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Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Æóðíàë Ñèáèðñêîãî ôåäåðàëüíîãî óíèâåðñèòåòà 2013 Journal of Siberian Federal University 6 (6) Ãóìàíèòàðíûå íàóêè Humanities & Social Sciences Редакционный совет: академик РАН Е.А. Ваганов академик РАН И.И. Гительзон академик РАН А.Г. Дегерменджи академик РАН В.Ф. Шабанов чл.-корр. РАН, д-р физ.-мат. наук В.Л. Миронов чл.-корр. РАН, д-р техн. наук Г.Л. Пашков чл.-корр. РАН, д-р физ.-мат. наук В.В. Шайдуров чл.-корр. РАН, д-р физ.-мат. наук В.В. Зуев Editorial Advisory Board Chairman Eugene A. Vaganov Members: Josef J. Gitelzon Vasily F. Shabanov Andrey G. Degermendzhy Valery L. Mironov Gennady L. Pashkov Vladimir V. Shaidurov Vladimir V. Zuev Editorial Board: Editor-in-Chief Mikhail I. Gladyshev Founding Editor Vladimir I. Kolmakov Managing Editor Olga F. Alexandrova Executive Editor for Humanities & Social Sciences Natalia P. Koptseva CONTENTS / ÑÎÄÅÐÆÀÍÈÅ Abdolmajid Ahmadi Techniques of the Commedia Dell’arte in the Poetics of Plays of M.A. Kuzmin – 775 – Sahar Farrahi Avval Communication Strategies: an Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students of Translation Studies in Translation from Persian into English – 782 – Victoriya A. Danileiko Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study of the North of Siberia in 1920$1930-s. – 798 – Nikolai P. Makarov The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples – 816 – Mikhail S. Batashev Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes – 842 – Victor P. Krivonogov The Dolgans’ Ethnic Identity and Language Processes – 870 – Vladimir I. Kirko, Anna V. Keusch and Nikolay G. Shyshatskiy Questions of Formation of Territories of Traditional Environmental Management – 882 – Компьютерная верстка Е.В. Гревцовой Подписано в печать 22.04.2013 г. Формат 84x108/16. Усл. печ. л. 13,5. Уч.-изд. л. 13,0. Бумага тип. Печать офсетная. Тираж 1000 экз. Заказ 2477. Отпечатано в ПЦ БИК. 660041 Красноярск, пр. Свободный, 82а. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Consulting Editors for Humanities & Social Sciences: Gershon M. Breslavs Sergey V. Deviatkin Sergey A. Drobyshevsky Sergey M. Geraschenko Oleg M. Gotlib Boris I. Khasan Galina A. Kopnina Natalia V. Kovtun Aleksandr A. Kronik Pavel V. Mandryka Boris V. Markov Valentin G. Nemirovsky Daniel V. Pivovarov Andrey V. Smirnov Viktor I. Suslov Evgeniya V. Zander Igor S. Pyzhev Vladimir I. Suprun Liudmila V. Kulikova Olga G. Smolyaninova Nicolai N. Petro Dr. Suneel Kumar Свидетельство о регистрации СМИ ПИ № ФС77-28-723 от 29.06.2007 г. Olga S. Tolstikhina, Vladimir L. Gavrikov, Rem G. Khlebopros and Viktor A. Okhonin Demographic Transition as Reflected by Fertility and Life Expectancy: Typology of Countries – 890 – Elena N. Viktoruk and Olga S. Ardykova Universals and Pragmatics as Substantial Reference Points of Modern Ethical Education – 897 – Irina A. Mezhova, Tatiana A. Samylkina and Evgenia B. Bukharova The Areas of Compact Settlement of the Indigenous and Smallnumbered Peoples of the North of Krasnoyarsk Krai: Setting the Objective – 906 – Semen Ya. Palchin The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North as of 2012 – 913 – Kseniya V. Reznikova Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life of the Indigenous and Small-Numbered Peoples of the North, Living in the Settlements (Posyolki) of Turukhansk and Farkovon – 925 – Серия включена в «Перечень ведущих рецензируемых научных журналов и изданий, в которых должны быть опубликованы основные научные результаты диссертации на соискание ученой степени доктора и кандидата наук» (редакция 2010 г.) Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 775-781 ~~~ УДК 82-25 Techniques of the Commedia Dell’arte in the Poetics of Plays of M.A. Kuzmin Abdolmajid Ahmadi* Tomsk Polytechnic University, 30 Lenin Str., Tomsk, 634050 Russia Received 15.01.2013, received in revised form 15.02.2012, accepted 24.04.2013 The paper explores techniques of the commedia dell’arte, used in the dramatic works of M.A. Kuzmin. We give a particularly detailed study of two major pieces – “The Venetian Madcaps” and “Mary’s Tuesday” and the reason for the application of these techniques. Techniques of dell’arte allowed deliberate use of typifi cation, suitable to depict common human situations. Keywords: commedia dell’arte, pastiche, masks, play. 1. Introduction Mikhail Alekseevich Kuzmin (1872-1936) looks odd in the literature of Russian “Silver Age”. In late 1900, he formally belonged to the symbolism, and in 1916, literary critic V. Zhirmunskii argued that Kuzmin “is linked to the symbolism by the mystical nature of his experiences, but he does not bring these experiences into his poetry” (Zhirmunskii V.M., p. 107). With this definition it is not clear why Kuzmin should be considered symbolist poet. And since he anticipated neoclassical findings of acmeism, then he is often seen as among acmeists, despite his statements that acmeism is “stupid and ridiculous...” (Kuzmin M.A. (1922), p. 100), that acmeism is “made-up and violent school...” (Kuzmin M.A. (1923), p. 116). In 1909, Kuzmin wrote: “... let the world discernment be mystical, realistic, skeptical or even idealistic <...> let creativity techniques be impressionistic, realistic, naturalistic; content – be lyrical or consistent * with the storyline <...> but, please, be logical, <... > in the plot, in the process of creation, in the syntax. <...> be <...> accurate and authentic – and you will find the secret of the marvelous thing – beautiful clarity – which I would call ‘clarism” (Kuzmin M.A. (1910), p. 6). Almost all researchers first of all note the pastiche skills of Kuzmin, his ability to feel the spirit and style of different cultures. However, pastiche was not an end in itself for Kuzmin. Having very personal attitude to tradition he claimed: “Pastiche is the transfer of the plot in a certain period and its realization in the specific literary form of the exact time” (Kuzmin M.A. (1910), p. 9). 2. Analysis Kuzmin as a creator first came into contact with commedia dell’arte by writing at the request of V.E. Meierkhold music for the production of A.A. Block’s “Balaganchik”; in a letter dated © Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved Corresponding author E-mail address: email@example.com # 775 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Abdolmajid Ahmadi. Techniques of the Commedia Dell’arte in the Poetics of Plays of M.A. Kuzmin December 3, 1906 to the director Kuzmin wrote: “I love this thing of Alexander Alexandrovich ...” (Meierkhold V.E., p. 79). In 1912 he wrote the play “The Venetian Madcaps”, “a product, dubious and risky in terms of common morality” (Koiranskii A.A., p. 6). Poet and critic V.F. Khodasevich in a review of the play wrote as follows: “The content of it is simple, the characters are primitive” (Khodasevich V., p. 5). Meanwhile, the content is quite interesting, and the characters are ambiguous. In the story an actress – Finett wants to seduce a count- Stello, but instead his friend-lover Narchizetto falls in love with her. Stello performs a pantomime by changing clothes to become a Columbine and putting on Finett’s dress, and then dressed as a Harlequin Narchizetto kills the count. Only now Narchizetto understands that he liked the count only, and this cures his love for one whose dress the count put on. Then Finett and a real Harlequin leave the city. Researcher An Chzien believes that “none of the characters can be identified with the eternal loser Pierrot” (An Chzien), but his alter ego is Narchizetto – the type of Pierrot, dressed in a suit of Harlequin and doing what could be done by real Harlequin. Everything is done by the plan of Kuzmin, in accordance with the dell’arte theater he introduces pantomime – a performance in the performance, but so that “no one will be able to discern where the real Harlequin and Columbine and where their counterparts are” (Kuzmin M. (1915), p. 66), because, as you can see, you can not live up fully to your role. According to Finett, We are all comedians. <...> We all play different roles, But in a Change we are Submissive to the will of someone else Мы все комедианты. <…> Мы все различные играем роли, Но в пестрой и колеблющейся Смене Чужой покорны воле (Kuzmin M. (1915), p. 76). A quote from Shakespeare’s “As You Like It” is obvious: All the world's a stage, And all the men and women merely players: They have their exits and their entrances; and one man in his time plays many parts, (Shakespeare W., p. 29–30), – and Kuzmin’s conclusion of this is in absolute agreement with Shakespeare, who wrote about how time becomes destiny. The play ends with a direct appeal of actors to the audience, making it clear that it was just a play. But Kuzmin brings into a play a parallel story with Harlequin as the main character, making it clear that the planes of real life and theater performance can be combined: while Stello and Narchizetto are wearing dell’arte masks and leading this game seriously, Harlequin is jokingly playing with the Marquise, seducing her and bluffing. In 1915, for the publication of the novel by J. Cazotte “The Devil in Love” Kuzmin translated poems from the novel, and in 1916 created his own of the same nature “pantomime in 5 scenes (on Cazotte)”, which featured artist “with the crowd of Truffaldinos ...” (Kuzmin M. (1994-6), p. 263). J. Cazotte did not have any Truffaldinos in his play, but the use of a common name of a servant from commedia dell’arte is remarkable here. In 1917, Kuzmin again turned to the methods of the Italian commedia dell’arte. As indicated in the subtitle, “Performance in three parts for live or wooden dolls”, the play “Mary’s Tuesday” (1917) was intended for the theater, where people can act as puppets, and it is no difference whether they are live or wooden dolls. # 776 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Abdolmajid Ahmadi. Techniques of the Commedia Dell’arte in the Poetics of Plays of M.A. Kuzmin The play can be classified as Harlequin style play; its beginning is the best proof of that. In the first part of the play Newspaper seller as a barker from fairground street theater (Harlequinade) is selling newspapers, full of colourful, important and trifling information: Министерство пало! Во время придворного бала Фрейлина упала! Арестовали известного нахала! <…> Балет, Кабинет, Туалет. <…> Социалистов съезд, Угольный трест! Литературный манифест! Молодой человек, готовый на всё, ищет места в отъезд! (Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 9–10). The play is based on the characteristic of the commedia dell'arte love interest. The main characters make a triangle out of an unfortunate admirer, frivolous beauty and her beloved. A young man (“ready for anything”), dissatisfied with his own social position as an official at stock exchange and therefore not sure about the future of his love, expresses his feelings in mannered, and somewhat formulaic and messy way: Но любишь ли, но любишь ли, не знаю я, И в этом вся трагедия, поверь, моя. Зачем не при посольстве я атташэ? Тогда бы был уверенней в твоей душе. Ах, сердце так колотится, так ноет грудь. Меня ты поцелуешь ли когда-нибудь? (Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 14). In Part 2 Mary, she is Lady (meaning beloved), vows to love the pilot, who has taken her to the heavens. In the third part the performance is transferred from the street to the theater: “The auditorium is noisy; phrases like headless birds fly without any beginning, middle and end. <...> ...Она ответила?.. ха-ха! ...Послушайте, слова так грубы... ...Ну, кто, мой милый, без греха? ...Мне надоели эти клубы!..» (Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 30), – and the fundamental difference between street noise and hum of the theater is not felt. Everyone throws their words, and no one hears anyone. Interestingly enough, apparently independently of each other, two reviewers pointed to “the use of cinematic methods” in Kuzmin’s play (Vinokur G.O., p. 4), and E.F. Gollerbakh wrote as such: “Cinematic Movie <...> is the content of Mary’s Tuesday” . “<...> Even more interesting is the unexpected slant to ‘mayakovschina’ ...” (Gollerbakh E.F., p. 42). Arrangement of scenes really lets talk about cinematographics of the play, and some remarks without appealing to the cinema sphere can not be played on the stage – for example, “Meadows and pastures. Everything is minor. <...> Finally, everything – like colored geographical map” (Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 24–25). By “mayakovschina” it is obviously meant the rhythmic structure of monologues, which in the same 1917 Kuzmin appreciated in Mayakovsky’s verses (Kuzmin M.A. (1923), p. 117). Let’s turn to the scene depicted in the play where there is a trio: Pierrot, Columbine and harlequin (note that the name of the last character starts with a lowercase letter): “... Pierrot sighs in the doll garden with a small moon on the background. Columbine leans towards him and stops corny, until harlequin touches the strings of his guitar. Pierrot is now forgotten and given to the old moon. Harlequin performs his serenade confidently and vulgarly” (Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 31). Comedic provision, as old as the world is, is characterized by the words of Lady: # 777 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Abdolmajid Ahmadi. Techniques of the Commedia Dell’arte in the Poetics of Plays of M.A. Kuzmin It is an old tradition When we look out from the dark box On the eternally sad Pierrot (Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 33). “On the stage now there is the buff mess with sticks. Someone is killed ...” (Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 33), – and it is well known that it should be Pierrot, whom Harlequin is traditionally pounding with a stick. Meanwhile, the other, parallel to the doll show, trio is in the hall: they are the very Lady, Pilot and Young man who appears in the form of a sepulchral letter imitating Pierrot’s manner of speech: But I love you indescribably And I can not, I can not, I can not!.. I wanted to die even last winter, But it is better to lie down on the autumn meadow Но я люблю вас невыразимо И не могу, не могу, не могу!.. Я хотел умереть еще прошлую зиму, Но лучше лечь на осеннем лугу (Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 34). If A.A. Block created though cardboard, but live heroes in “Balaganchik”, who symbolize the eternal tragedy of a love triangle, Kuzmin uses the principle of the footlight as a mirror and leaves basically unclear, who parodies who: whether the life is given as a theatrical performance or the theater replicates the real life. By remark of researcher E. Krichevskaia, Kuzmin wrote “an harlequinade, in which an element of comedy is always closely intertwined with an element of tragedy” (Krichevskaia E., p. 7). Young man like Pierrot is disappointed and condemned to death. Unlike Pierrot, Kuzmin always writes the name harlequin with a lowercase letter: so sadness (Pierrot) is characterized by individual traits, fun (harlequin) acts as a type that exists everywhere and always (unfortunately, in the authoritative edition of Kuzmin’s plays of the University of Berkeley the exact fixation of lowercase and capital letters is not always correspond to the original, neither in “The Venetian Madcaps”, nor in “Mary’s Tuesday”). Lady, like Columbine, lives one day, here and now. Perhaps here lies the mystery of the title “Mary’s Tuesday”, which is attributable to the second day, when God created the water and the sky, where Lady was flying for love, which when repeated weekly (as flights do) threatens to turn into routine. Both triangles develop and complete as in the commedia dell'arte with a victory of carelessness over seriousness, of play over reality, of this funfilled present over the sad past and uncertain future. In the “Declaration of Emotionalism” (1923) Kuzmin said: “There is no past, no future, regardless of our own, sacred present perceived emotionally with all the forces of the spirit, and art refers to this present” (Kuzmin M. Radlova Anna, Radlov Sergei, Iurkun Iur (2005), p. 270). A.G. Timofeev, comparing “Mary’s Tuesday” with “a certain confusion of tragedy and farce”, said: “The banality and vulgarity of what is happening is like something overlooked through the chimney hole by the only real, not a “doll” actor – a chimney sweeper ...” (Kuzmin M. (1994-6), p. 407). Чай горячий, свежий бублик Мне дороже всех республик. Всё ведь вылетит в трубу, От всего золу сгребу. На ухо скажу вороне: «Что бывало при Нероне, Будет через сотню лет, – Чёрной сажи липкий след!» (Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 18). But the play boasts another impartial person whose sentiments are extremely important for understanding it, because they play ends with the words of this character: Chauffeur. Objective remarks of Chimney sweeper and Chauffeur set the necessary grid of coordinates and define # 778 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Abdolmajid Ahmadi. Techniques of the Commedia Dell’arte in the Poetics of Plays of M.A. Kuzmin vertical and horizontal sections of the world depicted. Chimney sweeper says: Dirt under me and death, Over me there is grey firmament and there is no hope, which Lady has for that “the cut ether will sparkle <...> blue ...” (Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 18, 23–24). And the other petty, but also necessary character – Chauffeur says: Ах, луна ли, фонари ли! Всё один и тот же путь! – and sums it all up – the smoke and caricature, and they are not ours, but we should pay for everything: В окне карикатуры пар <…> Ах, всё равно, летим, летим, Куда хотим, – Ведь цель поставлена не нами! <…> Вор, кот, иль кукольный кумир, Скрипач, банкир? – Самоубийца ль – та же плата! (Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 29, 35–37).) 3. Results Kuzmin used a schematic plot involving masks of commedia dell'arte, which, in fact, allowed expressing his attitude to the world. Moreover, the characters, who are not participating in the development of the action, are figures that are in the meaningful roll call with theatrical masks and the main characters: thus, pessimistic Chimney sweeper shades cynically Young man and Pierrot, indifferent to the lives of others Chauffeur cynically proclaims his credo, similar to the role of harlequin and the character of Pilot, – both observers understand life much deeper than their potential counterparts. Even Manicurist in her daily routine suddenly becomes a prophetess and predicts Harry's death (Harry is Young man) “on the verge of mistress Mary”, where the “shoulders shine in a number of boxes ...” (Kuzmin M. (1921), p. 12–13). Techniques of dell’arte allowed Kuzmin to use elaborate typification, suitable for a sketch of the timeless human situations. Types of commedia dell’arte probably seemed to him as a kind of standards, similar to the types of folk theater, but commedia dell’arte attracted him more due to its comprehensive literary pretreatment. This can be proved by the review of Kuzmin on the staging of “The Tragedy of Judas, Iscariot Prince” (1919) after A.M. Remizov. In his review Kuzmin praised the story, which is “artfully decorated with masks, reminiscent of Italian comedy masks (Monkey King, Pilate and the two elders)”, and mentioned “folksy dialects of masks and Gozzi’s fairy tales, in which the main characters remain the standard language, which is literary and even elevated by generosity of lyrical pathos” (Kuzmin M. (1923), p. 111). Writers of the pre-revolutionary years referred to techniques of the commedia dell’arte, its themes, the essential methods and characters, this reference can be explained by Russian life at that time, emotional turmoil and senses of frustration and hopelessness embodied by numerous Pierrots. Kuzmin’s theater was trying to heal using the present time, pushing as an example reckless Harlequin in a duel with grim Pierrot; Kuzmin portrayed joy of present as opposite to the sad past and dangerous future. References 1. An Chzien. Problema “stilizatsii” v russkoi dramaturgii nachala XX v.: “Mir iskusstva” I stilizatsiia pod “balagan” M. Kuzmina. [The problem of “Stylization” in Russian drama early 20th century: “The world of Art” and stylization under M. Kuzmin ‘s “Balagan”.] University of Toronto. Academic Electronic Journal in Slavic Studies. http://www.utoronto.ca/tsq/01/rusdram.shtml. # 779 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Abdolmajid Ahmadi. Techniques of the Commedia Dell’arte in the Poetics of Plays of M.A. Kuzmin 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. Gollerbakh E.F. M. Kuzmin. Vtornik Meri: Predstavlenie v trekh chastiakh dlia kukol zhivykh ili dereviannykh [M. Kuzmin. Mery’s Tuesday: a presentation in three parts for living or wooden dolls]. Kniga I revoliutsia, Petrograd. 1921. №12. p. 42. Khodasevich V. M. Kuzmin. “Venetsianskie bezumtsy” (komedia). [M. Kuzmin. “The venetian madmen” (comedy)]. Russkie vedomosti, Moscow, 1915. № 253. pp. 4-7. Koiranskii A.A., Dobrovol’nye tsenzory. (K otmene “Venetsianskikh bezumtsev”). [voluntary censors. (To cancel of “The venetian madmen”)]. Utro Rossii. Moscow, 1914. № 14. pp. 3-8. Krichevskaia E. M. Kuzmin. “Vtornik Meri” [M. Kuzmin. “Mery’s Tuesday”]. Novyi mir, Berlin. 1921. № 152. p. 7. Kuzmin M.A. Cheshuia v nevode [The scales in the seine]. Petrograd, Strelets Publ., 1922. 104 p. Kuzmin M. Radlova Anna, Radlov Sergei, Iurkun Iur. Deklaratsia emotsionalizma [ the declaration of emotionalism]. Russkii ekspressionizm: Teoria. Praktika. Kritika. [Russian expressionism: The theory, practice, criticism]. Moscow, IMLI RAN Publ. 2005. 512 p. Kuzmin M. “Iuda” (“Teatral’naia masterskaia”) [“Judas” (“The theatre workshop”)] Kuzmin M. Uslovnosti: Stat’i ob iskusstve. [Kuzmin M. Conventions: Articles about the art]. Petrograd, Poliarnaia zvezda Publ., 1923. 147 p. Kuzmin M.A. O prekrasnoi iarosti; Zametki o proze [On beautiful Clarity; Notes on the prose]. Apollon. Saint-Petersburg, 1910, № 4, pp. 5-10. Kuzmin M.A. Parnasskie zarosli [Parnassian thickets]. Lit. –kritich. Cb. [literary criticism collection]. Berlin, Zavtra Publ.. 1923. pp. 116-118. Kuzmin M. Teatr: v 4 tomakh [Kuzmin M. plays. In 4 Vol.]. Oakland, California: Berkeley Slavic Specialties, 1994-6. 783 p. Kuzmin M. Venetsianskie bezumtsy: Komedia. [The venetian madmen: comedy]. Moscow, A.M. Kozhebatkin’s and V.V. Blinov’s Publ., 1915. 77 p. Kuzmin M. Vtornik Meri: Predstavlenie v trekh chastiakh dlia kukol zhivykh ili dereviannykh [Mery’s Tuesday: a presentation in three parts for living or wooden dolls]. Petrograd, 1921. 37 p. Meierkhold V.E. Perepiska;1896-1939 [The letters: 1896-1939]. Moscow, Iskustvo Publ., 1976. 464 p. Shakespeare W. Kak vam eto ponravitsia. [As You Like It]. Shakespeare W. Polnoe sobranie sochinenii: T. 5. [The Complete works of William Shakespeare. Vol. 5]. Saint-Petersburg, F.A. Brokgauz’s and I.A. Efron’s Publ., 1903. pp. 7–134. Vinokur G.O. M.Kuzmin. Vtornik Meri: Predstavlenie v trekh chastiakh dlia kukol zhivykh ili dereviannykh [M. Kuzmin. Mery’s Tuesday: a presentation in three parts for living or wooden dolls]. Novyi put’, Riga. 1921. №125. p. 4. Zhirmunskii V.M. Teoriia Literatury. Poetika. Stilistika. [The Theory of literature. Poetics. Stylistics]. Leningrad, Nauka publ., 1977. 408 p. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Abdolmajid Ahmadi. Techniques of the Commedia Dell’arte in the Poetics of Plays of M.A. Kuzmin Приемы комедии дель арте в поэтике пьес М.А. Кузмина Абдолмаджид Ахмади Томский политехнический университет Росиия 634050, Томск, пр. Ленина, 30 В статье исследуются приемы комедии дель арте в драматическом творчестве М.