Miller, 2000, p. 247). In December
1609, Namak was with the yasak in the Ketsky
stockaded town and told that a Kyrgyz knyazets
came to the Meletsk to see the knyazets Isek,
and incited him not to pay the yasak to Russians,
but oppose them with the Kyrgyz (Miller, 2000,
pp. 252-253 ). In December 1612, bringing the
yasak to Ketsk he announced the desire of the
Tungus and the population of the Tyulkin land
to accept Russian authorities and pay the yasak
(Miller, 2000, p. 264). In 1613, Namak had to
lead the Ketsky yasak collectors to the Tungus,
but instead he went along with Putnya and Tumet.
The Tungus refused to pay the yasak, robbed and
nearly killed Namak and his companions (Miller,
2000, p. 266).
In 1617, the Makovsky stockaded town
was founded in the territory of the Kadskaya
volost (located on the site of the modern village
Makovskoe), getting its name from the knyazets’s
name Namak (Namakovsk – Makovsk). Later,
since 1634 the whole volost was called by his
name – the Nadskaya or Natskaya. Since 1619 the
volost had been transferred to the newly formed
Yeniseysky uyezd (Dolgikh, 1969, p. 186; Miller,
2000, p. 48, 49, 52).
We have data on the population of this volost
only starting with 1617-1618 years. At that time
there were only 8 yasak payers, i.e. the total
number of the Kadskaya volost was 32 people.
But between 1618 and 1621 the Yeniseysky uyezd
administration had made consolidation of several
small yasak paying volosts located in the upper
reaches of the Ket. Whether this enlargement was
only related to the fiscal interests of the treasury,
or there were other reasons, we do not know. But
we can assume that very close ethnic groups, if not
parts of a big one were subject to consolidation.
As a result of this reform the Yamyshskaya volost
had completely disappeared (2 yasak payers)
and the population of the Kema Peaks volost
reduced by half. Apparently, at the expense of the
members of these districts the Kadskaya volost
numbered, according to the yasak records for
1621-1623, from 21 to 24 yasak payers. Thus, the
total population of the volost had grown to nearly
100 people (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 186, 187, 188).
The smallpox epidemic in 1630 negatively
influenced the Kadskaya volost as well. Out of 23
yasak payers 11 men and 36 women and children
died (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 187-188). Later on, the
number of members of the volost continued to
decline and reached by the beginning of the 17th
century 7 yasak payers (about 30 people of both
genders) (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 190). In 1705, there
was a consolidation of the Pumpokolskaya and the
Natskaya volosts into one Natsko-Pumpokolskaya
volost (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 188).
Other Ostyak volosts – the Yamyshskaya, the
Kema Peaks volost and the Makutskaya located
in the most upper reaches of the Ket and the
Kema, had not existed for a long time as taxable
units. By 1632 all of them, for various reasons,
disappeared. But their existence for over thirty
years was apparently due to some reasons: whether
due to yasak paying, remoteness or relatively
inaccessible location, or ethnic characteristics
of the population of these volosts. Nevertheless,
most likely conservatism of the bureaucratic
system of the Russian state played its role. While
in the initial period of entering the yasak lists,
these small-numbered yasak payers and lowpowered volosts were able to survive for almost a
third of a century. However, the disappearance of
the volosts did not mean the disappearance of the
people assigned to them. Brief history of these
tax-paying units is as follows.
For the first time three above mentioned
volosts were mentioned in the formal reply of the
Ketsky governor Grigory Elizarov. This reply
dated 1609. There “the Makutskaya volost, and
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the Kema peaks, and the Yamytskaya land” were
called “...distant volosts of the new pieces of
land...” (Miller, 2000, p. 252). Thus, in 1609 these
volosts were considered as new, “newly founded”,
only recently entered into the tax-paying system
of the Russian state. The number of population in
each of these volosts is unknown, because in the
reply it was given summarily: 15 yasak payers, i.e.
the entire population of these volosts numbered
up to 60 people (Miller, 2000, p. 252).
As of April-August 1618, there were 2
yasak payers (8 persons of both genders) in the
Yamyshskaya volost, 15 (60) – in the Kema Peaks
volost, and 3 (about 10) – in the Makutskaya
volost (Miller, 2000, p. 285). As already
mentioned above, between 1618 and 1621, the
Yamyshsky Ostyaks and most Ostyaks of the
Kema peaks apparently joined the Kadskaya
volost. The rest of the Kema Peaks volost
headed by Atanzha Chagaev (7 yasak payers)
merged with the Ostyaks of the Makutskaya
volost headed by Vesla. This new formation
in the yasak records received the name of “the
Veslovsk Ostyaks of the Kema Peaks volost”
(Dolgikh, 1960, p. 188).
But soon after the event, in 1630-1631, the
whole volost ran to the Krasnoyarsk uyezd, and,
despite the efforts of the Yeniseysk administration
remained there, having entered it as a special taxpaying unit to the Arinsk land. This fact suggests
that ethnically the Veslovsk people were close
enough with the Arinsk people, if they were not
a peripheral, taiga group. Moreover, the escape
was made with the direct participation of the
Arinsk people: “...the Veslovsk Ostyaks... with
the Krasnoyarsk Arinsk Tatars of the Yeniseysky
stockaded town from the Upper Village stole 9
horses and ran to Krasny Yar... Governor Arkhip
Okinfov... ordered the Veslovsk Ostyaks to live in
Krasny Yar...” (Miller, 1941 p. 44: Dolgikh, 1960,
p. 225). In the Krasnoyarsk uyezd the Veslovskaya
volost of the Arinsk land was mentioned until
1735. And then it completely merged with the
Arins and became a part of modern Khakassia as
seok Ara (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 228).
As it is known, modern linguistics
recognizes the existence of the Arin and the
Pumpokol languages as individual languages
in the Yeniseian language family. And, if the
Arins occupied mainly the Krasnoyarsk foreststeppe, and the basis of their economy was
herding, then the Pumpokols are the typical
lowland taiga residents, hunters and anglers. The
difference in their economic structure, regardless
of the linguistic affinity, is noticeable even in
the ethnic nomenclature inherent in the Russian
administration at the time. Thus, the Russians
called all the people of the taiga zone of the Ob
basin and the Lower Yenisei left bank basin
leading hunting and fishing economy the Ostyaks.
Meanwhile the administration was indifferent to
what language families these peoples belonged
to. Thus, the Ostyaks included ancestors of the
Khants speaking Ugrian, the Samoyeds, the
Selkups and the Kets, the Yugs, the Pumpokols
speaking the Yeniseian language.
To describe cattle-breeders of the south of
Western and Central Siberia the term “Tatars”
was used. Thus, the ancestors of the Siberian
Tatars were called the Yurt, the Tyumen, the
Tobolsk, the Ayalynsk, the Barabinsk and the
Tomsk Tatars. The ancestors of the modern Shors
were known as the Kuznetsky Tatars, the Chulym
Turks as the Melessk Tatars. Of course, by the time
of entering of these peoples in the Russian state,
they in the vast majority already belonged to the
Turkic ethnic group. The process of turkization
among them went far enough. However, perhaps
some individual groups still remained among
them, especially in the reaches of the Chulym and
the Shoria (the Kuznetsk Alatau), who continued
to speak the Samoyed or the Yeniseian languages.
In the Krasnoyarsk uyezd, and in the south-east
of the Tomsk uyezd turkization at the beginning
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of the 17th century was still unfinished. And
peoples of different ethnic origins were called
the Tartars – the Yeniseian Arins, the Kotts, the
Veslovts, the Korchuns, the Turkic Kachints, the
Basagary, the Kizylts, the Sagayts and the Tubints,
the Samoyed inhabitants of contemporary Tuvan
Toji – the Sayants (Tochigases) (Miller, 2000,
p. 65).
A peripheral location of the Makutskaya,
the Yamyshskaya and the Kema Peaks volosts
in relation to the Pumpokols and the Arins
allows to see them as the transition groups in the
ethnic, linguistic and cultural aspects. Moreover,
as already noted above, some of them (the
Yamyshsky Ostyaks and more than a half of the
Kema Peaks volost) joined the Kadskaya volost
and the rest Ostyaks of the Kema peaks united
with the Makutsky Ostyaks into the “Kema peaks
of the Veslovsk Ostyaks” volost became part of
the Arins. However, we should not forget that both
of these consolidations were authorized by the
administration, in the first case of the Yeniseysky
uyezd, in the second – the Krasnoyarsk one. And
for any of the fiscal systems the interests of the
treasury are in the first place, but not the structure
of ethnic communities, although in Siberia it was
considered as the basis of the administrative unit
being formed. But the case when various ethnic
groups are joined in one taxable unit, as in our
case, never really happened. Boris O. Dolgikh
considered these peripheral groups located on
the borders of the “Kyrgyz land” as “the birth of
conglomerates of a different origin” (Dolgikh,
1960, p. 99), by virtue of their dependence on the
Kyrgyz, torn or detached from specific ethnic
groups. Perhaps, the Yamyshsky Ostyaks were
closer to the Natsk-Pumpokols, the Makutsky
were closer to the Arins and the Kema Peaks
volost consisted of immigrants both of the first
volost and of the second one. And joining these
larger units simply meant a return to the onceexisting position.
The number of yasak payers of the
Veslovskaya volost in the Arin land over the
next hundred years mainly corresponded with
fluctuations in the population number of that
land. Maximum was in 1665, when the yasak was
paid by 14 people, that is, the total population of
the volost reached 55-60 people. Nevertheless, by
1735 there were only 2 people enrolled into the
lists of yasak payers (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 226). Later
in 1735 the Veslovts were not mentioned. They
fully merged with the Arins who formed the Ara
group within the group of the Minusinsk Tatars
(Khakassia). By the middle of the 18th century
the Arins almost completely lost their language
and went on with the Kachinsk (Turkic) language
(Dolgikh, 1960, p. 228). A part of the Veslovts
was Russified. Their descendants now live (the
Aminovs, the Veselovskys) in the Yemelyanovsky
District of the Krasnoyarsk Territory not even
knowing their roots.
Out of the Ostyak volosts of the left bank
of the Yenisei we have to consider only the
Kuznetskaya and the Kipanskaya volosts located
along its banks. They were already mentioned for
the first time in 1609 in the yasak payment lists
(Miller, 2000, p. 247). The Kuznetsky Ostyaks
occupied the territory in the immediate vicinity
of the Yeniseysk, above and below the stockaded
town, and the Kipanskaya volost was near the
mouth of the Angara (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 185,
189). Between 1623 and 1628 both volosts had
merged into one the Kuznetskaya volost. If there
is no doubt that the Kuznetsky Ostyaks belong
to the people speaking the Yeniseian languages,
then opinions on the language of the Kipants
are not so clear. G.F. Miller when mentioning
the Kipanskaya volost almost always called its
population the Tungus (Miller, 2000, p. 50, 53,
54). However, Boris O. Dolgikh noted that the
Kipants were named the “Tungus” only once,
when they were first mentioned in the sources. In
all other cases, the population of the Kipanskaya
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volost and the volost itself were mentioned
without any ethnic correlation (Dolgikh,
1960, p. 185). Upon further consideration of
the issue, Dolgikh having thoroughly looked
through all the references of the Kipants in the
sources comes to a definite conclusion about the
“Ostyak” (Yeniseian) belonging of the population
of the Kipanskaya volost of the 17th century.
(Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 185-186). However, later,
V.A. Tugolukov again returned to the issue and,
without a sufficient reason, and any expanded
argument announces that the Kipants are the
“mixed-Tungus Arin group” (Tugolukov, 1985,
p. 59). In favor of his point of view, he cites only
one fact and that is unproven in my opinion: the
escape in 1626 of the whole Kipanskaya volost
led by the knyazets Iltik to the Krasnoyarsk
uyezd, to the Arins. Following the opinion
of Tugolukov, “mixed-Tungus Arin groups”
should be also attributed to the Kadsky and the
Kuznetsky Ostyaks. In fact, all the above volosts
participated in this escape. And, in the voivode’s
reply the Kipants are not mentioned separately,
as some sort of a special group, but between the
Kadsky and the Kuznetsky Ostyaks. However,
the Ostyak origin of the Kadskaya and the
Kuznetskaya volosts are not the subject to V.A.
Tugolukov’s doubt. In all other cases the Kipants
always come together with other “Ostyaks” of
the Yeniseysky uyezd. They are friendly and
even allied with the Kuznetsky and the Kadsky
Ostyaks and the Arins. Their bitterness during
military clashes with the Tungus of the near
Angara region finds parallels in the history of
inter-ethnic relations of the Yenisei Siberia at
the time. A massacre of prisoners of the Tungus
Ostyaks headed by Iltik, the head of the Kipants
in 1625-1626, is a vivid example. And joining
in the end of the Kipanskaya volost to the
Kuznetskaya one, and not to any of the Tunguska
volost clearly shows the ethnic closeness of the
Kipants to the Ostyaks.
Therefore, the opinion of Boris O. Dolgikh
expressed 50 years ago on the ethnicity of the
Kipants to this day, in my view, does not need to
be revised. Many wrote that the Kipants “...have
never been called the Tungus; that they do not
differ from the rest of the Ostyaks; that they, like
almost all the Ostyaks of the 17th century living
near the Yenisei, were hostile to the Tungus; that
they, along with the Kadsky and the Kuznetsky
Ostyaks ‘ran’ to the Tyul’kinsk (strip of) land,
where the Yeniseysky Ostyaks usually ran in case
of the Tungus attacks and in case of conflicts with
the Russians. Iltik with his men does not stand out
among the rest Ostyaks” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 186).
The earliest data on population of the
Kipanskaya yasak paying volost is found in the
materials of 1609-1610. According to them, the
volost had 12 yasak payers, i.e. 50 people in total
population of the area. But in the early 1620, for
unknown reasons for this drop, there were only 6
to 9 yasak payers (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 187). As we
know, in previous years, the Ostyak volosts of the
Yeniseysky uyezd suffered significant losses from
military attacks of the Tungus people. Perhaps this
disaster spread to the Kipants, namely because
they were the closest Ostyak group to the borders
with the Tungus settlements. In the second half
of 1620s the Kipants merged with the Kuznetsky
Ostyaks and their subsequent life has proceeded
within this district.
The Kuznetskaya Ostyak volost, due to
its geographical proximity to the Yeniseysky
stockaded town, quite early experienced Russian
and Orthodox culture, which had a direct
impact on life and population of the Ostyaks.
Confrontation of the Tungus to the Russian
penetration influenced directly the Ostyak volosts
of the Yeniseysky uyezd, which recognized
the power of the Russian state. The Ostyaks,
including the Kuznetsky Ostyaks, suffered losses
from the attacks of the Tungus groups, and had
joint campaigns with the Cossacks into “non-
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peaceful Tungus pieces of land”. Thus, in 1609,
the Tungus attacked the Kuznetsky Ostyaks
“and they had two people injured, and the other
people scattered” (Miller, 2000, p. 247). The
Tungus foray next year was more dramatic for
the Kuznetsky Ostyaks. The Tungus “... killed
the sovereign Ostyaks, namely: Idyuk, two his
sons, three people of other Ostyaks, and the
other escaped and ran to the Tyulkin land, but
their wives and children, who had not manage to
escape, were captured” (Miller, 2000, p. 256).
The emergence of the Yeniseysky stockaded
town, in building of which the Kuznetsky
Ostyaks took part, as an example, Tyumet, the
knyazets of the Kuznetskaya volost, at the request
of the Tobolsk governor, was to accompany the
Cossacks sent to find the most convenient ways
for the Yenisei River and the place to build on
its banks a new stockaded town (Miller, 2000,
p. 280). This decision put Ostyak “distant
districts” under the direct and constant control
of the Russian administration. The lack of
service people on the eastern borders led to the
need for recruiting the working class of the local
population, capable of military service, or, even,
at times, involving combat-ready “strangers” to
march to the neighboring “non-peaceful pieces
of land”. The Ostyaks of the Kuznetskaya volost
were considered the most suitable for this role.
Living in the immediate vicinity of the Yenisei,
having constant contact with their neighbors
and enemies of the Tungus tribes, many of them
were recruited for the state service. In 16251626 along with the Russian squad 38 Ostyaks
led by Iltik, the knyazets of the Kipanskaya
volost participated in the march of the Yenisei
Ataman Vasily Tyumenets on the Nizhneangarsk
Tungus (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 185-186). Some
representatives of the indigenous people acted
as guides and translators (interpreters) who
were paid by the state, receiving a salary from
the Treasury and being exempt from incurring
taxes, including tributes. In addition to the above
stated fact of Tyumet’s service as a guide we can
draw an example of his son Bogdan, who became
Orthodox and for nearly two decades served
as an interpreter (translator) in Yeniseysk and
Krasnoyarsk.
Although throughout the 17th century
the Tsar government did not welcome the
Christianization of the Siberian natives, not
willing to lose the yasak payers, the Kuznetsky
Ostyaks quickly adopted Orthodoxy, with all the
consequences of this fact. Already in 1689 all
of them were baptized, were given Russian first
name and patronymic. Those of them who had
been recruited for the service did not belong any
longer to the tax-paying classes. Boris O. Dolgikh
took them for this period of time as “... already
half-Russified and being on a par with Russian
peasants” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 190, 191).
Russification of the Kuznetsky Ostyaks led
to a blurring of their ethnic core and, eventually,
led to the complete disappearance of this ethnic
group. Judging by the materials of 1609-1610
years in the Kuznetskaya volost there were 13
yasak payers (i.e., not more than 50 people in
total population). In 1610, in a collision with
the Tungus 6 Kuznetsky Ostyaks were killed
(Dolgikh, 1960, p. 187). But with the accession
of the Kipants township to the Kuznetskaya
volost, its population by 1630 increased again to
15-17 yasak payers. However, in the future, with
each passing decade, population decline only
progressed. By 1710 there were only four yasak
payers in the Kuznetskaya volost (Dolgikh, 1960,
pp. 190, 191). The rest, apparently, by this time
had completely merged with the surrounding
Russian population. Those Kuznetsky Ostyaks,
who retained their ethnicity, by 1735 were
included in the Symsko-Kasskaya volost
(Dolgikh, 1960, p. 188).
The Symsko-Kasskaya volost as a single
taxable unit was formed only between 1624 and
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1628. (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 184). But the story of
its components began much earlier. In the yasak
records of the Ketsky uyezd since 1609 (earlier
sources have not survived) there were stated
separately the Symskaya and the Kasskaya
volosts (Miller, 2000, pp. 247, 252, 253, 254, 256,
259, 260, 282, 285, 303, 319, 340). Judging by the
names, the basis of their naming was not tribal,
but geographical principle, which simplifies
the identification of population resettlement on
these territories. Reasoned opinion of Boris O.
Dolgikh stated that both districts were located
near the Yenisei River: the Symskaya – at the
mouth of the river Sym, and the Kasskaya –
at the mouth of the river Kas (Dolgikh, 1960,
P. 188). However, while designing a map of
the Symsko-Kassky Ostyaks’ resettlement the
researcher includes there not only the area at the
mouth of the Kas, but its entire basin, that seems
logical.
Boris O. Dolgikh, despite the initial for
almost twenty years isolated existence of two
separate districts in the Russian documentation,
thinks about the Symsko-Kassky Ostyaks as
one tribe. And dividing them into two groups
represented, in his opinion, “the intra-tribal
division, perhaps, of territorial and phratricancestral character” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 184).
And then he even reveals their tribal name:
“the later name of the Symsko-Kassky Ostyaks
is dyugun’ (yohon’), which existed in the 17th
century already when it was recorded in the form
of ‘dyukany” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 184). In favor of
the theory of volosts’ unity he cites the fact that in
1609 and 1618, i.e. even before the merger of the
volosts, their yasak payers were stated in one list
(Dolgikh, 1960, p. 184).
I can also add that these volosts were always
mentioned together, next to each other in tsar
charters, province runarounds, and records of
yasak collection. And representatives of the
volosts were often recorded once in one volost,
then in the other. For example, in 1609 Kayget
(“Kayaget”) was named a knyazets of the
Symskaya volost, and in 1611 he (“Kaigetko”,
‘Kaygetko”) in one and the same document was
named a Symsky Ostyak in one place, and in the
other as a head of the Ostyaks living near the
Kas (Miller, 2000, pp. 247, 260). A head of the
Symsky Ostyaks from 1611 to 1617 years was
Kimza and his son Akdon Kymzin in 1620-1622
was a head of the Kasskaya volost (Miller, 2000,
pp. 260, 301, 319, 340).
But perhaps the Symsko-Kasskaya volost
was only a part of a wider association of tribal or
linguistic nature, in which, along with them were
also included the Ostyaks of the Kuznetskaya
volost and the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” of the
Mangazeysky uyezd. For example, in earlier
documents, even before the formation of the
Yeniseysky uyezd, the extreme eastern parts of
the Ketsky uyezd were always mentioned in the
following contexts: “... the Kas volost, the Sym
volost, the Yenisei ...” (Miller, 2000, p. 285), “...
for the Sym River, for the Kas and the Yenisei to
Ket, to tribute the Ostyaks ...”, “... the Ket yasak
paying Ostyaks, the Sym from the Kas and the
Yenisei ...” (Miller, 2000, p. 253), “... Ket yasak
paying Ostyaks from the Kas River and the
Yenisei and the Sym ...” (Miller, 2000, p. 254),
“... the Yenisei, the Sym and the Kas yasak
paying knyaztsy and Ostyaks ...” (Miller, 2000,
p. 282). Boris O. Dolgikh believes that “Yenisei”,
“for the Yenisei” mean the Kuznetskaya yasak
paying volost (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 186, 187).
This assumption is based on the fact that in the
records of the tributes the Kuznetskaya volost
was referred to as “... the Kuznetskaya volost
of the Yenisei River ...” (Miller, 2000, pp. 302,
319). And the list of the Ketsky yasak paying
volosts, retreated in 1618 to the newly formed
Yeniseysky uyezd, did not mention neither
the Kuznetskaya volost, nor the Kipanskaya,
which is rather strange, given its location in the
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immediate vicinity of the Yeniseysk (“near the
city””), but the word “Yenisei” is present (Miller,
2000, p. 285). There is also a specific reference
to the Kuznetsky Ostyaks as of the Yeniseysky
uyezd: “So ... was telling us the Yeniseysky
Ostyak Tymka: ...” (Miller, 2000, p. 292). Tymka
Pereorov, mentioned here, was a head of the
Kuznetsky Ostyaks in 1620s. Therefore, these
three districts were a certain unity. Moreover, in
some cases, the number of yasak payers in them
was given cumulatively, in one figure: “... So, in
the past, in the 119 year I sent for tsar yasak to the
same Ketsky, to yasak paying Ostyaks for the Kas
River, and for the Sym, and for the Yenisei , and
near these three rivers there lived 36 yasak payers
...” (Miller, 2000, p. 260). Or: “... the Kasskaya
volost, the Symskaya volost, the Yenisei, 24 yasak
payers ...” (Miller, 2000, p. 285).
In other words, a tribe of the SymskoKassky Ostyaks named by Boris O. Dolgikh as
“the Dyukans” included the Kuznetsky Ostyaks
as an integral part of the tribe. However, the
question remains, should the word “Yenisei”
always mean the Kuznetsky Ostyaks? First, the
Symsky and Kassky Ostyaks lived not only along
the tributaries of the Yenisei, but at the Yenisei
River itself. Their encounters with the Tungus
occurred exactly on the banks of the Yenisei
(Miller, 2000, pp. 253, 259). Secondly, in all of
these volosts – the Symskaya, the Kasskaya, the
“Yenisei”- the yasak was collected by one group
of the yasak collectors, who from the upper river
of the Ket descended to the Kas River by portage
(apparently, it was the route of the later Ob-Yenisei
Canal), then they descended by the Kas River to
the Yenisei and got to the mouth of the Sym by the
Yenisei. Direct indication of this is recorded in a
formal reply of the Ketsky governor G. Elizarov
to the main Siberian administrator, Tobolsk
governor Prince I.M. Katyrev-Rostovsky, dating
from 1609/10 years. (Miller, 2000, p. 254). The
Kuznetsky volost, as can be seen on the map, was
located far above the mouth of the Kas and was
serviced by the same service people who collected
the tribute from the population of the upper Ket,
and the Ostyaks from the Pumpokolskaya and
the Kadskaya volosts. Even more than that, in
the early years of the Ketsky uyezd the yasak
collected in the Kuznetskaya volost was brought
to the town frequently by knyaztsy themselves or
ordinary yasak payers of these Upper Ket districts
(Miller, 2000, pp. 247, 252, 256). Thus, the direct
road to the Kuznetsky Ostyaks, to the Yenisei,
ran through the lands of the Pumpokolskaya and
the Kadskaya (Natskaya) volosts, by portage from
the Ket to the Kema River. Notices of this path in
general were contained in two of province formal
replies dated by 1617 (Miller, 2000, pp. 280, 281).
In addition, in cases where knyaztsy or “best
people” of all three volosts were collectively
described: “Oneska ... and ... Kemsya and
Kaygetko ...”, “... Yelifatko and Kilgot and Kinza
...” (Miller, 2000, pp. 256, 260, 282), among them
there is no name that could refer to the known
names of the Kuznetsky Ostyaks. Although, I
must admit not having at present a full list of the
yasak payers from all three volosts.
Thus, in most cases, by the terms “Yenisei”
and “Yenisei Ostyaks” the authors of the
documents did not actually mean the Kuznetsky
Ostyaks themselves, but the Ostyak population
living near the Yenisei, regardless of its precise
reference to any yasak paying volost. That is, they
did not mean a specific administrative unit, but
the geographical location of the group. Although
in some cases the terms “Kuznetsky Ostyaks”
and “Yenisei Ostyaks” coincided and were even
identical. But every such case requires special
consideration.
Turning to the “Zakamennye Ostyaks”
we should emphasize that in the 17th century
they belonged to the yasak paying volost of the
Mangazeysky uyezd, although under the current
administrative division their territory is almost
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completely included into the modern Yeniseysk
District. The centre of this Ostyak group paying
tribute was Zakamennoe – wintering harbor,
which was located at the mouth of the Dubches
River (Dolgikh, 1960, P. 122). However, Boris O.
Dolgikh reasonably notes that the Dubches basin
is too small to accommodate on its territory an
ethnic group numbering up to 700 people, so he
extends the borders of the “Zakamennye Ostyaks”
settlement. According to him, they settled on the
entire basin of the Sym River, except the upper
river and its estuary area. The mouth of the Sym,
as it was mentioned above, was inhabited by the
Ostyaks of the Sym area of the Symsko-Kasskaya
volost of the Yeniseysky uyezd (the Dyukans).
And the upper Sym was also inhabited by the
Ostyaks united in the district of the same name
(Sym), but subordinate to the administration of
the Surgut area.
Boris O. Dolgikh claims that this Surgut
Sym volost was a part of the tribal group of the
“Zakamennye Ostyaks”, and it seems to be quite
realistic in the light of the evidence presented by
him (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 145, 149, 150).
Data on the number of the “Zakamennye
Ostyaks” appear since 1607. Perhaps it was this
year that was the beginning of the inclusion of
these ethnic groups in the Russian state. But only
by 1620 all of the adult male population had been
fully identified and recorded into tribute lists
whom Boris O. Dolgikh consider to belong to the
“Zakamennye Ostyaks” tribe. The total number
of the yasak payers for this year was not less than
175 people, which proves that there were about
700 people in total population (Dolgikh, 1960,
pp. 146, 148). Judging by the Siberian scale the
“Zakamennye Ostyaks” were a quite significant
in size ethnic community. And all the more
surprising that after 60 years, in the 1680s, from
such a large tribe only a pitiful bunch of 10-12
yasak payers was left , i.e. only 40-50 people
of both genders. For the peoples of Central and
Western Siberia in the 17th century such a dramatic
reduction in number, by more than 10 times, was
a unique case, taking into consideration that the
sources have no information about the reasons for
such decrease of the population.
What are the explanations for such a
recurrent catastrophe for this tribal group? Boris
O. Dolgikh suggested several solutions for this
problem. Firstly, the smallpox epidemic. For some
indigenous groups of the Mangazeysky uyezd in
the 17th century the mortality from infectious
diseases was in the first place, the mortality rate
from the smallpox was catastrophic. For example,
the epidemic of 1630-1631 reduced the number of
the yasak payers of the Khantaysky wintering
harbor (the ancestors of the tundra Enets) from
217 to 72 people (thrice). A new epidemic of 16901692 though did not bring a similar devastation,
but its blow was quite drastic. The number of the
ancestors of the modern tundra Enets fell from
109 to 75 people, that is, killed up to 30 percent
of the population (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 128, 129).
More significant losses were incurred in the 17th
century by tundra tribes of the Yakut area. For
example, smallpox of 1651-1652 destroyed nearly
90 percent of the Tungus tribe of the Azyans: in
1661, of 110 payers of the yasak (total population
was 440 people) there were alive only 11 people
(44 people of the total population) (Dolgikh,
1960, p. 447). The population of the Dolgans
reduced from 90 people (in 1640) to 20 (at the
end of the 17th century) (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 458,
459). Of the nearly 5,000 Yukagirs employs
living in the first third of the 17th century by the
end of this century there were only a little over
two and a half thousand people alive (Dolgikh,
1960, p. 440). But then, during the 18th – early
20th centuries, the Azyans and the Dolgans could
overcome the effects of epidemics and over
time they became the main ancestors of a new
nation of the Dolgans (according to the census
of 1926-1927 the population of the Edyans was
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151 people, and the population of the Dolgans –
791) (Dolgikh, 1963, p. 93), but the “Zakamennye
Ostyaks” simply disappeared. Although, as
the researcher emphasized himself, “we have
no specific indications of epidemics among the
“Zakamennye Ostyaks” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 147).
Secondly, Boris O. Dolgikh assumed that
the reduction in number of the yasak payers of
Zakamenny wintering harbor could be affected by
the population withdrawal by the service people
of neighboring volosts (the Narymskaya and the
Surgutskaya), who sought to fill the number of
tax-paying people of their administrative units.
Thus, in 1653, “the Narym service people and
the Narym Ostyaks ... of the Dubches River at
the top” attacked the “Zakamennye Ostyaks”
and “killed two people and captured 10 people”
(Dolgikh, 1960, p. 147). That is, about 50 people
immediately (if we count their family members)
left the Mangazeysky uyezd.
Well, another reason he considers the eviction
of the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” outside the territory
of the Mangazeysky uyezd. By assumption of
the researcher “the Tym-Karakonsk Selkups
in the Taz basin included a number of people
from the Dubches and the Sym basins ... some
“Zakamennye Ostyaks” also became members of
the Inbatsk Ket tribes”. They also “replenished
the Sym-Kass Kets of the Yeniseysky uyezd, socalled Dyukans” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 147).
Below Boris O. Dolgikh particularly
focuses on the amount of the tax burden of the
yasak paying population of the Mangazeysky
and neighboring uyezds. And it turns out that the
annual yasak rate and gifts of the “Zakamennye
Ostyaks” of the Mangazeysky uyezd were two or
more times lower than in neighboring uyezds: not
10-12 sables per person, but only five. Therefore,
according to Dolgikh, “many Ostyaks (the Selkups
and the Kets) of the Surgutsky, the Narymsky and
the Yeniseysky uyezds initially sought to pay the
yasak in the Zakamenny wintering harbor of the
Mangazeysky uyezd, regardless of their actual
place of residence and their tribal and clan ties”.
That was the cause of seizures and withdrawals
of the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” by the service
people of Surgut and Narym, as mentioned
above (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 147, 148). But Boris O.
Dolgikh did not go beyond this finding, he stayed
on the assumption, though sufficiently reasoned,
that the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” were a special
Ket tribe that bore the name “haybangdyang”
(Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 145, 148).
However, following the opinion of Boris
O. Dolgikh concerning the efforts of tax-paying
population of neighboring uyezds to reduce
the burden of the yasak taxation by escaping
to the territory of the Mangazeysky uyezd,
we may presume that a considerable amount
of the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” could be such
refugees. All the more so, because the territory
of the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” was located at the
junction of five uyezds, creating an extremely
convenient situation for the natives “to make
fools” of the yasak collectors. A similar pattern
was observed for another border area of the
Mangazeysky uyezd – the Taz and the Turukhan
rivers. It was the area, that the Ostyak (Selkup
and Ket) population of the Surgutsky, the
Narymsky, the Ketsky and Mangazeysky uyezds
had been longing for since the second quarter of
the 17th century. Having established a foothold in
the new places, these tribes formed the northern
ethnic group of the Selkups, which consisted of
two ethno-territorial units – the Tazovsky and the
Baishensky.
Another group of the yasak paying
population, which lived in the Yeniseysky uyezd
and spoke one of the Yeniseian languages, was in
some isolation from the main part of their relatives
living on the left bank – in the lower reaches of
the Chuna and the Biryusa (Ona) rivers, and in the
upper reaches, where the two currents flow one
into the other, forming the Taseeva river. Since
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1621 it was on the list of the yasak payers of the
Yeniseysky uyezd, but until 1669 its name varied
greatly in the written sources: “Vasanskaya”,
“Vasaganskaya”, “Osanskaya”, “Savanskaya”
and even “Sayanskaya”. And only in 1669 was
established the name by which the group was
recorded in the history – “Asanskaya”. It is
known that the Asans were representatives of the
northern periphery of the Kotts – a tribe speaking
one of the Yeniseian languages, which lived on
the territory of the Kan Forest-Steppe and in its
neighboring areas. In addition to the Asanskaya
volost there was the Taseevskaya yasak paying
volost. By 1696 the two volosts were united and
became one volost, which obtained its name as
“The yasak paying volost along the Taseeva,
the Usolka and the Ona rivers” (Dolgikh, 1960,
pp. 204, 205). According to the shert-oath record
books1 in 1683 there were 45 yasak payers in
the both volosts, i.e. about 180 people (Dolgikh,
1960, pp. 197, 206). Most of them are referred to
in the sources as the Tungus people, but Boris
O. Dolgikh conducted the analysis of personal
names of these “Tungus people” and came to the
conclusion that they all are of the Asansky (the
Yeniseian languages) origin. Boris O. Dolgikh
considered the residents of the Taseevskaya and
the Asanskaya volosts to be the Asans in origin,
which by the end of the 17th century were heavily
influenced by the Tungus, and in the end, were
fully “tungussified” (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 205,
206). G. M. Vasilevich found that a part of the
Evenk population west of the Yenisei River,
was originally from the Lower Angara river
(Vasilevich, 1931, pp. 133, 134). Dolgikh pointed
out that the everyday life of the left bank Tungus
had some features, which were not typical of the
Evenk culture. In particular, their men did not
know how to ride a reindeer, there was a special
type of sharpened blade placed on the shaft and
a sled without runners, in contrast to the other
Tungus, who used birch bark canoes, they used
dugouts. In addition, the Kima, a family of the
left bank Tungus, had another name – Koshka.
Dolgikh notes that at the end of the 17th – the
beginning of the 18th century the Asanskaya
volost was headed by Koshka, or Koshko Sigasev.
On the basis of these data Boris O. Dolgikh
makes an assumption that the family of Kima
can be regarded as “tungussified” descendants
of the Asans, who left the Angara river territory
for the left bank of the Yenisei in the early 18th
century. In support of his hypothesis, he cites
an Evenk legend that, “Kima” was the name of
an ancient population that preceded the Tungus,
and from which descended some of the Evenk
families along the Angara and the Podkamennaya
Tunguska rivers (see below) (Dolgikh, 1960,
p. 206). In 1926-1927 there were 84 people of the
Kima family on the left bank of the Yenisei and 10
people of the Kimal family among the Yataelsky
(Yatoulsky) Tungus on the Komo river (a tributary
of the Podkamennaya Tunguska River) and in
Pitsko-Velminsky territories (Dolgikh, 1960,
p. 206; Tugolukov, 1985, p. 253).
The Upper Tunguska, which at present
is known as the Lower Angara region, by this
very name appears in the sources of the 18th
century as a territory inhabited by the Tungus.
A separate group of the Asans, who spoke one
of the Yeniseian languages, lived along the bank
of its left-bank tributary – the Taseeva and its
confluent – the Ona. Materials on the number and
dispersal of the Lower Angara Tungus people of
the 17th century are only in the “census books”
for 1631, 1669 and from 1696 onwards, and in one
of the shert-oath record books of 1683. In 1696 a
list of yasak paying volosts was formed, which
survived until 1824, till the reform of Yeniseysk
governor A. P. Stepanov. Some of them existed
till 1917 (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 195, 196).
The dispersal of the Tungus clans in the
Lower Angara of the 17th and 17th – 20th centuries
was studied in detail by Boris O. Dolgikh and V.
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A. Tugolukov (Dolgikh, 1960; Tugolukov, 1985).
In most cases they coincide in the outcomes of
the research, but in a number of cases the scholars
came to different opinions concerning the origin,
places of residence and ethnic history of some of
the tribal groups of the local population of the
Tungus people.
The both authors agree that by the time the
Russian troops appeared on the Angara River, the
lower part of it was inhabited, from west to east
(to the mouth of the Kata), by the following tribal
groups of the Tungus: the Lapagirs (Lopalsky
Tungus), the Toporks and the Chipagirs
(Dolgikh, 1960, p. 196; Tugolukov, 1985, p. 48).
The materials of the early 1630s in the documents
mention the Icherents (hereinafter Icherivsky
and Icheriliny clans), and the Mendizinkurskaya
and the Kaivaganskaya volosts. One of the shertoath record books of 1683 contains records of
several generic names of the local Tungus –
Koyungolsky, Nanadunsky, Nemedinsky and
Zyatoyaginsky (yatoyagir) clans (Dolgikh, 1960,
p. 196; Tugolukov, 1985, p. 49-50). In addition,
in the population census of 1669 the Tungus
people of the Lower Angara were represented
not under their ethnic names, but were divided
by the territorial principle: the names of volosts
were given in accordance with the names of the
rivers on which they lived. Since 1696 the ethnic
names were finally replaced by geographic ones –
Rybenskaya, “along the Taseeva, the Usolka and
the Ona rivers” (the Asans), Chunskaya, the
Chadobskaya, the Katskaya, the Murskaya and
the Kovinskaya (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 196).
Boris O. Dolgikh divides the Tungus people
of the Lower Angara region into two tribal
groups: the Toporks and the Icheril (Dolgikh,
1960, pp. 197-203). The first included such clans
as the Lapagir, the Yatoyal (Yatoyagir), the
Toporks themselves and the Mendizinkursky
Tungus living along the Chuna River. The
Kaivaganskaya volost (the Koyungolsky clan),
and the Nanadunsky and the Nemedinsky clans,
in his view, were also territorial or tribal divisions
of the Toporks. The second group contained the
Icheril (Icheren, Icherivsky, Icherilin, Icherilsky
clan) and the Chipogir (Chipogur, Chipugir clan).
Dolgikh treated the Chipogir as one of the clans
of the Icheril, probably the most important one.
The settlement area of the Toporks covered
the Angara river basin and its tributaries from
the mouth of the Taseeva to the Mura (the
Lapagirs and actually the Toporks themselves),
the Chuna River (the Mendizinkurs) and the
middle course of the Podkamennaya Tunguska
(the Toporks), which flew through the territory of
the Mangazeysky uyezd. And above them, to the
mouth of the Kata (the main settlement area of
the Chipogirs) lived the Icherils (Dolgikh, 1960,
pp. 197-204). And he believed, that the Icherils
and their immediate neighbors – the Shamagirs
(“Tungus shaman people”) of the Ilimsky uyezd
were one tribe, who became known to Russians
albeit under different names, but having one
meaning (“icheri” – “shaman”) (Dolgikh, 1960,
p. 199).
Here the attention should be focused on
the problem of the existence of the Tungus
tribe, which, to date, remains a big question.
Researchers such as A. F. Anisimov and B.
O. Dolgikh, followed the classic writings of
F. Engels and L.G. Morgan, and confidently
wrote about the tribes of the Tungus, but often
designing them in their own way. However, they
gave no or could not give any public data on tribal
organization of the identified “tribes” (Anisimov,
1936; Dolgikh, 1974, pp. 55-56). G. M. Vasilevich
assumed that “one of the forms of the tribe” for
the Tungus was their existing merger of two or
three clans linked by marital relations and mutual
assistance (Vasilevich, 1968, p. 30). The tribe, as
this notion is understood in modern ethnographic
field of study, is of course different from these
associations of people. V. A. Tugolukov also
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believes that the existence of tribes in the Tungus
people is a matter of question, even though he
believes that in pre-Russian times the Tungus
had “associations of blood relatives larger than a
clan”. Moreover, some of them were formed, in
his opinion, “on the basis of inter-ethnic relations
of the Tungus with the previous inhabitants”
(Tugolukov, 1985, pp. 274, 275). Thus, V.A.
Tugolukov followed the well known by that time
theory of phratric social organization of many
Western Siberian tribes (the Nenets, the Enets,
the Hunts and others), that is one phratry is the
descendants of South Siberian newcomers, and
the other is the descendants of the taiga and
tundra indigenous peoples (Dolgikh, 1962; 1964,
Vasilyev, 1970; 1974; 1979, Sokolova, 1970;
1974 et al.), so he transferred the findings of his
predecessors on the Tungus material. But until
now almost no trace of tribal organization have
been identified for the Tungus, if we understand
it as a knitted, organized community (consisting
of many clans), combined on the basis of kinship
and economic ties, with a common territory, a
special dialect, one tribal council, a tribal chief
and / or military leader and religious traditions
and rituals.
Now we return back to the Icheril people.
V.A. Tugolukov treated the Icherils as the
Shamagirs, but attributed their name to the
Ichera River, a tributary of the Lena River in its
upper reaches. He justified this by the fact that
it is at the mouth of the river in 1639 one of the
Shamagir groups was forced to pay the yasak
on the regular basis. According to him, some of
these “Ichersky Shamagirs” several years before
moved to the Angara River, near the mouth of the
Mura, and there they called themselves Ichera or
Icherils, i.e. belonging to the Ichera. After 1683 a
part of the Icheril people were assimilated with
Russians, and some went to other regions, which
explains the disappearance of this ethnonym
(Tugolukov, 1985, p. 58). We can hardly agree
with this thesis for several reasons. Firstly, the
Ichera is located at the distance of not less than
600 kilometers away from the Mura. And for the
first third of the 17th century, and even later, when
the breach of another’s tribal boundaries was
one of the most serious “misconduct”, which led
to bloody civil strife, such movements of large
masses of the Tungus people was not typical.
That is, the concepts of “tribal areas”, “ancestral
lands” were perfectly familiar to the Evenks. On
this occasion, we can recall the wars between
the Essei Vanyad people with the Oleneksky and
the Anabarsky Adians and the Sinigir people,
between the Shilyagir and thetrans-Baikal
Kindigir and the Chilchagir people, or with the
Lena-Vilyuisky Nyurmagan, the Nanagir and
the Kantakul people. Although there were some
examples of mass departures of entire clans, and
even tribal groups from their places of permanent
residence. For example, in 1683 the Vanyad
people fled from the Mangazeysky uyezd. They
beat the military people of this uyezd “in a battle”
and were taken over by the district administration
of the Yakutsky uyezd. But again, I shall repeat,
by the time the third generation of the Vanyad
people lived in the Russian state on its territory
and to a greater or lesser extent, was forced to
their external contacts to obey the laws of this
state, and not to the traditions of their customary
law. That is why, going into the territory of the
Yakutsky uyezd, they immediately made contact
with its authorities and confessed “the crime”
they had committed.
Secondly, as inhabitants of the Mura area
the Icheren people were mentioned a few years
before 1639, back in 1631 and the amount of not
less than 50 people of both genders (Dolgikh,
1960, p. 195). In 1683 in the Lower Angara
region with the Taseeva and the Chuna river
there were already 400 people (Dolgikh, 1960,
p. 197). “Searching” for new yasak payers was
the main objective of migration of the Russian
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military people to the East, and it would have
been awkward if such substantial in number
groups of people would have been left unattended
by the Cossacks, even at the initial stage of their
arrival to the Lower Angara river region. Active
agricultural development of the Lower Angara
region by the Russian population began only in
the 80s of the 17th century (Aleksandrov, 1964,
pp. 114-115), and, in spite of constant assimilation
of the Evenks by Russians, even at the beginning
of the 20th century many groups of the Tungus
people continued to maintain their ethnic look.
Therefore, the explanation of V.A. Tugolukov
concerning the reasons of disappearance of the
ethnonym by the assimilation with Russians is
quite far-fetched.
Thirdly, B. O. Dolgikh by comparing the
nominal lists of 1669, 1683, 1696, and “following”
found out that the Icheril did not disappear, and
formed the Kovinsky yasak paying volost. A
part of them together with the Chipogirs joined
the Katskaya volost (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 197). In
accordance with one of the shert-oath record
books of 1683 four groups of the Icherils (“along
the Kova river…Icheril clan”, “along the Kezhma
river…Icheril clan”, “along the Taseeva and the
Chuna rivers”) were 94 yasak payers, which
totals 376 people. And “along the Kate river…of
the Chipugir clan” was 39 men of labor capable
age (156 people of both genders). Thus, in general
in 1683 there were about 530 representatives of
the Icheril people (Dolgikh, 1960, pp.197, 199). At
the same time, V.A. Tugolukov does not consider
the Chipogirs as a part of the Icherils, and relates
them to the Chipagirs of the Podkamennaya and
the Lower Tunguska rivers, a territorial group
of which, in his opinion, they were (Tugolukov,
1985, pp. 48, 49, 113, 115-116).
The administrative reform of A.P. Stepanov
(1824) transformed the Kovinskaya volost into the
first Lapogirskaya, and the Katskaya volost – into
the second Lapogirskaya councils. These new
names were not successful, because the Lapagirs
in the 17th century lived far to the west from the
Kova and the Kata, but B. O. Dolgikh considered
that it was symptomatic that both of the councils
received the same name. That is, the Yeniseysky
administration recognized the similarity of their
origin.
The fate of the members of the administrative
units varies in different authors. Thus, S. Patkanov
believed that by the end of the 19th century they
died of smallpox (Patkanov, 1906, p. I, issue. 2,
p. 152). B. O. Dolgikh saw the descendants of
the first Lapagirskaya council in the so-called
Kolangirsk Evenks of the population census in
1926-1927. They consisted of the Kuchal, the
Oedal and the Tonkul clans (87 people) and lived
on the Taimba, the Como and the Velmo rivers
(the Podkamennaya Tunguska River basin) and
the Pit (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 199). V.A. Tugolukov
believed that the Kuchal and the Oedal belonged
to the first administrative Kurkugirsky clan, and
he considered the Tonkul clan to be, albeit with
some doubts, a spin-off patrimony of the Lower
Tunguska clan of the Muchugirs (Tugolukov,
1985, pp. 87, 89, 90).
B. O. Dolgikh believed that the clan Lopokol
(136 people) were the descendants of the Katsky
Tungus (2nd Lapogirskaya council). This clan
evicted, according to a legend, at the beginning
of the 19th century from the Parta river (between
the Kova and the Kezhma rivers on the Angara)
at the Podkamennaya Tunguska river and became
a part of the Kurkogirs (Chapagirs) (Dolgikh,
1960, p. 199). V.A. Tugolukov opposes such an
identification, and considers the Lopokol, the
Lopukor and the Lopal clans (see below) to be the
descendants of the Lower Angara Lapagirs of the
17th century, which subsequently disintegrated
into several local groups (Tugolukov, 1985, p. 84).
G. M. Vasilevich at first supported the opinion of
B. O. Dolgikh (Vasilevich, ERS, 1958, p. 581),
but later she confirmed the identity of these clans
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(Vasilevich, 1969, p. 273). In this issue the author
is inclined to believe G. M. Vasilevich and V.A.
Tugolukov. In fact, it is hard to believe that the
names are so similar and quite common in the
local area (there were no similar ethnonyms found
on the entire rest of the vast area populated by the
ethnic Evenks) could belong to different groups
of different origin. Although, with respect to the
Lopokol clan we can assume that the determination
of its members for a hundred years in the second
administrative Lapagirskaya council served as an
important factor in their perception of the name,
derived from the ethnonym Lapa, Lopal, Lapagir.
So far, the available data do not allow us to neither
fully adhere to the views expressed by the above
experts, nor to put forward any theory about the
fate of the descendants of the Kovinskaya (the
first Lapogirskaya) and the Katskaya (the second
Lapogirskaya) volosts in the second half of the
19th – the 20th centuries.
Now we turn to the Lapagirs. The first
time when they were mentioned was found in
a collective petition for their “services” to the
Yeniseysky military men dating back to 1630
(Miller, 2000, p. 240). But these “services” refer
to an earlier time, to the middle or second half of
the 1620s. The petition lists the Tungus clans who
lived in the Lower Angara and were forced by
the Cossacks to pay the yasak on a regular basis.
The Lapagirs in the document presented as the
west, next to the Yenisei, the Tunguska family,
developed areas of the Rybnaya river mouth. The
Lapagirs were led by, in Russian terminology,
knyaztsy (princes) Irkiney Chekoteev and
Bolkey Kelov. Tasei, a famous military leader
of the Tungus also belonged to the same clan.
His name is reflected in the name of the river
Taseeva, a most large inflow of the Angara.
Danul, apparently, also belonged to the Lapagirs.
He led several attacks on subservient to Russian
administration Ostyaks and threatened to take
the Ketsky stockaded town. Apparently, it was
the Lapagirs who initiated the attacks on Russian
property and the Ostyak population subservient
to the Russian administration of the Ketsky and
then the Yeniseysky uyezds. Such aggression was
based, apparently, on the factor that the Lapagirs
were the most distant south-western outpost of the
Tunguska world, come into direct contact with
the more advanced socially and economically
ethnic groups of southern Siberia. Their eastern
and southern neighbors, such as the Kuznetsky
Ostyaks, the Arins and the Asans, before their
transfer under the authority of the Russian Tsar,
were dependent on the state of organized entities
(principalities) of the Yeniseysky Kyrgyz,
regularly paying the yasak to them and to the
extent necessary, supplying troops for raids to
the neighboring peoples. They knew the power
structure, responsibilities in relation to the
ruling stratum, social stratification. Despite
the independence of the Lower Angara Tungus
people in relation to the Kyrgyz, the impact of the
first in part of social life and community aspects
on the second cannot be excluded. In life of the
Lower Angara Tungus, and in particular in the
life of the Lapagirs, a significant role was played
by the military component of the organization
of the society. The desire to protect the lives
and the property wealth of the society led to the
appearance of the Lower Angara Tungus strong
enough military organization and the military
leaders who wanted not only military glory, but
also the subordination of weaker neighbors in
order to obtain the tribute.
In the eastern written sources it is mentioned
that in the 17th century at the mouth of the Angara
there was a Kyrgyz city Kikas. “The city” – that
sounds pretty loud, but the fact that it was a
fortification, located on the border of the Kyrgyz
impact is unlikely to be questioned. Thus, by the
time when Russian troops appeared in the Lower
Angara region the Tungus local population
of nearly half a millennium was even in the
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mediated, but contact with the Kyrgyz. They
were familiar with their culture and traditions of
the military. They could use them as a base to
develop their military code and warlike lifestyle.
In this connection it is appropriate to quote the
words of a local knyazets, Tasin, who said they
“are brave, our young people, and in no way they
to listen to us and they are going to battle the
Ketsky fortress, and to fight with the Kets and
the Kasovsky Ostyaks” (Miller, 2000, pp. 53,
292). According to ethnographic materials it is
known that in the societies in which the war was
to occupy a significant place, military valor and
fortune valued very highly. And the most active
fighting force advocated the youth for whom the
war represented the fastest and most radical way
to improve their property and social status, gain
prestige, get things valued by the society. The
fact that the war took quite a significant place in
the life of the Lower Angara Tungus documents
show Russian administration of the Ketsky and
Yeniseysky uyezds of the first quarter of the
17th century. They often documented evidence
of attacks on the Angara Tungus Ostyaks, who
were subservient to Russian population. And this
despite the fact that the documentation of that
time came to us not in full.
Therefore, in 1608, Danul led the Tungus
“in the latest way” to attack the Ostyaks of the
Kuznetskaya volost of the Ketsky uyezd “and
they injured two-persons, and other yasak paying
people scattered.” Not only the combat capabilities
of the Tungus and the purpose of their leaders
in the face of Danula were perfectly illustrated
by the following lines: “the same Tungus want
sovereign yasak payers, military people who come
to them for the yasak, to beat, and to leave one
Cossack and an interpreter, and want to make the
yasak payers downstream the Ket to the Ketsky
stockaded town, so that they could not give the
yasak to the sovereign, but to pay the yasak to
them” (Miller, 2000, pp. 244, 247). It clearly
shows the desire of the military leadership of the
Tungus not only defeat the enemy, and put it in a
dependent tributary position. Such a situation was
not at all typical of other groups of the Evenks of
Siberia. V.A. Tugolukov even believes that until
Russians appeared in the Yeniseysky region the
local Ostyak population had been paying the
yasak to the Tungus people of the Lower Angara
(Tugolukov, 1985, p. 47).
The subsequent course of events was as
follows: in May 1609 from the Ketsky stockaded
town a detachment of Russian military men, and
the Zyryan Ostyaks was sent, who defeated the
enemy and captured several wounded Tungus
people. However, all of the prisoners died of
his wounds. (Miller, 2000, p. 247). The defeat
did not break the force of the Tungus, and they
immediately afterwards attacked the Ostyaks
from the River Sym (Miller, 2000, p. 247). By the
end of 1609 there were several reports that Danul
and his men were still not willing to give the
yasak and prepared to continue the fight against
Russians (Miller, 2000, p. 252). In 1610 and 1611
Danul continued attacks on the Ketsky Ostyaks
and prevented further advancement of Russians
to the east. The Kuznetskaya volost especially
suffered from his actions, as it was the closest to
the Angara. So, in 1610, “in the fall” the Tungus
(“about 100 man”) “fought” this town and killed
six people. The Ostyaks fled to the Tyulkin land,
and women and children who left, were taken into
captivity by the Tungus (Miller, 2000, p. 256). In
June 1611 15 Tungus again attacked the Dyukans
that came to the Yenisei and killed their 6
people, next of kin of Chiemsee and Kayget, who
were knyaztsy of the Symsko-Kassky Ostyaks
(Dyukans) (Miller, 2000, p. 259). At the end of
1612 it became known about the desire to join the
Tungus, however the Ostyak knyaztsy Namak and
Tumet, who were sent to them for the yasak, in the
next year were robbed and sent home only “soul
and body” (Miller, 2000, p. 266). In 1618, out of
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the Makovsky stockaded town a detachment of
serving people was sent to beat the Tungus. The
Tungus people led by Danul were “beaten” and
were put “under the sovereign’s ... a high hand.”
This campaign involved the Cod Ostyaks (Mansi)
of the knyazets Michael Alachev (Miller, 2000,
p. 668).
The Lower Angara Tungus experienced
some impact of the Buryat knyaztsy, whose
nearest lands were located in the area of modern
Bratsk and Nizhneudinsk, but their influence
extended to a much larger area. It is known that
in their military campaigns “Bratsk people”
reached the shores of the Yenisei River near
Krasnoyarsk forest steppe. Moreover, they
represented a potential threat to western tribal
groups such as the Arins, the Kachins and even
residents of the Middle Chulym – the Basagars,
the Kereksus, the Achints, the Meles and others.
Many of them were forced to pay the yasak to
the Buryat feudal elite. On this score, there
are direct indications in the sources. In letters
of the Yeniseysky writ man M. Trubchaninov,
dated 1620, is written: “... in the Chulym upper
part there are Tomsk yasak paying people: the
Kyzyl, the Bogasars, and adjusting to them
Kachi, Milis, Macaws, Brata, Mats, and Mats
and Brata are great people, did not pay the yasak
to the sovereign, and they themselves collect
the yasak from sovereign’s yasak paying people
who wander close to them: from the Kyzyl, from
the Bagazars ...”(Miller, 2000, p. 293). A letter
in 1622 states: “... the Arin knyazets Tataush
sent his messenger to Basagary and Kerekusy
and Upper Melestsy and his Bratsk banner, truly
go to fight Bratsk people with the Arins and the
Kachins and the Basagars and the Kereksuses,
the Melesky people and 3,000 people of Bratsk
except the Kyshtyms” (Miller, 2000, p. 337).
The Lower Angara Tungus also had direct
contacts with the Buryats. It is known that an
authoritative warchief of the local Tungus Tasei
was killed by the Buryats at the beginning
of 1626 at the Chuna river. The most western
groups of the Buryat population lived in the
upper reaches of this river known as the Uda
(Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 185, 202). The lands of the
Lapagirs and the Uda Buryats were separated
by more than 500 kilometers on the straight.
Nevertheless, this fact did not prevent them
from mutual invasions.
A whole series of “military” burials found
recently in the Lower Angara region and the
Yenisei regions adjacent to it, which are dated
the 5th-14th (11th-14th) centuries, speak for a quiet
developed military culture of the local peoples,
may be even the pre-Tungus. The burials are
represented by cremated bodies, which also
demonstrates the influence of more south
cultures, the Kyrgyz in particular. The cremation
ceremony is almost untypical for the peoples of
the taiga zone of Central and Eastern Siberia, and
among the Yeniseysky Kyrgyz it had survived
through two thousand years. Among the burial
instruments those typical for military societies
are prevailing: iron arrow heads, pikes, knives,
broadswords (Mandyka et al., 2011, p. 432).
Returning to the Lapagirs, according to
the data of 1631 the Lapagirs were exploring the
most lower reaches of the Angara river, including
the tributaries the Taseeva, the Kamenka, the
Irkineeva, the Karabula and the Pinchuga.
They included three territorial groups: the
Lapagirskaya volost itself, the Kaivaganskaya
volost and “the Lapagirskiye districts along the
Karabula river”. The total amount of the yasak
payers in these volosts amounted to 78 people,
which corresponds to 310-320 people of both
genders (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 195). The fact that
the Kaivagans were a part of the Lapagirs is also
confirmed by Bolkey Kelov being their chief,
who was called a Lapagir knyazets in the petition
of 1630 (Dolgikh 1960, p. 196). Nevertheless, we
shall consider that according to Boris O. Dolgikh
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opinion, “the Lapagirs from the Karabula” (an
therefore, the Pinchuga Tungus they joined in one
Murskaya volost) were not even the Lapagirs but
the Toporks, another class of the same tribe or
the tribal name of all the Lower Angara Tungus
(Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 197, 201). Without them the
amount of the Lapagirs will be only 190 people.
After comparing the names in the “census
books” and the oath book Boris O. Dolgikh
determined that according to the census of 1669
the Lapagirs formed the Rybinskaya and the
Kamenskaya volosts and the total population of
the yasak payers was 59-62 people (i.e. 240 people
of both genders of the total population) (Dolgikh,
1960, pp. 196, 201). In 1683 the following yasak
payers could be considered as the Lapagirs: the
Lapagir clan (8 men), the Koyungol clan (12), the
Kamenka Tungus (11), the Irkineeva clan (13) and
the Nanadun clan (17). The name “Koyungol” is
a wrong pronunciation of “Kaivagan” recorded in
the census of 1631. This is also confirmed by the
fact that the chief of the Koyungols was Naunts
Bolkeev, the son of the chief of the Kaivagans and
a Lapagir knyazets, Bolkey Kelov (see above). It
is a little bit more complicated with the Nanadun
clan. In the oath book its members are named
as “belonging to the Nanadun clan, being the
Toporaks also”. As it was previously mentioned,
Boris O. Dolgikh thought that the name “Toporks”
(Toporaks) was the name of the Tungus clan in the
lowest Angara. At that time it united the clans of
the Lapagirs, Yatoyals, Toporks and Mandezinkur
Tungus from the Chuna river (Dolgikh, 1960,
p. 200). Therefore, there are two possible ways of
understanding the census of 1683. The Nanadun
clan in the census represented the Lapagirs, but
specification refers not to the name of the clan,
but the name of the tribe (“being the Toporaks
also”), or they were still the Toporks (clan), but
at the beginning of the following century they
had almost assimilated with the Lapagirs and lost
their clan differentiation from the latter. Boris O.
Dolgikh preferred the latter version stating that
the Nanaduns by the end of the 17th century were
included into the Rybenskaya yasak paying volost
formed by the descendents of the Lapagirs and
the Kaivagans according to the names recording
of the census of 1631 (Dolgikh, p. 197).