А. Кузмина, особенно подробно изучаются две его главные пьесы “Венецианские безумцы” и “Вторник Мэри” и выясняются причины обращения к приемам дель арте, позволяющим пользоваться высоким уровнем типизации, пригодной для обрисовки общечеловеческих ситуаций. Ключевые слова: комедия дель арте, стилизация, маски, игра. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 782-797 ~~~ УДК 82’25:[=03.222.1=111] Communication Strategies: an Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students of Translation Studies in Translation from Persian into English Sahar Farrahi Avval* Iran Received 21.01.2013, received in revised form 26.02.2013, accepted 30.04.2013 Communication has always been a basic tool for people to get their message across and to negotiate meaning. Apart from different kinds of communication, language is the most effective and common one. But to use a language the most effectively, in addition to knowing the lexicon and grammar of that language, some tools should be at hand of the language user to compensate for any weakness in the above mentioned tools. In this article, the author intends to introduce (CSs) and to show whether they are workable in translation as they are in speaking tasks by conducting a research on BA students of translation. Keywords: communication, negotiate meaning, communication strategies, translation Process 1. Introduction People cannot go on without having relationship with each other and to satisfy their needs they are obliged to be contact with others. Sometimes, and it is better to say, most of the time it is hard for the communicators to get their messages across or it is hard for the receiver to understand the speaker to understand what is said and heard despite a big load of lexicon and grammar rules, so the need of some tools are felt in such a situation. The condition mentioned can exist when people in the same language communicate with each other such that they cannot fi nd the appropriate word or expression. When fi rst, CSs were introduced to the world of linguistics; they were primarily used in the area of teaching and learning languages. * Many research have been carried out on the usage of 'communication strategies' (CSs) in teaching and learning languages but less is done on their usage in translation. It is worthy to mention that these strategies are well known as tools for communication, within one specific language or between two different languages. Translation is a communication process that involves the transfer of a message from a source language to a target language. Hatim and Mason consider translation as «an act of communication which attempts to relay, across cultural and linguistic boundaries, another act of communication (Hatim & Mason: 1997).» In most cases, according to Houbert, «translation is to be understood as the process © Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved Corresponding author E-mail address: firstname.lastname@example.org # 782 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Sahar Farrahi Avval. Communication Strategies: An Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students… whereby a message expressed in a specific source language is linguistically transformed in order to be understood by readers of the target language « (as cited in Ordudari: 2008). So with above mentioned reasons, we can gather that translation into another language is a kind of communication process with all the conditions of speaking another language so that the tools workable to compensate for the weaknesses in speaking process could be applicable for translation also. The author tries to prove this theory by doing a research on translation students which is explained in details in the following parts. 2. Communication strategies (CSs) Rubin defines communication strategies as those strategies used by a learner to promote and continue communication with others rather than abandon it. They are strategies used by speakers when they come across a difficulty in their communication because a lack of adequate knowledge of the language. Regarding CSs, different typologies are proposed by scholars in the field such as Tarone (1977), Faerch and Kasper (1983), the Nijmegen Group (based on Poulisse, 1987; Kellerman, 1991), Bialystok (1990), Dörnyei (1995), Dörnyei and Scott ( 1997) and finally Rabab'ah (2001). Although they are different in the surface but it seems that they say the same thing. In the present study the model proposed by Tarone is applied and in this article we suffice to demonstrate her model in Table 1 and. 3. Statement of the problem and research question The students of translation even those who own a good mastery of words, expressions and grammar rules have problems in translating the texts and they are not able get through the obstacles in communicating the meaning and concept. It reveals that some tools are needed to solve this problem. If the usage of CSs in communication is subconsciously done, they are to be manifested in the student's renderings and if this happens, we can strongly say that CSs are workable in translation process too. So in the study carried out by the researcher, it is intended to answer the question that whether the students of translation apply CSs in their translation or not. Table 1. Tarones model of CSs 1. Avoidance a Topic avoidance b Message abandonment 2. Paraphrase a Approximation b Word coinage c Circumlocution 3. Conscious transfer a Literal translation b Language switch 4. Appeal for assistance 5. Mime # 783 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Sahar Farrahi Avval. Communication Strategies: An Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students… 4. The study 4-1. Participants The participants were 29 students of translation, 4 of whom were male and 25 were female (gender was not under consideration for this study) and they were 22-30 years old. They were selected from among 69 students of translation which had between 14-20 credits to graduate and had never been to any English speaking countries before. To have a homogenous group in terms of language proficiency, the Oxford Placement Test (OPT) was administered to 69 students. The standard deviation of 69 scores was fund to be 9.86 (SD= 9.86). Then, scores falling within ± 1 SD from the mean were included in the study (41.21≤ X ≤ 60.93, X= 51.07) and other participants who took the OPT were omitted from the study. 4-2. Instruments Since the focus of the study, as was mentioned earlier, was to investigate the CSs that the translation students used in their translations, three kinds of materials were used to elicit the participants' actual employment of CSs. First, the OPT was used to select a homogenous sample of participants. Then, in order to investigate the CSs the participants used for translation problems they encountered during the translation process, a translation task, a standard translation of « The Darling» (a short story written by Anton Chekhov and translated by Ahmad Golshiri consisting of 1016 words (see Appendices A and B for Persian and English texts)) was administered to the selected sample to translate from Persian into English. Since the above mentioned is accepted in the translation society, the clarity, naturalness and accuracy f his translation of the text was out of question. Finally, a multiple choice test (see Appendix C) was administered to explore students' perceptions of each CS they made use of in their translations. This test included 10 items; each item included an English word, phrase or sentence with its equivalent in English; in this process the equivalent under consideration was provided according to a specific CS which was included in four choices and the participants were supposed to distinguish it from among four given choices. For their ease of understanding, definitions of CSs were attached to the test papers so that the participants could study them and then answer the questions (see Appendix E for definitions of CSs) 4-3. Data collection and procedure As mentioned above, first, a screening Oxford Placement Test was administered to 69 translation students. Then, after selecting 29 participants from them based on their mastery level as described before, sometime later, they were asked to do the translation job as was described above. The students were asked not to use any dictionaries because perfect translations were not expected but a communicative one with the vocabulary and grammar rules the participants already knew and, meanwhile, they had been assured that the results of this translation task and the following perception test would have no effects on their term scores so that they could feel free to do the job. By comparing the 29 translation done by the participants against the standard translation and the original text, the differences were recorded as the CSs cases the CSs categorization was done according to the provided defi nition for each CSs based on Tarone model. By calculating the Chi square for the strategies found, statistically it revealed that the usage of CSs in the translations were significant for the following investigations. The researcher looked for words, phrases and sentences in which CSs were employed by the # 784 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Sahar Farrahi Avval. Communication Strategies: An Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students… participants to convey the meaning. Based on the model by Tarone and provided definition for each strategy, the translations done by the participants were analyzed and the CSs occurrences were reported which are demonstrated in the next chapter. The same process was established by an expert in the field of translation such that the participants' translations were analyzed again to find CSs cases. The differences between to analyses of the researcher of the study and the expert's were registered. Then two analyses were compared and by calculating the correlation coefficient which it revealed enough correlation between the data reported by the researcher and the data reported by the expert. Seven CSs were found the participants' translations. The coding reliability for each strategy is demonstrated in tables 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8: Finally, the questionnaires of 10 items were given to them to investigate whether they knew what CSs they had employed in their translations or not. The calculated Chi square for the significant frequency of correct answers is demonstrated in the next chapter. 4-4. Results In this section, the results of the study are reported. Just as a reminder, there was an attempt to see whether CSs are used by translation students in the course translating a text. After the selection of 29 participants out of 69 ones by screening them through administering the OPT, they were given the translation task. Table 2. The obtained correlation coefficient between two coders for approximation strategy Correlations Strategy type Approximation1 Approximation 1 Approximation 2 1 .950** Pearson Correlation Sig. (2-tailed) Approximation 2 .000 N 29 29 Pearson Correlation .950** 1 Sig. (2-tailed) .000 N 29 29 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). Table 3. The obtained correlation coefficient between two coders for topic avoidance strategy Correlations Strategy type Topic avoidance1 Pearson Correlation Topic avoidance 1 Topic avoidance 2 1 .941** Sig. (2-tailed) Topic avoidance2 .000 N 29 29 Pearson Correlation .941** 1 Sig. (2-tailed) .000 N 29 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). # 785 # 29 Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Sahar Farrahi Avval. Communication Strategies: An Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students… Table 4. The obtained correlation coefficient between two coders for circumlocution strategy Correlations Strategy type Circumlocution 1 Circumlocution1 Circumlocution 2 1 .883** Pearson Correlation Sig. (2-tailed) Circumlocution 2 .000 N 29 29 Pearson Correlation .883** 1 Sig. (2-tailed) .000 N 29 29 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). Table 5. The obtained correlation coefficient between two coders for literal translation strategy Correlations Strategy type Literal translation 1 Pearson Correlation Literal translation 1 1 Sig. (2-tailed) Literal translation 2 Literal translation 2 .890** .000 N 29 29 Pearson Correlation .890** 1 Sig. (2-tailed) .000 N 29 29 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). Table 6. The obtained correlation coefficient between two coders for message abandonment strategy Correlations Strategy type Message abandonment1 Message abandonment 1 Message abandonment 2 1 1.000** Pearson Correlation Sig. (2-tailed) Message abandonment 2 .000 N 29 29 Pearson Correlation 1.000** 1 Sig. (2-tailed) .000 N 29 29 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). 4. 4. 1. Results of the translation task The analysis of the translation task yielded seven CSs and 1482 occurrences of CSs totally. The CSs found, classified based on the highest frequently occurring ones to the lowest ones are: approximation, topic avoidance, circumlocution, literal translation, message abandonment, language switch and finally appeal for assistance. Table 9 shows the type and frequency of CSs employed by the participants. As the table above shows, the most frequently CS used by the participant is # 786 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Sahar Farrahi Avval. Communication Strategies: An Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students… Table 7. The obtained correlation coefficient between two coders for language switch strategy Correlations Language switch 1 Language switch1 Language switch2 1 1.000** Pearson Correlation Sig. (2-tailed) Language switch 2 .000 N 29 29 Pearson Correlation 1.000** 1 Sig. (2-tailed) .000 N 29 29 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). Table 8. The obtained correlation coefficient between two coders for appeal for assistance strategy Correlations Strategy type Appeal for assistance1 Appeal for assistance1 Appeal for assistance2 1 1.000** Pearson Correlation Sig. (2-tailed) Appeal for assistance2 .000 N 29 29 Pearson Correlation 1.000** 1 Sig. (2-tailed) .000 N 29 29 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). approximation. In Table 10 some examples of this strategy taken from the participants' translation are illustrated The strategy which registered the most after approximation was topic avoidance which some examples of the participants' translation are presented in Table 11 below. The third strategy used was circumlocution. The examples are presented in Table 12 The fourth strategy which registered the most occurring CS after circumlocution is literal translation. For this kind of analysis, the back translation of the participants were analyzed against the Persian translation and occurrences of literal translation were found the examples of which are demonstrated in Table 14 as follows: The fifth strategy employed by the participants was message abandonment. Some examples of this strategy taken from the participants' translations are illustrated in Table 15 After message abandonment, language switch registered the most CSs. The examples are illustrated in Table 16: The last strategy employed by the participants of this study is appeal for assistance and the examples for this CS are demonstrated in Table 17: The participants who used this CS intended their readers to understand them because they felt that they could not be able to convince the readers understand what they had translated and used this CS in the middle of their translation process. # 787 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Table 9. Types and frequency of CSs employed by the participants Strategy type Total number of instances Frequency (%) Approximation 1160 78.27 Topic avoidance 102 6.88 Circumlocution 83 5.60 Literal translation 56 3.77 Message abandonment 44 2.96 Language switch 23 1.55 Appeal for assistance Total 14 0.94 1482 100.0 Table 10. Examples of approximation used by the participants of the study Participants' back translation The original text The girl always had a crush on somebody. She was always loving somebody. She retold… She repeated… … and every woman likes to be his wife. Animals doctor …and any woman could be glad to get him as a husband. Veterinarian … and they married. … and the wedding followed. Table 11. Examples of topic avoidance used by the participants of the study Participants' back translation The original text In the summer she sat on the… and… In the summer she sat on the steps and... …who sat the whole time in his… in … …who sat the whole time in his armchair in… And … he had been… And evidently he had been… ................................. . After that she heard his sedate vice the whole day. ………………. . It's getting to be a nuisance. Table 12. Examples of circumlocution used by the participants of the study Participants' back translation , when she was going to school… The original text , when a pupil… …a middle aged woman that Olenka did not know her … an elderly woman, a distant acquaintance… very much… … that Olenka was not familiar with… … an elderly woman, a distant acquaintance… … a man that you can count on… … a steady man… … her temperature had gone up vey much. …fever. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Sahar Farrahi Avval. Communication Strategies: An Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students… Table 14. Examples of literal translation used in translation by the participants of the study Participants' back translation The Persian translation … she dragged the speech to Pustovalov and… … she drew the speak to Pustovalov and… … or she picked the dinner on the table… Time how soon passes! … because Olenka was not a secret keeper man. … to him she draw cross… ﻭ ﺩﻥﺍﺵک ﻑﻝﺍﻭﻭﺕﺱﻭپ ﻩﺏ ﺍﺭ ﺕﺏﺡﺹ ﻩک ﺩﻭﺏ...… ﻭ ﺩﻥﺍﺵک ﻑﻝﺍﻭﻭﺕﺱﻭپ ﻩﺏ ﺍﺭ ﺕﺏﺡﺹ ﻩک ﺩﻭﺏ...… ﺩیچ یﻡ ﺯیﻡ یﻭﺭ ﻡﺍﺵ ﺍی...… !ﺩﺭﺫگ یﻡ ﺩﻭﺯ ﻩچ ﻥﺍﻡﺯ ... ﺩﻭﺏﻥ ی ﺭﺍﺩﻩگﻥ ﺯﺍﺭ ﻡﺩﺁ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ ﻥﻭچ. ... ﺩﺵک یﻡ ﺏیﻝﺹ ﻭﺍ ﻩﺏ... Table 15. Examples of message abandonment used in translation by the participants of the study Participants' back translation The original text In the evening they… In the evening they prepared lessons together, and Olenka wept with sasha over the difficulties. He stayed only about ten minutes, and spoke little, but Olenka fell in love with him… When the doctors discuss things, please don't mix in. He stayed only about ten minutes and… When the doctors… Table 16. Examples of language switch used in translation by the participants of the study Participants' back translation The original text … araghitoon and gazaneyeh badboo… Dock and thistles overgrew the yard. …masoom smile… …and at the good naïve smile that… She repeated the dampezeshk words… She repeated the veterinarian's words… …his black rish… …his dark beard… Table 17. Examples of appeal for assistance used in translation by the participants of the study Participants' translation … I mean that… … it means that…. … the meaning is that…. … I am meaning that… 4.4.2. Results of CSs perception questionnaire After the translation task was carried out, a questionnaire of 10 questions on CSs perception test to which the definitions of a number of CSs were enclosed were distributed among the participants and they were asked to answer them. Analysis of the papers revealed that nobody answered all 10 questions. In Table 18, the number of correct answers for each question are illustrated. # 789 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Sahar Farrahi Avval. Communication Strategies: An Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students… Table 18. The number of correct answers for each question of the CSs test Questions No of correct answers of 29 participants Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Q6 Q7 Q8 Q9 Q 10 27 25 17 20 24 17 25 27 19 28 Table 19. The Chi square of approximation Approximation Observed N Expected N Residual 35 2 2.6 -.6 36 2 2.6 -.6 37 3 2.6 .4 38 3 2.6 .4 39 3 2.6 .4 40 1 2.6 -1.6 41 6 2.6 3.4 42 4 2.6 1.4 43 2 2.6 -.6 45 2 2.6 -.6 46 1 2.6 -1.6 Total 29 4-5. Data analysis By comparing the 29 back translation done by the participants against the standard translation and the original text, the differences were recorded as the CSs cases by the researcher and by calculating the Chi square for each CS found, statistically it revealed that the usage of CSs in the translations were significant for the following investigations. In Table 20 the Chi square calculated for topic avoidance is illustrated. In Table 21 the Chi square calculated for circumlocution is illustrated. In Table 22 The Chi square calculated for literal translation is illustrated. In Table 23 the Chi square calculated for message abandonment is illustrated. In Table 24 the Chi square calculated for language switch is illustrated. In Table 25 the Chi square calculated for appeal for assistance is illustrated. Finally, the Chi square of the perception test was calculated and the results which are illustrated in Table 26 showed a significant meaningfulness in perception of the participants of CSs employment. # 790 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Sahar Farrahi Avval. Communication Strategies: An Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students… Table 20. The Chi square for topic avoidance Topic avoidance Observed N 1 Expected N 4.1 Residual -3.1 5 4.1 .9 9 4.1 4.9 9 4.1 4.9 3 4.1 -1.1 1 4.1 -3.1 1 4.1 -3.1 29 Table 21. The Chi square for circumlocution Circumlocution Observed N Expected N Residual 1 5.8 -4.8 2 9 5.8 3.2 3 15 5.8 9.2 4 1 5.8 -4.8 5 3 5.8 -2.8 1 Total 29 Table 22. The Chi square for literal translation Literal translation Observed N Expected N Residual 0 3 5.8 -2.8 1 10 5.8 4.2 2 6 5.8 .2 3 7 5.8 1.2 3 5.8 -2.8 4 Total 29 6. Conclusions Based on the findings discussed, a few conclusions can be drawn. First of all, a look at the findings of this research reveals the necessity of teaching CSs to the students of translation in Iran from the first semester of studying translation studies at BA level. Teaching these strategies would be beneficial and the application of these strategies helps students of translation, future translators, to get over difficulties they may encounter during translation process. These difficulties may arise from the deficiency in knowledge of grammar or # 791 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Table 23. The Chi square for message abandonment Message abandonment 0 Observed N 5 Expected N 5.8 Residual -.8 1 11 5.8 5.2 2 8 5.8 2.2 3 3 5.8 -2.8 2 5.8 -3.8 4 Total 29 Table 24. The Chi square for language switch Language switch 0 Observed N 17 Expected N 5.8 Residual 11.2 1 4 5.8 -1.8 2 5 5.8 -.8 3 2 5.8 -3.8 4 1 5.8 -4.8 Expected N 9.7 Residual 4.3 Total 29 Table 25. The Chi square for appeal for assistance Appeal for assistance 0 Observed N 14 1 14 9.7 4.3 2 1 9.7 -8.7 Total 29 Table 26. The Chi square of the CSs perception test 5 Observed N 2 Expected N 5.8 Residual -3.8 6 4 5.8 -1.8 7 1 5.8 -4.8 8 10 5.8 4.2 12 5.8 6.2 9 Total 29 »Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис …Sahar Farrahi Avval. Communication Strategies: An Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students and the participants would have operated more powerfully. As was pointed out earlier, translation is a communicative act and this point should be taught to students of translation also and with such a look at this communicative act, the necessity of teaching these strategies to students of translation will be recognized. lexis. In addition, students of translation should have enough opportunities and time to carry out translation tasks. Translating from English into Persian is focused more than translating from Persian into English in Iranian universities. If this type of translation had been focused before administering this study, the result would have been different References Golshiri, A. (2005). The Best Short Stories. Iran. Tehran, Negah Hatim, B. & Mason, I. (1997). Translator as Communicator. London and New York: Routledge. Ordudari, M. (2008).Good Translation: Art, Craft, or Science?. Translation Journal, 12, (1). Retrieved May, 13, 2010. Rusk, J. (1999). 201 Stories by Anton Chekhov. Retrieved June 27, 2010 from www.ibiblio.org/ eldritch/ac/jr/index.html. 1. 2. 3. 4. Appendix A ﻩﻕﺍﻝﻉ ﺵﺭﺩپ ﻩﺏ ﺍﺩﺕﺏﺍ .ﺩﻥک یگﺩﻥﺯ ﺕﺱﻥﺍﻭﺕ یﻡﻥ یﺭگیﺩﺭﻭﻁ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺏ یﺱک ی ﻩﺕﺥﺍﺏﻝﺩ ﻩﺕﺱﻭیپ ﺭﺕﺥﺩ .ﺩیﺵک یﻡ ﺱﻑﻥ یﺕﺥﺱ ﻩﺏ ﻭ ﺕﺱﺵﻥ یﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﺥﺭچ یﻝﺩﻥﺹ یﻭﺭ یکی ﺭﺍﺕ ﻕﺍﺕﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺏ ﺭﺍﻡیﺏ ﻩک ﺕﺵﺍﺩ ،ﻥﺁ ﺯﺍ ﺵیپ ﺍﻩ ﺕﺩﻡ ﻭ .ﺩﻡﺁ یﻡ ﺵﻥیﺩیﺩ ﻩﺏ کﺱﻥﺍیﺭﺏ ﺯﺍ ﻥﺍیﻡ ﺭﺩ ﻝﺍﺱ کی ﻩک ﺩﺵ ﺵﺍ ﻩﻡﻉ ی ﻩﺕﻑیﺵ ﺱپﺱ ﺵﻭﺥ ﻭ ﻥﺍﺏﺭﻩﻡ ،ﻑﺭﺡ ﻡک .ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﺭک ﺍﺩیپ ﻩﻕﺍﻝﻉ ﺵﺍ ﻩﺱﻥﺍﺭﻑ ﻥﺍﺏﺯ ﻡﻝﻉﻡ ﻩﺏ ،ﺕﻑﺭ یﻡ ﻩﺱﺭﺩﻡ ﻩﺏ یﺕﻕﻭ یﻥﻉی یﻡ ﻭﺍ ﻥﻭگﻝگ یﺍﻩ ﻩﻥﻭگ ﻩﺏ یﺕﻕﻭ ﺍﻩﺩﺭﻡ .ﺩﻭﺏ ﺕﺱﺭﺩﻥﺕ ﻭ ﺕﺵﺍﺩ یﻥﺕﺵﺍﺩ ﺕﺱﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺏﺭﻭﻡ ﻥﺍﻡﺵچ ،ﺩﻭﺏ ﻕﺍﻝﺥﺍ ﻉﻕﻭﻡ ،ﺍﺭ ﺵﺍ ﻩﻥﺍﻝﺩ ﻩﺩﺍﺱ ﻭ ﻥﺍﺏﺭﻩﻡ ﺩﻥﺥﺏﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻥﺩﺭک یﻡ ﻩﺍگﻥ ﺵﻩﺍیﺱ ﻝﺍﺥ ﺍﺏ ﻭﺍ ﺩیﻑﺱ ﻥﺩﺭگ ﻩﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻥﺕﺱیﺭگﻥ .ﺩﻥﺩﺯ یﻡ ﺩﻥﺥﺏﻝ ﻭ »!ییﻭﺭﺏ ﻝﺩ ﻭﺕ ﺭﺕﺥﺩ ﻩچ »:ﺩﻥﺕﻑگ یﻡ ﺩﻭﺥ ﺍﺏ ،ﺩﻥﺩیﺩ یﻡ ،ﻉﻭﺏﻁﻡ ﺯیچ ﺭﻩ ﻩﺏ ﻥﺩﺍﺩ ﺵﻭگ »:ﺩﻥﺕﻑگ یﻡ ﺩﻥﻝﺏ ،ﺩﻥﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﻡﺁ ﺩﺝﻭ ﻩﺏ ﻩک ﻥﺍﻥچﻡﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻥﺕﻑﺭگ یﻡ ﺍﺭ ﻭﺍ ﺕﺱﺩ ییﺍﻩ ﺕﻕﻭ ﻥیﻥچ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻩ ﻥﺯ ﻭ !».ﻡﺯیﺯﻉ ﺭﺱ ﺍﺕ ﺭﺱ ﻥﺯ .ﺩﺍﺩ ﻩﻡﺍﺩﺍ ﺵﻩﺍﺭ ﻩﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭک یﻅﻑﺍﺡﺍﺩﺥ ﻭﺍ ﺯﺍ ﺩﻥﺍﺱﺭ ﺵﺍ ﻩﻥﺍﺥ گﺭﺯﺏ ﺭﺩ ﺍﺕ ﺍﺭ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ ﻩکﻥﺁ ﺯﺍ ﺱپ ﺩﺭﻡ .ﺩﺭﻭﺁ یﻡ ﺭﻅﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺍﺭ ﻭﺍ ﻩﺍیﺱ ﺵیﺭ ﺕﺱﺏ یﻡ ﺍﺭ ﺵﻥﺍﻡﺵچ ﻩک ﻥیﻡﻩ ﻭ ﺩیﻥﺵ یﻡ ﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻡ ﺵﺥﺏ یﻝﺱﺕ یﺍﺩﺹ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻥﺁ ﺍﺏ ﺍﻩﺭﺩﻕ ﻥﺁ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ ﻩک یﺍ ﻩﺩﺍﺕﻑﺍﺍﺝ ﻡﻥﺍﺥ ﻩک ﺕﺵﺫگﻥ یﺯیچ ﺍﺭیﺯ ؛ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺕﺵﺍﺫگ ﺭیﺙﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﻡ ﺭﺏ ﺯیﻥ ﻥﺯ ﺍﺭﻩﺍﻅ ﺕﺏﺡﺹ ﻩک ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺕﺱﺵﻥﻥ ﺯیﻡ ﺕﺵپ ﺯﻭﻥﻩ ﻥﺯ .ﺩیﺵﻭﻥ یﺍچ یﻥﺍﺝﻥﻑ ﻭ ﺩﻡﺁ ﺵﺍ ﻩﻥﺍﺥ ﻩﺏ ،ﺕﺵﺍﺩﻥ ییﺍﻥﺵﺁ ﻭﺍ ﺵیپ ﺭﺩ ﻭﺍ ﺍﺏ ﺩﺭﺍﺩ ﻭﺯﺭﺁ یﻥﺯﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺕﺱﺍ یﻥﺍﻥیﻡﻁﺍ ﻝﺏﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻥیﻥﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻡ ﻩک ﺕﻑگ ﻭ ﺩﻥﺍﺵک ﻑﻝﺍﻭﻭﺕﺱﻭپ ﻩﺏ ﺍﺭ ﻑﺭﺡ ﻭ ﺩﻥﺍﻡﻥ ﻩﻕیﻕﺩ ﻩﺩ ﺯﺍ ﺵیﺏ .ﺩﺯ ﻥﺯ ﻩﺏ یﺭﺱ ﺵﺩﻭﺥ ﻑﻝﺍﻭﻭﺕﺱﻭپ ﺩﻉﺏ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻩﺱ .ﺩﻭﺵ ﺭﺽﺍﺡ ﺍﺱیﻝک ﺏﺍﺭﺡﻡ ﺡﺏﺹ ﻭ ﺕﺥﻭﺱ یﻡ ﺏﺕ ﺕﺩﺵ ﺯﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺏ ﺭﺍﺩیﺏ ﺡﺏﺹ ﺍﺕ ﺏﺵ ﻩک ﺩﺵ ﺵﺍ ﻩﺕﺥﺍﺏﻝﺩ ﻥﺍﻥچ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ ﺍﻡﺍ ؛ﺩﺯﻥ یﺩﺍیﺯ .ﺩیﺱﺭﺭﺩ یﺱﻭﺭﻉ ﺏﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻥﺩﺵ ﺩﺯﻡﺍﻥ ﻩک ﺕﺵﺫگﻥ یﺯیچ .ﺩﺍﺕﺱﺭﻑ ﻩﺩﺍﺕﻑﺍﺍﺝ ﻡﻥﺍﺥ ﻝﺍﺏﻥﺩ ﻩﺏ ﺩﻉﺏ ﺯﻭﺭ .ﺩﺭﻭﺁ یﻡ ﻥﺍﺏﺯ ﻩﺏ ﻭﺍ ﻩک ﺕﺵﺍﺩ یﻡ ﻥﺍیﺏ ﺍﺭ ییﺍﻩ ﻩﺩیﻕﻉ ﻥﺍﻡﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭک یﻡ ﻭگ ﺯﺍﺏ ﺍﺭ کﺵﺯپﻡﺍﺩ یﺍﻩ ﻩﺕﻑگ ﺍﻝﺍﺡ ﻭﺍ ﻕﺍﺕﺍ ﻭﺩ ﺭﺩ ﺍﺭ یﺕﺥﺏﺵﻭﺥ ﻭ ﺩﻥک یگﺩﻥﺯ ﻥﺍﺭگیﺩ ﺍﺏ ﻁﺍﺏﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻥﻭﺩﺏ ﺩﻥﺍﻭﺕ یﻡﻥ ﻝﺍﺱ کی یﺕﺡ ﻩک ﺩﻭﺏ ﻥﺵﻭﺭ ﺱک چیﻩ ﺍﻡﺍ ؛ﺩی ﺭﺍﺏ یﻡ ﺵیﻭﺱ ﻩﺏ ﺕﻑﻭکﺭﺱ ﻥﺍﺭﺍﺏ ﺩﻭﺏ ﻭﺍ یﺍﺝ یﺭگیﺩ ﻥﺯ ﺭﻩ .ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺕﻑﺍی ﺵﺍ ﻩﻥﺍﺥ ﻁﺍیﺡ ﻩﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍ ﻩﻥ .ﺕﺵﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﺝﻭ ﺵﺍ یگﺩﻥﺯ ﺭﺩ یکی ﺭﺍﺕ ﺯیچ چیﻩ ﻥﻭچ ،ﺩﺍﺩ یﻡﻥ ﻩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺥ ﻩﺏ ﻭﺍ ی ﻩ ﺭﺍﺏﺭﺩ ﺩﺏ ی ﻩﺵیﺩﻥﺍ ﻥﺁ ﺩﻥﺩﺭک یﻡ یﻉﺱ یﺕﺡ ؛ﺩﻥﺩﺯ یﻡﻥ یﻑﺭﺡ یﺱک ﺍﺏ ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﻡﺁ ﺵیپ ﻥﺍﺵ ﻁﺏﺍﻭﺭ ﺭﺩ ﻩک یﺭییﻍﺕ ﺯﺍ کﺵﺯپﻡﺍﺩ # 793 # »Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис …Sahar Farrahi Avval. Communication Strategies: An Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students ﻥﺍﺭﺍکﻡﻩ ﻭ ﺕﺵﺍﺩ ﻥﺍﻡﻩﻡ یﺕﻕﻭ ﺩﺭﻡ .ﺩﻭﺏﻥ ی ﺭﺍﺩﻩگﻥﺯﺍﺭ ﻡﺩﺁ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ ﻥﻭچ ؛ﺩﻥﺩﺵیﻡﻥ ﻕﻑﻭﻡ ﺍﻡﺍ ؛ﺩﻥﺭﺍﺩ ﻩگﻥ ﻥﺍﻩﻥپ ﺍﺭ ﻥﻭﻉﺍﻁ ﻩﺏ ﺍﺭ ﺕﺏﺡﺹ ﻝﺍﺡ ﻥﺁ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩیچ یﻡ ﺯیﻡ یﻭﺭ ﻡﺍﺵ ﺍی ﺩﺭﻭﺁ یﻡ یﺍچ ﻥﺯ ،ﺩﻥﺩﻡﺁ یﻡ ﺵﺭﺍﺩیﺩ ﻩﺏ ﺵﺍ یﻡﺍﻅﻥ یﺕﻕﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺭک یﻡ ﻡگ ﺍﺭ ﺵیﺍپ ﻭ ﺕﺱﺩ ﺩﺭﻡ .ﺩﻥﺍﺵک یﻡ ی ﺭﺍﺩﺭﻩﺵ یﺍﻩ ﻩﺍگ ﺭﺍﺕﺵک ﻩﺏ ﻭ یﻥﺍﻭیﺡ ﻝﺱ ﻩﺏ ،یﻭﺍگ :ﺕﻑگ یﻡ ﺕیﻥﺍﺏﺹﻉ ﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺕﻑﺭگ یﻡ ﺍﺭ ﻥﺯ ﺕﺱﺩ ﺩﻥﺕﻑﺭ یﻡ ﺍﻩ ﻥﺍﻡﻩﻡ ﺡﺭﻁﻡ ﻭﺭ یﻉﻭﺽﻭﻡ ﺍﻩ کﺵﺯپﻡﺍﺩ یﺕﻕﻭ !ﻥﺯﻥ یﻑﺭﺡ ﻩﺵ یﻡﻥ ﺕﺭﺱ ﻩک ییﺍﻩﺯیچ ی ﻩ ﺭﺍﺏﺭﺩ ﻡﺍ ﻩﺕﻑگ ﺭﺍﺏ ﺩﺹ « »!یﻥک یﻡ ﺕﺡﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭ ﻩﻡﻩ !ﻥکﻥ یﻁﺍﻕ ﻭﺕﺩﻭﺥ ،ﻥﻥک یﻡ ﻩک ییﺍﺝ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺏ یﻝﻭﻡﻉﻡ ﻥﺍﺏﺍیﺥ ﺍﻝﺍﺡ ﺍﻩ یﻝﻭک ﻩﺩﺍﺝ .ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﺭک ﺍﺩیپ ﻩﻉﺱﻭﺕ ﻭﺱ ﻩﻡﻩ ﺭﺩ ﻩﺕﻑﺭ ﻩﺕﻑﺭ ﺭﻩﺵ !ﺩﺭﺫگ یﻡ ﺩﻭﺯ ﻩچ ﻥﺍﻡﺯ .ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﺵ ﺍﻥﺏ یﺩﺍیﺯ یﺍﻩ ﻩچﻭک ﻭ ﺍﻩ ﻩﻥﺍﺥ ،ﺕﺵﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﺭﻕ یﺵﻭﺭﻑ ﺏﻭچ ﻭ یﻝﻭیﺕ ﻍﺍﺏ یﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﺕ ﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﺵ ﺭﺏ کی ی ﺭﺍﺏﻥﺍ ،ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﺯ گﻥﺯ ﻩﻥﺍﺥ یﻥﺍﻭﺭیﺵ ،ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﺭک ﺍﺩیپ یﺭﻕﺡﻡ ﺭﻩﺍﻅ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ ی ﻩﻥﺍﺥ ﻝکﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺱ ﺯﺍ ﻭ ﻩﺕﺵﺍﺫگ ﻥﺱ ﻩﺏ ﺍپ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ .ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺕﺵﺍﺏﻥﺍ ﻭﺏﺩﺏ ی ﻩﻥﺯگ ﻭ ﻥﻭﻁیﻕﺍﺭﺍ یﺍﻩ ﻩﺕﻭﺏ ﺍﺭ ﻁﺍیﺡ ﺭﺱ ﺭﻁﺍﺥ ﻩﺩﺭﺯﺁ ﻭ گﻥﺕﻝﺩ ﻭ یﻩﺕ ﺩﺭک یﻡ ﺱﺍﺱﺡﺍ ،ﻩﺕﺵﺫگ ﻝﺙﻡ ،ﻭ ﺕﺱﺵﻥ یﻡ ﻥﺍﻭیﺍ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻩ ﻥﺍﺕﺱﺏﺍﺕ .ﺩﻭﺏ ﻩﺩﺍﺕﻑﺍ یﺕﻕﻭ ﺍی ی ﺭﺍﻩﺏ یﺍﻭﻩ ﻥیﻝﻭﺍ ﺍﺏ یﻩﺍگ .ﺩﺵ یﻡ ﻩﺭیﺥ ﺍﻩ ﻑﺭﺏ ﻩﺏ ﻭ ﺕﺱﺵﻥ یﻡ ﻩﺭﺝﻥپ ﺕﺵپ ﺍﻩ ﻥﺍﺕﺱﻡﺯ ؛ﺕﺱﺍ یﻡ ﻥﺍﺝیﻩ ﺯﺍ ﺵﺏﻝﻕ ،ﺕﻑﺭگ یﻡ ﻥﺍﺝ ﺵیﻭﺭ ﺵیپ ﻩﺕﺵﺫگ ﺕﺍﺭﻁﺍﺥ ،ﺩﺭﻭﺁ یﻡ ﺍﺭ ﺍﺱیﻝک ﺱﻭﻕﺍﻥ یﺍﺩﺹ ﺩﺍﺏ یﻩﺕ ﺕﻝﺍﺡ ﻥﺍﻡﻩ ﺯﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺩییﺍپ یﻡﻥ ﺭﺕ ﺵیﺏ یﺍ ﻩﻅﺡﻝ ﺕﻝﺍﺡ ﻥیﺍ ﺍﻡﺍ .ﺩﺵ یﻡ ﺯیﺭﺏﻝ کﺵﺍ ﺯﺍ ﺵﻥﺍﻡﺵچ ﻭ ﺩیپﺕ یﻡ ﺵیﺍپ ﻩﺏ ﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺥ ،ﺍکﺱیﺭﺏ ،ﺵﻩﺍیﺱ ی ﻩﺏﺭگ .ﺩﻥک یﻡ یگﺩﻥﺯ ﻩچ یﺍﺭﺏ ﺕﺱﻥﺍﺩ یﻡﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭک یﻡ ﺱﺍﺱﺡﺍ ﺍﺭ ؟ﺩﺭﻭﺥ یﻡ ﻭﺍ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻩچ ﻩﺏ ﺍﻩ ﺵﺯﺍﻭﻥ ﻥیﺍ .ﺕﺵﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﺍ ﺭﺏ یﺭیﺙﺍﺕ ﻩﺏﺭگ یﺍﻩﺵﺯﺍﻭﻥ ﻥیﺍ ﺍﻡﺍ ﺩﺭک یﻡ ﺭﺥﺭﺥ ﻡﺍﺭﺁ ﻭ ﺩیﻝﺍﻡ ،ﺩﺍﺩ یﻡ ﻩﺵیﺩﻥﺍ ﻭﺍ ﻩﺏ ﻩک یﺕﺏﺡﻡ ،ﺩﺵ یﻡ کﻝﺍﻡ ﺍﺭ ﺵﻥﻩﺫ ﻭ ﺵﺡﻭﺭ ،ﺵﺩﻭﺝﻭ ﻡﺍﻡﺕ ﻩک ﺕﺵﺍﺩ ﺯﺍیﻥ یﺕﺏﺡﻡ ﻩﺏ یﻡ ﺱپ ﺵﻥﻡﺍﺩ یﻭﺭ ﺯﺍ ﺍﺭ ﻩﺏﺭگ ﺱپﺱ .ﺩﺭک یﻡ ﻡﺭگ ﺍﺭ ﻭﺍ ﺩﻥﻡﻝﺍﺱ ﻥﻭﺥ ﻩک یﺕﺏﺡﻡ ،ﺩﺍﺩ یﻡ یگﺩﻥﺯ ﺭﺩ یﻑﺩﻩ .ﻥﻭﺏﺱچﻥ ﻥﻡ ﻩﺏ ﻭﺕﺩﻭﺥ !ﺵیپ !ﺵیپ»:ﺕﻑگ یﻡ ﺕیﻥﺍﺏﺹﻉ ﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻥﺍﺭ یﺕﻕﻭ .ﺩﻥﺯیﺭ یﻡ کﺵﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻥﻩﺩ یﻡ ﻡﺍﺝﻥﺍ ﻑیﻝکﺕ ﻡﻩ ﺍﺏ ﺍﻩ ﺏﺵ ،ﺩﻥﺭﻭﺥ یﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻥ ﻡﻩ ﺍﺏﺭﻩﻅ ﺯﺍ ﺩﻉﺏ ﻩﺱ ﺕﻉﺍﺱ ﻩﺏ ﺱپﺱ.ﺩﻥک یﻡ ﻩﻡﺯﻡﺯ ﺍﻉﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺵک یﻡ ﺏیﻝﺹ ﻭﺍ ﻩﺏ یﻥﺍﻝﻭﻁ یﺕﺩﻡ ،ﺩﻥﺍﺏﺍﻭﺥ یﻡ ﺏﺍﻭﺥﺕﺥﺕ ﺭﺩ ﺍﺭ ﺭﺱپ ی ﻩﻥﺍﺥ ،ﻩﺩﺵ ﺱﺩﻥﻩﻡ ﺍی ﺭﺕکﺩ ﻭ ﻩﺩﺭک ﻡﺍﻡﺕ ﺍﺭ ﺵﺱﺭﺩ ﺍﺵﺍﺱ ﻩک ﻡﻭﻝﻉﻡﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩ ی ﻩﺩﻥیﺁ ﻩﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ یﻡ ﺏﺍﻭﺥﺕﺥﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ یﻡ ﻭﺭﻑ ﺏﺍﻭﺥﺕﺥﺭ ﻩﺏ ﻥﺯ .ﺩﺵیﻥﺍ یﻡ ﺕﺱﺍ ﻩﺩﺵ ﺭﺩپ ﻭ ﻩﺩﺭک ﺝﺍﻭﺩﺯﺍ ،ﺩﺭﺍﺩ ﻩکﺱﻝﺍک ،ﺩﺭﺍﺩ ﺏﺱﺍ ،ﺩﺭﺍﺩ یگﺭﺯﺏ ی ﻩﺏﺭگ ﻩچﺏ .ﺩﻭﺵ یﻡ ی ﺭﺍﺝ ﺍﻩ ﻩﻥﻭگ یﻭﺭ ﺵﺍ ﻩﺕﺱﺏ یﺍﻩ ﻡﺵچ ﺯﺍ کﺵﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻥیﺏ یﻡ ﺏﺍﻭﺥ ﻩﺏ ﺍﺭ ﺍﻩﺯیچ ﻥﺍﻡﻩ ﻭ »... .ﺭﺥ...ﺭﺥ...ﺭﺥ »:ﺩﻥک یﻡ ﺭﺥﺭﺥ ﻭ ﺩﺵک یﻡ ﺯﺍﺭﺩ ﺵﺭﺍﻥک ﻩﺍیﺱ پﺍﺕ ﺵﺏﻝﻕ ،ﺩیﺁ یﻡ ﺩﻥﺏ ﺵﺍ ﺱﻑﻥ ﺱﺭﺕ ﺯﺍ ،ﺩﻭﺵ یﻡ ﺭﺍﺩیﺏ ﺍکﻥﻝﺍ .ﺩﻥﻥﺯ یﻡ ﻡکﺡﻡ ﺍﺭ ﻩﻥﺍﺥ گﺭﺯﺏ ﺭﺩ ﻥﺍﻩگﺍﻥ .ﺩﻥﻥﺯ یﻡ ﺭﺩ ﺯﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺫگ یﻡ یﺍ ﻩﻕیﻕﺩ ﻡیﻥ .ﺩﻥک یﻡ پﺍﺕ !ﺍﺭﺍگﺩﺭﻭﺭپ ،یﺍﻭ ...ﻩﺩﺍﺕﺱﺭﻑ ﺭﺱپ ﻝﺍﺏﻥﺩ ﻑک ﺭﺍﺥ ﺯﺍ ﺍﺵﺍﺱ ﺭﺩﺍﻡ ،ﻩﺩیﺱﺭ ﻑک ﺭﺍﺥ ﺯﺍ یﻡﺍﺭگﻝﺕ »:ﺩﺵیﺩﻥﺍ یﻡ ﻥﺯ .ﺩﺯﺭﻝ یﻡ ﺵﻥﺩﺏ ﻡﺍﻡﺕ ﻭ ﺕﺥﺏﺩﺏ ﺍیﻥﺩ یﺍﻩ ﻥﺯ ی ﻩﻡﻩ ﺯﺍ ﻩک ﺩﺱﺭ یﻡ ﺵﺭﻅﻥ ﻩﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺵ یﻡ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺵیﺍﻩﺍپ ﻭ ﺍﻩ ﺕﺱﺩ ،ﺭﺱ .ﻩﺩﺵ یﺩیﻡﻭﻥ ﺭﺍچﺩ ﻥﺯ .ﺕﺱﺍ ﻩﺕﺵگﺭﺏ ﻩﺍگﺵﺍﺏ ﺯﺍ کﺵﺯپﻡﺍﺩ :ﺩﻭﺵ یﻡ ﻩﺩیﻥﺵ ییﺍﻩﺍﺩﺹ ،ﺩﺭﺫگ یﻡ یﺭگیﺩ ی ﻩﻕیﻕﺩ ﺍﻡﺍ .ﺕﺱﺍ ﺭﺕ Appendix B She was always loving somebody. She couldn't get on without loving somebody. She had loved her sick father, who sat the whole time in his armchair in a darkened room, breathing heavily. She had loved her aunt, who came from Brianska once or twice a year to visit them. And before that, when a pupil at the progymnasium, she had loved her French teacher. She was a quiet, kind-hearted, compassionate girl, with a soft gentle way about her. And she made a very healthy, wholesome impression. Looking at her full, rosy cheeks, at her soft white neck with the black mole, and at the good naïve smile that always played on her face when something pleasant was said, the men would think, «Not so bad,» and would smile too; and the lady visitors, in the middle of the conversation, would suddenly grasp her hand and exclaim, «You darling!» in a burst of delight. # 794 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Sahar Farrahi Avval. Communication Strategies: An Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students… He took her to the wicket-gate, said good-bye and went away. After that she heard his sedate voice the whole day; and on closing her eyes she instantly had a vision of his dark beard. She took a great liking to him. And evidently he had been impressed by her, too; for, not long after, an elderly woman, a distant acquaintance, came in to have a cup of coffee with her. As soon as the woman was seated at table she began to speak about Pustovalov--how good he was, what a steady man, and any woman could be glad to get him as a husband. Three days later Pustovalov himself paid Olenka a visit. He stayed only about ten minutes, and spoke little, but Olenka fell in love with him, fell in love so desperately that she did not sleep the whole night and burned as with fever. In the morning she sent for the elderly woman. Soon after, Olenka and Pustovalov were engaged, and the wedding followed. She repeated the veterinarian's words and held the same opinions as he about everything. It was plain that she could not exist a single year without an attachment, and she found her new happiness in the wing of her house. In any one else this would have been condemned; but no one could think ill of Olenka. Everything in her life was so transparent. She and the veterinary surgeon never spoke about the change in their relations. They tried, in fact, to conceal it, but unsuccessfully; for Olenka could have no secrets. When the surgeon's colleagues from the regiment came to see him, she poured tea, and served the supper, and talked to them about the cattle plague, the foot and mouth disease, and the municipal slaughter houses. The surgeon was dreadfully embarrassed, and after the visitors had left, he caught her hand and hissed angrily: «Didn't I ask you not to talk about what you don't understand? When we doctors discuss things, please don't mix in. It's getting to be a nuisance.» Gradually the town grew up all around. The Gypsy Road had become a street, and where the Tivoli and the lumber-yard had been, there were now houses and a row of side streets. How quickly time flies! Olenka's house turned gloomy, the roof rusty, the shed slanting. Dock and thistles overgrew the yard. Olenka herself had aged and grown homely. In the summer she sat on the steps, and her soul was empty and dreary and bitter. When she caught the breath of spring, or when the wind wafted the chime of the cathedral bells, a sudden flood of memories would pour over her, her heart would expand with a tender warmth, and the tears would stream down her cheeks. But that lasted only a moment. Then would come emptiness again, and the feeling, What is the use of living? The black kitten Bryska rubbed up against her and purred softly, but the little creature's caresses left Olenka untouched. That was not what she needed. What she needed was a love that would absorb her whole being, her reason, her whole soul, that would give her ideas, an object in life that would warm her aging blood. And she shook the black kitten off her skirt angrily, saying: «Go away! What are you doing here?» At three o'clock they had dinner. In the evening they prepared the lessons together, and Olenka wept with Sasha over the difficulties. When she put him to bed, she lingered a long time making the sign of the cross over him and muttering a prayer. And when she lay in bed, she dreamed of the faraway, misty future when Sasha would finish his studies and become a doctor or an engineer, have a large house of his own, with horses and a carriage, marry and have children. She would fall asleep still thinking of the same things, and tears would roll down her cheeks from her closed eyes. And the black cat would lie at her side purring: «Mrr, mrr, mrr.» Suddenly there was a loud knocking at the gate. Olenka woke up breathless with fright, her heart beating violently. Half a minute later there was another knock. # 795 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Sahar Farrahi Avval. Communication Strategies: An Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students… «A telegram from Kharkov,» she thought her whole body in a tremble. «His mother wants Sasha to come to her in Kharkov. Oh, great God!» She was in despair. Her head, her feet, her hands turned cold. There was no unhappier creature in the world, she felt. But another minute passed, she heard voices. It was the veterinarian coming home from the club. Appendix C CSs perception test Choose the correct communication strategy for each question. 1- the thing you open bottles for corkscrew: a)appeal for help b)topic avoidance c)circumlocution d) approximation 2- ship for sailboat: a) approximation b) word coinage c)literal translation d) prefabricated pattern 3- …………………… for dinner is ready: a) approximation b) literal translation c) topic avoidance d) word coinage 4- vegetarianist for vegetarian: a) topic avoidance b) approximation c) word coinage d) circumlocution 5- making the sound: ghoor, ghoor for frog: a) literal translation b) non linguistic signals c) topic avoidance d) word coinage 6- when you do not remember something, you say to the person you are talking to: what do you call it? a) circumlocution b) non linguistic signals c) appeal for help d) prefabricated pattern 7- I put on my kafsh: a) literal translation b) code switching c) appeal for help d) non linguistic signals 8- making a circle with your hands when you do not know the word circle in English: a) code switching b) literal translation c) approximation d) non linguistic signals 9- you eat it when you are hungry for food: a) circumlocution b) literal translation c) word coinage d) appeal for help 10- using the word thing for specific words you do not know, for example: I like a thing to drink and a thing to read: a) approximation b) word coinage c) use of all purpose word d) literal translation Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Sahar Farrahi Avval. Communication Strategies: An Analysis of Communication Strategies Used by Iranian Students… Стратегии коммуникации: анализ коммуникационных стратегий, используемых иранскими студентами-переводчиками в переводе с персидского на английский язык С.Ф. Аввал Иран Коммуникация всегда выступала основным инструментом, использующимся для передачи сообщений. Одновременно с иными видами коммуникации человеческий язык является наиболее эффективным и привычным видом. Однако в целях наиболее эффективного использования языка в дополнение к знанию лексикона и грамматики данного языка для носителя языка должны быть доступны некоторые инструменты, призванные компенсировать любые недостатки отмеченных выше средств. В данной статье автор делает обзор коммуникативных стратегий и старается продемонстрировать их применимость к переводу на примере устных заданий для студентов-бакалавров, обучающихся переводческому делу. Ключевые слова: коммуникация, передача значения, коммуникативные стратегии, процесс перевода. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 798-815 ~~~ УДК 930 Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study of the North of Siberia in 1920–1930-s. Victoriya A. Danileiko* Archaeology and Ethnography Department Regional Muzeum of Local Lore of Krasnoyarsk 84 Dubrovinskogo Str., Krasnoyarsk, 660049 Russia Received 24.12.2012, received in revised form 04.02.2013, accepted 15.03.2013 This article attempts to give an overview of the history of the organization of the ethnographic study of the indigenous people of the North of Siberia in the first decades of Soviet rule. The activities and interconnections of a significant number of scientific non-governmental organizations and government institutions of Moscow, St. Petersburg (Leningrad), Novosibirsk, Omsk, Tomsk, Krasnoyarsk and other cities were studied using a wide range of published and archive sources. This research will fill up a number of gaps in the history of the organization of scientific research This work would fill a number of gaps in the organization’s history of science in the early twentieth century. In Russia in general, and in the history of ethnography North Siberia in particular, as well as introduce a new scientific revolution material. Keywords: North of Siberia, 1920–1930-s., Ethnography, organization science, Soviet affairs, national policies. The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. Introduction It is known that the emergence and development of the Soviet ethnography proceeded in line with government policy. Ethnography was at the forefront of solving the accelerated integration of the indigenous population of the USSR in its economic, social and political structure. Not only the scientific public organizations were engaged in an ethnographic * study of the indigenous population of the young state but government institutions also took part in it. The growing interest towards history of domestic ethnography of the twentieth century leads to historians developing a significant number of its problematic aspects each year. So the topic of the history and activities of the various organizations and institutions in the © Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved Corresponding author E-mail address: email@example.com # 798 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… 1920 – 30’s engaged in the study of the country (including ethnography) has already drawn a lot of research. But there are only few specific papers on the subject, and they don’t give us the complete picture of the way ethnographic science was organized at that time. However, it is worth noting a number of important studies. T.D. Solovey, N.I. Gagen-Torn, O. I. Yeremeeva, V.D. Esakov, O.A. Krasnikova, M. Mogilner and others1 wrote about the work of research institutions and government institutions in Moscow and St. Petersburg (Leningrad) which were studying the country. History of the organization of the study of Siberia in 1920-30’s involved works by A.A. Syrian, L.Y. Kitov, N.A. Tomilov, S.A. Krasilnikov, S.F. Fominyh, V.L. Soskin, A.S. Vdovin, etc.2 Among foreign researchers is worth mentioning J. Cadiot, T. Martin, J. Slezkina, N.V. Ssoin-Chaikova 3and works of which more or less dealt with the work of imperial and Soviet scientific public and government institutions. It should be mentioned that creating a new social-political and economic system in 1920-30’s, the Bolshevik government formed a “special type of science” as an element of the system, as for the formidable tasks of a general modernization then put to the country was not possible without the use of a high status scientific knowledge (Solovey, 2004: 145 ). Changing the connection between the science and the state had started during the First World War, when the “international aspect” of the scientific society has come to depend on the state regulation of international cooperation, as well as the beginning of a gradual integration of the social sciences in the structure of the social state in some “expert and educational” role (Dmitriev, 2007: 13). In the case of ethnography founding of the Russian Imperial ethnographic bureau4 is an example of that integration. Speaking of national ethnography which was not properly formed in the early twentieth century: almost not taught in higher educational institutions, and numerous ethnographic institutions were poorly organized, with poor management of personnel and finance. New ethnographic approaches were developed and distributed mainly in the museums (Cadiot, 2010: 136). The Academy of Sciences, for example, had no division of ethnographic profile. Ethnographic divisions existed since the beginning of the century only in the Kunstkamera (cabinet of curiosities) at the Russian Museum of Alexander III. The situation has changed since 1917: Ethnography acquired a permanent status of an independent scientific discipline, was institutionalized and got government support. T.D. Solovey explains this demand for ethnography by the government launch of the “vector of world revolution in the awakening East” in the 1920s. The significant increase in the interest towards the foreign and domestic Asia stimulated the development of the Oriental studies, including ethnographic research. The second factor, in her opinion, was the modernization of the “backward peoples” in the forefront of which is always Ethnography. T.D. Solovey said that at that time there was a “mutual complementarity of science and the new state”: the connection with the practice of socialist construction was an important condition for government support, due to which Russian ethnographers were able to implement many plans and ideas, with no significant ideological and political constraints (Solovey, 2004 : 156-157). Professor of University of California Y. Sliozkin indicates a lack of moral complexities of the researchers of the 1920s regarding their participation in the government’s work and relates this phenomenon to the tradition of the Russian liberal intellectuals to consider the # 799 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… moral and political activity the sacred duty of science. The young government offered the opportunity to spend meaningful reforms, and scientists agreed not really thinking at the time about the Bolshevik political platform. Another reason for the optimism of the Russian ethnographers Y. Sliozkin sees in growing prestige and role of ethnography in the West (Sliozkin, 2008: 175). Modern French historian Jean Cadiot points on the continuation of the liberal traditions of the Russian intelligentsia of 1900s, linking political activity of the ethnographers of the early twentieth century to their scientific practice: science is considered the best tool for a deep renewal of society and the state. The restrained attitude of researchers towards the idea of autonomy of indigenous peoples and centralization of their management G. Cadiot explains by the trust in the guaranteed help of the government for the “non-Russian” (Cadiot, 2010: 116-117, 118). According to M. Mogilner, the only alternative to the “social, scientific, political, and, finally, physical marginalization and death” for the scientists of the time was the nationalization of science. The researcher says that the conditions of the strict resource allocation stimulated the urge “to present their discipline as strategically important to the class struggle and socialist construction.” As for the dominance of Ethnography in the human sciences, M. Mogilner explains this fact by the extremely populist nature of ethnography, in