The Rybenskaya yasak paying volost,
which first appeared in the sources in 1669, had
survived until the second half of the 18th century.
Nevertheless, the population of this volost started
to decrease a hundred years before this time. By
1669 the Rybenskaya and other volosts joined to
it later had 59 yasak payers, and by 1696 there
were only 31, and by 1735 only 10 (Dolgikh,
1960, p. 201). Such a disastrous decrease requires
an explanation and Boris O. Dolgikh provides it.
For example, in the materials of the yasak records
for 1767 it is said: “the Chunskaya (volost-Boris
Dolgikh’s comment) and the Rybenskaya volost
joined to it”, “the Chadobskaya volost and the
Irkineevskaya and the Kamenskaya volosts
joined to it” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 201). According
to these records a part of the Lapagir population
in the second half of the 17th century joined the
adjacent volosts, which were more numerous in
population. The main part of population in such
volosts were not the Lapagirs. Moreover, he turns
to the materials of the field research of G.M.
Vasilevich. According to the data of this research
“the earliest migration of the Tungus, especially
the Kim clan, from the Angara regions to the left
banks of the Yenisei happened 200 years ago
according to the genealogic records, i.e. in 17201730” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 201; Vasilevich, 1931,
p.134). At the same time he adds that “possibly
a part of the Rybensky Tungus migrated to the
left banks of the Yenisei in 1690-1720 already”
(Dolgikh, 1960, p. 201). Therefore, the members
of the Kim clan (84 people in 1926) are recognized
by Boris O. Dolgikh as the descendents of the
Tungus of the Rybenskaya volost, i.e. direct
descendents of the Lapagirs of the Lower Angara
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region of the 17th century. Even though he makes
an assumption that the Kim clan may have come
from the Asans, the group speaking one of the
Yeniseian languages, recorded in the 17th century
on the Taseeva river and in the lower reaches of
the Chuna (Dolgikh, 1960, p.206). He considers
the following clans recorded in the Turukhansk
census of 1926-1927 to be the descendents of the
Lapagirs: the Lopukor (26 people) in the Nanadal
group (between the upper waters of the Mura
and the Chuna rivers), the Lopal clan (27 people)
and its derivation the Kochonil (82 people) in the
Chapagirs tribe at the Podkamennya Tunguska
(Dolgikh, 1960, p. 202). Among the Yataelsky
(Chadobsky) Tungus the Kimal clan (10 people),
the main part of which lived on the left bank of
the Yenisei (the Kim clan), could be referred to
the Lapagirs’ descendents. May be the Lapagirs’
descendents can be found among some other clans
of the Yataelsky volost of the 19th – beginning of
the 20th century, but to clarify this issue a separate
research is required.
V.A. Tugolukov unlike Boris O. Dolgikh
does no consider the Kaivagans (Koyungols) a
part of the Lapagirs judging only by the assonance
of their name with toponymic and ethnonymic
terms determined at the Kets’ territory. He offers
to consider them as an ethnically mixed group
(Tugolukov, 1985, p. 58).
The Toporks are fi rst mentioned in the
Yeniseysky servicemen’s petition in 1630. Then
they were localized in the area of the mouths of
the Mura and the Chadobets rivers. The chiefs of
the Toporks were knyaztsy Mamyga and Multa
(Dolgikh, 1960, p. 196). Therefore, each of these
knyaztsy was a chief of one territorial group of
the Toporks: the Mura group or the Chadobets
group. Nevertheless, already in 1631 the Toporks
are not mentioned as a separate territorial group
neither in this region, nor somewhere nearby.
Instead the Icherents appear on the Mura (“on
the Mura rift”), and the Chadobets Tungus are
named simply by their territorial name “on
the Chadopcha river” (Dolgikh, 1960, p.195).
Neither Mamyga, nor Multa are the chiefs of
these territorial units. Nevertheless, the name of
Mamyga is recognized in the name Mommoka
Toyanets recorded among the Chadobets
Tungus. As for Multa, he does not appear in
the records himself, but his five sons and three
grandsons are named. Herewith, three of his
sons appear in the list of the Chadobets Tungus,
while the two others are listed among the Mura
Icherents. Moreover, the chief of one of the
groups was Multa’s son, Gotal Multin. At the
same time thereof his sons and also grandsons
were assigned to the neighboring Chadobskaya
volost (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 200). Individual
Toporks are mentioned though. Thus, in the list
of the Chadobets Tungus during this year three
names received the addition “Toporoks” or a
“Toporok”. One Toporok is also present in the
list of the Tungus “on the Apla rift”, i.e. among
the Icherils (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 200).
The next mentioning of the Toporks on the
Angara dates only 1683. They are a part of the
clans and territorial groups of the Rybenskaya
yasak paying volost (“of the Nanadun clan, being
the Toporoks also” – 17 men) and on the Chuna
river (the Toporkil clan – 22 men) (Dolgikh,
1960, p. 197). As it was mentioned above Dolgikh
consider the name Toporks to be general for
the Tungus tribes which inhabited the Angara
river basin from the Chadobets river to the
mouth. Boris O. Dolgikh’s statement was based,
apparently, on several reasons. Firstly, when the
ethnonyms of the Lower Angara Tungus, who
lived along the Yenisei to the Kata river, are first
mentioned (1630),the place of inhabitance of
the three groups of the natives are determined:
“the Lapagir Tungus”, “the Tungus Toporks”
(on the Mura and the Chadobets) and “also the
Tungus Chipog…s” (i.e. Chipogirs) (Dolgikh,
1960, p.196). Therefore, the name “Toporks”
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determined quite a significant group of the Lower
Angara region population living in its middle
part. Secondly, “the census book” of 1631 shows
that not the Toporks, but the Icherents lived on the
Mura, but their chief was Gotal Multin, the son of
one of the Toporks chiefs in 1630 and it is possible
that the chief of the Mura Toporks. Among these
Icherents another son of Multa is found as well.
Thirdly, in the oath book of 1683 the Toporkil
clan is recorded to inhabit the Chuna banks. And
about 100 Toporks of the Mangazeysky uyezd
lived in the basin of the middle reaches of the
Podkamennaya Tunguska during the whole 17th
century. Thus, this clan (tribe) inhabited quite
a large territory. Moreover, the members of the
Nanadun clan of the Lapagirs were also named
the Toporks in 1683. And Mommoka Toyanets
(mentioned in the census book of 1631 among the
Tungus of the Chadobskaya volost), i.e. MamugaYatoyanets (from the Yatoyal clan), was the chief
of the Toporks on the Mura and the Chadobets in
1620s. Therefore, the Lapagirs and the Yatoyals
were also recognized as the Toporks, but the
Toporks themselves always remained only the
Toporks. Boris O. Dolgikh outlines that there are
quite enough examples when the name of one of
the tribal clans, the chief one as a rule, becomes
a general name for the whole tribe with time
(Dolgikh, 1960, p. 198).
Boris O. Dolgikh basing on the personal
names of the Tungus from the lists of the yasak
payers for the 17th – beginning of the 18th century
comes to the conclusion of the succession of the
Lapagirs from the Karabula (“on the Karabula
river, the Lapagirs”) of 1631 (31 yasak payers – i.e.
about 120 people of the total population) with the
peoples of the Murskaya and the Pinchugskaya
volosts of 1669 (40 yasak payers and 160 people
of the total population) and of 1683 (45 and 180
correspondingly). The latter together with the
population of the Murskaya volost of 1969 (43 and
170) and the following years (in 1735) there were
only 38 yasak payers (about 150 people of both
genders) in the Murskaya volost (Dolgikh, 1960,
p. 201). This is quite strange, while the Mura
Tungus are not named the Toporks in none of the
sources. Moreover, in 1631 when this territorial
group was first mentioned in the sources, it was
called the Lapagirs contradicting the above stated
idea that the Toporks have always remained only
the Toporks. Boris O. Dolgikh also notes that
in the 17th century some Toporks along with
the Yatoyants formed the Chadobskaya volost,
and other Toporks formed the Chunskaya volost
together with the Mendizinkurskaya (see the data
of 1683) (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 197). Therefore, it
happens that the Toporks for the whole century
are mentioned only several times: in 1630 (this
document contains the data for the second half
of 1620s) on the Angara, the Mura and the
Chadobets; in 1631 three of them were recorded
in the Chadobskaya volost and one in the list of
the yasak payers of the volost “on the Apla rift,
i.e. among the Icherints”; in 1683 the members
of the Nanadun clan of the Rybenskaya volost
were named the Toporks and the Toporkil clan
on the Chuna is mentioned as well. Moreover,
during the whole 17th century, starting from 1630
the Toporks had been constantly mentioned on
the Podkamennaya Tunguska, where they were
permanent yasak payers of the Teter wintering
place.
In 1824 the Murskaya yasak paying volost
(the Toporks descendents according to the opinion
of Boris O. Dolgikh) was transformed into the
Nanadalskaya volost by the Yeniseysk governor
A.P. Stepanov (let us remember the Nanadun clan
of 1631). Stepanov wanted to return the “original”
(as he understood them) names to the existing
yasak paying units. But often he messed them up
even worse.
In the Subpolar census of 1926-1927 there
were 50 Nanadal Tungus including three clans:
the above mentioned Lopukor (26 people), the
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Tumnyyar (10 people) and the Bagdalil (14
people) (Dolgikh, 1960, p.202). At that time they
inhabited the upper reaches of the Mura and the
Chuna, but some of them had already left for
the Podkamennaya Tunguska (Vasilevich, 1969,
pp. 263, 273, 276, 280).
The Yatoyants are also mentioned in the
sources of the 17th century only several times,
being more exact two times: in 1631 (Yatoyanets
or Toyanets) and in 1683 (Zatoyaginsk clan). And
both cases took place on the Chadobets river,
which was more likely their place of residence.
In other cases the Tungus on the Chadobets are
mentioned as the Chadobskaya volost. The yasak
paying population of this volost in 1631 was 62
people, i.e. total pollution of this volost was 250
people. In 1696 the population decreased to 48
(about 190 people of total population) of the
yasak payers, and in 1735 the amount of the yasak
payers was 35 (140 people of total population)
(Dolgikh, 1960, p. 201). The Chadobskaya
volost existed until 1824. Moreover, smaller
territorial groups of the Rybensky Tungus
(paying the yasak in the Rybensky stockaded
town) (Irkineevsky and Kamensky in 1767), i.e.
the Lapagirs, were joined to this volost as it was
mentioned above.
A.P. Stepanov renamed the Chadobskaya (at
the beginning of the 19th century it was called the
Chadobets bank volost) volost into the Yataelskaya
(compare the Yatoyants and the Zyatoyaginsk
clan). The census of 1926-1927 considered the
Yataelts of seven clans existing only in one
territorial group: the Tepurekol (52 people), the
Yatoyal (47 people), the Kiroktol (19 people), the
Tukal (19 people), the Kurichel (17 people), the
Sulikal (11 people) and the Buldagir (7 people).
There were also 10 people of the Kimal clan, the
main part of which nomadised on the left bank
of the Yenisei. As we can see, the descendents of
the Yatoyals and the Toporks of the 17th century
were the biggest part of the population in this
group. But at that time the Yataelts did not inhabit
the Angara basin anymore. They moved to the
north to the Podkamennaya Tunguska, to get far
from the Russian settlements.
Another Tungus speaking group of the
Lower Angara region lived in the Middle
Chuna basin and was headed by the knyazets
Mendizinkur. By the name of this knyazets
it was called at the end of 1620s-beginning of
1640s the Mendizinkurskaya volost. The census
of 1669 calls the whole group the Chunskaya
volost. In the oath book of 1683 the names of
separate parts of the Chunskaya volost are given:
the Nemedin clan of the Rybny stockaded town
(9 yasak payers), Nemedin clan on the Chuna (
17 yasak payers), the Toporkil clan on the Chuna
(22 yasak payers), the Chuna Tungus having
paid the yasak on the Mura (30 yasak payers),
the Chuna Tungus having paid the yasak on the
Pinchuga (10 yasak payer) and the Chuna Tungus
having paid the yasak on the Chadobets (15 yasak
payers). Total 103 yasak payers, i.e. 410 people
of the total population. The “Chunskaya” volost
had existed with this name until 1824, when the
Yeniseysk governor A.P. Stepanov “corrected”
its name into the Mendezhel clan (compare
Mendizinkur) (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 203). By the
19th century the Chuna Tungus were Russified
and turned into Christianity and in 1832 most
of them became peasants and remained in the
villages on the Chuna river (Bedoba, Takhmay,
Vydrina, Bideya – 97 people) and Karabula
(Gavrilskaya – 9 people) (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 204).
Their descendents, who still remembered their
Tungus origin, were found in this area even at
the beginning of the 20th century (Pokrovsky,
KKKM, o/f 7886/190, p. 60-62; Chekaninsky,
1914, pp.70,74).
Thus, by 1920 there were almost no Evenks
left in the Angara river basin. Some of them
having settled in the Russian villages got totally
Russified, others left this region, mainly for the
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Podkamennaya Tunguska river basin, to the
north. The Lower Angara known previously as
the Upper Tunguska lost its Tungus status and
became a Russian river. The same can be stated
for the rest of the Yeniseysky uyezd of the end
of the 17th century, where the clans speaking
one of the Yeniseian languages lived. Most of
1
them got Russified by the beginning of the 20th
century, the last Yartsev and Vorogov Yugs have
disappeared before our eyes, in 1980s. Some of
them were included into the Ket people. This is a
brief history of the indigenous northern peoples
of the Lower Angara and the Middle Yenisei
territories for the past 400 years.
Shert-oath record books (Russian: шертоприводные книги) were books, which contained written oaths (“sherts” – after
Arabic šart – “condition”) of loyalty and allegiance to the Russian Tsar. These oaths were taken by the indigenous peoples
of the region – translator`s note.
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v Yeniseiskoi gubernii [The Traces of the Shaman Cult in the Russian-Tungus Settlements on the
Chuna River of the Yeniseysky Governorate] // Ethnographic Review, No. 3-4, 1914.
Yakovlev Ya. A. Geographicheskie nazvaniya Verkhneketskogo raiona. Chto oni oznachayut?
[Geographic Names of the Upper Ket Region. What Do They Mean?] // Zemlya Verkhneketskaya.
Tomsk, 1997.
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Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes
Этническая история коренных народов
Енисейского уезда XVII века и их судьбы
М.С. Баташев
Красноярский краевой краеведческий музей,
Россия 660049, Красноярск, ул. Дубровинского, 84
В данной статье представлен обзор этнической истории коренного населения Енисейского
уезда с XVII века до исторической современности.
На основе широкого круга архивных источников и этнографических данных дана
реконструкция сложных процессов культурогенеза эвенков и других коренных народов
Красноярского края на территории Северного Приангарья, в бассейне р. Енисей и р. Кеть.
Ключевые слова: этнография, Енисей, Северное Приангарье, Красноярский край.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
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Distribution of Clans and Tribes in Central Siberia of the 17th century (according to Dolgikh B.O., 1960).
1. Turkic tribes and clans.
2. Samoyed tribes and clans.
3. Tungus tribes and clans.
4. Yenisei tribes and clans.
5. Mongol tribes and clans.
The borders of the Yeniseysky uyezd at the end of the 17th century are outlined with the black line (without its
south-eastern part).
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 870-881
~~~
УДК 392:316.64 (571.511)
The Dolgans’ Ethnic Identity
and Language Processes
Victor P. Krivonogov*
Siberian Federal University
79 Svobodny, Krasnoyarsk, 660041 Russia
Received 21.11.2012, received in revised form 18.12.2012, accepted 26.02.2013
Ethnic identity of the Dolgans is characterized by separation from the closely related Yakuts and
identification as the separate independent ethnic group. However, together with the main ethnonym
“the Dolgans”, the older generation uses other ethnonyms, such as “Sakha”, “Tia”, “Hakha”. In the
Dolgans’ ethnos there are several ethno-territorial groups with peculiarities in the language and
culture. The language processes are characterized by beginning of assimilation of languages, which
is most noticeable in childhood. As for territorial boundaries, assimilation of languages is typical for
western part of Taimyr, in the east of the peninsula the situation does not impose any hardship. Today,
a little bit more than a half of the Dolgans can fluently speak the Dolgan language.
Keywords: Ethnic identity of the Dolgans, ethnonym, ethno-territorial groups, assimilation of
languages.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
If the Dolgans, the indigenous people
of Taimyr, are autonomous ethnic group
or ethnographic group of the Yakuts is a
controversial and complex issue, even for the
Dolgans. In the early 20th century, the different
parts части of the Dolgans, according to the
statistics, belonged to different peoples – to the
Yakuts, the Tungus (Evenks) and part of them
were considered the Russians (“the peasants
from tundra”). Although by this time, the
Dolgans, most likely, had already been formed
as a separate ethnic group, but the statistics
didn’t record the real situation, and displayed
*
the situation of the previous period. Indeed, the
Dolgans were formed by the merger of these
three components – the Yakuts, the Evenks and
the Russians. In this case, the Yakut language,
to be more exact – its local dialect, became the
winner. In the 1930s, the point of view that the
Dolgans were the separate ethnic group was
prevailing, and, as the result, the autonomous
region was called “Dolgano-Nenentsky”, thus,
the name of the people was formalized. But,
according to our informers, for a long period
of time, until the 1950s in the passports of the
Dolgans there were such nationalities as “the
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: victor950@yandex.ru
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Victor P. Krivonogov. The Dolgans’ Ethnic Identity and Language Processes
Yakut” or “the Sakha”. Only at this period of
time the nationality “Dolgans” was written
in the passports. However, up to this day the
problem of ethnic defi nition of the Dolgans
causes different interpretations. The question of
ethnic identity was included in the questionnaire
during the ethno-sociological research among
the Dolgans in 1993 and 2003. According to
the data, 25 % of the Dolgans population of the
region was interviewed. How do the Dolgans
defi ne themselves in relation to their relative
ethos – the Yakuts? On both questions the
similar results, indicating that the majority of the
Dolgan consider themselves as an independent
ethnic group, although related to the Yakuts,
were obtained (Table 1).
According to the age of the respondents,
the highest index among those who consider
themselves to be the one people with the Yakuts
(23-25 %) is observed among the respondents
in their 50s, the minimum index – among the
young population (11-16 %); among the young
population there are a lot of respondents who can
not answer the question (up to the quarter). There
is definite correlation with the level of education.
The number of those who consider the Dolgans
and the Yakuts one people rises from 16.4 % in the
group with primary and subaverage education up
to 23.4 % in the group with the higher education.
Thus, at the present time the Dolgan
themselves believe that they are special people,
although related to the Yakuts. The affirmation
of this opinion was facilitated by the fact that
30-40 years ago, the special Dolgans writing
was developed, the textbooks on the Dolgans’
language were published and teaching of the
Dolgans’ language began in the local schools.
Along with the ethnonym “the Dolgans”
there are other, informal ethnonyms that are used
in colloquial speech in Taimyr (Table 2).
100 % of the respondents use the term “the
Dolgans”.
Table 3 illustrates use of the different
ethnonyms in the groups of settlements.
The informal ethnonyms are more often
used in the east than in the west and in the
cities, primarily due to the fact that the Russianspeaking Dolgans do not know them, and they
live mostly in the west and in the cities. There is
a clear separation of these ethnonyms based on
geographical criterion: in the west, in the villages
Levinskie Peski Volochanka and Ust-Avam the
Table 1. Answers to the question about belonging of the Dolgans to the Yakuts (in %)
1993
2003
The Dolgans and the Yakuts are the same people
19,5
19,5
The Dolgans and the Yakuts are different peoples
67,2
70,9
Cannot say
13,3
9,6
Table 2. Use of the informal ethnonyms (in %)
Do not use
21,3
Hakha
63,7
Sakha
7,4
Tia
7,5
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Table 3. Use of the informal ethnonyms in different populated areas (in %)
Ethnonyms
Do not use
Hakha
Sakha
Tia
Lower settlements*
8,1
84,9
7,0
0
Khatanga
23,2
69,7
7,1
0
Upper settlements*
12,8
74,4
11,1
1,7
Western settlements*
48,8
3,3
5,8
42,1
Dudinka
33,3
56,1
4,9
5,7
* «Lower» settlements – to the east from Khatanga, «upper» settlements – to the west from Khatanga, «western» settlements –
in the territory of Dudinka, down the Yenisey river and in Avamsk tundra.
Table 4. Use of the informal ethnonyms based on the age criterion (in %)
Do not use
Hakha
Sakha
Tia
70 years and older
5,6
88,9
0
5,5
60–69
6,8
70,5
18,2
4,5
50–59
2,9
71,8
9,7
15,5
40–49
8,7
62,1
13,7
15,5
30–39
15,5
70,1
8,0
6,4
20–29
33,5
61,4
2,5
2,5
16–19
56,4
43,6
0
0
informal ethnonym “tyalar” is used, the rest of
Taimyr uses the word “hakalar”, which indicates
the presence of two ethno-territorial groups.
Ethnonym “sakha” came to Taimyr due to the
documentation (the official record on the Dolgans
in the passports up to the 1950s was “sakha”) and
is used by the Dolgans only when they speak
Russian, thus, this ethnonym obviously came
from outside. The Dolgans know that the Yakuts
call themselves “sakha”, and if they want to
say, for example, that their grandfather was the
entrant Yakut, they say: “He was a real sakha.”
The term “hakha” is actually of the same origin
as “sakha”, but in the local pronunciation. Its
widespread use could have been an argument in
favor of those who believe that the Dolgans are a
part of the Yakut ethnic group. But now the term
has been redefined and it is not considered by
the most Dolgans as a synonym for “sakha”, and
the opposition appeared: “We, the Dolgans are
hakhalar, and they, the Yakuts are sakhalar”.
Comparison of the different ethnonyms based
on the age criterion indicates that young people
use informal ethnonyms not as often as middleaged and elderly people (Table 4). From this we
can conclude that the use of these ethnonyms will
continue to decline. This is indicated by the fact
that those who have insufficient knowledge of
the Dolgan language or do not speak it use these
ethnonyms less often (Table 5). The same can be
said about the people of mixed origin (Table 6).
The share of both these categories among the
Dolgans is increasing. But this figure doesn’t
depend so much on the level of education: on the
one hand, these terms are used more often by
the less educated groups, and the other hand, by
people with the higher and vocational secondary
education.
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Table 5. Use of the informal ethnonyms based on knowledge of the Dolgan language (in %)
Do not use
Hakha
Sakha
Tia
Language fluency
6,9
76,4
9,4
7,3
Not fluent language
43,5
43,5
3,1
9,9
Do not know the language
90,9
5,5
1,8
1,8
Table 6. Use of the informal ethnonyms in different groups of the Dolgans (in %)
Do not use
Hakha
Sakha
Tia
Pure Dolgans
16,5
69,0
9,1
5,4
Mongoloid metis*
20,1
63,0
5,2
11,7
Caucasian metis*
37,3
48,5
4,3
9,9
* “mongoloid metis” – a group of descendants from the mixed families of the Dolgans with the Nganasans, the Nenets and
other Asian peoples; Caucasian metis – a group of descendants from the mixed families of the Dolgans with the Russains and
other European peoples.
Within the Dolgan ethnos there are several
ethno-territorial groups of different degrees
of hierarchy. Most Dolgan are aware of their
belonging to a particular group, and in 10 years,
the proportion of those who named their group
did not decrease but even increased – from 66.6
up to 72.2 %.Thus, this phenomenon can not be
called disappearing.
Currently, 26.0 % of respondents classified
themselves as the “lower” (among the studied
settlements – Novorybnoe), 25.3 % as – the
“upper” (Novaya, Heta), 8.8 % – as the “middle”
(Zhdaniha), as the western or “Avamsk” – 6.7 %
(Volochanka, Ust-Avam, Levinskie Peski), as
the “Popigai-Anabar” – 4.9 % (Popigai), as the
“Kamensky” – 0.5 %, 27.8 % did not classified
themselves to any group. This structure doesn’t
adequately reflect the numerical ratio of the
groups, as settlement Khantaiskoe Ozero – the
main habitat of the “Kamenskaya” Dolgans was
not studied; their actual share in the Dolgans
is approx. 4 % (they are called “Kamenskie”,
because they were resettled to Khantaiskoe
Ozero from the settlement Kamen in Avamsk
tundra). The share of the “Avamsk” was lower
than the real number, because here, in the
West, there is the maximum number of those,
who don’t know the internal ethnic structure,
which means, those, who are not able to classify
themselves to any group. This happens due to
the fact that the Russian-speaking Dolgans know
this structure worst of all, and they live mostly
in the West. In settlement Popigay the opinions
about belonging to a certain group split: some
identified themselves as the “Anabar”, and some
as the “upper”, and not because the population of
the village is mixed, but because many believe
that the Popigai-Anabar Dolgans are the part of
the “lower”. That is why some named the lower
level division (the “Anabar”) and the others – the
broader (the “lower”). In settlement Zhdaniha
one part identified themselves as the “lower”,
and the other as the “middle.” The settlements
Zhdaniha and Kresti are located on the border
of the “upper” and the “lower” groups, so they
have some vague self-identification, because they
often feel their intermediate position and call
themselves the “middle”, one part of them tend
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Table 7. Knowledge of sub-ethnical division in different age groups of the Dolgans (2003, in %)
Age
50 and older
30–49
16–29
Do not know
the group
17,5
21,8
40,6
The lower
30,7
27,2
22,1
Identify the group
The Anabarsk The middle
The upper
6,6
7,8
27,1
5,9
10,5
26,4
2,6
7,3
23,1
The Avamsk
10,3
7,1
4,3
Table 8. Identified their ethnic group depending on age (in %)
70 and older
22,2
60–69
20,5
50–59
22,1
40–49
17,3
30–39
9,5
20–29
6,9
16–19
0
to be the “lower” (Zhdaniha), and the other part –
the “upper” (Kresti). The position of different
groups in the general structure of the Dolgans
the Dolgans themselves define on the basis of the
peculiarities of pronunciation.
The largest number of those who do not
know the internal ethnic structure is observed
in the younger age groups (Table 7), due to
this, it is possible to draw a conclusion that this
phenomenon is disappearing, but our interval
study showed that it is not true, as the most of the
Dolgans know this structure. This contradiction
can be explained by the fact that the knowledge
about these groups is acquired not in the younger,
but in the middle-aged and older age groups. It is
connected with the life experience of the people,
travels to the different parts of Taimyr, to Dudinka
and personal acquaintance with the inhabitants of
different settlements of Taimyr. Naturally, senior
citizens have more experience in migration and
communication.
The Dolgans clan structure is known to a
very limited number of people – in the survey
11.7 % of the respondents were able to identify
their ethnic group. Most often, these are senior
citizens (Table 8).
There is no certain regularity in identification
of ethnic group in the settlements, more in the
east, less in the west (Table 9).
Interest of the intellectuals in the history
of their own people affected the degree of
competence in clan structure – people in more
educated groups identify their ethnic group
more often (in groups with primary and lower
level of education – 7.9 %, in the groups with the
secondary and higher education – 15-17 %).
Population censuses indicate of decrease in
the Dolgan language index. The index especially
decreased during the last censuses.
The data of the censuses about the native
language of the Dolgans (Taimyr, in %):
1979 – 93,5 %;
1989 – 90,2 %;
2002 – 75,9 %.
However, we consider the data of the
censuses to be overstated, as in our research the
figures were different:
Language
1993
2003
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Table 9. Identified their ethnic group in different settlements (in %)
Popigai
22,8
Novorybnoe
9,4
Zhdaniha
3,3
Khatanga
9,1
Novaya
15,0
Heta
17,5
Ust-Avam
8,1
Volochanka
11,9
Levinskie Peski
0
Potapovo
0
Dudinka
10,4
Table 10. Native language in different age groups of the Dolgans (1993, in %)
Age
70 and older
60–69
50–59
40–49
30–39
20–29
10–19
Under 10
Identified as native language
Dolgan and Russian
–
–
–
2,6
2
1
1,8
5
Dolgan
100
92,9
98,8
95,7
87,5
71,5
45,5
32,2
Russian
–
7,1
1,2
1,7
10,5
27,5
52,7
62,8
Table 11. Native language in different age groups of the Dolgans (2003, in %)
Age
70 and older
60–69
50–59
40–49
30–39
20–29
10–19
Under 10
Identified as native language
Dolgan
Dolgan and Russian
Russian
94,4
90,9
89,4
82,8
61,8
24,1
12,7
11,4
5,6
6,8
7,7
9,2
19,4
22,2
19,4
14,2
–
2,3
2,9
8,0
18,8
53,7
67,9
74,4
Native Dolgan
62,5 % 38,6 %
Both languages
2,5 % 16,1 %
Russian
35 % 45,3 %
Distribution of the language index among the
age groups indicates of its decrease in the Dolgan
language in all the age groups (Tables 10, 11).
As the main spoken language – the Dolgan
language was named by the respondents less
often as the native language, this index has
significantly decreased in ten years. In 1993 for
24.3 % (in 2003 – 8.9 %) of the respondents the
main spoken language was the Dolgan language,
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Table 12. The main spoken language of different age groups of the Dolgans (1993, in %)
Age
70 and older
60–69
50–59
40–49
30–39
20–29
10–19
Under 10
The main spoken language
Dolgan and Russian
18,2
26,2
39,7
36,7
25,5
32,5
24,7
17,2
Dolgan
81,8
47,6
42,2
38,5
41,5
26,5
7,9
11,1
Russian
–
26,2
18,1
24,6
33
41
67,4
71,7
Table 13. The main spoken language of different age groups of the Dolgans (2003, in %)
Age
70 and older
60–69
50–59
40–49
30–39
20–29
10–19
Under 10
The main spoken language
Dolgan
Dolgan and Russian
Russian
50
20,5
14,4
18,4
10
4,9
2,7
7,1
50
56,8
73,1
57,7
58,6
32,5
27
17,8
–
22,7
12,5
23,9
31,4
62,6
70,3
75,1
for 25,9 % (38,7 %) – two languages, for 49.7 %
(52, 3 %) – the Russian language, for 0.1 % –
the Dolgan, the Russian and the Nganasan
languages (in 2003 – 0.1 % the Russian and the
Nenets languages).
However, only the index of use of the Dolgan
language decreased, but its use along with the
Russian language has increased. In general, to
any extend 50.3 % of the respondents used the
Dolgan language, now – 47.6 %, thus, the decrease
is minimal.