which “left-wing researches who had gone through the political exile lead among the representatives of the pre-revolutionary generation” (Mogilner, 2008: 457-459). In this study we tried to give an overview of the ethnographic study of the northern outskirts of Siberia during the difficult period of the early twentieth century and up to 1930s. It was the time of establishment of Soviet ethnographic North study school, which has a number of specific features. Thus, the reference to this problem will not only fill the gaps in the history of Soviet ethnography but will also help to understand the origins of its specific character. This study is based on common scientific and historical methods (ideographic, historical, genetic, chronological, etc.). Main propositions The leading research institution in Russia was the Russian Academy of Sciences (RAS) (successor of the St. Petersburg Imperial Academy of Sciences) from 1917 to 1925. In July 1925 it was transformed into the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. Despite the fact that the General Assembly had expressed a negative attitude toward the revolution, it didn’t decline to cooperate with the Academy of Sciences. Especially since the Soviet authorities took notice of its work, recognized the importance of its needs and promised both assistance in the development of the issues of a scientific nature and maintaining the independence of the institution (Esakov, 1994: 126, 129-130). Funding of the Academy of Sciences was entrusted to Narkompros (People’s Commissariat for Education) and the Central Commission for improving living conditions of scientists (CCILCS). It should be noted that before the revolution Academy did not have sufficient financing, so the launching of the expeditions had always been very difficult for it, and its large arctic expedition with the participation of its employees were subsidized from other agencies. Under the Soviet rule Academy of Sciences took an active part in solving social and economic problems of the young state, including those in the study and development of Siberia. This participation involved Commission for the Study of Natural Productive Forces and Natural Resources (CNPF), established in 19155 in order to help the country at war in a general mobilization. # 800 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… Interestingly to point out that at the same time a famous scientist (anthropologist, geographer, ethnographer) D.N. Anuchin already included in CNPF, stood for the foundation of a second similar state commission, but for the study of the actual population of the empire – its most important “productive force” (Mogilner, 2008: 453-454; Solovey, 2004: 141-142). The idea of D.N. Anuchin was implemented in the foundation of the Commission for the Study of the Tribal Population (CSTP), with which CNPF coordinated its research in 1917. CSTP initially existing in the Department of Ethnography of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society (IRGS) goes into the structure of the Academy from 1917. It was headed by Oriental scientist S.F. Oldenburg. Other ethnographers working there were V.G. Bogoraz-Tan, S.K. Patkanov and L.Y. Sternberg. Initially D.N. Anuchin himself was not included in the Commission, apparently because of his disagreements with the capital counterparts (Mogilner, 2008: 459). Subsequently CSTP dealt with all other problems concerning the ethnic structure of the border regions in addition to mapping. CNPF facing the complete separateness of the work in the North convened a meeting of representatives of scientific societies, institutions and agencies October 15, 1917. The meeting made up the Subcommission on the subject of the study and use of the natural productive forces of the Russian North6. But the activity of the Subcommission was soon interrupted, mainly due to lack of financing, and resumed only after the October Revolution, when the Council of People’s Commissars (CPC) at the initiative of V.I. Lenin financed CNPF and the Academy of Sciences in 1918. Then, among the fourteen new departments in Subcommission (late April 19187) VIII Department of Research of the North started its work. The first chairman of the department was the President of the Academy of Sciences and chairman of the Polar Commission, A.P. Karpinskiy8. In the seven years of the existence of the department the most successful were years from 1918 to 1921. Its objectives were: 1) the scientific examination of the natural resources of the North (Arkhangelsk, Vologda, Olonets, Vyatka, Perm provinces and Siberia); 2) the compilation of bibliographic index of literature on the North and Siberia; 3) the integration and coordination of separate work “done by some people and mostly local agencies sometimes simultaneously “; 4)” assistance in writing scientific papers and solving practical problems aimed to raise the cultural and industrial life of the North”9. The important work of the Northern Department was drawing of the Wall map of Northern polar countries and a detailed map of the entire Northern region of Russia from Norway to the Yenisei River and from Svalbard (Grumant) and Franz Josef Land to the latitude of 55 º, and a number of other works.10 Apart from this department the research of the North were mainly conducted in the “Department of the White Coal11” and “Department of stone building materials»12 of CNPF and also in the Regular Polar Commission, the Commission of the degree measurements on the islands of Svalbard and in the Commission for the launch of Russian Polar Expedition (the question was raised about the unification of the last three13). The Arctic Commission, as well as CNPF was founded before the revolution in physics and mathematics department of the Academy of Sciences (founded April 30, 191414) to coordinate the research conducted by various departments in the Arctic. The main coordinator of the Commission was a famous geologist, geographer and paleontologist I.P. Tolmachev, and the continuous chairman was Academician A.P. Karpinskiy15. Before the revolution, the Commission’s work did have the support of # 801 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… the government and was denied approval of a permanent body of research on Arctic affairs16. Despite the difficult conditions of work in 19171922s, temporary isolation of the northern areas of the country from Petrograd, loss of its members, the Commission retained its structure and organization and did not stop its work (for example the work continued on development of the final map of the Arctic expeditions). In 1920s new alignment of political forces had led the Arctic Commission to proving its importance for the country, like many other scientific organizations of that time. It was involved in the fulfilling of foreign policy objectives and in expert evaluation of projects of domestic and foreign expeditions to explore the Arctic territories. Like many other academic institutions at that time the Arctic Commission began its research in the north, which lasted until 1936, almost immediately after the revolution due to financing by the Soviet government. In 1919, the Commission has united under its leadership the works of academic Russian polar and Svalbard expeditions of the early twentieth century. In 1920 for the first time it was able to equip a unit in the Northern Scientific-fishing expedition; in 1922 the map of the northern Russian Sea to the Bering Strait, showing the routes of all expeditions from 1648 to 191517 was printed. Polar Commission also proved itself in organizing and uniting the newly-emerging “Northern bodies” – CNPF North Division, which was mentioned above, and the Commission on the practical use of resources of the Russian North (formed January 30, 1919 in St. Petersburg by the People’s Commissariat of Trade and Industry and later renamed the Northern Scientific fishing expedition of the Supreme Economic Council)18. With the participation of the Polar Commission in 1920 the General Meeting on the North was convened at the RGS marking the foundation of the future Institute for the Study of the North19. Worth mentioning that the work of these three organizations (Regular Polar Commission, the North Division of CNPF and the Commission for study and practical use of the Russian North), maintaining close contact with each other since 1919, worked simultaneously and often duplicated each other’s work. Due to closer contacts between the Commission of the Russian North and Regular Arctic Commission, the scope of the two organizations was determined more or less accurately, that was the distinction of work of the Northern Division CNPF and Arctic Commission that was difficult20. Later, it was determined that the Regular Polar Commission leads all the polar research of Academy of science; North Division CNPF combines all the scientific work in the North of Russia, and also makes its own cartographic, bibliographic and publication work; the Commission of the Russian North conducts research of the resources and trades of the Russian North.21 The transformation of the Commission of the practical use of resources of the North on March 4, 1920 in North scientific fishing expedition SEC (Sevekspeditsiya) naturally shifted the focus of the study of natural resources in the North to this state organization: Department of the North CNPF at first had to reduce its work, and in 1925 was made into North Department of the Bibliographic bureau of CNPF.22 Sevekspeditsiya, run by the Petrograd branch of the Scientific and Technical Department of the Supreme Economic Council, was an operating body the main objective of which was “the production of scientific and technological research of the natural productive forces of the Russian North (meaning the territory of European and Asian Russia to the north of 60º N latitude) for the purpose of its best practical use, and management of all academic work done by the respective agencies in the field»23. The Presidium was placed at # 802 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… the head of Sevekspeditsiya, the Academic Council supervised all the scientific work. A.P. Karpinskiy24, president of the Academy of Sciences, was elected to be the representative. Besides, the Academic meeting in Moscow and executive management of the expeditions in the field were arranged. The studies of the Northern Scientificfishing expedition covered the Kola Peninsula (the biggest part of the field work was held there), Murmansk coast, Kemsky and Onega region, the White Sea and the Barents Sea, north-west coast of the White Sea, Novaya Zemlya and Vaigach islands, Pechora district and Ob-Yenisei region25. In total, there were about twenty units (North Kola Geological, The soil and botanical Murmansk biotech, reindeer, etc.). There was an Ethnographic unit working with the participation of Professor V.G. Bogoraz-Tan. The unit collected ethnographic and other materials “characterizing the languages and the life Samoyedic people, their trades, handicrafts, etc.”, and its work was illustrated by N.G. Prokofiev, the artist who painted about 70 watercolors and pencil drawings during his stay in the basins of the Ob and the Yenisei rivers26. Enormous contribution to the study and the development of the North of Siberia still continued to make the Russian Geographical Society (RGS) (Vdovin, Prokhorchuk, 2011: 11-12). During the war and the revolution the organization’s work has not stopped, but the position of the RGS and its departments (the number of which was four in Siberia in the early 1920s) then and later was extremely difficult: their activity was partly curtailed; the departments went underground and didn’t keep in touch neither with its center nor the Soviet authorities. For example, the Yenisei Krasnoyarsk Territory subunit was able to officially register only in 1921 (Vdovin, Gulyaeva, Makarov, Batashev, Vasiliev, Vydrin, 2001: 7-8). Siberian departments of the Geographical Society reported to Siberian Department of Education (Sibnarobraz). but generally and in scientific matters, they were under the jurisdiction of the People’s Commissariat of Education and the Central Division of RGS, and had Administrative Department of Sovnarkom and its Research Department constant support27. After the restoration of communication with the Central Council of the RGS in 1921, the situation has improved, but problems continued up to 1923. For example, there was a conflict of the Siberian departments of the RGS with Siberian Revolutionary Committee (Sibrevkom), which raised the question of their closing.28 Under the Soviet rule the Geographical Society and its departments have experienced more than one reorganization: in 1926 the RGS was renamed State Geographical Society, and in May 1931 – was reorganized into the State Geographical Society of the RSFSR. At the end of 1930, in connection with the release of the East-Siberian region, the Society for the Study of the productive forces of Eastern Siberia (SSES) is founded, consisting of the Mid-Siberian, Trans-Baikal and Troitskosavsk Geographic Societies as its departments. SSES existed until 1931, when it was reorganized into the East Siberian local history society according to the decision of the executive committee of the East Siberian. Possibly the establishing of the Regular Committee of the North under the Geographic Society in May 1920 was an attempt to fit RGS work to the economic needs of the country, to the general educational work, and to make changes in the old organization according to the new time in 1920s (Danileiko, 2009: 89-90). Little is known about the history of this organization, in contrast to the Committee of the North, established in 1924 under the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee. # 803 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… The main objective of Committee of 1920 was “acquaintance of all institutions involved in research of the North, with a common set of ongoing and planned by individual agencies actions, and the setting the very close connection between them concerning: 1) surveys of the sea coasts and waterways adjacent to them, and 2) fish, fur, and cattle; 3) forestry, agriculture, mining; 4) economic, statistics and colonization; ... 6) and other related to the study of the Northern Territory. “ In addition the Committee of the North was granted with the “right for the selfinitiative in the exploration of the North of Russia, for which purpose it may include and establish new institutions under the Committee.” It should be noted, that the Committee officially received independence as a research institution only in March 1921. Council Committee was made of the representatives of 13 organizations (RAS, RGS, Main Hydrographic Agency, Military Topographers Corps, etc.): one representative from each organization, and two of the RAS and the Scientific Agricultural Committee. It should be said that in 1921 the Board consisted of representatives of 15 organizations, the representatives of other 18 attended the general meeting29. The Chairman of the Board of the RGS Y.M. Shokal’skiy became the Chairman of the Committee and the Council. Together with the Comrade of the Chairman and a Member of the Council, they formed a two-year Presidency of the Council30. Scientific and Executive Office was to be under the Council. Committee of the North had the right to print their own publications, and all materials in case of its closure were to be handed over to the RGS. Although it was decided to convene the Council Committee of the North, twice a year, in spring and autumn, in spring of 1921 the general meetings was held four times. They were devoted to the work in the area of the Murmansk railway, North Colonizing Expeditions of the People’s Commissariat for Agriculture (Narkomzem) and the Bureau of the survey of wagon roads in the north, of the North Research fishing expedition SEC and the work of the Geological Committee, as well as the specific question of the role of the “Museum and exhibition of the North.31” Thus, we can see that the organization in 1921 covered only the parts of the Russian North. In the same year the Council Committee of the North managed to begin its publishing: “Essays on the history of the colonization of the North”, “Russian North, its colonization – land life”, the first two issues of “Committee of the North reference book”32 were sent to the press. A number of other works were preparing to publish. Serious financial problems began for the Committee in 1922, having a particularly strong negative impact on publishing: stopped the production of “Committee of the North reference book”, a few completed monographs on the North were put away. The Committee only managed to publish the second edition of “Essays on the history of the North and Siberia colonization”33. In spite of this, the organization’s work has covered the Eastern Siberia in 1922: started the development of the eastern sea route to the mouth of the Lena River and land routes in Lensky region, the economic ties between the sea and the land, which was formed on the base of research materials of the Main Hydrographic Department. The Russian North remained in sight.34 In addition, the staff of the Committee developed North Study courses, which were supposed to be organized in several universities in Petrograd. From 1923 we haven’t detected any information about the fate of the organization, most likely, the Committee ceased to exist (Danileiko, 2009: 92-93). # 804 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… Along with the central organizations local organizations and institutions studied and Developed Siberia. Common Siberian coordinating center was in the city Novonikolaevsk. The issue of establishing a research organization arose after the transformation of the city in the regional center in 1925 (renamed Novosibirsk). In January 6, 1925 the Siberian Research Society was set up by a group of researchers from Novosibirsk, Tomsk, Omsk and Irkutsk. V.D. Wegman was elected the Chairman of the Society. In December 1926, it was renamed the Society for the Study of Siberia and its productive forces (SSS) 35(Kitova, 2007: 13) (S.A. Krasilnikov points to other dates of the existence of the Society: Spring 1925 – Spring 193136). The structure of the SSS included Siberian universities, territorial and regional museums, and departments of the RGS and some economic organizations. The Society had “study of Siberia and parts of it, both by its natural resources, and by the population and its culture” as its main objective. Wishing to combine the scientific research institutions, organizations and individuals, the SSS had as its objective the coordination of the work by establishing its Bureaus “in the larger centers, proven themselves in research work.” The objectives of the Bureau were: “assisting to the scientific organizations in economic and cultural development, establishing contact between local research organizations and identifying the scope and nature of the research produced, and so forth”37. The organizational structure of the SSS has changed along with the complexity and extension of the problems: originally there were three section (socio-economic, small nations and the natural sciences), later the General Science Department of five sections appeared (geological, geographical, botanical, zoological, soilscience) and the Division of human studies with anthropological and ethnological, archaeological, historical, medical, literary, artistic and economic sections, which later became an independent department, the latest to set up were the Bureau of Local History and the Bureau of Expeditions which later became the key elements of the organization38. The Society was eliminated in 1931, and its functions were transferred to the West-Siberian Bureau of local history and the Academic Committee under the regional executive committee39. On April 25, 1929 Mid-Siberian State Geographical Society informs the Committee of the North that the Society has taken over the functions of the Krasnoyarsk Bureau of Research Society in Siberia40. We must also mention another agency – the Research Institute of Siberia (RIS) in Tomsk (February 1919 – July 1, 1920) (The registers of the meetings ..., 2008: 5), which set the task of systematic theoretical and practical study of nature and life in Siberia for the rational use of resources of the region, its cultural and economic development (Vdovin, 2009: 169). The Local branches of RIS “to coordinate the field work” were established in Krasnoyarsk and other cities of Siberia. But the proposal to set up the Yenisei department had no time to implement (Vdovin, Gulyaev, Makarov, Vasiliev, Vydrin, 2001: 6). The idea of the RIS organization was firstly expressed in the fall of 1917 during the first Siberian Meteorological Congress in Irkutsk; the organizing committee for convening the members of the Board of the Institute was elected then. But because of the changed political situation in the country only a year later has the work on organizing of the Institute started, when there was a meeting of Tomsk members of the board of the Institute in Tomsk. The Congress for organization of the RIM opened January 15, 1919. Interestingly, the preliminary work on the establishing of the Institute was not only in Siberia, but also in Petrograd: on April 21, 1918, a meeting of the Organizing Committee for # 805 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… the Institute of Siberia Study was held. It was supposed to set up a department in Petrograd without waiting for the Tomsk Institute. The extension of this organization is unknown. Most likely the plans failed because of the difficult political situation in the country. (Vdovin, 2009: 169). There were a lot of various problems at the time. Particular difficulties were in that part of research that was initiated by the central authorities and institutions: organizations of Sibkrai (Siberian Region) could neither influence these studies, nor communicate with the central institutions and coordinate the work with them. First of all, we are talking about a central institution such as the Society for the Study of the Urals, Siberia and the Far East, established in Moscow in 1924. Since 1925 the Society was financed by Glavnauka (Main Department of academic, scientific, artistic and museum institutions), which basically funded only the search, mining and industrial construction, so the financing of humanities research was more the methodical one (Kitov, 2007: 12). The organization’s perspective was to unite the studies of the eastern regions of the country (North Asia) and the people from the region who have worked and lived in Leningrad and Moscow, as well as those already engaged in research in the area. The societies had a branched structure of sections, also send an expedition to the East, initiated or supported consideration of the development of the eastern regions in the highest state authorities.41 The Study of Man and Life Department worked under the Society, joining the researchers working in the field of human sciences: anthropology, ethnography, history, archeology, art, folklore, medicine, demography, and so on (for example, there were anthropologicalethnological and archaeological-historical section (Kitov, 2007: 12)). During 1926-27s the department assisted in the processing of scientific materials for Siberia collected by its members in previous years: G.P. Sosnovskiy processed paleontological materials from Khakassia; and P.E. Ostrovskiy – diaries of the Uryankhai trip. I.A. Evsenin was the Secretary of the ethnographic section of the Society, doing research of Karagas in Sayan. Moreover the department began to organize ethnological and anthropological office of the Society, a seminar for students, compiling regional studies programs, etc. (Yarkho, 1928: 92-93). In general, we can say that the founding of the Society for the Study of the Urals, Siberia and the Far East, as well as the establishment of several other institutions (Central Bureau of Local History in Moscow (CBLH), the Russian Academy of the History of Material Culture (RAHMC) in Petrograd, etc.) is the beginning of the government policy to ensure the administrative management of public associations. Nomination of ethnography at the forefront of solving the accelerated integration of indigenous peoples in the economic, social and political structure of the Soviet Union stimulated its nationalization. The study of the northern outskirts of the country preceding the building of socialism was closely connected with the national policy of the Soviet state. This affected not only the inclusion of scientific organizations in the building of socialism, but also included the research component of the work of numerous Soviet central and local authorities in terms of national policy and engaged in implementing this policy of economic and economic development of the border regions of the country. Since 1917 the People’s Commissariat for Nationalities (Narkomnats) was engaged in the national policy of the new state. Comparing with important foreign policy challenges of that time the problems of the North troubled Narkomnats less. Especially as at the moment there was no coherent national policy, and for the next several # 806 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… years the government had to deal only with its development. In 1920 the Council of Nationalities was formed under Narkomnats, which included representatives of the Volga region, the Urals and Western Siberia. The decision was made to transform the National Commissariats into National departments. Gubnatsy and Unatsy (Departments of Nationalities) have been set up at the provincial and district executive committees. In November of the same year the Siberian Department of National Affairs (Sibnatz) was set up under the Siberian Revolutionary Committee to implement the decisions of the People’s Commissariat of Nationalities in Omsk, but actually this department the dealt with the growing immigration and led organizational instructing job. Sibnatz had several subsections: organizational-instructing and ethnographereconomic, financial, economic and management of the business, as well as a number of national sub-divisions (including Yakutia and Buryatia). Siberian Council of Nationalities was founded under Sibnatz which was a part of «the national association of the masses, both among themselves and with all the administrative and political bodies of the Soviet rule” (Ustyugov, 1922: 200). In September 1921 the Institute of plenipotentiary representative of Narkomnats (CEC approved on November 14) was established under Sibrevkom, which was due to “the need to guide and monitor the actual progress of the national policy of Soviet rule in Siberia”42. The founding of this Institute was associated with the tendency to the overall expansion of national work in the field. In order to further study of the non-Russian population departments of nationalities made projects with Sibnatz to launch the research expeditions. Furthermore Gubnats’ organized and conducted a one-month training courses for “conscious citizens,” and Soviet workers coming from the most backward nations, also founding native school, translation committees, etc. (Ustyugov, 1922: 200-201). In the spring of 1921, after the decision of the Soviet government to reduce state institutions Sibnatz was closed and replaced by the Bureau of Siberian People’s Commissariat for Nationalities (including Sibrevkom as the body that does not have the right to vote, but reports directly to Moscow.) All its national subsections were eliminated, and instead Gubupolnomochennye (authorized representative) of the Narkomnatz under Gubispolkom (Provincial Executive Committee) had been appointed; all national departments in the Siberian party committees, and educational institutions were also abolished. Instructing – organizational and ethnographiceconomic departments stayed under Sibbyuro (Siberian Bureau). Former employees of the closed agencies became plenipotentiary for the Siberian bureau of the commissariat, but it was soon closed too (May, 1923) (Sliozkin, 2008: 166-167). After official registration of the USSR in 1922, and the policy of strengthening the unitary state and the ranking nation-building, the problems of the indigenous peoples of the North were considered with more attention. At the beginning of 1922, “Polar managing subdivision of indigenous peoples of the North” was established in the Department of National Minorities of Narkomnats whose objectives included the organization of the management of primitive tribes, a comprehensive study of life and living, and the settlement of a number of economic issues (Sergeev, 1955: 214). The work of the Arctic Department, officially called the Subdivision of the management and protection of fishing tribes of the North of Tobolsk, distributed, first of all on the North of Tobolsk itself: Tobolsk, Berezovsky, Obdorsky Surgut and Tyumen Province districts. Also the work of the Arctic and sub-division covered Narym district of Tomsk province, Turukhan County of the Yenisei # 807 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… province and Pechiorskiy – Arkhangelsk. It should be noted that the foundation of the Subdivision was held under difficult circumstances, since the People’s Commissariat had no information about national minorities of the Arctic North, and with the liquidation of the Tyumen gubnatz (Provincial Department for Nationalities) ceased all contact with local organizations and institutions, and in of any problems had to recreate “intercourses with locals “43 Evaluating the work of Subdivision in the future, the head of the Department of National Minorities A. Skachko and the head of Arctic Subdivision P. Sosunov, in a memorandum to the Board of the People’s Commissariat, noted that at the time of the reductions of Narkomnats functions and the elimination of the lower organization of minorities, The Arctic department “remained as the most hard-working”, managed to meet its main objectives, unlike the very Department of National Minorities, whose work was characterized as “very incomplete” work, due to the lack of its representatives in the field44. (Skachko, 1930: 5). In the same note, Skachko and Sosunov foreseeing the ceasing of the “promising national influence on protection of the interests of small tribes of the Tobolsk North”, after the expected termination of the Arctic Subdivision which would have followed the liquidation of the People’s Commissariat, asked about saving functions of the Subdivision and “attaching it to the relevant bodies of the Central Executive Committee to solve any problems with nationalities in the future45”. But the Arctic subdivision still was abolished, and its program laid down the foundations of the work of the Committee of the North. In 1922-23s Soviet political system was relatively stable, and the acute national question lost its original acuteness. NEP (New Economic Policy) years were a time to implement the outcomes of the resolutions on national politics approved in1923. Narkomnats was abolished the next day the new Constitution came into effect (April 1924), and dealing with national problems became the work of the Department of Nationalities of the Central Executive Committee of the RSFSR and the Council of Nationalities of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR (1925-1938). Significant contribution to the study and development of the Northern outlying districts of the country was made by the Committee of assistance to the Peoples of Northern outlying districts (the Committee of the North) under the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee (1924-1935), which was founded to reorganize the life and living conditions of the North in accordance with socialist principles and science. Over the years, this state and social organization was able to influence government policy regarding national-state system of the North, has developed principles and methods of land management on their territory, organized cooperative farms, health care of the population, trade and exchange, etc. Practical aim of studying the indigenous peoples of Siberia, being finally considered as a living culture, led to the appearance of the works of applied ethnographic nature, stimulating the interest towards ethnographic study of the country’s outlying districts (Akulich, Syrina, 2009: 340; Singer, 1935: 88-90; Sergeev, 1955 224-227; Skachko, 1930: 5-37; Skachko, 1934, 9-21; Sliozkin, 2008: 176-204). Committee of the North initially conceived as an advisory body, was to focus its work mainly on economic activities and coordinating working in the field, as well as giving directives to all government and business organizations. It was recommended to use resources of the state apparatus and avoiding, if possible, building of its own administrative apparatus or expanding administrative network in the field46. But it was impossible to control the work that wasn’t being # 808 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… done and in the first stages of its existence, the Committee of the North confined itself to describing the general situation with small nationalities in the county. The systematic work of the Committee began only from the end of October 1924. The so-called Local Committees of the North were organized under the local executive committees, but the financing was minimal: to form committees under Sibrevkome (Siberian Revolutionary Committee), Dalrevkome (The Far East Revolutionary Committee), Urals obliskome (The Urals Regional Executive Committee), the Central Executive Committee of the Yakut ASSR, Executive Committee of the Komi Republic and the provincial executive committees in Arkhangelsk, Yenisei, Tomsk, Irkutsk and Kamchatka provinces (The resolution of the Executive Committee and Sovnarkom of the RSFSR ..., 1925: 103). In April 1926 it was decided to establish local committees under the Body of the Local Committee of authorized representatives. But in the absence of real power and money opportunities Committee of the North still remained very limited. Since the mid-1930s the Soviet government stuck in administration almost lost its interest toward the national interests of the Siberian peoples. In August 1935, the Committee of Assistance to the Peoples of Northern outlying districts shuts down as “served their purpose.” The party and the people considered this national question resolved as it was believed that the North during the Second Five-Year Plan has entered a new stage of historical development, and needs new organizational forms of its development. Instead of the Committee the leading authority on the North was given to a young institution – the Chief Directorate of the Northern Sea Route under the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR (the Committee of the North executives were transferred there by the Government). The period considered is characterized by the close interaction between government and academic organizations on both organizational and practical levels: their activities had to be aimed at addressing common objectives of the new Soviet government. The Commission on the Russian North is one of the examples of such interaction, which included representatives of the Supreme Council of the National Economy, trade, industry, agriculture and education commissariats, Commission for the Study of Natural Productive Forces representatives, Regular Arctic Commission, Geological Committee and the People’s Commissariat of the Northern Division of The People’s Commissariat of Transport47. We have already mentioned the problems that existed between government institutions and research organizations. A positive example is the joint work of the Siberia Research Society in Novosibirsk and the Bureau for the Study of Productive Forces under the Siberian Planning Commission (Sibplan) to integrate research Siberian Region48 (Skokan, 1928: 87). Since 1927 this two organizations started to register and coordinate field and stationary researches conducted by separate departments, agencies and organizations in Siberia. SSS and the Research Bureau of the Siberian Planning Commission together released a newsletter “Siberian Studies” under the socio-political edition of “Life in Siberia.”49 The 1920s was a time of extensive exhibitions, conferences and congresses, organized mainly by the government institutions, with often participation of scientific organizations. For example, from the 2nd50 to the 5th of March 1921, the meeting of representatives of the natives of Siberia (All-Siberian Congress of the Provincial Departments for Nationalities) was held in Omsk, convened Sibnatz. The meeting was intended to gather materials for # 809 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… the rational study of the natives’ economic life, along with acquainting the natives with the policy of the Soviet government in general and towards the national question in particular51. National Department of Tomsk Provincial Executive Committee called the “The First NonRussian Congress of Narym territory52” on 2627 December, 1921. The first event of the Arctic Subdivision was the conference of native tribes of the Arctic North on July 15, 1922 in Samarskoye village in Tobolsk district of Tyumen province to draw up a “program of work [for] the protection and management of native tribes ... to improve their cultural and economic well-being ...”.53 In 1927, according to the resolution of the Commission of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR, State Academy of Artistic Sciences (SAAS) were to organize the exhibition of art of the nationalities of the USSR devoted to the tenth anniversary of the October Revolution. Unlike the three previous exhibitions organized by SAAS, this exhibition was to display all the artistic culture of the tribal population of the USSR in general (art, art school, literature and folklore, music, theater and cinema).54 By its fifth anniversary (in 1929-30) Committee of the North organized the exhibition reporting the work of the Soviet government and its institutions in the North, the objectives of which were also practical. First of all it concerned the section of handicrafts: the study of what types of trades should be developed and how. All local committees had to participate in the reporting exhibition, for which each of them had a special exhibition committee. It included the staff of the organization department, Turuhanskh union, Sibkrayohotsoyuz (Siberian region hunting union), the Committee of the Northern Sea Route, the Geographical Society, Sibstat (Siberian Statistics), the SSS, Sibtorg (Siberian Trade), the Committee of the Siberian North, etc. Also, the publishing plan for the exhibition was to publish several books: a collection of decrees, regulations, and orders of the central and local government and Party bodies for small peoples of the North, the Party’s work in the Far North (studies and materials), economy of small nations, historical review about the natives of the northern outskirts from its conquest to 1917; brochure “Social groups among northern peoples.”55 It is interesting to note that nine central institutions worked in 1926-27s in Siberia, such as: the Academy of Sciences, Geological Committee, Meadow and Hydrological Institutes, the Institute of Experimental Agronomy, the Russian Museum and the Museum of Ethnology, and trusts: Minerals and Rusgrafit (Russian Graphite) (Skokan, 1928: 88). There were four research institutes, four universities and twenty museums under the Department of the People’s Commissariat. Seven of this museums were at district schools and six had large collections and libraries, and also were engaged into research work (Omsk, Barnaul, Krasnoyarsk, Minusinsk, Irkutsk and Novosibirsk museums)56. The scientific societies also include the four branches of the Russian Geographical Society, two of which were highly specialized (ornithological and natural-testing), also thirteen local history societies (Tomsk, Achinsk, Society for the Study of Siberia in Novosibirsk, Study Group at Tomsk State University and others), and four large public libraries. Apart from these organizations and institutions the work was carried out by People’s Commissariat for Agriculture (Narkomzem) institutions, Resettlement Administration, Committee of the North, under the Superior Council of the People’s Economy: Geodesic departments, Geological Committee, trusts Telbesstroy (Telbess Constructing), Sibzoloto (Siberian Gold), Eniseyzoloto (Yenisei Gold), Sibslyuda (Siberian mica) and others, as well as # 810 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… organizations in the Military Department ( local Siberian departments for the safety of navigation, Military Topographic Directorate ) and The People’s Commissariat of Transport (Skokan, 1928: 88). Both research organizations and government institutions, central and local, was carrying out active expeditionary research in 1920-1930-ies in the North of the Yenisei Siberia, performing the same tasks set by the Soviet government. Thus, it can be concluded that the 1920-1930ies became a period of formation of the Soviet science as a whole (its structure, development, the system of state financing and regulation), and Ethnography of Siberia in particular. It was an interesting phenomenon of interaction of different spheres: the national policy of the Soviet government, inseparable from the process of socialist construction in the national borderlands and the scientific study of Siberia mobilized the socialist construction. It was believed that assistance to indigenous peoples of the North and to their development is not feasible without careful study of them in the first place. Until the monopolization of the science by the central government and its rigid bureaucracy in 1930, regulation of local history research by the state resulted in significant acceleration of the process of uniting various institutions and organizations which conducted a comprehensive research of Siberia. Indigenous peoples have ceased to be regarded as primitive, and their culture as a relic. Practical problems led to the appearance of applied ethnographic works (the expedition of scientists from the center, local historians, employees of different organizations, from the museum to the fur and fishing companies, etc.). In addition, in the 1920s important work has done to identify and register all the past and ongoing research, providing a common framework for further research and make the process of Siberia study more integral. Since the beginning of the “Great Change” many scientific societies, both with the rich prerevolutionary past and traditions and the new ones founded recently under the Soviet rule, were closed down, which means that, in the Soviet system social research structures were not non-governmental and in reality depended from the authorities almost entirely. The work of government institutions became more controlled and bureaucratic. The Committee of the North shuts down and many expeditions winds up. In 1936 another improvement of the structure of the Academy of Sciences took place, connected with the adopting of the new Constitution of the USSR and the corresponding transformations of state power: it was decided then to reduce the number of committees either by merging them with the relevant institutions or by direct elimination. This is how the Arctic Commission was shut down due to several factors: the existence of the Main Administration of the Northern Sea Route, the active work of the Institute for the Study of the North at the Supreme Economic Council (now – the Research Institute of the Arctic and Antarctic (AARI)), who led the work in the Arctic, as well as the transition to stationary research. In 1937, the Siberian divisions of the Russian Geographical Society were abolished, and in 1938 – the State Geographical Society itself (reformed into the Geographical Society of the USSR (also AllUnion Geographical Society)). The repressions, which started in 1930, affected many researchers of Siberia. Therefore, we can say that the interest of the Soviet institutions and organizations towards the north of Siberia was determined not as much as by science but economic and political problems. As for the ethnographic research, it was a part of the Soviet nationalities policy. However, this statement is completely true only for the institutions in general: many scientists have used the capabilities of # 811 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… various institutions and organizations for the ethnographic study of the remote areas of the Yenisei Siberia, the materials collected during their expeditions indicated. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 Further research on this topic will help to understand the process of formation of the Soviet ethnography better and fill the gaps in the history of exploration and study of North Siberia. Solovey T.D. From «bourgeois» Ethnology to the «Soviet» ethnography. History of domestic Ethnology of the fi rst third of the twentieth century. – M., 1998, «fundamental change» in domestic ethnography (discussion about the subject of ethnology: the end of 1920 beginning of 1930) / / Ethnographic Review. – 2011 – № 3. – P. 101-121, Authorities and science in Russia. Essays of the university ethnography in the the context of disciplinary (XIX – beginning of XXI century.). – Moscow: Prometheus, 2004. – 498 p., Gagen-Torn N.I. Leningrad ethnographic school in the twenties (at the origins of Soviet ethnography) / / Soviet Ethnography. – № 2. – 1971 – pp. 134-145; Eremeeva O.I. The Institute of the North in the 1930s.: First Steps / / Proceedings of ASU. – 2010. – № 4-1. – P. 91-97; Esakov V.D. From Imperial to Russian. Academy of Sciences in 1917 / / National History. – 1994. – № 6. – pp. 129-130; Krasnikova OA Academy of Science and Research in the Arctic: Polar Commission activities in 1914 – 1936 г. / / http://vivovoco.rsl.ru/VV/JOURNAL/VIET/ARCTICA.HTM; Mogilner M. Homo imperii: History of physical anthropology in Russia (end of XIX – early XX centuries.). M.: The New Literary Review, 2008. – P. 459. Akulich O.A., Sirin A.A. Irkutsk center of ethnographic research in the 1920s: the people, the works, the fate / / Vuzovskaya archeology and ethnology of Northern Asia. Irkutsk school 1918-1937. All-Russian seminar on the 125th anniversary of the B.E. Petri, Irkutsk, 3-6 May 2009 – Irkutsk: Publishing house «Amtera», 2009. – S. 340-342; Tomilov N.A. Russian Ethnographic Siberia studies in twentieth century (about the problem) / / Ethnographic Review, 2001 – Vol. 3. – S. 92 – 101; Kitova L.Y. History of Siberian Archeology (1920 – 1930): Study monuments of metal era. – Novosibirsk: Publishing House of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, 2007. – 272. etc. Cadiot J. Laboratory of Empire: Russia / Soviet Union, 1860-1940. – New York: The New Literary Review, 2010. – 336., Martin T. The Empire «positive activities.» Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923-1939. – Moscow: Russian Politic Encyclopedia (ROSSPEN): Foundation «Presidential Center B.N. Yeltsin, 2011. – 664 p.; Slezkin Y. Arctic Mirrors: Russia and the small peoples of the North. – New York: The New Literary Review, 2008. – 512 p. Bureau, which would take up the study of the population of the empire and mapping was designed by Leo Sternberg in 1909, and was a response to the «challenge of national separatism that threatened the integrity of the empire.» Similar functions will initially be fulfilled by the Commission for the Study of the tribal population (CSTP). Osipov Y.S. Academy of Sciences in the history of the Russian state: http://www.ras.ru/about/history/revolution.aspx SSC RF AARI. P – 1797, s. 1. According to other documents created in September 1917 (SSC RFFAANII. P – 1771, l.4) and May 1918 (SSC RF AANII. P – 1797, p. 1). SSC RF AARI. R – 1771, p. 27-28. SSC RF AANII. R – 1771, p. 28; RFAANII SSC. R – 1797, p. 1-3. SSC RF AARI. R – 1797, p. 4-6, 8-9. White coal – figurative expression used to refer to the energy of natural water flows, which technically could be used for hydropower (translator’s note) SSC RF AARI. P – 1797. p. 10. SSC RF AARI. P – 1771. p. 8. SSC RFAANII. P – 1771. p. 1. In hre article Krasnikova O.A. is stating that «the decision of the official establishment of the commission took place only in September 1915». Krasnikova O.A. Academy of Science and Research in the Arctic: Polar Commission activities in 1914 – 1936 г.: http:// vivovoco.rsl.ru/VV/JOURNAL/VIET/ARCTICA.HTM SSC RF AARI. R – 1771, p. 4. SSC RF AARI. R – 1771, p. 4-6. SSC RF AARI. R – 1771, p. 4. SSC RF AARI. R – 1771, p. 4. SSC RF AARI. R – 1771, p. 7. SSC RF AARI. R – 1463, p. 7. SSC RF AARI. R – 1771, p. 30. SSC RF AARI. R – 1463, p. 21,22. SSC RF AARI. R – 1463, p. 22. SSC RF AARI. R – 1463, p. 37. SSC RF AARI. R – 1463, p. 40-51. Sorokoletova G.I., Museum and West Siberian branch of the Russian Geographical Society: 1920-1923.: Http://www. sibmuseum.ru/ogik/izvestiya6/Sorokoletova.html; Annual Report of the State Russian Geographical Society in 1928 – Leningrad, 1929 .: Edition GRGO. – Pp. 5 – 8. SAKR F. 1380, op. 1, 13, p. 24. SARF. A – 2307, op.2, d.352, p. 6, 9, 26, 28. SARF. A – 2307, op.2, d.352, p. 10. SARF. A – 2307, op.2, d.352, p. 22, 24-25. # 812 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 SARF. A – 2307, op.2, d.352, p. 26-27. SARF. A – 2307, op.2, d.352, p. 48, 49. SARF. A – 2307, op.2, d.352, p. 48-49. SANR. F. R – 217, op. 1. on 265 / / http://libinfo.org/index/index.php?id=140145 Krasilnikov S. Society for the Study of Siberia from the heyday before sunset (1925 – 1931) / / Science in Siberia. – № 19 (2255) – May 12, 2000: http://www-sbras.nsc.ru/HBC/article.phtml?nid=100&id=14 SAKR F., 1845, op. 1, F. 133, p. 23. Krasilnikov S. Society for the Study of Siberia from the heyday before sunset (1925 – 1931) / / Science in Siberia. – № 19 (2255) – May 12, 2000: http://www-sbras.nsc.ru/HBC/article.phtml?nid=100&id=14 SANR. F. R – 217, op. 1. on 265 / / http://libinfo.org/index/index.php?id=140145 SAKR F., 1845, op. 1, F. 505, p. 51. Krasilnikov S. Society for the Study of Siberia from the heyday before sunset (1925 – 1931) / / Science in Siberia. – № 19 (2255) – May 12, 2000: http://www-sbras.nsc.ru/HBC/article.phtml?nid=100&id=14 SSC RF AARI. R – 1449, p. 10. SSC RF AARI. R – 1452, p. 72. SSC RF AARI. R – 1452, p. 77. SSC RF AARI. R – 1452, p. 77-78. The meeting of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee on August 25, 1924 SSC RF AARI. R – 1463, p. 6. SAKR F., 1845, op. 1, file 205, p. 51-51. Krasilnikov S. Society for the Study of Siberia from the heyday before sunset (1925 – 1931) / / Science in Siberia. – № 19 (2255) – May 12, 2000: http://www-sbras.nsc.ru/HBC/article.phtml?nid=100&id=14 According to Ustyugov from 1st March and lasted for six days. (Ustyugov P. Work among the minorities of Siberia / / Life in Siberia. – 1922 – № 4. – P. 200). SSC RF AARI. R – 1883, p. 1. SSC RF AARI. R – 1883, p. 7. SSC RF AARI. R – 1883, p. 6. SAKR F., 1845, op.1, f. 130, p. 44, 46, 50. SAKR F., 1845, op. 1, f. 130, p. 6, 13, 16–17, 45, 129. Kitova writes that by the 1930s there were approximately 30 museums in Siberia, and that the fi rst organizations and institutions in Siberia, studying region were more than 50 and (Kitova L.Y. History of Siberian archeology (1920 – 1930): A Study of works from the metal. – Novosibirsk: Publishing House of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography of the RAS, 2007. – P. 13). References 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Akulich O.A., Sirina A.A., Irkutsk center of ethnographic research in the 1920s: the people, the works, the fate / / University archeology and ethnology of Northern Asia. Irkutsk School 1918 – 1937s. All-Russian seminar on the 125th anniversary of the B.E. Petri, Irkutsk, 3-6 May 2009 – Irkutsk: Publishing house “Amtera”, 2009. – p. 340-342. Cadiot J. Lab Empire: Russia / Soviet Union, 1860 – 1940. – New York: The New Literary Review, 2010. – 336 p. Danileiko V.A. The history of the Committee of the North (1920 – 1922 gg.) / / History Yearbook, 200.: Col. of scientific. w. / Institute of History of Sciences. Novosibirsk, Ripel, 2009. – P. 88-93. Dmitriev A.”Academic Marxism” 1920 – 1930’s: Western context and circumstances of the Soviet / / New Literary Review. – 2007. – № 88. – P. 10-38. Esakov V.D. From Imperial to the Russian. Academy of Sciences in 1917 / / National History. – 1994. – № 6. – P. 120-132. Kitova L.Y. History of Siberian archeology (1920 – 1930-s.): Review of monuments of the metal. – Novosibirsk: Publishing House of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, 2007. – 272 p. Krasilnikov S. Society for the Study of Siberia from the heyday to sunset (1925 – 1931) / / Science in Siberia. – № 19 (2255) – May 12, 2000 / / http://www-sbras.nsc.ru/HBC/article. phtml?nid=100&id=14 Mogilner M. Homo imperii: History of physical anthropology in Russia (late XIX – early XX centuries.). New York: The New Literary Review, 2008. – 512 p. # 813 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. Resolution of the Central Executive Committee and Sovnarkom of the RSFSR “On the local committees assist peoples of northern suburbs” / / North Asia, 1925 – Book Three. – P. 103. Sergeev M.A. Non-capitalist path of development of the small peoples of the North / / Proceedings of the Institute of Ethnography, a new series – Moscow – Leningrad: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1955. – T. XXVII. – 569 p. Skokan I. Research bodies and their work in the Siberian region / / North Asia, 1928 Book One. – P. 87-92. Singer M.E. Basic laws of the High North: The right to the polar space and the organization of government. Experience systematic description. – Leningrad: Publishing House of the Northern Sea Route, 1935. – 144 p. Skachko A. Five years of work of the Committee of the North / / Soviet North. – 1930. – № 2. – P. 5-37. Skachko A. Ten years of work of the Committee of the North / / Soviet North. – 1934. – № 2. – P. 9-21. Sliozkin Y. Arctic Mirrors: Russia and the small peoples of the North. – New York: The New Literary Review, 2008. – 512 p. Solovey T.D. Power and science in Russia. Essays University of ethnography in the context of disciplinary (XIX – beginning of XXI century.). – New York: Prometheus, 2004. – 498 p. Sorokoletova G.I. Museum and West Siberian branch of the Russian Geographical Society: 19201923: Http://www.sibmuseum.ru/ogik/izvestiya6/Sorokoletova.html The registers of the Board of the Institute for the study of Siberia (November 13, 1919 – September 16, 1920) / Ed-in-chief S.F. Fominyh. – Tomsk Univ. University Press, 2008. – 264p. Vdovin A.S. On the history of the Institute Sibirevedeniya / / History of Education and Science: Proceedings of the Russian scientific conference with international participation “The history of science and education” and the value of history education in the development of civil and patriotic consciousness in contemporary Russian society issue. 3. Krasnoyarsk KSPU of V. P.Astafeva, 2009. – P. 169. Vdovin A.S., Gulyaeva N.P., Makarov N.P, Batashev M.S., Vasiliev A.D., Vydrin E.V., Russian Geographical Society in Krasnoyarsk (1901-1937 ) – Atlanta: RIO KSPU, 2001. – 120 p. Vdovin A.S., Prokhorchuk M.V., Krasnoyarsk branch RGS – 110 years: history and present / / Geography, history and geo-ecology in the service of science and innovative education / International scientific conference on World Earth Day and the 110th anniversary of Krasnoyarsk regional department of the Russian Geographical Society (Krasnoyarsk, April 22 – 23, 2011). / Krasnoyarsk. State. ped. univ. V.P. Astafieva. – Krasnoyarsk, 2011. – Pp. 11-18. Ustyugov P.O., About the work among the national minorities of Siberia / / Life in Siberia. – 1922 – № 4. – Pp. 199-204. Yarkho A.I .From the works department of the study of man and life in the society of the Urals, Siberia and the Far East / / North Asia, 1928 – Book One. – Pp. 92-93. List of abbreviations SARF – State Archive of the Russian Federation SSC RF AARI – State Scientific Center of Russian Federation Arctic and Antarctic Research Institute # 814 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victoriya A. Danileiko. Government Institutions and Scientific Organizations and their Role in the Ethnographic Study… SAKR – State Archives of the Krasnoyarsk Region SANR – State Archives of the Novosibirsk region KRM – Krasnoyarsk Regional Museum KSPU – Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogical University Государственные учреждения и научные организации и их роль в этнографическом изучении Севера Сибири (1920–1930-е гг.) В.А. Данилейко Отдел археологии и этнографии Красноярский краевой краеведческий музей Россия 660049, Красноярск, ул. Дубровинского, 84 В данной статье сделана попытка представить общую картину истории организации этнографического изучения коренных народов Севера Сибири в первые десятилетия советской власти. На основе широкого круга опубликованных и архивных источников была изучена деятельность и взаимосвязь значительного числа научных общественных организаций и государственных учреждений Москвы, Санкт-Петербурга (Ленинграда), Новосибирска, Омска, Томска, Красноярска и других городов. Представленная работа позволит восполнить ряд существующих пробелов как в истории организации науки в начале ХХ в. в России в общем, так и в истории этнографии Севера Сибири в частности, а также ввести в научный оборот новый материал. Ключевые слова: Север Сибири, 1920–1930-е гг., этнография, организация науки, советское строительство, национальная политика. Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 816-841 ~~~ УДК 902.01 The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples Nikolai P. Makarov* Siberian Federal University 79 Svobodny, Krasnoyarsk, 660041 Russia Received 21.12.2012, received in revised form 06.02.2013, accepted 11.03.2013 The current article presents a review of the archaeological researches that have been carried out in the vast territory of the Northern territories around the Yenisei since the first academic expedition of D.G. Messerschmidt in 1720-1727 till our days. On the basis of a wide range of archaeological sources kept in museum funds, literature analysis and various unpublished documents it provides a reconstruction of the sophisticated genesis processes of the culture of the indigenous people living in the North of Krasnoyarsk Region in various periods of the Stone, Bronze, Iron ages and during the Middle Ages. The archaeological material used in the article is represented by the pictures and photographs of the most remarkable artifacts. Keywords: archaeology, the Yenisei, the North, Krasnoyarsk Region. The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. Introduction The current research presents a general picture of evolution of the material culture of the ancient Middle Siberian tribes for the period from the Stone Age to the Middle Ages on the basis of the general theoretical findings and archaeological collections that have been accumulated during the three hundred years’ study of the region. The work was carried out with the general scientific, historical and archaeological (e.g., typological, comparative historical, stratigraphical, chronological etc.) and natural scientific methods. * It were the researches by D.G. Messerschmidt, P.S. Pallas, G.F. Miller, I.G. Gmelin and other participants of the Academic expeditions in the XVIII-XIX centuries that provided the first scientific results in studying the ancient history of Siberia. It was no coincidence that the most informative publications of that period were the works by the expedition members issued in Sweden (Strallenberg, 1730), Germany (Gmelin, 1751-1752), and Russia (Pallas, 1773-1788). O.H. Appelgren-Kivalo, A.O. Heikel studied the vast Siberian lands looking for the ancestral home of their people (Salminen, 2003). © Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved Corresponding author E-mail address: firstname.lastname@example.org # 816 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples In the second half of the XIX century the garland in studying ancient Siberia was carried by the Finnish researchers. The expeditions of M.A. Castrén, J.R. Aspelin studied the vast Siberian lands in search of the ancestral home of their people (Salminen, 2003). However, the majority of the mentioned expeditions studied the South of Siberia Governorate. Only at the end of the XIX century the leading positions in archaeological studies of the region were taken by the local research institutions which also paid attention to the Northern areas surrounding the Yenisei. Among them there are, fi rst of all, subdivisions of the Russian Geographical Society, museums and local educational institutions. Back in the Soviet period one of the archaeological centres of Siberia began to form itself in Krasnoyarsk. Nowadays, some new archaeological centres making significant contribution into the research of ancient regional history are still developing in Krasnoyarsk. At the same time, the researchers pay more and more attention not only to the famous Minusinsk Hollow rich in archaeological objects, but also to the territories located farther to the North. The boom of archaeological findings happened in the years 2006-2012, in the North Angara Region, in the f lood area of the Boguchany Dam. With the efforts of the archaeological expeditions from the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Science, Siberian Federal University, Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogical University, Krasnoyarsk Museum of Regional Studies and other science centres, hundreds of thousands of artefacts were found, which formed the base for reconstructing the genesis of culture and ethnos of pre-Russian population at a new level (Korovushkin, 2010: 466-470). Main clauses History of Archaeological Research The major part of Krasnoyarsk North and equated localities has been a blank space in the archaeological map of Middle Siberia. The fi rst steps towards the studies of Siberian antiquities are connected with the name of Peter the Great. According to his order the fi rst Academic Expedition to Siberia led by D.G. Messerschmidt was organized. However, from the archaeological point of view scientists were mostly attracted by the steppes of Minusinsk Hollow, where even an unqualified eye can see thousands of ancient burial mounds. It is no coincidence that the fi rst archaeological excavations in Russia were done near Abakanskoe village, in the year 1722. At the same time the expedition of D.G. Messerschmidt found a sculpture of a stone fish on the bank of the Karaulnaya River near Krasnoyarsk, and in the year 1725 near Klimova village on the Angara some rock drawings depicting two horse riders were found and described. The “painted stone”, as the locals call the rock, was numerously examined by G.F. Miller, I.G. Gmelin and other participants of the Great Northern Expedition in the years 1733-1743. The fi rst archaeological material accumulated in various places of Siberia allows the researchers to outline three periods of history: the Stone, the Bronze and the Iron Ages. One of the first ones to arrive at the conclusion that the history of Siberia had begun back in the Stone Age, followed with copper and bronze tools, was A.N. Radishchev. During his Siberian exile in the years 1791-1796 he found a lot of stone axes, knives, arrowheads and other archaeological objects in the ploughed areas around Ilimsk (Okladnikov, 1950: 22-24). In the year 1874 geologist I.A. Lopatin discovered an ancient encampment near the mouth of the Chadobets River during his trip to the Angara. Since those times the encampment # 817 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples was numerously visited by researchers of ancient history. One of the last ones to visit it was Doctor Vitsin from Yeniseisk, who collected a considerable collection of artefacts on the Chadobets River. However, the fi rst one to research almost the whole Angara region looking for archaeological objects was N.I. Vitkovsky. With the support of Russian Geographical Society he did an archaeological trip from Irkutsk city to the Taseeva River in the year 1882. In the North Angara region he managed to discover such encampments as Mozgovaya, Kezhma, Pashino, and examine the cave drawings on the Kamennye Islands and near Klimina village. During the archaeological excavations of Chadobetskaya encampment the researcher found the fi rst remains of burials discovered in the Low Angara Region. On the basis of the received materials Vitkovsky arrived at the conclusion that it is possible to outline the Neolithic, the Copper and the Iron Ages in the history of Chadobetskaya encampment (Vitkovsky, 1890). The opening of the museums in Minusinsk, Krasnoyarsk and other cities of Yenisei province brought some order to the collection of archaeological objects. In the year 1892 archaeological research on the Angara was carried out by the curator of Krasnoyarsk Municipal Museum A.S. Elenev. After it, new collections from the North Angara Region were delivered by M.L. Sher, I.I. Berdnikov, A.P. Ermolaev, A.A. Savelyev (Vdovin, Guliaeva, Makarov and others, 2001: 120 p.). In the years 1918-1919 N.K. Auerbakh, G.P. Sosnovsky and captive Austrian archaeologist G.K. Mergart began working for Krasnoyarsk Museum. The political events that took place during the Civil War forced N.K. Auerbakh and V.I. Gromov move to the North, where they carried out the excavations of the first Russian settlements in the mouth of the Promyslovaya River. In their turn, the Austrian researcher and the Museum Director A.Ya. Tugarinov organized some works along the banks of the Yenisei River from Krasnoyarsk to Yeniseisk in August 1920, which discovered two encampments: one in the mouth of the Kan and another near Maklakovo village (Makarov, 1989: 142-156). In the year 1921 the expedition of Krasnoyarsk Museum guided by its Director carried out a combined research near the Podkamennaya Tunguska River, where near the village which bears the same name A.Ya. Tugarinov found another ancient encampment. As a result, some arrowheads, jasper adzes, fragments of clay vessels and iron slags (Tugarinov, 1924: 4-5) were found. For several decades the mentioned encampment remained the most Northern archaeological object on the Yenisei exposed to excavations. For various reasons the North Angara region was the only region of Krasnoyarsk North rich in archaeological findings. In the year 1924 geologists N.M. Kuhner and V.S. Milich brought an interesting collection of ceramic, stone, bronze and iron objects from the Angara River to Krasnoyarsk Museum (collection No. 148). Due to some hydropower stations projects on the Angara River which were made in the beginning of the ’30-s, the Angara Region became the site for a large scale archaeological research. A special role in it was played by the future academician A.P. Okladnikov, who managed to discover and study dozens of archaeological objects of all ages. The works of the ’30-s and those published later by the members of the Angara (1951-1955) and Bratsk (1955-1959) expeditions became the base of some fundamental researches and the periodization of the Neolithic and the Bronze Ages of the mentioned regions (Okladnikov, 1950, 1955). The periodization is still used now, though it has been corrected to some extent by other researchers. # 818 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples The systematic research in the North Angara Basin carried out in the past fifty years is mostly related to the construction of the Ust-Ilimsk and Boguchany Dams. Since the year 1967, the archaeological expedition of Angaro-Ilimsk from the Institute of History, Philosophy and Philology of the Siberian Department of the Academy of Science, Novosibirsk, has been working there. Along with the academic Institute of History, Philosophy and Philology various expeditions from Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogical University and Irkutsk University made their contribution to the researches in the late ’60-s – ’80-s of the XX century. In the ’80-s of the past century, some archaeological and ethnographical expedition crews from Krasnoyarsk State Museum of Regional Studies started their work in the territory of Kezhemsky and Boguchansky provinces (Makarov, 1989: 131-189). The findings from Ust-Kova encampment were classified as belonging to the Upper Palaeolithic, which means that the region of the North Angara was populated around 30 thousand years ago. Moreover, the Mesolithic-Middle Stone Age was outlined especially for this region, which counts for 11-7 thousand years back; the periodization of the main stages of the Stone Age in the North Angara was made (Vasilyevsky, Burilov, Drozdov, 1988: 6-7). Some distinctive burials of Ust-Koda (Drozdov, 1974: 229-236), Sergushkin Island and other monuments of the early Bronze Age classify them as belonging to Glazkov culture that dates back to 2 thousand years B.C. (Privalikhin, 2009: 300-310). One of the most significant achievements of the Lower Angara archaeology is finding the original Tsepan culture of the early Iron Age (Privalihkin, 1993; 2011: 161-183). Along with this, some archaeological sites of the welldeveloped Iron Age and Middle Ages were well described in two dissertation works (Gladilin, 1985; Leontyev, 1999). A special period in the archaeological studies of the North Angara lasted from 2006 to 2012. During this period, around 30 crews of 800-1000 people worked every year in the flooding zone of the Boguchany Dam. It caused an avalanche-like boom of archaeological fi ndings belonging to various epochs (Korovushkin, 2010, p. 466-470). The situation in the Northern regions not involved in large hydropower station construction was quite different. Even planned expeditions do not go there often. In the year 1958 a combined expedition for archaeology and ethnography from the Institute of Ethnography of the Academy of Science, from the Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography, from Krasnoyarsk and Yeniseisk Museums was organized. In Turukhansk province, near Serkovo village on the Kureyka River, near Surgutikha and Podkamennaya Tunguska encampments, and a year later near Makovskoe village, R.V. Nikolaev found some ceramics and flintlock accessories belonging to the Neolithic, Bronze and Iron ages. Till the end of the eighties, this researcher returned to archaeological and ethnographic researches of that region from time to time (Nikolaev, 1963: 127-131; Nikolaev, 1980: 20-26). The main Northern confluents of the Yenisei, the Podkamennaya Tunguska and the Nizhnyaya Tunguska, were studied in the sixties by the member of the Institute of Archaeology of the Academy of Science, G.I. Andreev. In those unexplored areas of Evenkia he managed to find materials belonging to various epochs from the Neolithic to the Iron Age. Among the best collections, there are Neolithic tools from the encampments around Vanavara village, Chambinsky and Penolinsky Rifts, Baykit, UstKamo and other places. Some stone axes, adzes, scrapers, arrowheads and shaftheads, cores, knives and daggers were found there (Andreev, Fomin, Pashkin, 1965: 100-115). The socketed axe # 819 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples found in the area along with some other