Tables 12 and 13 show age dynamics in
the main spoken languages. The younger age
groups are characterized by the increase in use
of the Russian language exclusively, and senior
age groups by the increase in the number of
bilinguals.
Indexes of the level of comprehension of the
main languages of the region point to increasing
development of the Russian language and slow
decline of the Dolgan language (tables 14 and 15).
Only 3.7 % of the Dolgans knew the Nganasan
language and in 10 years this index has fallen
to 2.8 %, at that, only 0.1 % has good command
of the language, despite the proximity and close
interaction with the Nganasans. The Dolgans
prefer to communicate with them in Russian, and
in Khatanga area – in Dolgan, as many of the
Nganasans master the language of the surrounding
Dolgan society.
Distribution of the indexes of the level
of comprehension of the Dolgan language in
different age groups point to the gradual decline
of the index (Tables 16 and 17).
Analysis of the above table indicates
that deterioration of knowledge of the Dolgan
language is not so straightforward. If we
compare the same age groups, the decline is
evident. But if we compare the figures for the
same age group with a difference of 10 years,
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Table 14. The level of comprehension of the main languages of the region (1993, in %)
Know the language
Languages
Dolgan
Russian
Nganasan
have good
command
55,1
90,2
0,3
have some
difficulties
6,8
5,5
0,2
have serious
difficulties
7,5
1,8
0,4
understand, but
do not speak
15,5
1,2
2,8
do not know
the language
15,1
1,3
96,3
total
100
100
100
Table 15. The level of comprehension of the main languages of the region (2003, in %)
Know the language
Languages
Dolgan
Russian
Nganasan
have good
command
50,6
95,6
0,1
have some
difficulties
5,5
1,6
0,1
have serious
difficulties
6,6
1,4
0,4
understand, but
do not speak
19,2
0,8
2,2
do not know
the language
18,1
0,6
97,2
total
100
100
100
Table 16. The level of comprehension of the Dolgan language in different age groups (1993, in %)
Know the Dolgan language
Age
70 years and
older
60–69
50–59
40–49
30–39
20–29
10–19
Under 10
have good
command
100
have some
difficulties
–
have serious
difficulties
–
understand, but
do not speak
–
95,2
96,4
93,2
86,0
64,5
28,0
24,4
2,4
2,4
6,0
3,5
6,6
11,8
7,2
–
–
–
3,0
5,6
16,5
9,5
2,4
1,2
–
5,5
17,2
22,9
25,0
do not know
Total
–
100
–
–
0,8
2,0
6,1
20,8
33,9
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
Table 17. The level of comprehension of the Dolgan language in different age groups (2003, in %)
Know the Dolgan language
Age
70years and
older
60–69
50–59
40–49
30–39
20–29
10–19
Under 10
have good
command
100
have some
difficulties
–
have serious
difficulties
–
understand, but
do not speak
–
93,2
94,2
90,8
77,0
41,9
25,9
22,4
4,5
2,9
2,4
5,2
7,9
8,3
3,2
–
1,9
2,5
4,2
15,7
8,6
4,6
2,3
1,0
3,1
8,4
20,7
34,8
24,9
do not know
Total
–
100
–
–
1,2
5,2
13,8
22,4
44,9
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
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Victor P. Krivonogov. The Dolgans’ Ethnic Identity and Language Processes
we will see a different data – the index of the
Dolgan language is growing. For example, in
1993-1994, 64.5 % of the people aged 20-29
had good command of the Dolgan language,
and now, at the age of 30-39 – 77.0 %. The
difference of knowledge of the Dolgan language
at the age of 10-19 years (1993) and 10 years
later: 28 % and 41.9 %, respectively, is even
more impressive. These facts indicate that many
Dolgans master the Dolgan language not in the
early childhood, but later, and as they grow
older the index is growing. Thus, the process
of language assimilation is hindered by the late
initiation to the Dolgan language. If not for that,
the process of the language assimilation would
be faster and decrease of the overall index of
comprehension of the Dolgan language would
be more evident.
Этническое самосознание
и языковые процессы у долган
В.П. Кривоногов
Сибирский федеральный университет
Россия 660041, Красноярск, пр. Свободный, 79
Этническое самосознание долган характеризуется отграничением от близкородственных
якутов и определением себя в качестве особой самостоятельной этнической единицы.
Однако наряду с основным этнонимом «долганы» в старшем поколении используются и иные
этнонимы – «саха», «тыа», «хака». В составе долганского этноса сохраняется несколько
этнотерриториальных групп, имеющих особенности в языке и культуре. Для языковых
процессов характерно начало языковой ассимиляции, особенно заметной в детской возрастной
группе. В территориальном плане языковая ассимиляция сильнее проявляется в западной части
Таймыра, на востоке полуострова ситуация благополучная. В настоящее время свободно
владеют долганским языком немного более половины долган.
Ключевые слова: этническое самосознание долган, этнонимы, этнотерриториальные группы,
языковая ассимиляция.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
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Svetlana Petunskaya, Popigay village
Kristina Agapyevna Aksenova in a festive parka, Ust-Avam village
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
An old frame hut near Popigay village
Popigay children in national clothes
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Spectators at the festival of the Dolgan-Nganasan village Ust-Avam
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 882-889
~~~
УДК 94(571)+325.454
Questions of Formation of Territories
of Traditional Environmental Management
Vladimir I. Kirkoa*,
Anna V. Keusch and Nikolay G. Shyshatskiyс
a
Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogiсal University
82b A. Lebedevoy Str., Krasnoyarsk, 660060 Russia
b
Siberian Federal University
79 Svobodny, Krasnoyarsk, 660041 Russia
с
Institute of Economics and Industrial Engineering SB RAS
50 Akademgorodok, Krasnoyarsk, 660036 Russia
b
Received 28.11.2012, received in revised form 04.12.2012, accepted 21.05.2013
In the given article we analyze the notion of «a territory of traditional environmental management»
(TTEM), consider social-economic and legal problems of the TTEM conception. The authors suggest
certain approaches to solution of present problems of the concept of the territory of traditional
environmental management, which are based on TTEM criteria, on stages of TTEM realization and on
a complex substantiation of TTEM. Our approach to definition of borders and the character of usage
should correspond to the following conditions or criteria of determination, which can be formulated
the following way:
The criterion of «necessary sufficiency» of the territory’s size, its natural resources reserves and etc.
in order to provide a normal ecological balance of combined components of the feeding landscape
on the given territory sector. The most important condition of the given criteria fulfillment is drawing
TTEM borders along the natural geographic lines of the given territory (for example, rivers, streams,
water-partings and so on.).
The criterion of «functional legal capacity» of the system of traditional household keeping. The size
of the territory must optimally correspond to the demands of the settled traditional household activity
and must have a necessary margin of safety in case of its load being increased, for example, because of
its population growth. Correspondingly, the territory in Siberian and the Far East taiga zones will be
of one size, it will be of another size in forest tundra, and of a third size in tundra and mountain tundra,
thereat increasing while going from south to north.
The criterion of «rational independence» of management structures from the activity of the authorized
state organ of power and economic organizations. Here, the optimal way out can be to form a
coordinating organ (the board of TTEM management) out of representatives of the local administration,
economic organizations and population (clans); this board will coordinate their activity concerning
the territory usage and management together with the TTEM Administration, which head is appointed
in coordination with the Authorized Representative of the native population.
Keywords: territories of traditional environmental management, native small-numbered peoples of
the North.
*
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: director.nifti@mail.ru
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The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
In literature the term «territories of
traditional
environmental
management»
(further – TTEM) is used in several meanings.
And it is most frequently used in its wide sense
as a notion of some geographical space, where at
presence the process of traditional environmental
management takes place. In this case, the
process of factual usage acts itself as a TTEM
determination criterion.
On the acceptance of Federal Law № 49FL «Concerning the territories of traditional
environmental management of the native smallnumbered peoples of the North, Siberia and FarEast of RF» on 07.05.2001 (further – FL № 49)
this word combination is more often used as a
juridical term. Thereat, we observe a certain
misunderstanding, as far as the territories, being
in reality used in traditional environmental
management, do not always have a corresponding
official status. The same term is often used in
its historical meaning, when they suppose the
territories, which have been used for traditional
environmental management in the nearest past
and the native peoples still have a right to claim
for these territories.
Thus, the term TTEM can be used in three
different meanings:
а) factual TTEMs, for which the native
peoples’ rights, as a rule, have been fixed this or
that way, but they do not have the TTEM status in
correspondence with FL № 49;
б) historical TTEMs – the territories, which
are for the moment not being used for traditional
environmental management, but it is possible to
restore the native peoples’ rights for them;
в) juridical TTEMs – the native peoples’
rights for them are officially fixed and they must
have the TTEM status of federal, regional or local
value in correspondence with FL № 49.
At present time, they have not formed any
TTEM of the federal level within the frames
of FL № 49. The results of TTEM formation
of the regional level are also rather humble.
Thus, for example, there is only one traditional
environmental management territory «Popigay»,
which is of regional level in the Krasnoyarsk region
(according to the solution of the administration
of the Taimyr (Dolgan-Nenetskiy) Autonomic
District on 23.12.2003 № 495). In the course
of time of TTEM «Popigay», the Dolgans, who
have lived and performed their activity within its
borders, have not registered their accommodation
right for their land property and other natural
resources.
It is mainly connected with the shortcomings
of FL №49 and other normative-legislative
acts in the sphere of regulation of traditional
environmental management of the native smallnumbered peoples. The Federal Legislation says
that there must be a special legislative regime of
natural resources usage in the places of traditional
habitation and traditional environmental
management.
TTEMs are considered as a sort of specially
protected territories, being referred to the general
national property. They cannot be a property of
some citizens or juridical persons, and it is quite
obvious, as far as more than 70% of such kinds of
territories are the areas of the State Forest Fund.
Most of the positions of FL № 49 are not the
norms of direct action. In order to realize them
in practice, enactment 11 provides development
and affirmation of various provisions (federal,
regional and local ones), which regulates the legal
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regime of TTEM formation and usage. Though,
as for today, the RF Government has neither
developed, nor accepted such a provision, and
this fact causes normative-legislative vacuum of
practical realization of the given law. Moreover,
some norms of FL № 49 (for example, «free»
usage of land resources) contradict the RF Code
of land laws. Besides, there appear new legislative
and organizational collisions in the course of
application of the RF Forest Code and Federal Law
№ 131-FL «Concerning the General Organization
Principals of Local Self-Governing in the Russian
Federation» dated 06.10.2003, according to which
TTEMs are included into the list of settlement
territories (article 11, paragraph 3) because they
pass over the questions of state regulation, which
concern the native small-numbered nations of the
North (further – NSNNN), to the Ministry of RF
Regional Development.
Thus, up to the present time the relations
in the sphere of aborigine environmental
management on the territories of NSNN settling
have been unsatisfactory and fragmentary
regulated. In connection with the mentioned, they
have made a lot of attempts to make amendments
to the present legislative acts, for example, they
suggest excluding TTEMs form the category of
Specially Protected Natural Areas.
By the Russian Federation Government’s
Order № 132-р dated 4 February 2009, they have
accepted the Conception of Steady Development
of the Native Small-Numbered Nations of the
North, Siberia and the Far-East of the Russian
Federation. The significance of this document
is in the following: they have officially accepted
the main basic principles of NSNNN’s steady
development, including:
– Admission of the NSNNN’s right for
their foremost access to the fishing and hunting
areas, to the biological resources in the territories
of their traditional habitation and traditional
economic activity;
– Necessity of NSNNNs’ representatives
participation and unification in decisions making
in the questions, which concern their rights and
interests in the course of development of natural
resources in places of traditional habitation and
traditional house holding;
– Necessity of estimation of cultural,
ecological and social consequences of the
suggested-to-realization projects and works in
the places of NSNNNs’ traditional habitation and
traditional house holding;
– Reparation of damages, inflicted to
the primordial habitation environment, to the
traditional way of living and to the NSNNNs’
health.
Acceptation of the given concept let us hope
that the existing problems of the native smallnumbered nations of the North in the sphere of
realization of their rights for realization of their
traditional house holding on the territories of
traditional environmental management will be
finally solved.
In order to achieve some concrete results in
the given direction we are to solve the following
tasks:
– To develop precise criteria in order
to define a necessary size (area) of the singled
territory and its location;
– To develop an economic conception and
a program of development of traditional branches
of economy, which is based on development of the
existing structural economic units of the given
territory and reconstruction of its lost elements.
The main aim of the program is to create certain
conditions in order to reach maximum employment
among the native population, ecological safety
and stability of social-economic development;
– To develop certain concrete conceptions
and programs of steady ethno-demographic and
cultural-ecological development of autochthonous
nations, which is aimed for reconstruction of a
corresponding system of consort relations, their
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medical provision, regeneration of their cultural
and spiritual traditions and their language;
– To develop an ecologic conception and
a program of resource exploitation of the given
territory, to provide their relation with the existing
system of environmental protection measures and
the legislation;
– To develop a legal basis, fixing the status
and regulating the character of usage of the given
territories.
Our approach to definition of borders and
the character of usage should correspond to the
following conditions or criteria of determination,
which can be formulated the following way:
– The criterion of «necessary sufficiency»
of the territory’s size, its natural resources
reserves and etc. in order to provide a normal
ecological balance of combined components
of the feeding landscape on the given territory
sector. The most important condition of the given
criteria fulfillment is drawing TTEM borders
along the natural geographic lines of the given
territory (for example, rivers, streams, waterpartings and so on.).
– The criterion of «functional legal
capacity» of the system of traditional household
keeping. The size of the territory must optimally
correspond to the demands of the settled
traditional household activity and must have a
necessary margin of safety in case of its load being
increased, for example, because of its population
growth. Correspondingly, the territory in Siberian
and the Far East taiga zones will be of one size, it
will be of another size in forest tundra, and of a
third size in tundra and mountain tundra, thereat
increasing while going from south to north.
– The criterion of «rational independence»
of management structures from the activity of the
authorized state organ of power and economic
organizations. Here, the optimal way out can
be to form a coordinating organ (the board of
TTEM management) out of representatives of
the local administration, economic organizations
and population (clans); this board will coordinate
their activity concerning the territory usage
and management together with the TTEM
Administration, which head is appointed in
coordination with the Authorized Representative
of the native population.
Placing an emphasis first of all on the
problems of reconstruction of traditional
household, national peculiarities and traditions,
restoration of the territories normal ecological
balance, we may suggest the following technology
of TTEM realization and define its main stages.
The conceptual stage is a definition of the
circle of the interested participants, of the given
resources and limitations, diagnostics of the main
problems; working out of the general strategy;
restoration of the priorities; approval of the
preliminary agreements texts.
The project stage consists of a complex
ecologic-social-economic analysis of the key
problems; search and estimation of alternative
variants of solution; definition of organizational
forms and of the mechanism of participants
interaction; approval of a precise contribution of
every participant; formulation of organizational
and legal documentation, contracts and credit
agreements.
The starting stage is a formation and
registration of new economic and social structures;
formation of the structure of management,
funds of migration and development, creation
of supporting commercial and holding
structures; assimilation of abandoned lands
of the territory and its resources; search and
approbation of commercial links for traditional
household products distribution and reactionary
development.
The stage of development consists of an
optimization of all the project components’
activity; formation of a long-term cultural,
economic, and commercial relations; development
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Vladimir I. Kirko, Anna V. Keusch… Questions of Formation of Territories of Traditional Environmental Management
of the organs of self-government and social
structures.
In order to substantiate the program of
action and to realize it successfully it is advisable
to make a complex substantiation of the TTEM
organization, which is developed proceeding from
the interests of its participants, from the present
resources, limitations, results of the problematic
situation analysis and priorities of the set goals.
Taking into consideration the specifics of the
way of life and of the traditional house holding
of the northern people, one should handle the
work in the following four directions: ethnodemographic, resource-ecological, financial and
technical-economic, cultural-historical. The
volume of work in each direction is defined in
accordance with their top priorities.
Ethno-demographic direction includes the
following:
– the analysis of peculiarities of the
population ethnic composition (personnel of the
enterprise, population of the village and etc.),
motivation of its economic behavior, peculiarities
of its way of life, which are connected with its
traditional house hold cycle;
– The estimation of the life level
of the native population and of the role of
traditional industrial branches in people’s life
sustainment;
– The analysis of the working places
coverage by the employable population;
– The estimation of the degree of social
tension and recommendations concerning
prevention of potential conflicts in the sphere of
traditional house hold.
Materials in use: initial information on the
population, Census of the Population files, act
records of the Civil Status Registration Office
Branch, results of selective sociological researches
and questionnaires.
Resource-ecological direction covers the
following:
– The qualitative and quantitative
estimation of lands and of biological resources
of the reindeer and fishing-and-hunting branches,
and also of the other types of activity, which
complete the economical complex: agriculture,
forestry, recreation and so on;
– The forecast of possible volumes of
resources usage with an account of the possibility
of new lands and resources assimilation;
– The substantiation of measures
on realization of the schemes of traditional
environmental management and resources
protection.
Materials in use: information from the
land surveying, hunting-, fishing- and forestry
offices, reporting materials of the reindeer,
fishing-and-hunting enterprises and procurement
organizations of the previous years (especially,
reports of the industrial departments), expert
questionnaire data, which have been obtained
from the specialists and experienced workers.
What concerns the economic direction, here
we pay the main attention to the characteristics
of the given financial and material-technical basis
and to the possibilities of efficient technologies
implementation (as new ones, so traditional ones).
In correspondence with the main tasks of the
project, financial and material-technical basis is
estimated in appliance to the chosen directions of
the industry development and economic structure
reorganization.
Materials in use: industrial and financial
reports, industrial-technical norms, technicaleconomic documentation on the technologies, which
are liable for implementation. In certain cases it is
necessary to perform special technical-economic
calculations (with the help of local specialists).
Cultural-historical direction of substantiation
includes the following:
– Recordings of the natural and
archeological monuments, historical and sacral
places, situated on the territory, definition of their
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preservation condition and expenditures for their
reconstruction and maintenance;
– census and counting of the native
people – the carries of the elements of national
culture, folklore, language and so on, which are
now being lost;
– Estimation of condition of the culturalhistorical objects and program of their usage and
preservation.
Here, the sources are the following:
collections of the Local Museums of Local
Lore, History and Economy, library and archive
data, results of special field archeological and
ethnographical research works.
In order to solve the problems quickly and
without conflicts we need also to define the circle
of the interested persons and organizations and to
develop an efficient procedure of coordination of
their interests.
The result of the final substantiation is a
compilation of necessary maps and schemes with
certain information, which explains the offers,
concerning borders setting, usage of resources
and territories development. The result of the
given substantiation can be optimized in the
form of a typical project of TTEM organization.
Simultaneously, the given project can be the
main working document, which would define the
character of TTEM usage and development. This
way, in the conditions of expanding assimilation
of the northern resources, formation of territories
of traditional environmental management is
actually the only possible way of protection and
guardianship of NSNNNs.
References
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Zemel'nyi kodeks Rossiiskoi Federatsii (Land Code of the Russian Federation) Available at:
http://base.consultant.ru/cons/cgi/online.cgi?req=doc;base=LAW;n=133418;div=LAW (accessed
12 December 2012)
Lesnoi kodeks Rossiiskoi Federatsii (Forestry Code of the Russian Federation) Available at:
http://base.consultant.ru/cons/cgi/online.cgi?req=doc;base=LAW;n=133350;div=LAW (accessed
12 December 2012)
territoriiakh traditsionnogo prirodopol'zovaniia korennykh malochislennykh narodov Severa,
Sibiri i Dal'nego Vostoka Rossiiskoi Federatsii (Concerning the Territories of Traditional
Environmental Management of the Native Small-Numbered Peoples of the North, Siberia and the
Far East of the Russian Federation) Available at: http://base.consultant.ru/cons/cgi/online.cgi?r
eq=doc;base=LAW;n=78670;div=LAW;mb=LAW;opt=1;ts=710C30DC8DE55C68F88F7D5B7C0
60CB3;ts=C9022E62B4B716102B08C738BE375005 (accessed 12 December 2012)
Konceptsii ustoichivogo razvitiia korennykh malochislennykh narodov Severa, Sibiri i Dal'nego
Vostoka Rossiiskoi Federatsii (Concerning the Concept of Steady Development of the Native
Small-Numbered Peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation)
Available at: http://base.consultant.ru/cons/cgi/online.cgi?req=doc;base=LAW;n=84814;div=LA
W;mb=LAW;opt=1;ts=44F5CAE7957C57D6ECBF7100A407838E;ts=093548C894E22EECE003
77115F20B4B7 (accessed 12 December 2012)
Ob obshchikh printsipakh organizatsii mestnogo samoupravleniia v Rossiiskoi Federatsii
(Concerning General Principals of the Local Self-Government Organization in the Russian
Federation) Available at: http://base.consultant.ru/cons/cgi/online.cgi?req=doc;base=LAW;n=13
6632;div=LAW;mb=LAW;opt=1;ts=C9EBD90F6A05AF6D5CDAA24D52E60786;ts=AA56DE9
B4E9F7A3FE73950E419AE1154 (accessed 12 December 2012)
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6.
Pravovoi spravochnik dlia KMNS Sibiri i Dal’nego Vostoka RF [Legislative Reference Book for
NSNNN of Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation]. Moscow, AKMNS Publ., 2003.
pp. 133-141.
Вопросы формирования территорий
традиционного природопользования
В.И. Киркоа,
А.В. Кеушб, Н.Г. Шишацкийв
а
Красноярский государственный
педагогический университет
Россия 660060, Красноярск, ул. Ады Лебедевой, 82б
б
Сибирский федеральный университет
Россия 660041, Красноярск, пр. Свободный, 79
в
Институт экономики
и промышленного производства СО РАН
Россия 660036, Красноярск, Академгородок, 50
В статье анализируется понятие «территории традиционного природопользования»,
рассматриваются социально-экономические и правовые проблемы концепции территорий
традиционного природопользования. Авторами предложен подход к решению существующих
проблем концепции. Выделяются критерии установления границ и этапы реализации концепции
территорий традиционного природопользования.
Подход к установлению границ, определение характера использования должны
соответствовать следующим условиям или критериям выделения, которые можно
сформулировать как:
– критерий «необходимой достаточности» размеров территории, запасов ресурсов на ней
и т.д. для поддержания на данном участке местности нормального экологического баланса
совокупных составляющих кормящего ландшафта. Важнейшим условием выполнения данного
критерия является проведение границ ТТП по естественным географическим рубежам данной
территории (например рекам, ручьям, водоразделам и пр.);
– критерий «функциональной дееспособности» системы ведения традиционного
хозяйства. Размер территории должен оптимально соответствовать потребностям
сложившегося типа традиционной хозяйственной деятельности и обладать необходимым
запасом прочности при увеличении нагрузок на него, например из-за роста численности
населения. Соответственно, в таёжной зоне Сибири и Дальнего Востока размер будет
один, в лесотундровой – другой, в тундровой и горно-тундровой – третий, увеличиваясь при
продвижении с юга на север;
– критерий «разумной независимости» структур управления от деятельности
уполномоченного государственного органа и хозяйственных организаций. Оптимальным
вариантом здесь может быть создание координационного органа (Совета управления ТТП) из
представителей местной администрации, хозяйственных организаций и населения (родовых
общин), координирующего их деятельность по использованию и управлению территорией и
администрации ТТП, руководитель которой назначается по согласованию с уполномоченными
коренного населения.
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Vladimir I. Kirko, Anna V. Keusch… Questions of Formation of Territories of Traditional Environmental Management
Итогом комплексного обоснования концепции должен быть типовой проект устройства
территорий традиционного природопользования.
Ключевые слова: территории традиционного природопользования, коренные малочисленные
народы Севера.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 890-896
~~~
УДК 314.3
Demographic Transition as Reflected
by Fertility and Life Expectancy:
Typology of Countries
Olga S. Tolstikhinaa, Vladimir L. Gavrikovb,
Rem G. Khleboprosb and Viktor A. Okhoninc
a
Saint Petersburg State University
3 Volkhovsky Per., St. Petersburg, 199004 Russia
b
Siberian Federal University
79 Svodobny, Krasnoyarsk, 660041 Russia
c
University of Ottawa
75 Laurier Avenue East, Ottawa, ON K1N 6N5, Canada
Received 25.03.2013, received in revised form 17.04.2013, accepted 06.06.2013
The notion of demographic transition is well known for several centuries and it is quite often the
basis for demographic and social policies in the world. Since many countries have completed the
transition process from rural to industrial economies with low rate of fertility and high life expectancy
it is interesting to have a closer look at the global trend of where the world is going to. This trend is
estimated from the point of a choice at the national level and a choice of each person in the world. The
result obtained shows no quantitative and qualitative difference between the two choices. Finally the
notion of success for each country has been discussed depending on whether it is on the trend, above
or below the trend.
Keywords: demographic transition theory, fertility, life expectancy, economic dividend, success.
Introduction
The demographic issues have been
attracting attention of social, economic and
political studies for several centuries. The
reason is that they have a direct impact on the
present and future global development and
policies practiced by the modern governments.
The research in this field influences decisions of
international organizations and other political
and economic institutions working on family
planning programs, governments developing
official policies and so on.
*
It became obvious by the end of the
nineteenth century that fertility levels were
falling in many Western countries and birth rates
would stabilize at new lower levels. Thompson
(1929) tried to divide this transition period into
three phases and afterwards Blacker (1947)
distinguished five phases. However, neither of
them suggested any causes to account for this
demographic change.
Later, a twofold explanation of falling
fertility was offered by Notestein (1945). He
stated that fertility in premodern countries had
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: tolstikhina@gmail.com
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been kept high almost artificially with the help
of religious doctrines, moral codes, family
organization, education, etc. and this high rate
was necessary for the nation to survive because
of the high mortality rates. The fundamental
reason for low birth rate for Notestein was “the
growth of huge and mobile population” which
destroyed corporate and family-based way of
life in a traditional society replacing it with
individualism. He also noticed that at the root of
the matter there are development of technology,
as well as education, improved health and
alternatives to early marriage and childbearing.
Therefore the main argument of the theory is
that fertility is high in poor, traditional societies
where mortality is high and where there is
no opportunity for personal advancement. In
these societies the individual status is equal
to which a person was born with and there is
little motivation for advancement. Children join
the labor force quite early contributing to the
economy most of their life since education period
is very brief. However, all these things change
with modernization and urbanization when
individuals have different opportunities.
A more recent study in the field of
demographics using example of Thailand is
written by Lee and Mason (2006) who once again
explore a notion of “demographic transition” which
all industrial countries have almost completed. It
can be described as a shift from a rural society
with high mortality and fertility rates to an urban
society with low mortality and fertility rates.
As a result, the labor force grows faster than the
population dependent on it. This brings about two
straight dividends for the society: 1) per capita
income grows more rapidly; 2) population facing
an extended period of retirement has an incentive
to accumulate more assets – which gives a rise
to the national income. First dividend also comes
from more women available to join the labor
force and fewer children to invest in families’
capital. Children become well-educated, later
they grow skilled workers, forstering economic
and job growth. However, the first dividend
period even though taking up to five decades
eventually ends (feedback loop) and low fertility
rate leads to declining growth of the labor force.
Simultaneously, longer life expectancy speeds
the growth of the elderly population and the
load on the economy. The first dividend yields a
transitory bonus coming to an end at some point,
whereas the second dividend overlapping with the
first one transforms this bonus into sustainable
development and can be indefinite.
Many developing countries still undergo
this transition process. Thailand at an early stage
of the transition (Fig. 1) had a high number of
children when mortality fell, it was followed by
an intermediate stage when fertility dropped
reducing the number of children while working
population grew. Finally, during the late stage of
the transition low mortality and fertility led to
population ageing – a well-known process. The
first dividend starts at the intermediate stage with
the second dividend coming at the late stage. It
is worth mentioning that the dividends are not
automatic but depend on the implementation of
effective policies.
In each country, the time to build the
dividend for the society is different depending on
how much people produce and consume at each
age. In Thailand, people produce more than they
consume only between ages 26 and 59 (Fig. 2)
whereas in the United States these ages are 26 and
57; in Taiwan – 26 and 55, which is very different
from the real working-age boundaries.
Each individual in Thai has only 33 years
to build the dividend for the society. The lower
the level of education is in a country, the earlier
children start working, and the less is the quality
of work. Whereas in countries where children
have longer education track they automatically
spend less of their life working, but the quality
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Source: UN World Population Prospects, 2004 revision
Fig. 1. Thailand’s demographic transition: three stages
Source: Amonthep Chawla, 2006, “National Transfer Account Estimates for Thailand”. www.ntaccounts.org.
Fig. 2. Economic life cycle of a typical Thai worker
of work is higher, which leads to better dividends
accumulated by the society.
Statement of the problem
Taking into account the theory of demographic
transition every country is going through or has
already completed this transformation period.
One of the most important resources of a nation
is its human resource. Therefore it is interesting
to research and compare countries which are
successful with which are not when using their
resources. It is also noteworthy to take a closer
look at the global trend and determine which
countries are more successful than the others and
what the notion of success would mean in the
context of transition process.
Methods and Data
Central Intelligence Agency World Factbook
has been used to analyze the sample of 219
countries. Three main variables are presented in
the research. They are fertility, life expectancy
and population in the countries as of 2012.
Fertility has been treated as a dependent variable,
life expectancy as an independent variable and
population is used to take into account the size
of each observation in the sample. Fertility
represents the average number of children that
would be born per woman if all women lived
to the end of their childbearing years and bore
children according to a given fertility rate at each
age. Life expectancy is the average number of
years to be lived by a group of people born in
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the same year, if mortality at each age remains
constant in the future. The criteria of life quality
and cultural differences in the countries are not
considered. The data have been processed using
StataSE 10 software program.
There are two samples processed: 1) countries
are simply taken as equal, irrespective of their
population or 2) each observation is weighted
according to the population. In the first sample
countries themselves are taken representing
each observation and the trend is the average for
these countries. The second sample takes into
account the weights of each country so that the
trend becomes the average of how each citizen
in these countries lives. In the first case, the
experiment is based on ethnicity, in the second
case – on individual. If these two experiments
do not converge there is a difference between
ethnicity and overall global trend. The degree of
discrepancy can be explained by the influence of
different ethnical or national factors.
Results
The data used have been approximated by a
simple linear function of the form:
Fertility = α · LifeExp + β,
where α and β are parameters of approximation.
Figure 3 shows the scatter plot of life
expectancy and fertility in 219 countries described
by the statistically significant linear function of:
Fertility = – 0.12LifeExp + 11
R 2 of the function equals 0.66 with ß coefficient
being not statistically significant at 5 % level.
When taking into account the population of
the countries the function looks as follows:
Fertility = – 0.13LifeExp + 12
The function is statistically significant, R 2 of
the function equals 0.66 with ß coefficient being
statistically significant at 5 % level.
In this case the function was taken as
linear because the closest quadratic model gives
very close relation but doesn’t take into account
some countries down the graph. The slope is
negative which in this case can be explained by
the orientation of the society either to the birth
rate or to the life expectancy period and these
are competitive criteria. Such countries as Israel,
Gaza, EU countries, Canada, New Zealand,
Jordan, USA, Qatar, Chile where life expectancy
Fig. 3. Fertility and life expectancy: global trend
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is high take extra income dividend to invest in
better life quality, medicine, etc., which leads
to lower fertility rate. The opposite is also true.
Countries where fertility rate is high (Niger,
Mali, Somali, Uganda, Afghanistan, Yemen,
Iraq, Jordan, Philippines, Pakistan, Egypt) might
still be at the stage of transition from rural society
to urban one with high fertility and mortality.
The estimated global trend gives the
opportunity to define relative types of countries.
Countries being above the trend could be seen as
“successful”, while those being lower the trend as
“less successful”.
When taking into account the weights of
the countries the trend has deeper slope making
some countries down the line “successful” or
“more close to being successful”, whereas some
countries up the line become “less successful”.
That is explained by the heavier countries like
China, India and EU countries adding weight to
the slope of the overall trend, so more population
in reality has low fertility and long life expectancy
than vice versa. The pivot point of the line is for
such intensively inhabited countries like China
and India.
It can be calculated from the function
how more or less children will be born if life
expectancy changes by one year. The function
shows that if life expectancy decreases globally
by one year fertility rate in the world will
increase by 0.12 children per woman. In relation
to weights one year decrease in life expectancy
globally will increase fertility by 0.13 children.
This negative linear trend might be explained by
several reasons: 1) there is higher mortality rate
in many countries where fertility is high because
women still die during the childbirth; 2) there
is a tradeoff between spending money on an
extra child (or policies that government applies)
or rising life quality (or medical supervision).
At some point it became obvious that medical
treatment is beneficial for two groups under risk –
children and the elderly, and mortality dropped
while life expectancy grew by 5 to 10 years. After
some period of time, governments and citizens
usually choose between two competing groups in
order to cut the spending. That can lead to lower
fertility rates.
Figure 4 gives a more precise understanding
of being successful in the context of the study.
It can be seen that there are three main groups
of countries: those which are on the trend and
represent “average countries” following the
overall deterministic development; those which
Fig. 4. Fertility and life expectancy: the notion of success
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are above the trend and can be called “successful
countries” doing better than they would have
done according to the trend; those which are
lower than the overall trend and can be called
“unsuccessful countries” doing worse than they
would have done according to the trend.
Discussion and Conclusion
The global trend of fertility and life
expectancy has a negative slope which is explained
by the tradeoff for each country and each citizen
of this country on the issue of spending extra
money to support childbearing or longer life
expectancy. Moreover, countries which have
already completed the transition process are more
inclined to invest in life expectancy of the elderly
rather than in social services to support fertility.
However, even among these countries there are
several that are more successful than others. They
are able to maintain higher levels of fertility with
the same level of life expectancy compared to what
the average global trend determines. This can be
called the rate of success and it is the distance
between the trend and the confidence level, on
the one hand, and the position of a particular
country, on the other. Being unsuccessful means
to be lower the trend and the rate of it can also be
estimated as the corresponding distance.
There is no qualitative difference between
the trend with population weights and without
it, which is a very important result meaning
that each unit – an individual – repeats the
overall global trend no matter in which political
or economic conditions this particular person
lives. There is almost no quantitative difference
between the trend with and without population
weights. This result highlights that there is the
overall global trend which is quite often more
important than some ethnical or social factors of
each particular country. To conclude, it does not
matter if the country has millions or billions of
residents. People in the whole world follow the
same trend that determines their fertility and life
expectancy.
References
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Caldwell, J. (1976). Toward a Restatement of Demographic Transition Theory. Population and
Development Review, Vol. 2, No.3/4 (Sep.-Dec., 1976), pp. 321-366.
Central Intelligence Agency Data (2012), available at: www.cia.gov/library/publications/theworld-factbook/ (accessed 15 January 2013).
Lee, R., & Mason, A. (2006). What Is The Demographic Dividend. A quarterly magazine of
IMF Finance and Development [Online], 43(3), available at: www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/
fandd/2006/09/basics.htm (Accessed at: 11 February 2013).
Martin, P. (2009). Demographic and Economic Trends: Implications for International Mobility.
United Nations Development Programme. Human Development Research Paper, (17).
Notestein, F. Economic Problems of Population Change. 8 th International conference of
agricultural economists, London: Oxford University Press, 1953, pp. 15-18.
Philipov, D.Thevenon, O., Klobas J., Bernardi, L., & Liefbroer, A.C. (2008). Reproductive
Decision-making in a Macro-Micro Perspective. European Comission. Seventh Framework
Programme under the Socio-Economic Science and Humanities Theme.
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Демографический переход
в зеркале рождаемости
и продолжительности жизни:
типология стран
О.С. Толстихинаа, В.Л. Гавриковб,
Р.Г. Хлебопросб, В.А. Охонинв
а
Высшая школа менеджмента,
Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет
Россия 199004, Санкт-Петербург, Волховский пер., 3
б
Сибирский федеральный университет
Россия 660041, Красноярск, пр. Свободный, 79
в
Университет Оттавы
Оттава, Канада ON K1N 6N5
В статье развивается известная теория демографического перехода стран из «аграрных»
в «индустриальные». Особое внимание уделено биологическим эффектам, сопровождающим
этот переход с учетом и без учета количества жителей в странах. Ставится вопрос, есть
ли качественная и количественная разница между тем, как живут этносы и как живут люди
вообще в мире. В результате анализа разработан подход, позволяющий классифицировать
страны по их успешности относительно глобального тренда человечества.
Ключевые слова: теория демографического перехода, фертильность, продолжительность
жизни, экономический дивиденд, успех.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 897-905
~~~
УДК 37.017.924
Universals and Pragmatics
as Substantial Reference Points
of Modern Ethical Education
Elena N. Viktoruka* and Olga S. Ardykovab
a
Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogical University
named after V.P. Astafev
89 A. Lebedeva st., Krasnoyarsk, 660049 Russia
b
Siberian State Technological University
82 Mira, Krasnoyarsk, 660049 Russia
Received 24.11.2012, received in revised form 15.01.2013, accepted 07.02.2013
The present article analyzes the substantial change in the content of ethical courses under shift of
educational paradigms. On the data of the questionnaire survey of four groups of students, the authors
of the article consider the limits and prospects of practical and applied ethical education. The article
arrives at the conclusion that general ethical problems are fairly well mastered during the study of
practical and applied courses, if there is a particular educational and motivational space, “the zone
of proximal development”, as called by psychologists. The authors note the distinctive features of the
zone of proximal ethical and moral development in adult education, related to the “universal” vision
of the studied material, and a significant increase of its efficiency when studied in small groups.
Keywords: ethical education, applied ethics, practical ethics, moral philosophy, ethical universals,
ethics for adults, the zone of proximal ethical and moral development.
The relevance of the current research
is caused by the fact that the most efficient
ethical education today is developing not in the
theoretical field (such as moral philosophy), but in
the practical and applied one, where it is fulfilled
in the form of user programs. There is no doubt
that ethical education can be efficient, especially
considering the general Russian and international
tendencies, which claim that the main task of
today’s higher education is to provide students
with the sort of knowledge may serve as a “tool
for building up their social career” (Semenkov,
2004). Besides the traditional classification
*
of knowledge into theoretical and practical,
sociologists come up with two more dichotomies:
“conceptual / descriptive” and “user-defined /
researcher-defined”. At the same time there are
some concerns connected to the fact that the
focus on radical pragmatics dilutes the contents
of ethics itself, replaces its socially significant
functions, the main of which is preserving the
humane in a human.
In June 2012 we carried out a research aimed
at revealing the limits of pragmatic content in
applied and practical courses of ethics, on the
basis of such metaphors as “radical”, “obvious”
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: eviktoruk@yandex.ru
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and “unobvious” pragmatics suggested by
V.I. Bakshtanovsky, the Director of Research
Institute for Applied Ethics (Tyumen State
University of Oil and Gas). In our opinion, these
metaphors, characterizing the form and content
of ethical courses, serve as good markers for
reflection of “multilayered” and not so transparent
process of paradigm shift in the modern ethical
education. The studies of this specificity of ethical
education development is carried out within the
framework of scientific and educational project
“Applied and Practical Ethics Laboratory”
(Koptseva, 2010).
Methods of research: questionnaire survey,
interview, expert poll, debriefing as a training
tool.
Object of research. To reveal the relations
between universals and pragmatics within the
ethical course content, we conducted a survey in
four groups of students studying ethics according
to different practice-focused programs:
− post-graduates and PhD students of
Siberian State Technical University,
specialty course “Ethics of Science” (20
class hours);
− third-year
part-time
students,
“Professional Ethics” course (16 class
hours);
− participants of “Human Resources
Management” program at the Institute
of Advanced Professional Education
of Siberian State Technical University
“Higher School of Business, Management
and Psychology”, “Business Ethics”
course (24 class hours);
− unemployed citizens registered at the
Employment Bureau, taking the program
“Assistant Director”, “Ethics of Business
Relations” course (44 class hours)
Main clauses. Having studied the relations
between universals and pragmatics in the content
of ethical applied courses, we arrived at the
following conclusions: a) there are some ethic
courses distinctive with their “radical pragmatics”;
within the framework of the current research, it
is the course “Ethics of Business Relations” for
the unemployed; b) “obvious pragmatism”: is
typical for “standard” university courses formed
in accordance with some approved educational
standards; in the present research it was noticed
in the professional courses of ethics for parttime students and courses of business ethics for
managers; c) course with a great “universal”
ethical component, harmoniously complemented
with radical and obvious pragmatics, like “Ethics
of Science” for post-graduates. The number of
respondents in some groups is quite little (total
number of respondents is 56 people), as filling in
the questionnaire was voluntary, anonymous and
was offered only after passing the exam for the
sake of higher verity.
Examples. In the questionnaires for parttime students and unemployed people the first
question was formulated as a request to evaluate
the usefulness of ethical knowledge on a 1-10
scale. The results are the following: 54 % of parttime students evaluated the usefulness of the
studied discipline as 10, 24 % and 19 % chose 9
and 8 correspondingly, and only one respondent
(3 %) evaluated the usefulness of the course as
7. The average value for the group is 9,27. In the
group of the unemployed, 43 % evaluated it with
8 and 14 % – with 6 score. The average value for
the group is 8,57. As we can see, no one put a score
below 6 points; the students admit the necessity
of the knowledge, skills and habits.
The second question: “Are the knowledge and
skills in business (professional) ethics applicable
for solving ethical problems in personal and social
communication?” was asked in order to define
whether the students are capable of extending the
narrow practice-focused topics on the whole range
of ethical problems they may face in their lives.
92,3 % of part-time students, 83,3 % of “Human
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Resources Management” program participants,
85,7 % of the unemployed and 93,3 % of postgraduates gave the positive answer; the negative
answer (in the number of 1 or 2) was present in
every group; in the group of unemployed people,
one person replied, “never”.
The third question was included into
the questionnaires for all the four groups of
respondents to find out, whether the students
are aware of the connection between ethical
pragmatics and universal ethical issues. The
question was formulated as follows: “Is the
knowledge of business (professional) ethics
helpful for understanding general ethical issues?
Describe in a 1-5 scale” (see Table 1).
The offered 1-5 scale was intended to reflect
the potential of the universal ethical “background”
of the students. Self-evaluation as a factor of
feedback can reveal, which issues of moral
philosophy were “identified” and problematized,
opening up the space of theoretical ethics. The
figures in Table 1 rather reflect the virtual level of
digesting general ethical issues, self-evaluation of
the received ethical knowledge. It is quite likely
that a test carried out in these group according to
traditional methodology or in the form of a spoken
exam would show some different figures, but
formulating the question this way, we attempted
to reveal the fact of identifying universal ethical
knowledge as such, taking into account possible
insincerity of answers, incomplete understanding
on the question and involving people with lack
of special knowledge (among the respondents
there were people who had missed a part of the
course).
In the analysis of the received data it is
important to consider not only average figures
(Table 1), but also the “extreme” ones, meaning
that the respondents evaluate their knowledge of
this or that topic either as very high or very low.
“Ones” or “twos” are absent in the group of those
studying business ethics, and there are very few
Table 1. Self-evalutaion of understanding general ethical problems, average figures for groups
Part-time
students. Prof.
Ethics
“HR
Management”
participants.
Business Ethics
Unemployed.
Ethics of
Business
Relationships
Post-graduates.
Ethics of
Science
Criteria of good and evil
3,42
4,00
3,29
3,53
Moral choice
3,92
4,13
3,86
3,67
Freedom and freedom of choice
4,19
3,88
3,29
3,67
Ratio of ends and means in the
situation of moral choice
3,73
3,88
3,71
3,73
Meaning of life and mission of
human
3,92
3,88
3,43
3,33
Justice – injustice
3,85
4,38
3,14
3,47
Moral duty and responsibility
4,31
4,25
3,57
3,60
Consciousness
4,08
4,00
3,71
3,47
Moral regulations, principles and
ideals
4,08
4,13
3,57
3,53
Nature and origin of morals
3,58
3,88
3,71
2,93
Structure and functions of morals
3,81
4,13
3,71
3,33
Moral values
4,12
4,63
4,00
3,67
General ethical problems
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“threes” in self-evaluation. In the group of the
unemployed studying business ethics, there are
no “ones”, but quite a lot of “twos” and “threes”.
Probably, this self-evaluation is quite fair, as the
content of the course was different from the other
courses with higher radically pragmatic mindset
considered in the article, which we will discuss
later. A small number of “ones” and “twos” and
a greater number of “threes” is typical for the
self-evaluation of understanding general ethical
problems by part-time students, at the same
time there are quite a lot of “fours” and “fives”.
In the groups of post-graduates the diversity of
the score was the largest; the ones who answered
with a “one” or “two” to this question were the
ones who highly evaluated the general usefulness
of the course.
The data of Table 1 presented as a diagram
demonstrate that general ethical issues studied in
an “indirect” way stimulate the inner effort for
ethical and moral development of the students.
The lowest mark, lower than three points, was
given only to the topic on nature and origin of
morals in the group of post-graduate students.
We explain it with the higher level of education
of this group and the corresponding standards
of self-evaluation: this topic was not among the
deeply studied issues.
Fig. 1 demonstrates the diversity of selfevaluation of understanding the general ethical
issues in the groups: the topic of moral values
is chosen as the deepest studied in the group
which studied business ethics. The fact that all
the groups marked the topic “nature and origin
of morals” as the least studied proves the verity
of evaluation: it is true that to this very topic
little attention was paid. Part-time students put
high score to the topic called “moral duty and
responsibility”, which is also understandable,
as the motive of professional duty as the core of
professional ethics was strongly emphasized in
the course. In all the groups the topic “criteria of
good and evil” looks as less studied in comparison
with those concerning moral choice.
The data of Table 1 converted into a diagram
(Fig. 2) shows that “universal” ethical issues,
according to the students’ self-evaluation, look
as well studied. Trying to understand the reasons
of such active and spontaneous interference
of general ethical problems into the practical
Fig 1. General ethical problems for each surveyed group
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Fig 2. Self-evaluation of understanding general ethical problems studied at practical and applied courses of ethics,
common for all the surveyed groups
educational medium, we found the explanation in
what psychologists usually call “zone of proximal
development1 (ZPD).
Both in child and adult psychology “zone of
proximal development” means a space of higher
motivation, emotional intensiveness, where
obvious examples of competent acts provided
by an adult (a teacher) demonstrate a model of
success. This leads to higher educational results,
significantly exceeding the expected ones. The
data we received conducting the survey indicates,
that the radical pragmatics of the applied ethical
courses create the “zone of proximal ethical and
moral development”, thereby stimulating the
studies of universal ethical issues.
Let us study the representative groups for
radical, obvious and unobvious pragmatics. As
we have already mentioned, obvious pragmatics
is more typical of “standardized” university
courses than radical pragmatism. The group
of part-time students studied the following
topics: objects and tasks of professional ethics,
principles of professional ethics, professional
and ethical codes, professional duty, business
etiquette and etc. A large part of the course was
conducted in the form of seminars and practical
classes with workshop elements. The form of
“radical pragmatics” was used in teaching the
topics concerning business etiquette, which
explains the total impression of high usefulness
of the course (according to the fi rst questions of
the questionnaire).
In this group, which was the largest in the
number of polled, the answers to the question
“Which ethical problems would you like to
study on your own or with a guidance of a
specialist?” are especially interesting. Here
are some of the answers: conflicts (4 people);
verbal communication, business communication,
specificity of personnel management, how to
behave in stressful business situations, career
growth in business, rules of behaviour for a
business person, “boss-employee” relations,
etiquette of an administrator (2 people); problems
with work and employment (2 people); moral duty
and responsibility, moral values, meaning of life.
The answers are listed in the order of increasing
the universality of the ethical problems. But
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generally there are hardly any universal ethical
topics in the “zone of proximal ethical and moral
development”. The reason is the dissatisfaction of
the ethical and practical inquiry.
In the second group, the participants of
“Business Ethics”, we traditionally observe the
contradictory combination of radical (unfounded)
pragmatics and the amorphous inquiry “to see
what business ethics is and what it does”. The
issues studied during the course, beginning
with ethical violations in business and their
consequences in micro and macroprospects
(corruption, thefts, fraud, extortion, unfair
discrimination), are characterized with “obvious”
pragmatics. The program of the course provides
some vast theoretical and methodological material
on the ethics of administrative decision-making,
and the survey on the students’ expectation often
does not go beyond the boundaries of radical
pragmatics.
Our experience shows, that one should
not ignore such inquiries; they can be used for
forming a universal ethical platform, a fundament
for studying conceptual, theoretical knowledge.
Inquiries for radical pragmatics should be taken
positively as they reflect the faith in Ethics as a
tool of perfecting private and social life up to the
desired “decent”, “deserved” level; the hope for
it as a kind of knowledge that can help solving
some real problems of life. On the example of the
next group, which is the unemployed, we will see
the limits of ethical pragmatics: narrow (etiquette
or behaviour) topics with the well-mastered
methodology run dry quite soon, thereby
provoking the turn to universal ethical topics.
Radical pragmatism of “user-defined”
programs is distinctive in the business ethics
course for the unemployed. “Assistant Director”
advanced course was financed by the municipal
Employment Centre. The radically pragmatic
mindset of the course was strongly recommended
by the management of the Centre, which
corresponded to the expctations of the students:
the result should be clear and applicable “right here
and now”. Main topics: greeting, introduction,
appearance of a business person, business card,
speech etiquette formulae, “boss-employee”
relationships, organization ethics, manager
ethics, business presents, phone conversation
etiquette etc.
The studies were carried out in conformity
with the set tasks, but the self-evaluation results
for understanding general ethical problems in
this group are just as high as in the others. As
we see it, the reason can be the presence of the
“zone of proximal development” activated not
only by the obvious pragmatics of the course
(workshops and case studies), but also by the
existential factors of “unemployment” provoking
some deep personal contemplations on “justice/
injustice”, cause-effect relations in the terms of
destiny, happiness, consciousness, meaning of
life and other universals of moral philosophy. The
term “zone of proximal development” within the
framework of ethics explains the interdependence
of “radical pragmatics” and general (theoretical)
ethics rather than its boundaries. Studying the
phenomenon of “zone of proximal development”,
psychologists remark its specificity in teaching
adults. The difference is that unlike children,
adults can construct their own zone of proximal
development. This is exactly what we observe
at ethical courses aimed at radical and obvious
pragmatics.
Studying the distinctive features of the “zone
of proximal development” in adult education,
specialists emphasize that an important factor is
various forms of work in small groups. They are
not only efficient methods of teaching, which can
help solving various problems connected with
the content and upgrading character of teaching.
They are necessary because from the very
beginning of studies they teach building up the
whole logic of the studied material, seeing not
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only its separate parts and elements studied
at the moment, but its ultimate results which
constitute the content of studies for quite a
long time (Grandars, 2012). “Zone of proximal
development” is the gateway to universal ethical
problems.
These distinctive features of the “ZDP” in
adult education are completely confirmed by the
results of work with one of the most interesting
groups in our poll, which is, post-graduates. The
topic “Ethics and Axiology of Science” is quite
an independent section in the general course of
preparation for qualifying exam in “History and
Philosophy of Science”. Within the framework of
this section for the past several years we have been
conducting an ethical and didactic experiment
that we described (Viktoruk, 2009). The postgraduates’ group is the key to understanding the
boundaries of pragmatics and universalism in
applied ethical courses.
The experiment in “radicalization” of
obvious ethical pragmatics in studying the issues
of science ethics has been lead since the year 2006.
Understanding of world outlook and practical
significance of this subject for post graduates
(future members of scientific community,
managers and administrators of higher education
establishments) provoked the search for the forms
of ethical and practical knowledge that may
give some ethical and awareness-raising result,
positioning ethical knowledge as something
modern, dynamically developing, matching
modern educational technologies. For this
reason the lecture that describes the theoretical
and methodological issues on the borderline
between general ethics and science ethics
gradually turnes into a seminar on teaching the
skill of administrative highly ethical decisionmaking. The content of this four-hour lecture
includes both the obvious pragmatics of science
ethics (regulations, principles and ideals of the
academic community, social commitments of the
academic community, international conventions
on the role of science in the society and scientist
status, etc.), the “unobvious pragmatics” of moral
philosophy (history of relations between ethics
and science; moral evaluation of progress in
science and technology; ethical understanding
of global problems of the humankind etc.).
Radical pragmatics of the course is caused by
the application of case study for solving ethical
dilemmas in the sphere of science and stakeholder
analysis, a tool of business ethics, used as a
method for resolving cases.
The post-graduates’ questionnaire included
some questions intended to find out, how
efficiently the “radically pragmatic” mechanism
of stakeholder analysis (training is considered
to be the main target of the practical seminar)
opens up the topics that belong to obvious
pragmatics: moratoriums on various kinds of
research, scientific inquiry and human rights,
necessity to admit mistakes in public, moral
qualities of a scientist, ethics of scientific
corporations, unconsciousness of scientific
research, prohibition of inhumane experiments,
authorship, coauthorship, intellectual property
in science etc. The question is formulated as a
request to mark “ethically disputable spheres of
scientific research where stakeholder analysis
is efficiently applicable”. In the questionnaires,
from 4 to 14 topics of those listed above were
marked. This question was supported by the next
one which offered to describe the applicability of
stakeholder analysis to solving ethical problems on
a 1-10 scale for such fields of study as clinical and
medical research, environmental studies, space
research, information and computer technologies,
psychology, pedagogy, biotechnologies, genetics,
economics and management.
To reveal the limits of radical pragmatism
and its connection to obvious pragmatics, the
following open questions were intended: “Which
ethical dilemmas in the sphere of science you
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consider to be the most acute, is it possible to
solve them with stakeholder analysis? Here are
some answers: using unreliable information in
computer systems, plagiarism, ethical dilemmas
in economics, changes in biology, genetic
experiments, usefulness and harm of scientific
discoveries, socially hazardous research, cloning,
experiments on humans, humanity of research.
Generally speaking, these three questions should
indicate whether the method of stakeholder
analysis is distractive for the studies of science
ethics problems as such. The results of the survey
allayed our fears.
As the subject matter is science ethics, we
offered the respondents the following question:
“Which topics would you like to learn with the
help of a teacher or independently?” Here are
the answers, from particularly ethical to more
general ones: ethics of providing psychological
service, genetics, use of natural resources,
plagiarism, scientific database, problems of
relationships within the academic community,
social commitments of scientists, humanity,
justice. Here, just like in the group of part-time
students, the inquiry for advanced knowledge
is more aimed at ethical pragmatics, though the
self-evaluation of understanding universal ethical
problems was quite high, as we could observe in
Table 1 and in Fig. 2.
Conculsions:
1. “Radical pragmatism” in the inquiries for
ethical education is a consequence of the fact that
in our country it has been focusing on ethics as a
science of morals (theory) for inexcusably long time,
1
ignoring the necessity for the obvious pragmatism
of professional ethics, and radically pragmatic
calls of applied and practical ethics. The analysis
of forms and content of the practical and applied
ethical courses reveals the natural limits of “downto-earth” user programs, the doubtless advantage
of which is forming the zone of proximal ethical
and moral development, where the self-inquiry for
conceptual content of Ethics with a capital and its
unobvious pragmatics is produced.
2. The well-developed methodology of
workshop activities on ethics a) form trust for the
teacher as a specialist who has good command
of ethic programs of successful work; b) create
a “small group” climate, so that synergetically
united experience of the adult people and the
teacher forms the “zone of proximal ethical and
moral development” and brings an ethic and
educational result, which exceeds the obvious
“planned” expectations.
3. Ethical didactics cannot but consider
the studies on the dynamics of moral subject
and its moral growth (L. Kohlberg, C. Gilligan
in psychology; S.I. Gessen, J. Habermas
and K.O. Apel in philosophy; J. Maxwell in
management). The fundamental clauses of
theoretical ethics, moral philosophy become more
accessible to the person involved into labour and
social practice with its moral dilemmas. The
strong side of such engagements is the powerful
motivation of students creating the “zone of
proximal ethical and moral development” where
the general vision of ethical problems is restored,
and the studied “narrow” topics become the
content of studies for a long time.
The term “zone of proximal development” was fi rst introduced by L.C. Vygotsky for characterizing the process of “moving up the psychic development along with education”. This zone is indicated by the content of those tasks the student can
solve only with a help of a more competent person (an adult), but after the experience of joint solution they become capable
of solving similar tasks independently.
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References
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2.
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4.
5.
Semenkov, V.E. Sotsiologiia obrazovaniia: uchebno-metodicheskoe posobie [Education
Sociology]. Saint Petersburg: Sociological Society of M.M. Kovalevsky, 2004, p. 9.
Koptseva, N. P. Integration of humanitarian education in Siberian Federal University. Higher
education today, 2007 (Issue 4), 6-8.
Grandars (2012), Available at: http://www.grandars.ru/ (accessed 24 November 2012).
Psikhologicheskie osobennosti vzroslykh [Psychological Caracteristics of Adults] Available at:
http://www.grandars.ru/college/psihologiya/psihologiya-vzroslogo.html (accessed 24 November
2012).
Viktoruk, E.N. (2009). Paradigms of applied ethics. Vedomosti, (35), 185-199.
Viktoruk, E.N. (2009). Axiology of Ethics and Acience for Graduate Students and Competitors
(Experience at Siberian State Technological University). Scientific and Theoretical Journal on the
General Methodology of Science, Theory of Knowledge and Cognitive Sciences. Epistemology
and Science Philosophy XXI (3), 95-106.
Универсалии и прагматика
как содержательные ориентиры
современного этического образования
Е.Н. Викторука, О.С. Ардюковаб
Красноярский государственный педагогический
университет им. В.П. Астафьева
Россия 660049, Красноярск, ул. Ады Лебедевой, 89
б
Сибирский государственный
технологический университет
Россия 660049, Красноярск, пр. Мира, 82
a
В статье проанализировано существенное изменение содержания этических курсов в
условиях смены образовательных парадигм. Опираясь на данные, полученные в ходе анкетных
опросов четырех различных групп учащихся, авторы рассматривают пределы и перспективы
практико-прикладного этического обучения. Делается вывод о том, что общие этические
проблемы достаточно хорошо осваиваются в ходе изучения практико-прикладных курсов,
если возникает особая учебно-мотивационное пространство, называемое психологами «зона
ближайшего развития». Авторы отмечают особенности зоны ближайшего этико-морального
развития в обучении взрослых, которые связаны с «универсальным» видением изучаемого
материала и значительным повышением эффективности его освоения в микрогруппах.
Ключевые слова: этическое образование, прикладная этика, практическая этика, моральная
философия, этические универсалии, этика для взрослых, зона ближайшего этико-морального
развития.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 906-912
~~~
УДК 331.5 (571.512)
The Areas of Compact Settlement of the Indigenous
and Small-numbered Peoples of the North
of Krasnoyarsk Krai: Setting the Objective
Irina A. Mezhova,
Tatiana A. Samylkina and Evgenia B. Bukharova*
Siberian Federal University
79 Svobodny, Krasnoyarsk, 660041 Russia
Received 23.01.2013, received in revised form 18.03.2013, accepted 04.06.2013
In the preset article the objective for the research on the problem of development of the adaptive
mechanism and creating models of employment of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the
North of Krasnoyarsk Krai is set. The research is based on the arrival of large industrial extracting
companies to the areas of compact settlement of the indigenous peoples of the North, which to
a certain extent deteriorates the conditions of sustainable social-economic development of the
region.
Keywords: the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North, adaptive mechanisms
of use of territories, models of development of labor markets, sustainable socio-economic
development.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
The Russian Federation is one of the few
countries where the indigenous small-numbered
peoples preserved their traditional life-style and
nature use in their classical meaning – the way
they were created by nature. It is mostly connected
with the social and economic policy, which
was conducted by the Government of Russia
according to the main principles, formulated
by M. M. Speransky in “The Regulations of
governing non-Russians (inorodsy)” as far back
as 1822 (Contseptsiya ustoichivogo razvitiya..,
2009).
*
In the period of the reforms in the economy
and social life in the 1990s, the conception of
“surmounting of centuries-old cultural and
economical backwardness of the peoples of
the North “, a strictly unified policy of state
paternalism, directed at the indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the North (the ISPN), which
lead to significant deterioration of conditions for
traditional nature use and standard of living of
these peoples, were discarded.