findings, according to the researcher, belongs to the early Iron Age (Andreev, 1971:46). Since the year 1967 L.P. Khlobystin has been leading many years’ archaeological and ethnographical studies of the Taymyr Peninsula and the Lower Yenisei. In the centre of the Taymyr, Mesolithic encampment Tagenar V and bronze workshop Abylaakh I were found together with the Neolithic encampments Maymeche I and IV. In the later expeditions to the Lower Yenisei, L.P. Khlobystin and his colleagues managed to discover over 200 archaeological objects of various periods, from the Mesolithic Age to the ethnographically contemporary times, along the Pyasina, Kheta, Khatanga and other rivers (Khlobystin, 1998: 8-12). From the end of the seventies to the nineties of the XX century, Evenkia and Turukhansk province were in the centre of attention for the archaeological expeditions from Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogical Institute and Krasnoyarsk Museum of Regional Studies. Some archaeological materials were collected in the Upper (Makarov, Privalikhin, Drozdov, 1978: 251) and the Middle Podkamennaya Tunguska (Privalikhin, Drozdov, Makulov, 2005: 66-86), and around the mouth of the river (Makarov, 1983, p. 211-212). This way over 100 archaeological monuments of various epochs, from the Neolithic to the Iron Age were found. Among them, there were Vodozima, Chemdalsk, Tetere, Champinsky Porog, Panova winter quarters, Chambe and others. Along with the multiple findings of typical stone tools there were some unusual ones discovered near the Khushmo River (Makulov, Leontyev, 2003: 5962). The industrial development of Evenkia oil resources required some archaeological survey for the future pipeline tracks and drilling sites. During one of such surveys carried out in the Upper Podkamennaya Tunguska and its confluent river, the Vodozim, in the year 2004 by the expedition from Krasnoyarsk State University (now, Siberian Federal University) under the leadership of P.V. Mandryka, a whole series of new sites was found. The huge collection of several thousand objects consisted mostly of stone tools, adzes and axes, scrapers and hogs, cores, arrowheads, slabs and flakes. Among the findings there was an iron knife and some fragments of ceramic vessels (Mandryka, 2010: 25-44). P.V. Mandryka made a special contribution to the studies of Yeniseisk and Kazachinskoe provinces. Here, along the banks of the Yenisei River, in the eighties and nineties he found some artefacts belonging to all epochs from the Palaeolithic to the Middle Ages during the excavations. In the mid-nineties, Krasnoyarsk Museum of Regional Studies focused on archaeological studies in the valley of the Lower Yenisei. Some stationary excavations were carried out at the encampments of Ilyinka, Nazimovo, Utiny Stolb, Monastyrskaya Protoka. The result of the excavations was a great collection of materials from various epochs, from the Mesolithic to the Iron Age (Batashev, Makarov, 1990). At the same time the banks of the Lower Yenisei were studied by the Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogical University crew for classification of archaeological objects (Makulov, Drozdov and others, 1997: 11-12). In general, even though a great number of works has been carried out, we can claim that from the archaeological point of view the Northern areas of Krasnoyarsk Region remain poorly explored. If the number of archaeological findings from the area of Minusinsk Hollow counts up to 30000, even including the latest findings along the Angara, the North of the whole huge Krasnoyarsk region possesses up to several hundreds of ancient encampments and burial mounds. # 820 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples Discussion Stone Age Considering all accumulated material and the hypotheses listed above, we can outline the basic lines of the history of the ancient cultures developed in the North of Krasnoyarsk Region. The most sophisticated question is the one on the fi rst population of the Northern territories. Today we can only speak of the population of the North Angara areas with the Palaeolithic people. Besides the widely known fi ndings from Ust-Kova, Koda, Mozgovaya encampments of A.P. Okladnikov, G.I. Medvedev, N.I. Drozdov (Vasilyevsky, Burilov, Drozdov, 1988), there is some new material from the sites (Akimova, Stasiuk, Gorelchenkova and others, 2011: 354358). Some interesting sites were found at the newly discovered encampments of the Old Stone Age: Beryamba (Grevtsov, Meshcherin and others, 2011: 391-395), Kolpakov Ruchey (Rybin, Kuban and others, 2010: 575-581), Bolshaya Pelenda (Postnov, 2010: 565-568), Gora Kutarey (Vybornov, Vasilyeva and others, 2011: 377-380), Ruchey Smolokurny (Markovskiy, 2011; 436). Based on the data from the mentioned sites, we can outline the early and the late Palaeolithic ones. The early sites indicates that the North Angara Region was populated by ancient people around 3040 thousand years ago. The researchers of the Palaeolithic Age agree that with the beginning of the severe Sartan Ice Age over 20 thousand years ago the ancient population of the Angara lived in the open woodless areas of cold humid tundra steppe. During this period the main activity of the population was hunting mammoth, reindeer and other animals of the Ice Age. It is no coincidence that one of the most distinctive fi ndings of Ust-Kova encampment is a mammoth statuette (Vasilyevsky, Drozdov, 1983: 59—65). Moreover, among the found tools there were side and edge scrapers, hogs, chisel-like tools, cores for making slabs and flakes with sharp knife-like edges. According to the materials found in UstKova, in the second half of the Upper Palaeolithic Age stone industry was based on siliceous rocks. Among the tools there are scraper-like and knifelike tools of large slabs, incisors, piercers, sheetshaped chippers. Besides the stone objects, some beads and other jewellery made of mammoth tusks were found together with small flakes and little slabs. 11-10 thousand years ago the territory around the Angara Region is a forest steppe with some small areas of bogged tundra. For the farther Northern territories the question of the first ancient population remains open. The scrapers, hobs and processed stones of Palaeolithic look found near Bakhta and Sukhaya Tunguska, unfortunately, do not directly indicate to the fact of the population of the territory during the Palaeolithic Age. This far they are just some single objects not related to any cultural layer (Nikolaev, 1963, p. 127; Makulov, Drozdov and others, 1997: 11-12). Let us also remark that the great glacial sheet that reached the Podkamennaya Tunguska, and the severe climate prevented the migration of people to the North during the Palaeolithic Age. The situation changed in the Middle Stone Age, the Mesolithic epoch, which was connected with the global warming that happened around 10 thousand years ago followed with the ice melt. The people reached the Taymyr, which is proved by the excavated encampment of Tanegar and other objects (Khlobystin, 1988: 32-54). According to the archaeological encampments Peshchera Eleneva and Kazachka, indicative for Krasnoyarsk and Kansk forest steppe, the Mesolithic Age of Central Siberia is counted back to 10,5-7 thousand years ago (Makarov, Orlova, 1992: 171-175). # 821 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples From the Taymyr to the North Angara areas and further to the South, up to Kazachinsky Rift and Krasnoyarsk city, a series of typical Mesolithic tools is widely spread. The most typical of them are stone axes with a grasp. In the Lower Yenisei such tools were found in complex encampments of Utiny Stolb and Nazimovo, located in the North of Yeniseisk province. In the North Angara Region such axes were found in the encampments of Chadobets, Ust-Kova, Prospikhinskaya Shivera 2. In the tool arsenal of Mesolithic Angara Region, stone scrapes and hogs accompanied by some minor and major accessories dominate, together with knife-like slabs of regular shape, wedge-like, cone-like and prismatic cores, some polyhedral and transversal incisors (Vasilyevsky, Burilov, Drozdov, 1988: 96, 133). The basic activity of the Mesolithic tribes living around the North Angara and the Lower Yenisei was hunting wild animals. The faunal remains, according to N.D. Ovodov, belong to reindeer, buffalo, red deer, bear. From the Mesolithic period fishing becomes more and more popular (Mandryka, Batashev, Vdovin, Yamskikh, 1998: 117-118). The materials dated as Neolithic witness three cultural and historical provinces in the North of Krasnoyarsk Region: Taymyr, Evenki and Angara. The best studied of them is the North Angara area. According to the modern data, the beginning of the Neolithic period is remarkable for emergence of some clay vessels, which happened around 7 thousand years ago. The most ancient vessels were of egg-like shape with a round or a wedge-shaped bottom and the prints of some wickerwork on its external surface. Among other methods of making vessels there are long-line method and gouging out from a whole piece of clay. The vessels were decorated with lines of small hollows, jagged prints and small blade prints. An original kind of pattern was ceramic of so-called “Posolskaya” type. This pattern was named after Posolskaya encampment on Lake Baikal. This kind of ceramics is characterized with wedge-shaped or round bottom and thin lines and rope prints on its external surface. The ornament is localized in the upper third of the vessel. Its edge is a little thickened from the exterior, decorated with triangle jagged prints and a line of little holes along a thin hollow made with a pattern making tool. Under the edge, there are horizontal lines of stamp prints going below; under them there are slant lines made with a modelling stick. The collection archaeological material showed that this type of ceramics is widely spread on the Baikal, along the Angara and the Central Yenisei up to the lands of Krasnoyarsk. The base of Neolithic studies of Central Siberia which has considerably increased during the works of Boguchany Expedition of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography of the Academy of Science in the years 2008-2001 includes new sites with ceramic vessels of Posolskaya type. Some more vessels of this type were found during stationary excavations in the encampments on Sosnovy Mys and Sergushkin islands, in Tolsty Mys 2, Tolsty Mys and Khedugin Ruchey, Otiko I, Gora Kutarey, Prospikhinskaya Shivera IV and in other sites (Makarov, 2012: 67-72). Speaking of Posolskaya ceramics and network ceramics’ dating, we should remark, that unlike those around the Baikal, the early Neolithic burials of the North Angara region remained practically unexplored. Only some single burials and settlements with some features of Kitoy culture are known. In the numerous encampments and settlements with Posolskaya ceramics, sometimes Kitoy-type fishing accessories are found together with some stone fishing baits, axes with ear-like grasps, shaft straighteners. The # 822 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples authors of the published researches only provide some preliminary general dating of the Neolithic and the early Bronze Age ceramics. Therefore, the Neolithic findings of the North Angara remain stratigraphically undifferentiated. For this reason the combined sites in the cross-border regions of Krasnoyarsk-Kansk forest steppe acquire special significance. Fig. 1. Ceramic vessels of Posolskaya type. 1, 4-6: North Angara Region. 2,3: Krasnoyarsk surroundings # 823 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples Fig. 2. Neolithic polished nephrite hammers. Funds of Krasnoyarsk Museum of Regional Studies In the well-explored encampments Kazachka, Nyasha and Peshchera Eleneva in the basin of the Middle Yenisei the most ancient from the point of view of tradition was network ceramics along with that of Posolskaya type, which was later dated with the late Neolith. Radiocarbon dating for network and Posolskaya ceramics proves the presence of ceramic vessels in the sites and in the North Angara back in the Early Neolith, V millennium B.C. During the Neolithic period stone processing techniques were also developed. The blades of axes and adzes were often polished. Arch and arrows were improved, too. To make the wooden arches springier they are complete with tusk details; it increased the destructive force of the arrow and the length of its flight. During the Neolithic period the cults of animism, totemism and hunting magic become widely spread in the Central Siberia. The numerous drawings of animals and hunting scenes found on the rocks around the Angara are the proof of it. The fishing cults are witnessed by some original stone figures of fish found in the Eastern Siberia around V-III millennia B.C. Such cult figures were to bring luck in fishing and increase the number of fish in the river. Similar figures were found on the Angara, in the encampments of Chadobets, Ust-Kova, Angarsky Lespromkhoz, Sergushkin Island; on the Yenisei they were found in Kazachinsky province, near Piskunova village, and on the Karaulnaya River near Krasnoyarsk, and in some other sites of archaeological excavations. Hunting and fishing remain the basic activities of the population. It is no coincidence that Neolithic encampments are usually located in the mouths of major rivers’ confluents, where a lot of fish is usually found. During that period, ancient people went far beyond the Polar Circle, building encampments # 824 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples Fig. 3. Neolithic stone figures of fish. North Angara Region. Exposition of Krasnoyarsk Museum of Regional Studies around the Khatanga River and the other Northern territories of the Yenisei area Speaking of the Northern territories of Krasnoyarsk region, it is hard to outline the Neolithic era, because the technology of producing stone tools in the North remained till the modern ethnographic times. For example, the stone arrowheads, scrapers, cores, knifelike slabs and flakes found in the encampments Ilyinka, Monastyrskaya Protoka, Utiny Stolb and in the other sites of the Lower Yenisei are distinctively dated with the cultural layers of the Iron Age. Moreover, the use of stone knives, adzes and scrapers by the Siberian peoples during the modern ethnographical times was noticed. For example, so-called stone axes with earlike grasps which have been traditionally dated by archaeologists as belonging to the Age of Neolith, IV-III millennia BC, were used by some Evenkis living in the North of Yeniseisk province up to the second half of the XIX century (Peoples of the North of Siberia in the Collections of OGOIiLM, 1986: 212). Outlining the Neolithic sites among the other findings is also complicated due to the mixture of materials from various epochs in the cultural layers of the excavated areas. For example, the material found in Podkamennaya Tunguska encampment which was excavated part by part, was dated by the researchers as Neolithic. At the same time, the drawing of a restored vessel with thin wavy patterns (Nikolaev, 1963), in our opinion, belongs to the Iron Age. It is proved by the location of such ceramics in Monastyrskaya Protoka encampment by the side of iron objects and slags. Just like in the North Angara Region, in Evenkia and on the Taymyr Peninsula the most ancient kind of ceramics is Neolithic network ceramics. The beginnings of Taymyr ceramic traditions, according to L.P. Khlobystin (1998: # 825 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples Fig. 4. Stone tools from Chambensky Porog encampment. 1 – 4, 7, 8 – adzes, 1981-1982; 5 – arrowhead, 1981; 6 – knife, 1977; 9 – small axe with ear-like grasps, 1982 61), can belong both to the South or to the East, which is connected with the two main ways leading to the North Taymyr areas, from Evenkia along the valleys of the Yenisei and the Kotuy, and from Yakutia, along the NorthSiberian Lowland. In the developed and the late Neolithic period ceramics with rope prints from a beater coiled with rope are widely spread. Similar ceramics can be found in the Neolithic Belkachinskaya culture of Yakutia that dates back to the III millennium B.C. In the Neolithic Age along with ceramics, some stone axes with ear-like grasps, various types of adzes, scrapers and arrowheads appear and spread all around the Extreme North. In the encampments of Evenkia and the Taymyr the most often found cores are the pencilshaped ones and those made for producing thin knife blades. According to the findings in the encampments Khatanga II, Ust-Kamo and others, # 826 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples such blades were inserted in special tusk cases and served as knife blades. In general, only some separate Neolithic monuments of Evenkia and the Taymyr Peninsula were exposed to stationary excavations, which means the lack of studies of the Neolithic Age in the history of the Extreme North (Makarov, 2010: 16-17). Bronze Age The Bronze Age in the history of the Northern territories still remains unexplored. In the whole Lower Yenisei territory only one bronze knife with a Karasuk-looking curve found near Vereshchagino village can be classified as belonging to the Bronze Age (Nikolaev, 19890: 22). With the same time one knife from the surroundings of Sukhaya Tunguska village is dated. However, R.V. Nikolaev who accepted this periodization also remarked the similarity of these objects to Tagar texturized knives (Nikolaev, 1960: 64). The latter dating seems more acceptable in the context of the Early Tagar bronze findings near Novopyatnitskoe village of Uyar province of Krasnoyarsk Region. The knives from this finding are extremely similar to the one from Sukhaya Tunguska in their size, shape and the zigzag ornaments of the hilt. Moreover, in the same finding there were several socketed axes of Krasnoyarsk-Angara type, similar to those from Podkamennaya Tunguska, Kureyka and the one made in the bronze workshop in the Taymyr polar region, in Abylaakh I encampment. Looking at the bronze socketed axe, the dating of the latter with the end of the Bronze Age (Khlobystin, 1998: 87-96) should be corrected; the workshop is more likely to belong to the early Iron Age. The ornament of triangles with vertical lines between them on the sides of the axe is more typical for socketed axes or Krasnoyarsk-Angara type of the VII-V centuries B.C. (Makarov, 2010: 196-198). At the same time L.P. Khlobystin who studied the polar territories of the Taymyr Peninsula, suggests that Ust-Polovinka, Malaya Korennaya I-II, Abylaakh and other metallurgical centres witness the well-developed bronze production in the North of Krasnoyarsk Region back in the IIbeginning of the I millennium B.C. As for the most popular material found in the encampments, which is ceramics complete with some other accessories, there are two distinctive cultures in the North of Krasnoyarsk Region. In taiga areas of the North Angara Region there is Glazkov culture of the early Bronze Age, and in the Extreme North there is Ymyiakhtakh culture. For both of these cultures it is typical to combine some metal objects with the traditional stone tools. They still use stone axes, knives, scrapers, arrowheads and others. Metal objects are first used for decoration, and then some metal knives, axes, fishing hooks and other tools appear. The analysis of the findings showed that the first metal used for production was barrel copper. For example, in the encampments Malaya Korennaya I and Abylaakh of the polar territories of the Taymyr all metal objects were made of almost pure copper, with little impurity. Nuggets of native copper, with the weight of 1-5 kg were often found in various copper deposits, and on the Ondodomi River a copper nugget of 24 kg was found, with the content of copper counting up to 99%. In their turn, the alloys of copper with other metals are used for making easily-melting bronze products. In some cases, for example, in Abylaakh I encampment, they used stannum, while in others, for example, in the settlements like Ust-Polovinka and Malaya Korennaya I, they used arsenic and stibium. It is interesting that some samples of ancient bronze found in this territory are enriched with # 827 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples nickel at the same rate as blister copper produced nowadays at Norilsk deposits. In the settlement of Ust-Polovinka in one of the houses 12 vessels for casting metal were found. According to the calculations of L.P. Khlobystin, it was enough for melting up to 14 kg of bronze. In the Bronze Age, the culture of the ancient North Angara settlements went through some significant modifications. Though the main territory of Glazkov tribe migrations are the territories surrounding the Baikal Lake, in the North Angara Region their burial mounds and settlements are also found. One of the distinctive features of Glazkov burials are stone ornaments of long oval shape made around the bones of the dead. The researchers suppose that the shape of the ornament symbolizes a contour of a boat on which the soul of the deceased floats away to the afterlife. It is no coincidence that the Glazkov people buried their tribesmen lying flat on the back, with the head looking towards the stream of the river. In the final stages of Glazkov culture crouched burials were practiced. In men burials the researchers found some arrowheads, knives, axes, harpoons, fishing hooks and other things used for hunting or fishing. In women burials there were some scrapers, needles and needle holders, other housekeeping utensils. In the burials of the Glazkov people there always was a lot of jewellery. There were pendants of animal teeth, flat motherof-pearl beads made of river shells, copper earrings and rings, discs of marbled rocks and rings of white nephrite. Rings and discs put on the head and the chest of the deceased are interpreted by archaeologists as solar symbols. Of special interest are anthropomorphic figures found in the burials. For example, in one of the burials in the mouth of the Koda River, behind the back of the dead woman there were two figures made of mammoth tusk (Drozdov, 1974: 229-236). One more feature of Glazkov burials is that all the arrowheads, axes and other things look as though they had been intentionally broken before being buried. Such practice may be connected either with the fear of the deceased who could hurt the living people with the sharp tools, or with the process of “mortification” of the tools before sending them to the “world of the dead”. Great influence on the development processes of ancient Siberian cultures was made by the climatic factor. Around 4,5 thousand years ago the climate grew colder, which led to so-called “small” Ice Age. The forests stepped further to the South, and the tundra expanded its borders. Trying to get out of the crisis, a part of steppe dwellers migrated to the North, spreading the metallurgy and other achievement of the Southern tribes. On the Taymyr Peninsula, in Evenkia and Yakutia Ymyiakhtakh culture spread around, getting exposed to the influence of the Glazkov people and their neighbours. Round-bottomed vessels of the Glazkov and Ymyiakhtakh people were made by gouging; on the inner surface of the vessels there were some small squareshaped hollows that made it look like a waffle. Into the clay mix used for making vessels the Ymyiakhtakh people used to add not only sand and some other substances, but also animal fur, usually reindeer. The climatic changes caused the expansion of tundra zone, and, therefore, the prolongation of regular migration of reindeer. The ancient hunters used to make ambush in their regular migration paths. Near such regular hunting sites they built their settlements like Abylaakh, UstPolovinka and the other Bronze