At the present time the objective is set to
provide a sustainable increase of the standard and
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: mezhova-irina@yandex.ru
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Irina A. Mezhova, Tatiana A. Samylkina… The Areas of Compact Settlement of the Indigenous and Small-numbered…
quality of living conditions of the population of
Siberia basing on the balanced socio-economical
system of innovative type, guaranteeing social
security, dynamic development of economy
and realization of strategic interests of Russia
in the world community (Strategia sotsial’noekonomitseskogo..,
2010).
Sustainable
development of small-numbered peoples of the
North presupposes strengthening of their social
and economic potential, preservation of traditional
environment, way of live and cultural values on
the basis of targeted support of the government
and mobilization of the inner resources of the
peoples themselves in the interests of the present
and future generations.
The problem of sustainable development of
the indigenous peoples is urgent for Krasnoyarsk
North because the areas of their compact
settlement are considerable. As registered by 1
January, 2010 such areas are:
▪ administrative territorial unit with special
status within the borders of Taimyrsky
(Dolgano-Nenetsky) Autonomous Okrug;
the whole territory;
▪ administrative territorial unit with
special status within the borders of Evenk
Autonomous Okrug; the whole territory;
▪ Yeniseysky District: Symsky village
council;
▪ Severo-Yeniseysky District: pos. Vel’mo,
under the jurisdiction of the administration
of the District;
▪ Turukhansky District (except the town
of Igarka, the settlement of urban type
Svetlogorsk and the settlement(posyolok)
Kureika).
Besides that in recent years the northern
territories of Krasnoyarsk Krai are becoming
the regions of large-scaled transformations both
in socio-economic sphere, connected with the
beginning of extracting of natural resources
in the region and the “arrival” of big resource
-extracting companies to the region; and in sociocultural sphere, causing transformations in the
conditions and way of life of the representatives
of indigenous small-numbered peoples.
Arrival of resource-extracting companies
to the territory of the traditional nature use of
the ISPN results in horizontal as well as vertical
inequality among the population of the regions
(Problemy traditsionnogo prirodopol’zovaniya..,
2000, pp 273-295). The indigenous peoples
are most vulnerable to the active attack of
technological civilization. Nowadays we can
witness the formation of preconditions for conflict
of interests of the indigenous population, on the
one hand, and resource – extracting companies,
on the other; the conflict between traditional
and industrial nature use; folk conceptions and
skills and pragmatic knowledge and approaches
to environment and natural resources. Russian
and foreign practice shows that legal and
everyday conflicts in this sphere lead to negative
consequences: destruction of environment,
unemployment, alcoholism, loss of traditional
values and languages by indigenous peoples,
insufficient level of development of education
and health care, low standards of living etc.
The differentiation of population by the level of
income (vertical inequality) gradually leads to
differentiation by the levels of income / formed
local budgets (horizontal inequality). Both kinds
of inequality can be harmful for the economy of
the region: high level of vertical inequality can
inhibit development, weakening those factors of
economic growth that help to reduce poverty, and
horizontal inequality can lead to severe conflicts.
Sharp changes in horizontal inequality are the
most dangerous (Ross, 2011, p. 274). In the North
the gap between those who work in shift teams
of the resource-extracting companies and local
residents is constantly increasing. Let alone the
fact, that the income, obtained in the territory,
such as wages, dividends and bonuses, is received
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Irina A. Mezhova, Tatiana A. Samylkina… The Areas of Compact Settlement of the Indigenous and Small-numbered…
by the budgets of some other levels and territories
in the form of taxes and is spent in some other
regions, forming the consumer demand of these
regions and leaving the insoluble ecological and
social problems to the North.
The distinctive trait of development of
Krasnoyarsk Krai in recent years is realization
of big investment projects: commercial oil
production on the Vankor field and YurubchenoTokhomskoe field development; construction
of the Boguchany Hydro-electric Power
Station, construction of Boguchany aluminium
plant as part of БЕМО-project (Boguchany
electro-metallurgical corporation), building of
Boguchany timber processing complex (TPC)
and other projects. The main territories of
realization of capital investment projects are
northern territories of the Krai, the areas of
compact settlement of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the North. On the one
hand, large investment projects are one of the
main directions of development of the economy
of the Krai, they reflect the economic interests of
the region, the federation and financial-industrial
groups, and they are carried out on the basis of
private-state partnership. On the other hand, the
realization of the investment projects affects
the interests of local communities, separate
local inhabitants, whose lifestyle is based upon
traditional occupations, traditional nature use. For
example, putting hydro- electric power stations
into operation would imply water flooding of
vast areas, which are either original areas of
settlement of the ISNP, or the lands of traditional
nature use of aboriginal peoples. Laying of
petrol- or gas pipes over the land surface in the
conditions of permafrost results in the change of
the migration paths of wild reindeer; emissions
of industrial giants, polluting water resources
and atmosphere, lead to abnormalities in the
development of animals, which are objects of
traditional occupation of indigenous peoples.
The standard of living of the population
of northern settlements is estimated as critical,
the absence of normal living conditions and
conditions for traditional occupations lead to
aggravation of social problems in the region.
In particular, the level of unemployment in the
region is two-three times higher than in the Krai.
Municipal budgets are subsidized, the ratio of
state subsidies is constantly growing, being 85 %
or more.
Despite the general decrease in the number
of population of the territories, there is increasing
in the number the ISPN living in rural areas and
their ratio in the total population of the regions.
Thus, the problem of social-economic and
social-cultural life of Krasnoyarsk North is a
misbalance between the necessity of industrial
development of the northern territories in the
interests of the country, the Krai, the region and
the necessity of long-term preservation of the
indigenous small-numbered people of the North,
living in these territories.
Hypothesis: at the present time there are
different variants of the process of interaction of
the indigenous peoples of the North, extracting
companies and the authorities. The forms of
establishing of contract relations depend on the
specifics of the northern territories where these
relations are built up (the North of the European
part of the RF, the North of Western Siberia,
Krasnoyarsk North etc). The mechanism of
regional policy of adaptive regulation of socioeconomic and legal relations of the subjects of
the northern territories of Krasnoyarsk Krai must
base upon providing of sustainable development
of the region (social, economic, ecological and
political).
The mechanism of adaptive regulation must
be based upon the principle of steady increase of
the living standard and the quality of life of the
population of the region, including indigenous
peoples.
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Table 1. The number of the ISPN by ethnic groups
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
Total number of population
Beginning of the year,
pers.
70069 69695 69632 69091 68177 67159 66027
The number of rural
population of the
indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the
North
According to the data of
households registry at the
beginning of the year;
pers.
13252 13442 13287 13341 13201 13214 13275
Numbers by ethnic groups:
Dolgans
pers.
5022
4870
4864
4691
4749
4861
Kets
pers.
1014
1038
997
993
987
990
Nanai
pers.
1
1
1
1
3
–
Nganasans
pers.
720
698
681
675
638
607
Nenets
pers.
2792
2810
2962
3051
3112
3174
Sami
pers.
1
1
3
–
–
–
Selkups
pers.
369
376
369
377
357
359
Tuvans-Todzhins
pers.
1
3
4
19
19
3
Shorians
pers.
5
5
6
6
6
7
Evenks
pers.
3391
3356
3323
3243
3195
3121
Evens
pers.
2
1
–
1
2
1
Enets
pers.
124
127
131
143
144
148
Eskimo
pers.
1
1
–
1
1
1
Birth rate
pers.
1081
1090
1017
978
1071
1047
1109
Death rate
pers.
784
736
818
757
741
763
798
Natural increase rate
pers.
297
354
199
221
330
284
311
Cit. by economic and social data of the areas of settlement of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North – 2010.
Copyright © the Federal service of state statistics. The Federal State Statistics Service.
The elements of the adaptive regulation are:
▪ increasing the employment of indigenous
small-numbered peoples of the North,
living in the areas of compact settlement
in Krasnoyarsk Krai;
▪ reducing the level of state subsidies in the
budgets of northern regions;
▪ involving the indigenous small-numbered
peoples of the North into innovative
activity based on processing of produce
of the traditional nature use;
▪ creating models of economic, cultural and
ecological development of the northern
settlements (posyolki) – areas of compact
settlement of the ISPN, allowing to
improve the quality of life of inhabitants
of these settlements.
The threats are connected with the clash of
interests of indigenous peoples, their communities
and industrial-extracting companies (on condition
that there is no merging of interests of the leaders
of the ISPN communities and the management of
companies). There are two main approaches to
resolving conflict situations.
The first. Improvement of legislation and
achieving free-willed preliminary deliberate
agreement of indigenous peoples, receiving
compensation by indigenous peoples, and fair
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Irina A. Mezhova, Tatiana A. Samylkina… The Areas of Compact Settlement of the Indigenous and Small-numbered…
distribution of income from the use of natural
resources.
The second. Moving indigenous population
from the areas of their traditional land use,
building houses in posyolki and towns for them,
paying compensations.
Thus, three principal innovation scenarios
of development of the northern region can be
formulated:
industrial-resource scenario, the main
operator of which is raw-material companies.
Processes of modernization and elimination
of the most acute social and infrastructural
imbalances have local character, innovation are
determined by computerization of industrial
processes. Indigenous peoples are not included
in the process of innovational development; they
are just an appendage to the process, surviving
by means of traditional nature use, on the one
hand, and also subsidies and donation-based
development budget, on the other;
scenario for new industrialization of
economy, the main operator of which is regional
authorities. “Raw material” development of the
Far North starts on the complex technological
base. Innovativeness is set by the demand for
the technologies, reducing production costs and
primary treatment of raw materials, increasing
effectiveness of work on developing of mineral
raw material base, promoting optimization of
sectoral and spacial structure of the region.
Indigenous peoples are included in the process
as workforce without taking into account their
interests and potential possibilities. In the
process of development of territories there occurs
“merging” of leaders of indigenous communities
with the authorities;
scenario of strategic choice, the main
operator of which can be the state. This scenario
presupposes that purposeful transforming
regions of the Far North into locomotive of
development of Russian economy by means of
modernizing and restructuring of raw material
sector by developing multifunctional settlements.
The demand for innovations in the framework of
this scenario will be set by introduction of strict
federal and regional technical and ecological
regulations of extraction and processing
carbohydrates, cardinal increase of the level of
processing of raw materials, optimization of the
expanses of living in the conditions of the Far
North with fundamental increase of the quality
of life and reducing of man-caused pressure on
the environment.
Methods of confirming/disconfirming of the
hypothesis (methodological basis):
1. Systemic approach, eliciting cause-andeffect connections;
2. Comparative analysis;
3. Analogue method (studying and
establishing possibilities of domestic and
foreign experience);
4. Morphological analysis;
5. Function-cost analysis;
6. Economic-mathematical modeling.
The constructive result, which the
researchers would like to achieve in the course of
the scientific research:
▪ content-analysis of the legal basis of
Krasnoyarsk Krai and other territories of
the RF – areas of compact settlement of
the indigenous small-numbered peoples
of the North, for the support of northern
ethnic groups;
▪ drafts of laws, necessary for realization of
the policy of social-economic support of
the indigenous small-numbered peoples
of the North of Krasnoyarsk Krai;
▪ evaluation of the current conditions and
standard of living of the indigenous
small-numbered peoples of the North of
Krasnoyarsk Krai;
▪ evaluation of the current state of socialeconomic conditions of municipal
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Irina A. Mezhova, Tatiana A. Samylkina… The Areas of Compact Settlement of the Indigenous and Small-numbered…
▪
▪
▪
▪
districts – areas of compact settlement of
the indigenous small-numbered peoples
of the North;
evaluation of the demographic situation
of the municipal districts-- areas of
compact settlement of the indigenous
small-numbered peoples of the North;
analysis of labor market of the
northern territories of Krasnoyarsk
Krai (accentuating employment of the
indigenous small-numbered peoples
of the North) in view of demographicс
processes , migration, realization of large
investment projects;
methodology for evaluation of conditions
and standard of living of the indigenous
small-numbered peoples on the example
of Krasnoyarsk Krai;
Model of financial mechanism of
granting budget subsidies to households
for partial compensation of the expenses
on realization of products of traditional
occupations of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the North of
Krasnoyarsk Krai;
▪ methodology for evaluation of efficiency
and productivity of regional policy of
adaptive regulation of social-economic
and legal relations of regional authorities
(municipalities), extracting companies
and the indigenous small-numbered
peoples of the North;
▪ quantity
estimation
of
current
ecological conditions of land ecosystems and their key components
(f lora, soils, fauna);
▪ quantity estimation of biological
resources and conditions of eco-systems
in the areas of compact settlement of
indigenous small-numbered peoples.
Thus, we intend to make a general complex
evaluation of the current condition of socialeconomic and ecological environment of the areas
of compact settlement of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the North; develop models
of employment depending on the area, socialeconomic possibilities etc. All this will allow to
form the regional conception of development of
the region, evaluate its effectiveness, adaptability
and productivity.
References
1.
2.
3.
4.
Contseptsiya ustoichivogo razvitiya korennykh malocholsennykh narodov Severa, Sibiri I Dal’nego
Vostoka Rossiyskoy Federatsii. [The conception of sustainable development of the indigenous small
numbered peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation] – ratified, adopted
by the decree of the Government of the Russian Federation from 4 February 2009. №132-p.
Problemy traditsionnogo prirodopol’zovaniya Sever, Sibir I Dal’ny Vostok Rossiyskoy Federatsii.
[Problems of traditional nature use: the North, Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation:
Legal aspects.] M., 2000. P190-212.
Ross M.L. Kak bogatye poleznye iskopaemye strany mogut cokratit’ neravenstvo.// Kak izbezhat’
resursnogo proclyatia.[How can rich mineral resources of the country reduce inequality.// How
to avoid resources curse.]/ edit. by M. Humphreys, D. Saxe and D. Stiegkitz; transl from Engl N.
Avtonomovoy, I. Fridman, edit.by E.Dobrushinskaya and A.Yu. Knobel. M.: Publ. Institute of
Gaidar, 2011.
Strategia sotsial’no-ekonomitseskogo rasvitiya Sibiri do 2020 g.[Strategies of social-economic
development of Siberia until the year 2020].-- ratified, adopted by the decree of the Government
of the Russian Federation from 5 July, 2010. № 1120-р.
# 911 #
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Irina A. Mezhova, Tatiana A. Samylkina… The Areas of Compact Settlement of the Indigenous and Small-numbered…
5.
Economitcheskie I sotsial’nye pokazateli raionov prozhivaniya korennykh malochislennykh
narodov Severa – 2010 g. [Economic and sociological data of the areas of settlement of the
indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North.] – 2010. Copyright © the Federal service of
state statistics. The Federal State Statistics Service.
Места компактного проживания
коренных и малочисленных
народов Севера Красноярского края
И.А. Межова,
Т.А. Смылкина, Е.Б. Бухарова
Сибирский федеральный университет
Россия 660041, Красноярск, Свободный, 79
В статье рассмотрена проблема развития адаптивного механизма и создания моделей
занятости коренных малочисленных народов Севера Красноярского края. Исследование
проведено в связи с приходом крупных промышленных добывающих компаний в места
компактного проживания коренных малочисленных народов Севера, которые в определенной
степени ухудшают условия устойчивого социально-экономического развития региона.
Ключевые слова: коренные малочисленные народы Севера, адаптивные механизмы
использования территорий, модели развития рынков труда, устойчивое социальноэкономическое развитие.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис»
Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 913-924
~~~
УДК 314.1 (571.511) + 314.1 (571.512)
The Current Social and Economic Data
on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples
of the North as of 2012
Semen Ya. Palchin*
Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights
in the Krasnoyarsk Territory
207 office, 122 Karl Marx Str.,
Krasnoyarsk, 660021 Russia
Received 14.01.2013, received in revised form 20.02.2013, accepted 17.05.2013
The present article is the first part of the material based on the Report of the Commissioner for the
Rights of the Indigenous Small-numbered Peoples in the Krasnoyarsk Territory (ombudsman) “On
the problems of realizing the constitutional rights and liberties of the indigenous small-numbered
peoples in the Krasnoyarsk Territory in 2012”. The article includes the current information about
the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North of the Krasnoyarsk Territory and general
analysis of the demographic data of the Krasnoyarsk Territory based on the data of the past three
censuses. The current information about the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North is
given separately for the three territorial units of the Territory, which are Taimyrsky, DolganoNenetsky and Evenkiysky municipal districts, as well as the Krasnoyarsk Territory, except for the
above-named districts.
Keywords: Indigenous peoples of the North, ethnos, the Representative by the laws of the indigenous
small people, constitutional laws, Taymyr, Evenkia, Turukhansky region.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
Protection of human rights is a certain, a very important, I would even
say, the most important, at least at this stage of the world history, element
of politics. It is a question of whether a man exists for the state or the state
exists for a man. It is an aspect of politics where it is decided what is more
important – civil rights or the authority, and what distinctively establishes
the priority of rights. Rights are outside politics, above politics.
Alexander V. Uss,
The Chairman of the Legislative Assembly
of the Krasnoyarsk Territory
*
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: palchin@ombudsmankk.krsn.ru
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Semen Ya. Palchin. The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North…
It is for good reason that the words of A.V.
Uss are used as the epigraph for this article about
realizing the constitutional rights and liberties
of the indigenous small-numbered peoples on
the Territory of Krasnoyarsk Krai for 2012. It
is an opportunity to once again remind all the
participants of the civil society and representatives
of the authorities about the priorities which are
established in the Krai and serve as a beacon for
regional ombudsmen.
For real ombudsmen people with their
problems, their pain and their hopes are of primary
importance; the desire to help them in restoration
of their rights is of primary importance, too. In
this occupation there is no place for the struggle
for power, but there is an aspiration to make
the power more human-oriented, more legal,
democratic and just.
To make the power closer, more responsive
to the needs of ordinary people is the aim of the
Commissioner for the Rights of the Indigenous
and Small-numbered Peoples in Krasnoyarsk
Krai, and of the whole system of the state and local
authorities, too. It is in this very context that the
following words of the Governor of Krasnoyarsk
Krai L.V. Kuznetsov should be understood:”the
rights and liberties of the citizen of Russia are
guaranteed by the highest Law–the Constitution.
However, for the norms of equality to work, all
of us will have to make a lot of effort. The right
to work, right to adequate housing and right to
medical care, right to good education and right
to healthy and adequate environment are not
easy to ensure. It is understood that at present
the state has not sufficient resources to solve all
problems at one go. However, even when there
is money and political decisions, they are often
the local anthologies, officials at different levels,
heads of enterprises, who cannot or do not want
to be more understanding, to work with people,
following not only the text of the Law, but also
its spirit.
They were local authorities of this kind who
the Commissioner had to encounter in 2012 while
defending the rights of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples.
Some authorities in the municipal districts
interpreted the report of the Commissioner for
2011 as criticism concerning them personally,
as an occasion to make an attempt to rehabilitate
themselves in the eyes of the highest authorities of
the Krai for their mistakes, shortcomings of their
work and their explicit unwillingness to realize
the legal rights and interests of the indigenous
small-numbered peoples of the North.
Thus, in the last decade of 2012, the deputies
of Taimyrsky regional Deputies’ Council adopted
the Appeal to the deputies of the Legislative
Assembly of Krasnoyarsk Krai with the demand
to review the Report of the Commissioner for the
Rights of the Indigenous and Small-numbered
Peoples in Krasnoyarsk Krai in order to form an
objective opinion, stated by the deputies of the
regional Council in the Appeal to the deputies of
the Legislative Assembly of Krasnoyarsk Krai.
The indignation of Tajmyr deputies is also
caused by the fact that most cases, mentioned in the
report, are “anonymous”, i.e. the Commissioner
does not disclose the information about the
applicants, does not state their full name, address
of residence and other personal details.
Henceforth, too, the Commissioner will not
disclose personal details of applicants in order to
ensure their security, protect them from possible
prosecution by the officials, and also in order to
prevent rumors, gossip and idle talks. In this case
the Commissioner relies on the Federal law №
59- ФЗ from 02.05.2006 “About the procedure of
processing applications of citizens in the Russian
Federation, namely article 6 “Guarantees of
security for a citizen in connection with his/her
application”.
1. It is forbidden to prosecute a citizen in
connection with his/her application to the state
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Semen Ya. Palchin. The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North…
institutions, local institutions or to an official
with critics of work of the above- mentioned
institutions or officials with the aim of either
restoring or asserting his/her rights, liberties
and legal interests or rights, liberties and legal
interests of other persons.
2. In the course of processing of the
application of a citizen, it is forbidden to disclose
the information contained in the appeal and also
personal details of the applicant, without his/
her agreement. Directing the application to the
state institution, local institution or an official
in whose competence it is to solve the problem
is not considered a disclosure of the information
contained in the application.
In the light of the incident, the Commissioner
advised Taimyr deputies, as well as all citizens
to raise their legal culture, not to prevent others
from asserting their rights and to assert their own
rights without fear, because it is the only way we
can build an effective constitutional state.
Over and over again do ombudsmen
remind the officials, the authorities about
the necessity to respect rights of citizens.
It is very often that we can hear optimistic
reports of big and smaller officials, and it is
also very often that while listening to these
reports we come to understanding that they
are made to create a serene picture, which
does not reflect real life. Both the officials and
ordinary people understand that things are far
from being perfect. One of the indisputable
rules of administration is to have an integral,
truthful picture of reality. It is far from being
ideal in the sphere of upholding the rights of
the indigenous small-numbered peoples of
the North. Is it worth getting hysterical or
aggressively defensive, or blaming others? Of
course, it is not. One must honestly work at the
problems: elicit the causes of problems, fi nd
acceptable variants of their solution, anticipate
the consequences of the decisions made. It is in
this way that the Commissioner carries out his
work, his annual reports being part of it.
The “Recommendations” sections of the
reports contain answers to some problematic
questions. Some of them entail financial
commitments of the Krai budget, but a considerable
part of problems can be solved solely by applying
administrative, management measures.
The deputies of the Legislative Assembly
of Krasnoyarsk Krai rely on this logic too
when they make decisions based on hearings of
annual reports. The Government of Krasnoyarsk
Krai adequately perceives criticism and
recommendations and does its best to implement
them.
This positive experience aroused interest in
other regions of the Russian Federation, in which
there also live the indigenous small-numbered
peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East.
At the visiting session of the Coordination
Council of Russian national public organization
“Russian Association of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the North, Siberia and the
Far East” which took place in October 2012 on
Kamchatka, a deputy of the Legislative Assembly
of Krasnoyarsk Krai V.H. Vengo gave a detailed
talk on the experience of Krasnoyarsk Krai.
The participants of the visiting session highly
estimated the work of the Commissioner for the
Rights of the Indigenous and Small-numbered
peoples in Krasnoyarsk Krai and informed the
Governer of Krasnoyarsk Krai L.V. Kuznetsov
about that.
The Commissioner expresses his gratitude
to this organization for publicizing his annual
reports through its own Internet resource
www.raipon.info, and also for advocating and
effectively protecting the rights of the indigenous
small-numbered peoples of the North, Siberia
and the Far East at the federal and international
levels. It is thanks to this organization that
the reports become accessible and popular.
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Semen Ya. Palchin. The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North…
The materials of the reports are read not only
by citizens but also by different expert groups
and even by planning institutes in the course
of developing environmental impact analysis
(EIA) for industrial companies planning their
activity in the areas of traditional residence and
traditional occupations of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the North of Krasnoyarsk
Krai.
The previous reports of the Commissioner
were addressed to the Governer of Krasnoyarsk
Krai, the deputies of the Legislative Assembly of
Krasnoyarsk Krai, members of the Government of
Krasnoyarsk Krai, Krasnoyarsk territorial Court,
the Office of Public Prosecutor of Krasnoyarsk
Krai, the municipal authorities, to the general
public. The Report “About the problems of
realization of constitutional rights and liberties
of the indigenous and small-numbered peoples on
the territory of Krasnoyarsk Krai in 2012” was no
exception.
The Report was also sent to the
Commissioner for Human Rights in the Russian
Federation, the Plenipotentiary of the President
of the Russian Federation in Siberian Federal
Okrug, the Committee for National Issues of
the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of
the Russian Federation, the Committee for the
North and Small-numbered Peoples’ Affairs of
the Federation Council of Russia of the Federal
Assembly of the Russian Federation.
The legal basis of the Report is article
22 of the Law of Krasnoyarsk Krai “About the
Commissioner for Human Rights in Krasnoyarsk
Krai.”
The Reports regards the recommendations
of the treaty-based and specialized bodies of
the UNO, other international institutions and
organizations, and also current international laws
and regulations concerning rights of indigenous
peoples.
The Report will be accessible in the State
Universal Scientific Library of Krasnoyarsk Krai,
in libraries of municipal districts, and also on the
official Website of the Commissioner for Human
Rights in Krasnoyarsk Krai.
The сurrent information about
the indigenous small-numbered peoples
of the North of Krasnoyarsk Krai
In the first decade of 2012 the territorial
institution of Russian Federal State Statistics
Service in Krasnoyarsk Krai summed up the
results of the Russian Census of 2010. This
information can be found on the official Website
of the institution www.krasstat.gks.ru.
Table 1. Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky municipal district
Ethnic
group
Dolgans
Nganasans
Nenets
Total
Result
2002
2010
5 517
5 393
766
747
3 054
Urban
population
2002
2010
–124
786
1 068
–19
111
212
3 494
+440
390
–
0
Result
Rural
population
Result
2002
2010
+282
4 731
4 325
–406
+101
655
535
–120
531
+141
2 664
2 963
+299
17
–
0
2
Kets
–
19
Selkups
–
9
–
0
9
–
0
0
–
88
88
–
178
178
–9
Evenks
305
266
–39
Enets
197
204
+7
24
40
+16
173
164
Total
9 839
10 132
265
1 311
1 965
628
8 223
8 167
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Table 2. Evenkiysky municipal districts
Ethnic
group
Dolgans
Total
Result
Urban
population
Result
Rural population
2002
2010
2002
2010
2002
2010
–
48
–
41
–
7
Nganasans
–
6
–
2
–
4
Nenets
–
8
–
5
–
3
Kets
–
207
–
16
–
191
–
0
–
0
1 097
945
2 723
2 638
1 097
1 009
2 723
2 843
Selkups
–
1
Evenks
3 802
3 583
Total
3 802
3 853
–219
–152
Result
–85
Table 3. Krasnoyarsk Krai (except Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky and Evenkiysky municipal districts)
Ethnic
group
Dolgans
Total
Result
2002
2010
288
369
+81
Urban
population
Result
2002
2010
252
343
+91
Rural
population
2002
2010
36
26
Result
–10
Nganasans
45
54
+9
36
49
+13
9
5
–4
Nenets
134
131
–3
104
121
+17
30
10
–20
Kets
1 189*
731
–458
199
150
–49
990
581
–409
Selkups
412**
271
–141
58
60
–2
354
211
–143
Chulyms
159
145
–14
11
8
+3
148
137
–11
Evenks
830
523
–307
359
312
–47
471
211
–260
+1
15
13
–2
1
4
+3
1 034
1 056
2 039
1 185
Enets
16
17
Total
3 073
2 241
Notes. * Perhaps, according to the data of the Russian Census of 2002, the number of the Kets is given including Taimyrsky
and Evenkiysky АО.
** Perhaps, according to the data of the Russian Census of 2002, the number of the Selkups is given including Taimyrsky and
Evenkiysky АО.
Table 3. Total numbers in Krasnoyarsk Krai
Ethnic
group
Dolgans
Nganasans
Nenets
Kets
Selkups
Chulyms
Evenks
Enets
Total
Total
2002
5 805
811
3 188
1 189
412
159
4 632
213
16 409
2010
5 810
807
3 633
957
281
145
4 372
221
16 226
Result
+5
–4
+445
–232
–131
–14
–260
+8
Urban
population
2002
2010
1 038
1 452
147
263
494
657
199
183
58
70
11
8
1 438
1 345
39
53
3 424
4 031
Result
+414
+116
+163
–16
+12
–3
–93
+14
Rural
population
2002
2010
4 767
4 358
664
544
2 694
2 976
990
774
354
211
148
137
3 194
3 027
174
168
12 985
12 195
Result
–409
–120
+282
–216
–143
–11
–167
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Taking into consideration the special status
of Taimyr and Evenkya, the data are distributed
into the following sections: Taimyrsky DolganoNenetsky and Evenkiysky municipal districts.
Thus, it is possible to compare the data of the
Russian Census of 2002 and the Russian Census
of 2010 in these districts.
The general analysis
of the social-economic situation
on the basis of the demographic data
for Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky
municipal district
According to the data of the Russian Census
of 2010, on Taimyr the total number of the
indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North
is 10,132 people, including 19 Kets and 9 Selkups.
The number of the indigenous peoples of Taimyr
(those who have traditionally lived here: the
Dolgans, the Nganasans, the Nenets, the Evenks,
the Enets) is 10, 104 people.
In comparison to the data of the Russian
Census of 2002, a considerable positive dynamics
can be seen among the Nenets. There is an
explanation for this. The Nenets are reindeerbreeders. As it was repeatedly stressed by the
Commissioner, reindeer breeding is an ethnopreserving branch of the national economy, and
since 2003-2004 it has been on the rise. Since 2003
the numbers of reindeer have practically doubled.
Although the rate of increase in the numbers of
reindeer has slowed down in recent time, the
dynamics is still positive. Increase in the number
of the Nenets more than by 14 % is explained by
a relative prosperity of reindeer-breeding. 85 %
of the total number of the Nenets lives in rural
areas. There exists some migration of the Nenets
to Dudinka, but it is not mass migration as with
the Nganasans and the Dolgans.
The Nganasans have traditionally lived
in the settlement of Volochanka, in Ust’-Avam
of the settlement of urban type Dudinka and in
the settlement of Novaya of the rural settlement
Khatanga. This ethnic group has always been
characterized by a small number of people but
negative dynamics denotes a change for the
worse in the social-economic conditions of the
Nganasans. It is connected with the problems
in traditional occupations and trades. The
reindeer breeding was lost in the 1980s. Professor
K.B. Klokov considers that the reason for the
decline of the reindeer breeding was a change of
specialization of the gospromkhoz “Taimyrskiy”
and the sovkhoz “Volochansky”, which started
the shooting of wild reindeer for the needs of
Noril’sk industrial region. The economic effect of
the shooting lead to change of priorities, which
resulted in insufficient financing of reindeer
breeding and its disappearing. But the decline of
reindeer-breeding took place 25 years ago and is of
secondary influence on the current demographic
processes. The most influential factor is hunting
and fishing. Here, too, the Nganasans have
problems, which the Commissioner repeatedly
talked about at different public events (meetings,
conferences) and wrote about in his annual reports.
These problems are the result of the drawbacks in
the policy of the governing institutions of Taimyr.
These are the mistakes which were systematically
pointed out by public figures and the specialists
of the Scientific Research Institute of agriculture
of the Far North, and also by the Commissioner.
It is still worth repeating: the problem is in the
inaccessibility of fishing and hunting areas for
traditional occupations and lifestyle. For example,
near the posyolok of Ust’-Avam practically all
lands suitable for hunting and fishing have been
given to LLC “PH Pyasino”, where there is only a
handful of indigenous people.
The conclusions of the Commissioner about
unsatisfactory social- economic conditions of
indigenous peoples are supported by the opinions
of the local population and municipal employees.
At the session of the Public Council under the
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jurisdiction of the Head of Taimyrsky DolganoNenetsky municipal district, which took place
on 27 October, 2012, a speech was made by a
local of Volochanka, G.A. Grigorieva. She told
how the posyolok is degrading, that suicides are
committed every year, young people and adults
ruin themselves by drinking, the houses are
falling to pieces, there are no perspectives for
life in the posyolok. This is clearly proved by
statistical data. Rural population literally flees to
Dudinka from social problems, unemployment
and poverty.
The courageous, frank, principled speech
of G.A. Grigorieva might result in negative
attitude of the powers that be. That is why the
Commissioner publicly declares that he takes the
well-being of this woman under his control and
in case she is pressurized, the Commissioner will
use all legal instruments to protect her.
A lot of people spoke at this session:
representatives of education, healthcare, culture,
Ministry of Internal Affairs and general public;
they spoke about the problems of alcoholism,
the state of decrepitude and disrepair and lack of
housing; about the shortage of qualified specialists.
These problems are so evident that they are
impossible to ignore. Under these circumstances,
the above mentioned statement of Taimyr deputies
that the Report of the Commissioner was biased
looks at the very least strange.
Looking through the statistical data of the
Dolgans, the decrease by 124 people arrests your
attention. The total number of the Dolgans in
the country during 2002-2010 rose from 7,261
to 7,885. The increase is 8.6 %. The data on the
Dolgans in the Sakha (Yakutia) Republic look
interesting. The number of the Dolgans there
increased by more than 50 % from 2002 to 2010.
One cannot but wonder what this demographic
boom could have been cause by. The answer is
simple–the migration of the Dolgans from Taimyr
to the Sakha (Yakutia) Republic.
The reason for the migration is a disastrous
state of the Dolgans on Taimyr and in particular,
in the settlement of rural type Khatanga where
prices for products are stunning. For example, in
the posyolok of Novorybnaya the price of 1 liter
of juice reaches 300 rubles, sugar in exchange for
fish costs 200 rubles a kilo, the price of a pot of
yogurt is 90 rubles. Fresh fruit and vegetables are
a gastronomic rarity.
One of the reasons is that in the winter of
2011-2012 the price of petrol reached 175 rubles
per litre. The winter supply of petrol, oil and
lubricants (GSM) was disrupted. Although the
administration of Taimyr reported that it applied
considerable effort to deliver petrol by cars by
winter roads (temporary roads carved in snow
and ice), a system mistake is obvious. But no
one was found guilty of the disruption of petrol
supply. The guilt rested with the locals of the
rural settlement of Khatanga, who sometimes
could not even go hunting or fishing.
During 2012 the public representative of
the Commissioner, S.S. Chuprin, was repeatedly
addressed by the residents of the Northern
settlements of the rural settlement of Khatanga
–Popigay, Syndassko, Novorybnaya, who asked
how they can separate from Taimyr and join
Anabarskiy districts of the Sakha (Yakutia)
Republic. This signal should not just alert local
authorities, but also make them actively improve
social-economic conditions of people.
The demographic situation should be
supplemented by data on suicides for 2009-2011.
The total number of people who committed
suicides is 124; 54 of whom are representatives
of indigenous peoples. It is 45 % from the
total number of suicides, although the ratio of
indigenous peoples to non-indigenous is 30 %.
Suicides are mainly committed by the indigenous
peoples of Taimyr, who moved to the town. It
is connected with the difficulties of adaptation,
loss of traditional values, meaning of life. For
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example, in the rural settlement Karaul, 12
Nenets committed suicide because of these
reasons is. (The total number of people living in
rural settlements is 2,963). 16 people committed
suicide in the town, while the total number of
the Nenets in Dudinka, according to the Russian
Census of 2010, is 531.
There is an opposite tendency with the
Dolgans. The number of people living in rural
settlements is 4,325 people; the number of
suicides for 2009-2011 is prevalent in rural areas.
In the rural settlement of Khatanga there were 13
people who committed suicide; while in the urban
settlement of Dudinka, including settlements,
--15. It bespeaks of the unsatisfactory socialeconomic conditions of the Dolgans living in
rural areas. This very fact was pointed out by
G.A. Grigorieva from Volochanka, where the
Nganasans and the Dolgans live.
Among the Nenets and the Dolgans suicides
are predominantly committed by males under
30. Suicides are often committed by children.
So, in February 2012 in the rural settlement
of Khatanga suicide was committed by a boy
born in 1997. Notably, the characteristics of
the family from the special report of the Chief
Internal Affairs Directorate stated: “Full family,
parents: mother…born in 1976, resident of the
settlement….unemployed, father….born in 1969,
employed as hunter-fisherman…”. The boy was
15 when he committed suicide. What perspectives
awaited the boy if his mother is unemployed, his
father is a bread-winner, but his income is lower
than minimum subsistence level?
These are not just words, they are evidenced
by the report of the administration of Taimyrsky
Dolgano-Nenetsky municipal district for nine
months of 2012. In the table “Standard of
living of population” in the column “Average
monthly wage of a worker” in agriculture,
hunting, fishing, forestry is 9,064 rubles.
The minimum subsistence level in the rural
settlement of Khatanga, according to the decree
of the Government of Krasnoyarsk Krai from 16
October 2012 № 540-П, is 14,608 rubles. It should
be noted that income of professional hunters
and fishermen in Khatanga is much lower than
income of their colleagues in the rural settlement
of Karaul and the urban settlement of Dudinka.
The reasons for this are the peculiarities of the
preservation methods of produce of hunting
and fishing, low purchase prices, unreasonably
expensive petrol, complicated transportation
scheme.
The authorities of Taimyr can parry in
their characteristic manner that things are not
so bad on Taimyr, the average wage of workers
on Taimyr is 44, 758 rubles. But their arguments
are in line with the Russian proverb: “A man with
a full belly thinks no one is hungry”; moreover,
according to their own report for nine months of
2012, an average monthly income of municipal
officials, municipal employees, paid from district
budget, is 75, 080 rubles.
The description of the demographic situation
can be completed with the data on the birth rate
of indigenous peoples for the last three years. The
data were collected mainly from the maternity
hospitals on Taimyr–Dudunka and Khatanga
maternity hospitals. They reflect the general
situation with the birth rate. 464 babies were
born in Dudinka maternity hospital in 2010, 208
of whom are babies of indigenous peoples (45 %
of new-born). In 2011–467 babies were born –233
of whom are indigenous (50 % of new-born). For
eleven months of 2012-- 386 babies were born,
184 of whom are the indigenous small-numbered
peoples of Taimyr (47.7 % of new-born).
In Khatanga maternity hospital 90 babies
were born in 2010, 66 of whom are indigenous
(66 % of new-born. 72 babies were born in 2011,
54 of whom are in indigenous (75 % of newborn). 76 babies were born in 2012, 57 of whom
are indigenous (75 % of new-born).
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Thus, 50 % of the total number of the babies
born is the indigenous small-numbered peoples
of Taimyr. Indigenous people account for no
more than 30 % of the population of Taimyr. It is
a reflection of the fact that birth rate of the local
indigenous population is still high. Against this
background the negative figures in the Russian
Census of 2010 look disastrous.
It is with great regret that the Commissioner
states the fact that the administration of
Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky municipal district
is not trying to change the situation with the
project of the scheme of territorial planning until
the year 2030. In this matter the Commissioner
finds support in the Ministry of Economy and
Regional Development of Krasnoyarsk Krai,
which considers the proposed approach to
transformation of the system of settlement to be
wrong in essence. This approach presupposes
decrease in the number of inhabitants in all
settlements. The concentration of indigenous
population in Dudinka with the simultaneous
decrease in its numbers in other settlements. The
proposed decrease in numbers of inhabitants
in all settlements does not take into account
perspectives of economic development of the
district.
General analysis of the social-economic
situation on the basis
f demographic data for Evenkiysky
municipal district
According to the statistical data of the
Russian Census of 2010, the number of the Evenks
in Evenkiysky municipal district decreased by
219 people. The decrease is almost 6 %.
Perhaps, one of the reasons for this is
migration to other regions of the country, but the
Commissioner considers that the main reason
for the decrease is unfavourable conditions of
living of this small-numbered ethnic group in its
historical territory.
This conclusion is based on the collective
petitions of public figures, sent to different state
institutions. In one of them, addressed to the
Governor of Krasnoyarsk Krai, L.V. Kuznetsov,
it is directly stated: “During the seven years
following the Referendum about the union
of Taimyrsky (Dolgano-Nenetsky) municipal
district and Krasnoyarsk Krai, in Evenkiysky
municipal district there appeared and
aggravated a number of socio-economical and
political problems, connected with ensuring and
realizing the rights of the indigenous peoples of
the North, namely: there is the biggest number
of unemployed, some of whom are not registered,
low or no income, low life expectancy and high
death rate among the indigenous peoples of
the North, and also absence of living standard
and developed infrastructure in the areas of
traditional settlement of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the North.”
Public figures, even without being acquainted
with the statistical data, noted the deterioration of
social-economic conditions of their fellow district
men, which was the reason for their petition to the
Governor.
The leaders of public associations point to
inaction of authorities, non fulfillment of delegated
state powers for ensuring and realizing the rights
of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the
North in accordance with the current laws by the
officials of the state institutions of Krasnouarsk
Krai and local authorities.
In its report from 14 September, 2012, on
the results of the control audit of Evenkiysky
municipal district, The Auditing Chamber of
Krasnoyarsk Krai made the following conclusion:
“normative legal regulation of delegated state
powers has a number of fundamental drawbacks
and is in need of follow-up revision.” The auditors
of the Auditing Chamber of Krasnoyarsk Krai
also paid their attention to absence of the system
of quality evaluation of state powers executing
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and multiple breaches of duty, discovered in
the audit, which are indicative of inefficient
realization of state powers by the local authorities
of Evenkiysky municipal district.
Similar conclusions were made by the
auditors in Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky
municipal district: “Integrated institutions,
responsible for realization of delegated powers
were not identified, which result in the absence
of general analysis, estimation of efficiency and
control for the realized state powers.”
Behind these terse lines there are lives of
people of Evenkia, their unsolved problems,
which result in premature death and migration
to more prosperous regions of the country. It
is proved by the existing tendency of decrease
of able-bodied population. For 2008-2010 the
number of people of working age decreased by
748 people, with the total decrease of number of
the resident population decreasing by 472 people.
The number of pensioners rose by 24.6 %.
The general decrease of the population of
Evenkia is 8.2 %, decrease in the number of the
indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North
(the Evenks, the Kets, the Dolgans, the Nenets, the
Nganasans) in this municipal district is 3.1 %.
Positive dynamics of the citizens, whose
income is lower than minimal subsistence rate, is
indicative of the problems of the territory. From
2009 to 2011 the number of such people increased
from 1,283 to 4,668 people.
General analysis of the social-economic
situation on the basis of demographic data
for Krasnoyarsk Krai except
Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky
and Evenkiysky municipal districts
The demographic situation in the Krai except
Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky and Evenkiysky
municipal districts is the following. Three
indigenous peoples from eight have positive
demographic tendency. The number of the Dolgans
rose from 288 people in 2002 to 369 people. On
Taimyr there is negative dynamics for this ethnic
group, but in the rest of the Krai the dynamics is
positive. The Commissioner connects the increase
by 81 people with migration in Noril’sk industrial
district, which is administratively not part of
Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky municipal district.
It is confirmed by the information, shared with
the Commissioner by the citizens who left for
permanence residence to Noril’sk and its satellite
towns–Talnakh, Kajerkan, Oganer. This fact is
borne out by the elders of Noril’sk, for example,
E.S. Bettu. According to her words, there are
dozens of families who moved for permanent
residence to Noril’sk industrial district from
settlements of the rural settlement Khatanga.
The indigenous peoples of Taimyr, who settled
in the new place, try to preserve their culture,
language, they cannot do without hunting and
fishing–traditional occupations of indigenous
peoples, they also cannot do without traditional
food–reindeer meat, local fish. This need is
determined by constitutional peculiarities of the
northern people. The second reason, as seen by
the Commissioner, is the increase in the number
of students, who study in institutions of higher
and vocational education in Krasnoyarsk.
The number of the Ngasans increased
insignificantly (by 9 people) and the Enets (for 1
person). The increase is connected with the above
mentioned reasons.
The last census registered the decrease
in the number of the Selkups by 141 people,
a considerable reduction in the number of the
Kets–by 458 people, the Chulyms–by 14 people,
there is considerable negative dynamics for the
Evenks–307 people.
Considerate demographic losses demand
profound scientific substantiation, painstaking
analysis of social-economic conditions of the
named peoples and elaboration of measures for
their support and development.
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The Census of 2010 registered reduction
in the number of indigenous small-numbered
peoples in rural areas practically for all ethnic
groups. It suggests that rural conditions are no
longer attractive for indigenous small-numbered
peoples, that social infrastructure of rural areas
needs modernizing. This conclusion of the
Commissioner is the same as the conclusions
made by the deputies of the Legislative Assembly
of Krasnoyarsk Krai and proposals of the
Government of Krasnoyarsk Krai for development
and adopting of conception of sustainable
development of rural areas of Krasnoyarsk Krai.
The fact of increasing migration of
indigenous small-numbered peoples to urban
areas creates new problems and sets new tasks.
The Commissioner considers that the Agency for
Affairs of the North of Krasnoyarsk Krai should
develop and propose to the authorities of the Krai
and general public the package of measures for
adaptation of aborigines of the North to urban
conditions. It is no secret that people who move to
towns have low level of education, no professions,
no permanent home, and no jobs. A lot of them
do not even have temporary registration, which is
the reason for infringement of their social rights.
Detachment from customary way of life and
environment and social uprooting leads to loss of
life orientation and results in antisocial lifestyle,
crimes and suicides.
According to Taimyr police, the proportion
of “drunken crimes” is 53.5 % from the total
number of crimes, which is much higher than that
of the previous year and average Krai figures.
A considerable number of these crimes are
committed by the indigenous small-numbered
peoples of the North. The similar situation can be
observed in other regions of the Krai.
General analysis of demographic data
for Krasnoyarsk Krai on the data
of the censuses of 1989, 2002, 2010
* In the census of 1989 the Chulyms were
written to the Khakas.
The total number of indigenous smallnumbered peoples in Krasnoyarsk Krai in 1989
(without the Chulyms) was 14,907 people. By
2002 their number rose to 16,409 people. But by
2010 the number of indigenous small-numbered
peoples declined to 16, 226 people.
The general analysis of the social-economic
conditions of indigenous small-numbered
peoples in Krasnoyarsk Krai , based on the
demographic data of the Russian Census of
2002 and the Russian Census of 2010 impels
the Commissioner to appeal to the authorities of
Krasnoyarsk Krai with the recommendation to
make a complex review of the national policy
concerning the indigenous small-numbered
peoples of the North; to use the experience of
such northern regions as the Sakha (Yakutia)
Republic, Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug,
Nenets Autonomous Okrug, Khanty-Mansi
Autonomous Okrug; to create the conditions for
their effective social-economic development;
to help small-numbered peoples in establishing
good-neighbourly relations with industrial
companies, working on their territories; to
encourage fair distribution of profit from
activity of this industrial companies with due
consideration for the interests of indigenous
small -numbered peoples.
It is worth noting that among the reasons
for the decline in the number of indigenous small
-numbered peoples in Evenkia and on Taimyr
is the unrealized special status of the former
Autonomous Okrugs.
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Semen Ya. Palchin. The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North…
Нынешние социальные и экономические данные
о коренных малочисленных
народах Севера с 2012 года
С.Я. Пальчин
Аппарат Уполномоченного по правам человека
в Красноярском крае
Россия 660021, Красноярск, ул. Карла Маркса, 122, каб. 207
Настоящая статья является первой частью материала на основе Доклада Уполномоченного
по правам коренных малочисленных народов в Красноярском крае (омбудсмена) «О
проблемах реализации конституционных прав и свобод коренных малочисленных народов
в Красноярском крае в 2012 году ». Статья содержит актуальную информацию о коренных
малочисленных народах Севера Красноярского края и общий анализ демографических данных
Красноярского края на основе данных последних трех переписей. Текущая информация о
коренных малочисленных народах Севера дается отдельно для трех территориальных
единиц: Таймырского, Долгано-Ненецкого и Эвенкийского муниципальных районов, а также в
Красноярском крае, за исключением вышеназванных районов.
Ключевые слова: коренные малочисленные народы Севера, этнос, Уполномоченный по правам
коренных малочисленных народов, конституционные права, Таймыр, Эвенкия, Туруханский
район.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
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Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 925-939
~~~
УДК 392 (571.512)
Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects
of the Traditional Way of Life of the Indigenous
and Small-Numbered Peoples of the North, Living
in the Settlements (Posyolki)
of Turukhansk and Farkovo
Kseniya V. Reznikova*
Siberian Federal University
79 Svobodny, Krasnoyarsk, 660041 Russia
Received 18.11.2012, received in revised form 16.12.2012, accepted 18.02.2013
In July, 2010 the field research was conducted on the territory of Turukhansk district of Krasnoyarsk
Krai by the postgraduate and undergraduate students of Siberian Federal University within the
framework of realization of the project “Krasnoyarsk Krai as multicultural space, native land of the
indigenous and small-numbered peoples of the North” and “Culture of the indigenous and smallnumbered peoples of the North under conditions of global transformations”. The aim of the field
research was to collect the material on the traditional culture of the indigenous small numbered
peoples, living in settlements Turukhansk and Farkovo, in particular – the Selkups, the Kets and
the Evenks. The tasks of the research included studying the peculiarities of modern conditions of
housekeeping, material and spiritual culture, customs and ceremonies. The following methods were
used: interrogations, observations, interviews, photographic fixation of material things, architecture,
and photographs from family archives.
Keywords: Turukhansky region, Indigenous peoples of the North, Evenks, Selkups, Kets, global
transformations.
The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional
Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course
schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the
Russian Federation.
In the process of research two facts attracted
the researchers’ attention. Firstly, different
aspects of traditional way of life of the ISPN have
different degrees of resistance to transformations.
For example, traditional cuisine is preserved best
of all, at the same time traditional clothes are
practically not used in everyday life. Secondly,
*
living in comparatively better conditions, most
of the inhabitants of Turukhansk are ready to
leave for another place of residence with more
comfortable conditions of life. The inhabitants
of Farkovo, on the contrary, do not want to leave
their traditional place of living. In this connection,
the present article consists of the two main parts:
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
Corresponding author E-mail address: axu-ta@mail.ru
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Kseniya V. Reznikova. Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life…
the first part is the study of the components of the
way of life of the indigenous and small-numbered
peoples, estimation of susceptibility to change;
the second part is a brief comparison of conditions
of life in in settlements Turukhansk and Farkovo,
on the basis of which an attempt is made to
explain the reasons for the attitudes, dominating
among the inhabitants of the settlements: why the
inhabitants of Turukhansk are ready to leave their
place of residence, while the residents of Farkovo
do not want to leave their settlement.
The degree of susceptibility to change
of separate components
of the traditional way of life
of the indigenous and small-numbered
peoples of the North, living
in settlements Turukhansk and Farkovo
Studying separate components of traditional
way of life of peoples, on the basis of research
conducted
in
Khanty-Mansiysk
region,
A.P. Zen’ko comes to a conclusion that language
and culture are lost most of all, while traditional
occupations, such as fishing, hunting etc. are
very popular. V.P. Krivonogov noted in his works
that national cuisine is the best preserved layer
of indigenous culture. The research conducted
in summer 2010 confirmed this fact. While few
of the questioned representatives of the ISPN
expressed their interest to national folklore,
traditions and clothes, almost all of them could
name one or more dishes of traditional cuisine,
most of the informants shared recipes.
National cuisine
Among the most often cooked dishes of the
Kets the following were named: fish on stick,
fish soup, slices of frozen fish or meat, fish pie
(“isanyan’”: “is’”-fish, “njan’” bread), “ug” (meat
broth) and “sugudaj”. The most popular, though,
are fish dishes, especially after reindeer-breeding
ceased to be one of the most important trades of
the Kets. That is why the Kets speak more about
fish dishes than about meat dishes. Among the
most wide-spread national dishes the Selkups
name Sulkup bread, sun-cured Pacific salmon
(jukola), horn and original sweets. The Selkup
bread was made in hot sand, which was dug
up, a round cake was put into the sand and then
covered by sand. Originally, the dough was made
of flour and water, sometimes salt was added,
because it was difficult to get. In spring pike or
ide caviar was added to the dough to make it more
nourishing. When the stores of flour ran out, the
Selkups took minced fish, which was always at
hand, floured an even surface, put a flat cake from
minced fish on it and left it for some time till the
minced fish absorbed the flour, then turned the
cake upside down and repeated the procedure.
After that the cake was also roasted in hot sand, so
they got fish-flour bread. When a lot of imported
products appeared in the shops, the ingredients
for the dough for the Selkup bread changed, so,
nowadays, besides water and flour, salt and soda
are the obligatory components of the bread.
Among fish dishes horn and jukola are still
the most popular popular among the Selkups, it
is also customary to roast fish on stick. Jukola is
dried fish. Originally it was prepared without salt,
because there was a shortage of salt. Nowadays,
when the Selkups dry jukola, they use salt. Jukola
was eaten on its own and was also used as an
ingredient for other products. Well-dried jukola
was ground into flour, which was mixed with jam
or powdered sugar to make sweets. When there
was a deficit of sugar, to preserve berries, picked
in the forest, such as cloudberry, blueberry,
blackberry, the Selkups put them into vessels and
covered them with animal fat, most often with
reindeer fat, thus, conserving the berries. Being
conserved in this way the berries preserved their
original freshness, but some Selkups complained
that it was impossible to remove all the fat and
it was unpleasant to eat berries with frozen fat.
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According to the questioned Selkups, their
previous name was “ostjaki-samoedy”, in fact,
it should have sounded as “syroedy”, because
they ate products which were not cooked, for
example jukola, sliced frozen fish or meat, berries
conserved in oil.
In general, a good degree of preservation
of ethnic cuisine can be observed, manifesting
itself in 100% knowledge by adult population
of traditional recipes and ways of cooking of
traditional dishes. But it should be noted that
traditional cuisine underwent some changes,
such as changes in recipes, for example, Selkup
bread has now salt and soda, which simplify the
process of cooking and improve the taste, salt is
also added in the process of preparing jukola.
Folk-medicine
Folk medicine is preserved somewhat
worse than national cuisine, but it still is used.
Nowadays, mostly herbal treatment is used:
people gather medicinal herbs and either make
herbal potion (nastoyka) or brew them. The Kets
say that if you have a cold you need to brew marsh
cinquefoil and drink it with tea; stomach deceases
are cured by brewed tansy. To cure a furuncle the
Kets took brimstone or soft resin from a tree, put
it in the boil and covered with a birch tree leaf.
A potion from nettle and plantain is used to cure
a headache, dandelion juice – to cure mosquito
bites, birch tree shelf fungus –for strengthening
of health and as diuretic etc.
Both the Kets and the Selkups used
components of animal-origin as medicine. So,
according to the Kets, if you have a stomach ache,
you need to take a stomach of a wood-grouse,
take away the film, dry it, then brew and drink.
The Selkups used bile, in particular, bear bile, as
medicine. One of the strongest and most effective
medicines of vegetable origin is maromchanka
(aconite). According to a representative of the
ISPN, it helped to cure all diseases, the main
thing was to know the dosage, because it is very
poisonous. This plant was used as a powerful
drug, shamans also used it.
The preservation of folk medicine can be
explained by the fact that public health care is
not developed very well because of transport
inaccessibility. So, the local population has to use
traditional medicines, but if there is possibility
to avoid the most doubtful and dangerous (for
example, maromchanka, the dosage of which
is extremely difficult to calculate) of traditional
medicines, they are replaced by manufactured
medicines. The trust of local people to traditional
medicines is based on their attitude to nature,
which is expressed by a formula: “If you are
honest with nature, it is honest with you too”, that
is why vegetable and animal medicines, but not
manufactured ones, are most trusted.
Traditional occupations
The traditional occupations of the ISPN,
living in Turukhansk and Farkovo, in particular
of the Selkups, the Kets and the Evenks, are
hunting, fishing and reindeer breeding. While the
first two are well developed nowadays, reindeer
breeding ceased to exist in the named settlements
several decades ago – in the 1960-1970s when the
last reindeer were killed. The Kets said that they
mainly hunt fur-bearing animals and sell their
skins in Turukhansk, but the prices, that second
hand dealers offer, are so low, that they have to
live from hand to mouth. They “do not live, they
survive”. Besides fur-bearing animals the Kets
hunt geese, ducks and other wildfowl.
The Selkups living in Farkovo told a lot more
about hunting than those living in Turukhansk,
which is connected with the fact that in Farkovo
there are no work places (jobs), that is why many
Selkups hunt and fish, spending nine months a
year in the forest and on the lakes. According to
their own words, their life-style differs cardinally
depending on the season and type of occupation.
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So, from autumn to spring, hunters practically
do not leave the forest, living in winter huts and
setting up tents during long passages. While
hunting the hunters do not drink alcohol at all and
say that they have cosy, clean forest habitations,
whereas their dwellings in settlement leave much
to be desired (in some houses people even do not
take off their shoes). When they live in the forest,
hunters have a strict schedule, they get up at 6
a.m. and return home from hunting at 1-3 a.m.;
during this time they “drive sables” and have
to cover up to 25 km a day by snow. Returning
from the forest to settlement at the beginning of
summer, hunters sell skins (they say, usually 2070 skins).
Hunting as the traditional occupation has
changed in the course of time. For example,
before fire-arms, spears and bows with arrows
were used. The Soviet authorities gave hunters
free cartridges, but their cost was taken from
hunters’ wages, which they received in kolkhozy
and sovkhozy, where they were on the staff.
Serious problems started with the beginning of
perestroika, nowadays, too, hunters have to be
economical with cartridges. A story was told
when a hunter who had missed twice was told by
his workmate that he missed his dinner. Although
it was just a joke, the idea of thrifty attitude to
ammunition is evident.
In contrast to hunting, both the Selkups
and the Kets told about fishing. It turned out that
while in Turukhansk practically no one of the
informants is a professional fisherman, almost
all them are amateur fishermen. The indigenous
people use both muzzles, which they plait from
osier-bed and nets for fishing. Some Kets told
that in earlier times, when they still lived in
chums (tents of skins), while adults were fishing,
children gathered osier-bed for the fi re on which
the catch was cooked. Traditionally, men were the
fi rst to eat, they ate fish heads, then women and
children ate. In the past, hunters and fishermen
used to make their tools by themselves. At
the present time, most representatives of the
ISPN, occupied with fishing, continues to make
their own tools from the special netlike cloth,
which they buy, but very few can make vetki –
traditional boats. The Evenks still make hunting
skis – narty.
So, it was found out that, firstly, reindeer
breeding was completely destroyed back in the
1960s and was not revived as, for example, in
Evenkiya; secondly, the traditional occupations
are more wide-spread among the inhabitants of
Farkovo, which is probably connected with the fact
that the settlement is isolated due to its transport
inaccessibility. In Farkovo, there are jobs only in
energy sphere, in school and preschool education,
in administration of the settlement, at the post
office department and in trade. As only a small
number of the local population is engaged in
these spheres, the most part continues to exercise
the traditional occupations, which provide them
with money and food. It should be noted that
traditional occupations have undergone some
changes, which are most evident in the use of
non-traditional tools. For example, fishermen
use nets from artificial materials, hunters use
fire-arms, tourist tents and sleeping bags, which
replace traditional tents from skins (chums) and
fur clothes.
Customs, ceremonies
Customs and ceremonies of the indigenous
small-numbered peoples of the North are primarily
connected with their traditional occupations:
hunting and fishing. To start with, there are
ceremonies which are connected with deliberate
change of weather, which were therefore used by
hunters and as well as fishermen. Both the Kets
and the Selkups told that to have frosty weather
you should throw some salt into the fire, or you
can make a hare from snow and beat it with a
twig.
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Among the ceremonies, customs and
signs, concerning hunting those connected with
sacrifices for successful hunting and hunting
bears are most often told. The Evenks said that if
a hunter killed a bear, its flesh should be buried
so that the bear would not come to people, would
not disturb them. It is believed that if a bear killed
at least two people, he is no longer afraid of man.
Having killed a man, a bear buries him and waits
for his meat to decompose.
Before the hunt, on coming to the forest,
the Kets tried to gain the favour of the spirits: for
this they threw food into the fire, poured vodka.
Those who had a hut in the forest did not lock it,
left firewood and food for other hunters to be able
to get warm, have a rest and eat. The opinions
of the Kets about bears differ: one representative
of this ethnic group told that you must not kill
bears at all, because they are masters of the taiga.
Others say that bear’s meat mustn’t be sold. It is
thought that souls of dead people live in bears.
There is a way to know if a male or female soul
lived in a bear: you should throw a bear’s paw
behind your back. If it falls with a palm down
–it was a male soul, palm up – female. The Kets
say that a bear without skin looks like a human
being. On man’s granddaughter died, he killed a
bear when he hunted, took off its skin and saw
that it had a hump, like his granddaughter, that
means his granddaughter’s soul lived in this bear.
The Kets think that you must not take from nature
more than you need for your living, which is why
if they find hare on a drifting block of ice, they let
them go for them to be able to breed.
The Selkups said that gain the favour of the
spirits of the forest and the spirits of fire you can
hide matches, cigarettes a food in the hollows of
tree trunks, under trees, in the water. There is a
belief connected with bear hunting: if you killed
39 bears, you should take care to avoid the 40th
because it will kill you; you must not give away
the paws of killed bears, you must keep them.
Fishermen had specific customs and
ceremonies at the beginning of spring: when
ice broke up on the river they, threw bread with
salt to greet the source of their food (kormilitsa).
According to fishermen’s customs, if a guest
came to the chum and went fishing with the
host, he was given the fish that he had caught as
a present. The food was prepared from the fish
that the host had caught. The food was cooked
on the fire made from osier-bed. A pot was put
on the fire, small fish and wildfowl were put into
it and boiled. The broth was poured into the river
to thank it for giving fish, air – for game birds,
fire – for the fire and land – for the right to live on
it. After that a soup for eating was cooked.
In everyday life, not connected with hunting
and fishing, some ceremonies are also preserved,
for example, the Selkups still put a knife or an
axe under the threshold if a lot of people died the
previous year. It is done to keep the spirits out, for
them not to disturb the household.
Making a conclusion about the degree
of preservation of customs and traditions in
everyday live, it can be noted that this layer of
the traditional culture is rather well preserved:
all adult population of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples can tell about some customs,
which they might not use themselves, for example,
about hunting traditions which are observed
by hunters; there are some customs which are
preserved in everyday life of people who are
not connected with traditional occupations too.
Besides, it should be noted that the layer of the
traditional culture which includes customs and
traditions is least of all susceptible to change.
Religious views
According to their own words, the
indigenous
small-numbered
peoples
of
Turukhansk and Farkovo profess Orthodox
Christianity. A number of its peculiarities
should be noted. First of all, people rarely go to
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Orthodox services or make their communion,
and they never fast, some people say that God is
in the soul. Secondly, mostly middle-aged people
are baptized, few people baptize their children –
neither do children have the initiative, nor adults
consider it necessary. Thirdly, Christianity is
combined with some superstitions; a syncretism
of the features of shamanism and Christianity
can be observed.
Having an ancestor who was shaman is a
reason for special pride for the representatives
of the ISPN; they are sure to mention it in the
conversation, telling that there are no genuine
shamans left nowadays. Both the Kets and the
Selkups say that genuine shamans can only be
found far in the North, but nobody is sure about
that because, as one Selkup woman explained, a
person will never boast that he is a shaman and
has the power. The indigenous small-numbered
peoples claim that the people who call themselves
shamans are liars. The opinions about the number
of shamans before their disappearing in the 19601970s differ because those who had shamans
in their family, whether a parent, an uncle, a
grandfather or a great-grandmother, claim that he/
she was the last genuine shaman. A Selkup from
Farkovo remarked that religion is by definition –
shamanism, he believes in the spirits of the forest,
but said that there are no shamans left nowadays.
A Ket man said that shamanism is evil because
spirits of dead people are summoned, which is
terrible.
The Selkups from Turukhansk told that
shamans lived separately, they did not let a
stranger approach them, “you will wander, but
you won’t find”, because a shaman sees and
knows everything, he turns into an owl and sees
everything. People’s opinions about the question
of how shamans appeared were different. Some
Selkups say that the power was not given in
a ceremony but was passed down ancestral
channels to the second next generation; others say
that shaman’s power was not passed. The shaman
chose a person in whom he saw strength and
gradually passed his knowledge, experience. To
start with, an adept had to visit the lower world,
for this he was given to drink maromchanka.
The
longest-preserved
remnants
of
shamanism are dolls (kukolki), which protected
and fulfilled wishes. According to the stories of
the indigenous small-numbered peoples, there
were dolls in many families, some people call
them now “dolls-idols” or “idols”, they were
passed down the generations on the maternal
line, some specified that they were given to the
youngest in the family. It is a big sin to leave such
dolls when moving house. An Evenk woman
told that there are idols in the sack which hang
on the roof of her mother’s house, she puts rags
near the idols, they have been hanging there
since the times when their ancestors lived in the
house. According to another story, dolls which
belonged to an elderly woman were buried by her
grandchildren when she died. Dolls were made
from different materials, for example, they could
be rag-dolls with painted faces.
The Selkups tell that dolls are closely
connected with offerings to the elements for
success in hunting or in travelling. In the old
times there were sacred clearings in the forest,
where shamans brought the dolls, to which
people attached their pleads for wellbeing. These
places with idols are still preserved in the forests.
It is forbidden to go there and moreover, to take
things from these places. There are also sacred
trees in the forests, where people tie up rags and
leave other small objects. According to the Kets
stories, there is a sacred tree on the Pakulikha
River where people hang rings, ear-rings, rags.
You must not take anything from this tree. A
story was told about one woman who took a ring
from it, her hand swelled before she reached the
end of the river, as soon as she returned the ring
the swelling disappeared.
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So, the religious views of the population
of settlements Turukhansk and Farkovo can
be defined as a syncretism of Christianity
and shamanism. The specific features of this
syncretism are the following: Christianity is
recognized as the official religion but adherence
to it is formal; belonging to a shaman’s family
is a reason for pride; there are still survivals of
shamanism in people’s everyday live, though it
is said that real shamans disappeared a long time
ago. The phenomenon of religious syncretism was
defined by A.G. Seleznev as a folk form of world
religions, which appears on the border of two types
of cultures “on the one hand, there is a traditional,
agricultural, oral, collective culture, existing in
the form of local complexes or dialects; on the
other hand – a written, ideologized, ethically or
super-ethnically oriented culture. This cultural
phenomenon can be exemplified by the folk forms
of world religions, which practically always exist
within an integral religious ideology and, at the
same time, as a syncretic complex of beliefs, cults
and practices”1.
Attitude to death, funeral rites
It is said in Farkovo that few people die of old
age. People die young; some burn in izbushka (a
hut), some people drown. The ISPN’s attitude to
death differs from that of Russian people: on the
North death is not considered global grief; it is
rather a life stage. In our days the ISPN are buried
according to Russian traditions on the cemeteries
not far from the settlements (Farkovo) and inside
the settlements (Turukhansk). There is a lot of
unkempt vegetation on the cemeteries, graveyards look neglected, they are planned rather
chaotically. It is explained by the fact that it is not
customary with the Selkups and the Kets to look
after the graves. People come to the cemeteries
only during funerals. They do not come after that
to clean and fix graves. The question why they do
not do that even puzzles people a bit: why? They
are already dead. Some of the Selkups explained
that the world of the dead and the world of living
people are two different words – there is no need
to connect them too often.
In the old times graves were arranged in a
different way. Most respondents know how babies
and shamans were buried: a big tree was found,
a hollow space was made in it, where they sat a
baby or a shaman and then covered them with
bark. As the time went the tree grew and became
higher. It is said that you can still find trees in the
forest with bones at the top of it. Talking about
graves of adult people the Selkups told about two
types. Firstly, graves were made in the ground:
the bark was torn off, the ground was dug (but not
very deep), the bark was soaked in the substance
from boiling fish or animals: the grave was
covered with the bark and the dead person was
covered with this bark too. It was some kind of a
capsule. The dead people were buried with their
things, including overcoats (“Why?” – “Because
it is cold there”.) On the grave narty were put, on
which people put things. Secondly, adult people
were buried in vetkakh (boats), which were bound
to tops of trees. As time went, vetky decayed,
the dead bodies were most probably eaten by
birds and other animals. Both of these types of
burying, as well as burying in the trunks of trees
were made in special uninhabited places. They
were called the Devil’s lake, where according to
some information, dead people are still buried.
Another place is Dead peoples’ cape, where dead
people from nomad camps were brought. The fact
that burial places were situated far from nomad
camps also guaranteed that dead people were
seldom disturbed. Besides graves outside the
settlements, nowadays burial places are found
inside the settlement Farkovo, notably, in the
cellars of houses. Most often they are remnants of
babies, but skulls and bones of grown up people
were found too. It is considered that they should
not be disturbed, shown, touched.
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That is, speaking about attitude to death and
funeral rites it can be noted that despite almost
complete disappearance of the traditions which
existed in old times (for example, burying in trees),
the old attitude to death as an ordinary event still
exists, which is expressed in the absence of great
tragedy accompanying perception of death and
neglect of the burial places.
Festivals, folklore
The representatives of the ISPN named three
main festivals, which are celebrated in the North;
different of these festivals are more important in
different settlements. They are: The Day of the
Reindeer Breeder, The Day of the River and the
Day of the Fisherman. As reindeer farming ceased
to exist in both Turukhansk and Farkovo, the Kets
and the Selkups celebrate only the Day of the
River and the Day of the Fisherman. According
to the information from the questionnaires, the
Day of the River falls on the time of break- up
of ice and resembles the festival of Seeing off
Winter in some cultures. At the Day of the River
bread is thrown into the river for good catch;
competition of self-written verses about the river
is held. Children in traditional (or rather stylized
as traditional) clothes perform traditional dances,
which are most often stylized too, because few
people remember national dances nowadays.
During this festival a competition in jumping
over narty is held. The day of the Fisherman is
in July. On this day competitions in fishing are
arranged: for the biggest catch, the biggest fish.
Besides fishing competition, racing on vetki is
also traditional for this festival.
As for the folklore, the Kets told that the main
tellers of tales and legends were grandfathers
and grandmothers, who spoke the Ket language
fluently and did not understand Russian well.
Among the genres of traditional folklore both the
Kets and Selkups named improvised songs, where
a singer was the author of the song he/she sang.
They sang about the things they saw: how the
kettle was boiling on the stove or about the things
that were going on behind the window or about
changes in the weather. The local population said
that there were some tales and legends, too, but
they could not remember any of them.
While nowadays there are migration processes
between Farkovo and Turukhansk, Farkovo,
Turukhansk and Krasnoyarsk, one of the most
important waves of migration, which influenced
the life of the indigenous small-numbered
peoples of the North of the Krasnoyarsk Krai,
according to their own words, was the migration
of the Sulkups to the North at the beginning of
the 20th century. It was not a peaceful migration.
Almost all representatives of the indigenous
small-numbered peoples, who were questioned,
told about a big battle which happened between
the peoples more than a century ago. While the
date and the place of the battle are the same in
different stories, the participants, the victors and
vanquished are different. The most part of the
Selkups said that the reason for the war was that
the Russians started to force out the Sulkups who
lived in the South. The Selkups then moved to the
North, reached Turukhansk district and started
the battle, in the opinion if most Selkups, with
the Evenks. That means that the local war was
a war for the territory. By the way, not only the
questioned Selkups agreed about that, but the
Kets too. According to the Selkups, who said that
the war was between the Selkups and the Evenks,
the Selkups defeated the Evenks and the Evenks
were forced out of their territories. One Selkup
woman even said that, despite the war is dated
by 1901-1902, there are still the remnants of this
war: some parents, in her opinion, are against
marriages between a Selkup and an Evenk.
But the respondents also gave other versions
of those events. For example, one Selkup family
said that the Selkups fought with the Kets, not
with the Evenks: “We won, – said she – We drove
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them to Kellog”. In the family of the Kets it was
said that the battle was between the Kets and the
Evenks, with the Selkups helping the Kets. The
Evenks were forced to the North, the way it was
said was: “We drove the Evenks away. We didn’t
fight with the Selkups, the Selkups helped us”.
According to the words of the representatives of
this family, there were some legends about the
battle, but they could tell them, because, as they
said, they did not remember them.
The situation with the festivals and folklore
is ambiguous. On the one hand, folklore is
disappearing irreversibly from everyday life,
the adult population can only state the fact that
tales and legends tellers were the people of older
generation and the folklore is disappearing with
them. Of course, there are collections of tales,
where the works of the Selkups and the Kets
are represented, but the ethnic peoples are not
interested in them. So, there exists a situation
of conservation, when the material, as far as
possible, is written down and preserved, but it is
not used. On the other hand, the situation with
quasi-traditional festivals can be observed, when,
in fact, there is modern content in the traditional
shell.
The national language
In general, it can be said that the language
loss is typical for all the three ISPN, which were
contacted in Turukhansk and Farkovo. While
parents of middle-aged respondents spoke their
native language fluently, moreover, they used
it at home and while hunting or fishing, the
respondents themselves can be divided into three
groups: some of them know only separate words
(everyone knows the word “ul’”- vodka); others
know the language, but practically do not use
it, speaking Russian at home, with friends and
at work; the third group is the people who are
engaged in the traditional occupations – not only
do they speak their native language fluently, they
also use it actively both during hunting or fishing
and in the posyolok. The representatives of the
ISPN say that it is customary to speak native
languages in the forest and in the village; they
say “it just comes to the tongue”. Some part of
the younger generation knows the words of the
native language and its grammar, because it is
taught at school, but school teaching does not
succeed in reviving the language use among the
children and teenagers. They practically do not
use it (except those who are actively involved
into the traditional occupations together with
their parents). Besides, the Selkups complain
that instead of the local dialect, their children
are taught some other dialect. According to a
local from Farkovo, there are three dialects of the
Selkup language: Turukhamskiy, Tazovskiy and
Baishinskiy. At school the children are taught not
their local dialect, which is Turukhanskiy, but
Tazovskiy, which is the dialect of the Selkups,
living on the river Taz in other parts of Siberia.
That is why many adults do not want their
children to learn the native language at school
because besides being very difficult because of
the clusters of consonants, it is not really their
native language.
The similar problems with studying minority
languages are observed not only on the territory
of Krasnoyarsk Krai. V.V. Baranova remarks that
“in many societies of the indigenous peoples of
the Russian Federation teaching native languages
does not help to reverse the language shift, and
school-leavers do not use the title idiom or even
cannot speak it… different reasons for the failure of
school teaching of native languages are suggested
in the literature (insufficient qualification of
teachers, disperse settlement of the indigenous
population or the incorrect choice of the codified
variant, which is not understood or recognized in
a particular society)….The research in the sphere
of revitalization of languages connect success
or failure of educational policy not only with
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the effectiveness of language planning, but also
with self-consciousness of the society”2. It is the
certain level of self-consciousness of the society
that makes the representatives of ethnic groups
believe that it is more important to know Russian,
English or some other foreign language, because
it is perspective.
Among the reasons why middle-aged people,
except those in traditional occupations, do not
know the native language, the overwhelming
majority of the ISPN mentioned studying in
boarding schools (internats), which existed
in Soviet times, where children from all the
settlements were brought. Not only were the
children torn out of their national language
environment , they were also forbidden to speak
their native languages, instead, all of them were
taught Russian, because some of the children,
who spent their early years in chums with their
parents, did not speak it at all. According to
the stories of some Selkups, who studied at the
internat, the ban on the native language was
accompanied by beating, so the children had to
gather in the basement, under the table or went as
far away from the internat as they could to speak
their native language, but if it became known to
the teachers, the offenders could be beaten.
Summing up the research on the language
component of the lifestyle of the ISPN, some
points can be made. Firstly, the degree of
language preservation varies greatly; it ranges
from complete disappearance of even single
words in everyday life to complete knowledge
of the language and its constant use. Secondly,
the stableness of the language depends on the
kind of occupation of its speakers, so it is best
preserved among hunters and fishermen, whereas
a complete disappearance of the language can be
registered among the urban population. Thirdly,
the language is a component of a lifestyle, which
is considered to be of primary importance for
ethnical renaissance, but practice shows that
nowadays studying minority languages has some
problems which need to be solved in future.
Clothes
According to the observations of the research
group, in Turukhansk as well as in Farkovo the
locals wear European- style clothes. The only
difference is that comfort is more important
in Farkovo, which is why in slush people wear
rubber boots, entsefalitki (protective clothes),
jakets and other practical clothes and footwear.
In Turukhansk it is customary to wear the
same clothes as in cities, even despite rains and
slush. All the jewelry worn by the local people
is manufactured, no traditional decorations
were noticed. Whereas some Evenk respondents
told that in the Settlement Severnaya Rechka
(Northern River) they often wear national
clothes, which they make from reindeer skins.
All the inhabitants of this settlement wear such
clothes, but women’s clothes are a designed a bit
differently.
The Selkups in the Settlement Farkovo,
which is the area of their compact settlement, do
not wear national clothes but can still remember
them, because their parents, people of older
generation, lived in chums and wore such clothes.
According to Selkup stories, national clothes
are very beautiful; they were made from softly
dressed reindeer fur skins and decorated with
fur and beads. The clothes had two layers: inside
were fur skins of reindeer or sables, the outside
layer was from cloth, decorated with beads.
When there were no beads or they were difficult
to get, clothes were decorated with pieces of fur
of different colours. According to the Selkups’
words, among their traditional clothes are malitsy
(deerskin overcoats worn with fur inside, put on
as pullover, with hood and mittens attached to
it, used by people of the Far North) and parkas;
notably, the parkas were so warm that if you
wrapped yourself in a parka, you could sleep on
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the snow in the taiga. Talking about the national
footwear, the Selkups name bakary (boots from
reindeer skin), unty (high fur boots), and boots.
Footwear was usually made from reindeer kamus
(stripes of skin from a lower part of the leg of
a reindeer), which if processed correctly, did not
fade and wear out with time. The Selkups made
boots from skins of burbot dressed in a special
way.
Dwellings
The houses in Turukhansk are predominantly
one or two-storeyed . The most part of the houses
are wooden, brick houses are rare. Block houses
are wide-spread, built from wooden or metal
carcass and concrete filling. The houses are
actively going to ruin. Near the houses there are
a lot of wooden sheds, metal trailers and garages.
The houses in Farkovo are standard-type.
They are either houses for 2-3 families or balki
(temporary sheds on sledge), which were built in
Soviet times. About their traditional dwellings
the Kets said that they were chums, in summer
they were from birch tree bark, in winter – from
skins (but only well-off Kets could afford them),
the floor was covered with silver fir branches and
there was a fire in the middle of the chum. The
Selkups living in Farkovo not only named chums
as traditional dwellings, but also said that in the
1960s, when standard-type houses already started
to be build in the settlement, there still were lots
of chums in the neighborhood at the confluence
of the rivers Farkovka and Turukhan, where now
wooden houses and balkis are built . Nowadays
the Selkups practically do not leave in chums,
they even do not use them during hunting in the
forest where winter huts are used as stationary
dwellings and tourist tents with sleeping bags –
as potable dwellings. In Soviet times, when there
was a kolkhoz in Farkovo, the authorities bought
balki for its workers and built standard-type
houses, and gradually people ceased to leave in
chums. Nowadays the shells of balki are in a very
poor state of repair.
The comparative analysis
of living conditions in the settlements
Turukhansk and Farkovo
The comparison of the geographical position
and transport accessibility of Turukhansk and
Farkovo shows that although both settlements
are rather difficult of access, which limits the
possibilities of the local population to get out to the
“big land” and results in high prices for products
and goods, which are higher than average both
in the Krai and in the country. Farkovo is more
difficult to reach. The main, and practically, the
only means of connection with the outside world is
the helicopter, which the help of which passenger
and goods transportation is conducted, medical
help and information are provided, because most
part of news gets into posyolok with the arriving
people.
The goods – money relations in the settlement
can be characterized as trust-based, which is not
characteristic of market economy in general and
can be accounted for by the territorial closeness
of the posyolok. The goods can be given on one’s
word of honor (pod chestnoe slovo). It should be
mentioned that in Farkovo imported goods are not
in such demand as they are in Turukhansk. This
tendency is directly proportional to eating dishes
of national cuisine, which are more popular in
Farkovo that in Turukhansk.
Demographic characteristics are the
following. Firstly, comparison of the demographic
situations in Turukhansk and Farkovo shows
the tendency of dissolution of ethnic groups, in
the first place, because of marriages between
representatives of different ethnic groups, in
the second place, because of endogamy, which,
on the one hand, helps to preserve the ethnic
group, but on the other hand, might cause genetic
problems. Secondly, the studied territories differ
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in the quantity characteristics of families: while
in Turukhansk a family consists of 3-5 people,
registered at the same address, in Farkovo a
family consists of 3-4 of the registered people and
children of relatives, who are engaged in hunting
and permanently live in the forest, which explains
the absence of registration, so a family in Farkovo
consists of 10-12 people. Thirdly, migration is
more active in Turukhansk than in Farkovo, both
real (when people either move to Turukhansk from
remote settlements, or go to the mainland) and
potential (the locals of Turukhansk are actively
talking about their desire to leave Turukhansk,
while the inhabitants of Farkovo not only lack the
desire to leave, but also say that their attempts to
change the place of residence were unsuccessful
and they had to come back).
Comparing living conditions in Turukhansk
and Farkovo, it can be noted that despite their
being worse than that in cities, the living
conditions in Farkovo are even worse than in
Turukhansk: from the centralized community
facilities there is only electricity, while heating
of houses, supply of water and waste water
disposal is provided by the people themselves,
based on the traditional use of environment. In
many houses there are no household appliances;
often there is only the minimum of necessary
furniture in the house.
Both settlements suffer from alcoholism,
beside in Turukhansk there is also the problem
of drug abuse, which, according to the locals of
Farkovo, does not exist in their comparatively
remote and difficult of access settlement.
Difficulty of access has a negative influence on
public health care: there is no hospital first aid –
obstetric station, doctors get to the posyolok
with air medical service, which is not conducted
regularly because of, for example, weather
conditions. A part of women in labour who fail to
get to the regional centre in time lose their newlyborn babies or their own life.
The social problems that exist in both
settlements are different. While in Turukhansk
they are connected with big financial expenditure
on housing and community amenities, in Farkovo,
where the only community amenity is electricity,
they are problems of social subsidies, given by
the government. Social security allowances to the
ISPN divide the posyolok into two camps: despite
the fact that almost the whole population belongs
to the title ethnic group, which is registered as
indigenous small-numbered. The gist of the
problem is that only the representatives of the
ISPN who engage in traditional occupations
are entitled to the allowance, while the settled
population, who are engaged in upbringing not
only their children but also the children of their
relatives, have to pay for communal services,
coal or wood for heating their houses and buying
products, do not get any subsidies.
Conclusion
In the present article on the basis of the field
research carried out in Turukhank district, firstly,
the different components of the traditional way
of life of the indigenous small numbered peoples
were studied with the aim of estimating the
degree of resistance to transformation. Secondly,
a comparison of the settlements Turukhansk and
Farkovo was carried out by different criteria to
find out the reasons for the willingness of the
population of Turukhans to move to another
place of residence and the absence of desire of
the inhabitant of Farkovo to leave their posyolok;
and also the reasons why traditional life-style is
better preserved in Farkovo than in Turkhansk.
The components of the traditional lifestyle
were divided into several groups according to the
degree of their resistance to transformations. The
first group consists of the traditional clothes and
dwellings, which ceased to exist completely both
in Turukhansk and in Farkovo and were replaced
by more convenient analogues, which came from
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the sphere of mass consumption. The folklore,
which has practically disappeared on the territory
of the studied posyolki, can also be placed in this
group. The attitude to death and funeral rites can
be included into the second group, because, on
the one hand, the traditional attitude to death as
an ordinary event is preserved, but on the other
hand, funeral rites have disappeared completely.
The third group is the religious views of the local
population of Turukhansk and Farkovo, which is
a syncretism of shamanism and Christianity, a
symbiosis of archaic and modern forms. The forth
group is the traditional cuisine and folk medicine,
the traditional occupations and everyday traditions
– which are preserved in their maximum purity.
It can be described as partial modification with
the preservation of the “core” component. The
national language was put into a separate, fifth
group, because in different concretes cases it has
different degree of preservation: alongside the
complete loss of the national language there are
examples of its constant use in everyday life.
The conducted comparison of settlements
Turukhansk and Farkovo allowed to point out
several criteria, differentiating the ways of life of
the local population and their word outlooks. First
of all, the closeness of settlement Farkovo cannot
but be mentioned, in which practically the only
means of connection with the outer world is the
helicopter, which conducts goods and passenger
transportation, provides information and medical
service. Secondly, in both settlements there
are few jobs (work places). In Turukhansk it
resulted in unemployment, but in Farkovo –in
the engagement of the most part of population
in traditional occupations. It turned out that the
traditional way of life was best preserved among
the people engaged in traditional occupations: they
are the Selkups-hunters in Farkovo, who preserve
the national language, the traditional cuisine,
use traditional tools, have traditional beliefs,
combining them with the features of Orthodox
Christianity. Thirdly, territorial closeness of
Farkovo, resulting from its difficult transport
accessibility, influences goods-money relations,
which are characterized by trust, which is not
typical for market economy. The bigger degree
of adherence of local population to the national
cuisine resulted in less demand for imported
products in Farkovo than in Turukhansk.
Fourthly, in the studied poselki there are
opposite tendencies in the sphere of preservation
of ethnic groups. For example, in Turukhansk
there is a danger of dissolution of ethnic groups by
means of mixed marriages, metisation. In Farkovo
the model of existence of the ethnic group is the
opposite one, using monogam marriages for its
preservation, but this model might lead to genetic
problems. Fifthly, the studied territories differ in
such demographic characteristics as the number
of people in the family and migration processes.
While in Turukhansk a family consists of 3-5
people, registered at one address, in Farkovo
there are 10-12 people in the family, they include
not only closely related people , but also children
of relatives, who are engaged in traditional
occupations and permanently live in the forest.
Migration in Turukhansk are more active, than
in Farkovo: the population of Turukhansk leaves
for the mainland, comes from more remote
settlements and expresses the desire to leave
it. The inhabitants of Farkovo not only have no
desire to move to another place, but say that their
attempts to move to another place fail and they
have to come back.
Sixthly, living conditions in Farkovo, which
are worse that in Turukhansk, with the only
communal amenity being electricity, and the rest
are being provided by the inhabitant themselves,
does not result in the desire of the inhabitants
of Farkovo to leave. On the other hand, the
housing and communal amenities provided in
Turukhansk besides being very expensive for
the population, are of insufficient quality too,
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which makes the problems connected with
housing and communal services to be among
the most important social- economic problems
of Turukhansk. Although the inhabitants of
Farkhovo do not have to pay a lot of money
for communal services, they have problems
with social allowances for the ISPN, which are
irrelevant for the inhabitants of Turukhansk,
who are practically not engaged in traditional
occupations, which is the necessary condition
for state subsidies. In Farkovo, despite the fact
that almost the whole population belongs to
1
2
the title ethnic group which is registered as the
ISPN, the payment of social allowances divide
the settlement into two camps: in one camp there
are representatives of the ISPN who are involved
in traditional occupations and spend nine months
a year in the forest, who receive state subsidies,
in the other – the settled population, engaged in
upbringing not only their own children but also
the children of relatives-hunters, who have to pay
for communal services, buy coal or fi rewood for
heating their houses, spend money for buying
products and who receive no subsidies.
Seleznev A.G. (2005). The special issue to the VI Congress of ethnologists and anthropologists. Anthropological forum,
special release, 131.
Baranova V.V. (2009) “It should go on like this forever…” (About the functions of school teaching of the native language).
Anthropological forum, 9, 186-187..
References
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Baranova V.V. (2009). “It should go on like this forever…” (About the functions of school teaching
of the native language). Anthropological forum. 9, 186-187.
Gabysheva L.L. Slovo v kontekste mifologicheskoy kartiny mira (na material yazyka yakutov)
[Word in the context of myphological view of the world (on the material of the Yakut language)].
Мoscow, Russian State Humanitarian Unicversity, 2003. 192 p.
Ivanova-Unarova Z.I. Traditsionnoe iskusstvo narodov Severo-Vostoka Sibiri (evenki, eveny,
yukagiry, dolgany, chukchi, koryaki) [ The traditional art of the peoples of the North-West of
Siberia (the Evenks, the Evens, the Yukahirs, the Dolgans, the Chukchis, the Koryaks)]. Yakutsk,
Publishing House of Yakutsk University, 2005. 192 p.
Krivonogov V.P. (2005). Etnicheskaya situatsia u korennykh malochuslennykh narodov
Krasnoyarskogo kraya [The ethnic situation with the indigenous small-numbered peoples of
Krasnoyarsk Krai]. The Yenissey province, 1. Krasnoyarsk, KSPU named after V.P. Astafyev, 34-41.
Seleznev A.G. (2005). The special issue to the VI Congress of ethnologists and anthropologists.
Anthropological forum, special release. 131.
V poiskakh sebya: Narody Severa i v postsovetskikh transformatsiyakh. [SibiriIn search for
themselves: The peoples of the North and Siberia in post-Soviet transformations]. Execut. edit.
E.A. Pivneva, D.A. Funk. Inst. Of Ethnology and Anthropology named after N.N. MiklukhoMaklay RAS. Мoscow, Nauka, 2005. 216 p.
Varlamova G.I. Skazanija vostochnykh evenkov [The legends of the Western Evenks]. Yakutsk,
2003. 210 p.
Zen’ko M.A. (1997) Sovremennaya etnicheskaya situatsia v Khanty-Mansijskom rajone KhantyMansijskogo Okruga (po dannym polevykh issledovanij) [Current/ ethnic situation in Khanty Mansi
district of Khanty Mansi Autonomous Okrug (on the data of field research)] Vestnik arkheologii,
antropologii i etnografii, 1.
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Сохранение и трансформация некоторых аспектов
традиционного образа жизни коренных
и малочисленных народов Севера,
проживающих в населенных пунктах (поселках)
Туруханск и Фарково
К.В. Резникова
Сибирский федеральный университет
Россия 660014, Красноярск, пр. Свободный, 79
Настоящая статья написана по материалам экспедиции, осуществленной в 2010 году в
Туруханский район Красноярского края с целью исследования традиционной культуры коренных
малочисленных народов, проживающих в Туруханске и Фарково. Экспедиция показала, что
разные составляющие традиционного жизненного уклада КМНС обладают разной степенью
стойкости к трансформациям. Также при сравнительно более хороших для жизни условиях
в Туруханске население этого поселка большей частью не против переехать на другое место
жительства, где условия были бы более комфортными. Жители Фарково, напротив, не хотят
покидать исконное место обитания. В настоящей статье приводится как оценка степени их
подверженности/устойчивости к изменениям различных составляющих жизненного уклада
коренных малочисленных народов, так и делается попытка объяснить причины доминирующих
среди населения поселков настроений: остаться или сменить место жительства.
Ключевые слова: Туруханский район, коренные малочисленные народы Севера (КМНС), эвенки,
селькупы, кеты, глобальные трансформации.
Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом
поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического
плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.
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