Age settlements mentioned above. Besides hunting, the Ymyiakhtakh people continued doing fishing, which is indicated by the fishing accessories found in their settlements and their location along the riverside. # 828 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples Fig. 5. Tusk things, nephrite ring and marble discs from the Glazkov burial at Sergushkin burial mound 3. North Angara. Excavated by V.I. Privalikhin in 1978, in 1984 exhibited in Krasnoyarsk Museum of Regional Studies In general, the achievements of the Bronze Age tribes formed the base for the new stage of historical development, which is early Iron Age. Early Iron Age The most distinctive discoveries of the early Iron Age are a Scythian type bronze pot and a spear head, found 10 kilometres away from Vorogovo village. Besides the mentioned ones, there are some bronze goods from Ilyinka encampment, where a cambered tubber knife and a nail-like awl with a distinctive neck were found (Batashev, Makarov, 2000:12). Several objects of early Iron Age, including a cambered tubber annulate knife and a three- bladed spear plug tip of Kulay type, were found around the mouth of the Podkamennaya Tunguska River (Makarov, 1983:211-212). Of special interest are cast open-work semiabstract images of a moose. They were found in the mouth of the Podkamennaya Tunguska River and in the upper river, near Sulomay village. The similar lattice-like images of moose and deer are found in Kulay culture of Ob region and in the burial mounds of the forest steppe Tagar culture. (Nikolaev, 1980:22, Fig. 1-4). At the same time, the bronze knife and the awl from Ilyinka encampment have ceramics different from those typical for Kulay or Tagar vessels. The closest analogues of Ilyinka # 829 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples ceramics we fi nd in the North Angara region. First of all, they are fragments of original ceramics of so-called “Karabulsky” type. This kind of ceramics is distinguished with distinctive characteristics found on the dozens of vessels from Ust-Karabula encampment on the Lower Angara. The upper edge of the vessel collars are thickened with a wide moulded line, decorated with various combinations of jagged stamps, a belt of round hollows and fi nger tucks with bow-like prints made with nails. Often, jagged prints continue on the wider part to the vessel’s body, but remaining in its upper third. Obviously, “Karabulsky” type of ceramics is typical for the unknown Tsepan culture spread in the North Angara in the VII – II centuries BC (Makarov, Bykova, 2011:227-231). This kind of ceramics is well-known on the Lower Angara and the Middle Yenisei. We can suppose, that a part of Lower Yenisei territory and taiga area of the Middle Yenisei joins the cultures of the Scythian ages, is related to Tsepan culture (Privalikhin, 1993; Mandryka, 2008: 68-76). We would like to remark, that considering the conservatism of Tagar culture in its forest steppe area, the chronological framework of Tsepan culture itself should be enhanced up to the first centuries A.D. Opposed to the stock-raising tribes who lived further to the South, the peoples of the North kept on hunting and fishing way of life up to early Iron Age. The leading role of hunting is proved by findings of many arrowheads made of stone, tusk, and bronze. Very often the arrows could combine several functions There were some stone arrowheads, which could be installed into a stone mediator, connected to a wooden shaft at the opposite side. Among other distinctive objects there were a bronze dagger with a handle of moose horn, some bronze awls and needles with pieces of sinew threads and leather belt, in which the needles had Fig. 6. Bronze pot and spear of the Early Iron Age. Accidentally found 10 km away from Vorogovo village. The Lower Yenisei. Turukhansk province # 830 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples Fig. 7. Bronze moose figure. Mouth of the Podkamennaya Tunguska. Early Iron Age. Accidentally found. Krasnoyarsk Museum of Regional Studies been pierced and inserted into a needle holder, made of a hollow body bone. Among the most impressive objects of that time there are a settlement and burial mound on Kazachinsky Rift of the Yenisei River, a cult place near the Idol of Taseevo, archaeological sites of North Angara Region in mouth of the Pashina River, Sergushkin Island, Otik Island, Sloptsy and Kaponir areas, and other locations. Of the greatest interest are several highly artistic bronze products, found on the Yenisei and the Angara rivers. Only in the surroundings of the Idol of Taseevo hundreds of expressive ornamentals were found: butterfly-shaped badges in the form of gryphon’s head, jingle and bell-shaped pendants, barrel-shaped beads, elliptic badges with semiabstract image of a human eye, and a mirror with a camel image (Drozdov, Grevtsov, Zaika, 2011: 77-85). The bone sculpture of a shaman woman found in one of Otik burial mounds, bronze boar figures, butterfly-shaped badges and other ornamentals from the Ust-Shilka burial mounds of Kazachinsky Rift, and many other stone, bone, and bronze arrowheads are of great interest as well. In the very North of Yenisei region, Malokoreninsk and Pyasino cultures were developed. One of the proofs of the Taymyr’s turning from the Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age is the finding of a bimetal knife with a bronze handle and an iron edge in Ust-Polovinka settlement belonging Pyasino culture. The found materials prove, that the territory of North Angara Region and the Lower Yenisei in the I millennium belonged to the related cultures of the Early Iron Age with its high developed bronze metallurgy and beginning of iron production. The same metal-making situation characterizes Pyasino and Malokoreninsk cultures of the Taymyr. Along with the abovementioned bimetal knife, some bronze arrowheads, needles, piercers, and ornamentals were found in UstPolovinka settlement and other locations. In fact, stone tools are still in favour. Arrowheads, scrapers, knives, and other traditional stone tools are still used. In that period the population of the Taymyr was living in slightly deepened half-dugouts, 5-6 metres long and 4-5 metres wide. The half- # 831 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Fig. 8. V.I. Privalikin’s integrated table of Tsepan Culture inventory, the Early Iron Age of the North Angara. 1-ceramics; 2-6, 31, 33 – stone; 7-10, 14-30, 36, 37 – bronze; 11-13, 18, 30-35, 38-54 – horn and tusk Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples dugouts were heated by fire, located in the middle of a house. 4-5 people could live in one half-dugout, and the population of villages was around 20 people. A big number of found moulds, scratchers, and other objects helped archaeologist L. P. Khlobystin arrive at the conclusion, that the major part of the village life was concentrated in this sort of dug-outs. The Iron Age and the Middle Ages Around two millennia ago on the major part of the Yenisei Region, from the Taymyr Peninsula to the Minusinsk Hollow, the transition for the developed Iron Age began. In the North Angara Region the traces of metal casting are proved by a large number of slags and remains of casting workshops. One of such melting-pots was found by the author of the article in Ust-Karabula encampment. In the ancient times it was a construction which was dug into the ground up to the half of its depth. The upper part of the construction was round, with the diameter of around 50 cm, made of clayed stones that became brown of annealing during metal melting. The process of metal melting required dissembling the upper part of the melting pot to take the metal ball from inside the pot. For this reason near the pot we found some slags and fragments of the dissembled pot with the remains of melted metal. Having cleaned the pot we also found that in the fundament of the construction there were four flat stone slabs, dug into the ground vertically. After that the whole construction around the melting pot was laid with birch-tree bark, and the space between it and the stone slabs was filled with clay solution. The next layer after the birch-tree bark was clay 10-12 cm thick. The prints of the muzzle with the diameter of 3 cm are still distinctive on the iron ball and on the slags around it (Bykova, Makarov, 2009; p. 16-17). Fig. 9. North Angara Region. Pashino encampment. Metal melting pot of developed Iron Age. Excavated by N.I. Drozdov, 1976 # 833 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples Fig. 10. North Angara Region. Ust-Karabula encampment. Metal melting construction made in the Iron Age. Excavated by N.P. Makarov, 2008 A similar construction was found earlier during the excavations of melting station in Pashino encampment led by N.I. Drozdov, and in some other sites of the North Angara Region. After melting, the metal was soft, fritted sponge-like mass. The mass was thickened by additional annealing. After that the iron mass cut in pieces was heated in an open pot, and a blacksmith made objects of required shape with a hammer and an anvil. Easily-melting bronze is only used for art. But the ancient blacksmiths were masters of their craft. For example, the blacksmith of Ust-Karabula encampment could make various ornamentals, pendants and one anthropomorphic figure. Pottery was also developing. In the ceramic works new fragments ornamented with a thin wavy pin, nail-made hollows, lines of jagged prints and other patterns appeared. Similar ceramics, as those found in Krasnoyarsk forest steppe, were dated with the I millennium A.D., or even the II millennium A.D. Moreover, ceramic works with thin moulded edges were found not only in the sites of the Lower Angara, but also over a thousand kilometres to the North, along the Yenisei banks. Pottery of this kind was found by the author during excavations of Chermyanka encampment in Yeniseisk province, Monastyrskaya and Podkamennaya Tunguska encampments in Turukhansk province, along with the other sites of the Krasnoyarsk North. Moreover, similar pottery was found in the Taymyr Peninsula, in the encampments of Boyarka I-II, Pyasina I-IX. Due to geographical conditions, throughout the Iron Age the population of the Northern territories keeps on doing hunting and fishing. Among the products they make, arrowheads of tusk, stone and iron still prevail. But among the remains of animals in the North Angara settlements sometimes some horse bones are # 834 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples Fig. 11. Ust-Karabula encampment. North Angara Region. Iron Age. Stone and iron arrowheads, knives and a bronze dagger, an anthropomorphic figure and an iron pendant. Excavated by N.P. Makarov, 1982-1985, 2008. Exhibited at Krasnoyarsk Museum of Regional Studies found, which proves the influence of the Southern steppe cultures. Unfortunately, the historiographical base of medieval history of Krasnoyarsk North that could push us to conclusions of the origin of the modern indigenous peoples of Yeniseisk Region, still leaves much to be desired. From this point of view, some unique information is provided by Prospikhinskaya Peshchera IV burial, studied in the past years by P.V. Mandryka. Thousands of distinctive tools and hundreds of medieval burials were found. Researches of other medieval objects studied by the members of Boguchany Expedition, along with the materials provided # 835 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples by Lesosibirsk and Chermyansk settlements of Krasnoyarsk Region are of great interest as well. Even though these materials are just entering the world of historical research, it is obvious that they do not belong to the ancestors of the Evenkis, the descendants of whom Russians encountered on the Angara River in the XVII century. Cremation ceremony carried out away from the settlement, the evidence of which was found on the burial mound of Prospinkaya Shivera, is more typical for the Southern nomadic peoples (Mandryka, Senotrusova, Biryuleva, 2011: 432436; Biryuleva, 2012: 183-185). Conclusion This way, archaeological research of the Krasnoyarsk North is still at its initial stage, and it can lead only to some preliminary conclusions of the ancient culture genesis of the peoples living in the region. According to the newest data, North Angara Region was populated with ancient people 4030 thousand years ago. No reliable data on the inhabitancy of the Palaeolithic people to the North from the Angara has been found. Among the tools used by the people were: edge and end scrapers, hogs, sheet-like chippers, chisel-like tools, cores, slabs, cutters, piercers and others. In the Mesolithic period, 10-7 thousand years ago, due to the global warming the whole territory of the Krasnoyarsk North up to the Taymyr Peninsula got populated. In the tool arsenal the people had stone axes with grasps, edge and end scrapers and hogs along with knifelike slabs of regular shapes, cone-like, wedge-like and prismatic cores, polyhedral and transversal cutters. The materials belonging to the Neolithic age, 7-5 thousand years ago, witness the existence of three cultural and historical provinces in the North of the region: Taymyr, Evenki and Angara. The earliest pottery with a technical ornament of a woven net and ceramics of Posolskaya type emerge in the V millennium BC. In the developed Neolith pottery decorated with various kinds of jagged prints appear. Among stone objects there are axes with earlike grasps, various types of adzes, arrowheads, scrapers, cores, original sculpture works of fish. In the late Neolith, pottery is decorated with prints of a ribbed blade. In the Bronze Age, North Angara region is populated by the bearers of Glazkov culture; for the Extreme North, Ymyiakhtakh culture of the II millennium B.C. is more typical. In the early Iron Age, Tsepan, Nizhneporozhinskaya and Shilinskaya cultures of the I millennium B.C. are widely spread along the Lower Angara and the valley of the Yenisei around its mouth; however, the borderlines between them are still vague. In the very North of Yenisei Region, Pyasino and Malokoreninskaya cultures are developing. The Iron Age and the Middle Ages in the I – early II millennia A.D. are characterized with highly developed iron metallurgy, various kinds of metal knives, arrowheads and other objects, along with ceramic works decorated with moulded edges and ribbed blade prints. The period of Late Middle Ages is still not well explores. In general, many periods of the ancient history of Yenisei region have significant gaps, and still require gathering information. References 1. Akimova E.V., Stasiuk I.V., Gorel’chenkova O.A., Kuksa E.N., Makhlaeva Iu.M., Motuzko A.N., Pazilov D.S., Tomilova E.A., Kharevich V.M. Novye dannye po paleolity stoianki Ust’-Kova (2011 # 836 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples 2. 3. 4. 5. god) [New Data on the Paleolithic History of Ust-Kova Encampment (year 2011)] // Problemy arkheologii, etnografii, antropologii Sibiri i sopredel’nykh territoriy: Proceedings of the Final Session of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography of Siberia, Russian Academy of Science 2011 g.: Novosibirsk: Publishing House of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography of the Academy of Science, 2011. Volume. 17. 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Mandryka P.V., Batashev M.S., Vdovin A.S., Iamskikh A.A. O roli rechnoy fauny v zhizneobespechenii drevnego cheloveka na srednem Enisee v final’nom paleolite [Role of the River Fauna in the Way of Life of Ancient Peoples of the Middle Yenisei in the Final Palaeolithic Age] // Sistema zhizneobespecheniia traditsionnykh obshchestv v drevnosti i sovremennosti. Teoriia, metodologiia, praktika. Proceedings of the XI West-Siberian Conference on Archaeology and Ethnography. Tomsk, 1998. P. 117-118. 32. Markovskiy G.I. Novye dannye po paleolitu Severnogo Priangar’ia: rezul’taty izucheniia stoianki ruchey Smolokurnyy v 2011 g. [New Data on the North Angara Palaeolithic Age: Results of the # 839 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Nikolai P. Makarov. The Ancient Stages of the Culture Genesis of the Krasnoyarsk Northern Indigenous Peoples 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 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Arkheologicheskie nakhodki iz Turukhanskogo rayona kak istochniki po etnogeneticheskim protsessam na severe Sibiri [Archaeological Findings from Turukhansk Province as Sources of Information on some Ethnogenetic Processes in the North of Siberia] // Arkheologiia Iuzhnoy Sibiri. Kemerovo, 1980. P. 20-26. Pallas P.S. Puteshestvie po raznym provintsiiam Rossiyskoy imperii [Travelling Around Russian Empire Provinces], Volumes 1-3. Saint Petersburg, 1773-1788. Okladnikov A.P. Neolit i bronzovyy vek Pribaykal’ia [The Neolith and the Bronze Age of the Lake Baikal Region]. Moscow, Leningrad, 1950. V. 1-2. 411 p. Okladnikov A.P. Neolit i bronzovyy vek Pribaykal’ia [The Neolith and the Bronze Age of the Lake Baikal Region]. Moscow, Leningrad, 1955. V. 3. 411 p. Postnov A.V. 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Drevniaia istoriia Taymyrskogo zapoliar’ia i voprosy formirovaniia kul’tur Severa Evrazii [Ancient History of the Polar Taymyr Territories and the Issues of Northern Eurasian Culture Formation]. Saint Petersburg, “Dmitry Bulanin” Publishing House, 1998. 341 p. Gmelin I.G. Reise durch Sibirien. Тт. 1-4, Gottingen, 1751-1752. Strallenberg. Das Nord und Ostliche Theil von Europa und Asia. – Stockholm. 1730. T. Salminen, Suomen tieteelliset voittomaat. Venäjä ja Siperia suomalaisessa arkeologiassa 1870– 1935, vol.110 (Helsinki: SMYA, 2003) Древние этапы культурогенеза народов Красноярского Севера Н.П. Макаров Сибирский федеральный университет Россия 660041, Красноярск, пр. Свободный, 79 В данной статье представлен обзор археологических исследований на обширной территории Севера Приенисейского края, проведенных по времени от первой академической экспедиции 1720-1727 гг. Д.Г. Мессершмидта до современности. На основе широкого круга археологических источников, хранящихся в фондах различных музеев, литературных данных и неопубликованных архивных документов, дана реконструкция сложных процессов культурогенеза коренных народов Красноярского края в различные периоды каменного, бронзового, железного веков, а также эпохи Средневековья. Описанный в публикации археологический материал представлен в рисунках и фотоиллюстрациях наиболее выразительных артефактов. Ключевые слова: археология, Енисей, Север, Красноярский край. Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 842-869 ~~~ УДК 902 Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes Mikhail S. Batashev* Krasnoyarsk Regional Studies Museum, 84 Dubrovinskogo Str., Krasnoyarsk, 66049 Russia Received 18.01.2013, received in revised form 21.03.2013, accepted 15.04.2013 This article gives an overview of the ethnic history of the indigenous population of the Yeniseysky uyezd from the 17th century to the historical present. On the basis of a wide range of archival sources and ethnographic data the article suggests the reconstruction of the complex processes of cultural genesis of the Evenks and other indigenous peoples of the Krasnoyarsk Territory in the North Angara Region, in the Yenisei and the Ket river basins. Keywords: ethnography, the Yenisei, the North Angara region, the Krasnoyarsk Territory. The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. In the history of the Eastern Siberia development the Yeniseysky uyezd plays a special role. It was formed from the moment of the chief town foundation and for several decades had spread its boundaries further and further east- and southwards. In the period of the greatest territorial expansion of the Yeniseysky uyezd it included almost the entire basin of the Angara, the Baikal region, Western Trans-Baikal, most of the modern Yakutia (except for its most distant northeastern part). The Yeniseysky Cossacks, foremen and atamans while on “duty” had to face many tens of tribes and clans whose representatives were at different stages of development of the social system (from relationships based on * tribal principles to communities standing on the threshold of the statehood formation). The Yeniseysky servicemen organized military campaigns to the “non-peaceful lands”, took hostages, charged yasak payments from the ancestors of the modern Khakasses, Evenks, Buryats, Yakuts and Yukagirs. Even in the last quarter of the 17th century when the territory of the Yeniseysky uyezd significantly reduced due to the separation of the Krasnoyarsky (1628), the Yakutsky (1641 together with the Ilimsky that was formed later), the Nerchinsky (1658) and the Irkutsky (1682) uyezds, it continued to be one of the most diverse administrative structures in Siberia. © Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved Corresponding author E-mail address: email@example.com # 842 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes The central part of Central Siberia that is the border zone to the north, west, east and south of Siberia and because of its location between the taiga and the forest-steppe areas is unique in ethnic terms for the whole Siberian region. This fairly small (judging by the Siberian scale) territory is populated with representatives of several language groups and families. Thus, the western and the south-western parts of the Yeniseysky uyezd at that time were inhabited by representatives of the peoples speaking the Yeniseian languages – the Pumpokols, the Yugs and the Asans. The right bank of the Yenisei River, as well as almost all the Lower and Middle Angara region was a part of the zone of settlement of various tribal groups of the Tungus language. The Upper Angara was inhabited by the ancestors of modern Buryats – the Bulagat, the Ekherit and the Khongodor tribes. The north-western, western and southern parts of the Yeniseysky uyezd bordered with other peoples (the Sayan Samoyeds, among them the ancestors of the modern Tofalars, as well as the ancestors of the Ket, the Selkup and the Chulym Turks), and Yeniseysky serving people had to make contact with their representatives from time to time. This article applies only to the part of the indigenous population of the Yeniseysky uyezd that lived on the banks of the Yenisei, the Ket and the Lower Angara rivers, which is now the part of the Krasnoyarsk Territory. The Upper Angara region (now the part of the Irkutsk region), with its indigenous settlers – the Tungus and the Buryat clans, although included in the Yeniseysky uyezd at the end of the 17th century, is not considered by the author. The fi rst information about the peoples of the region considered by us dates from the beginning of the 17th century. The origin of the Yeniseysky uyezd associates with the foundation of Surgut (1594). Over the next few years the Surgut Cossacks were able to move far to the east charging yasak payments from the Ostyak tribes living along the banks of the Ob and its tributaries – the Vakhu, the Tymu and the Ket. Around 1602 in the upper Ket they founded the Kungopsky stockaded town. And by 1605 there was already an independent Ketsky uyezd separated from Surgut. Later, between 1606 and 1610 Kungopsky stockaded town was moved to the lower Ket and was named Ketsky. Over the next 10 years the territory of the Ketsky uyezd had expanded east- and southwards and included the peoples living in the west of the middle Yenisei and in the basin of the Chulym except for its upper reaches. With the arrival of Russian military men to the banks of the Yenisei there was an urgent need for a new base for the further advancement of “meeting the sun”. And such base was the city of Yeniseysk established in 1618 and formed simultaneously with the Yeniseysky uyezd. Originally the Yeniseysky uyezd got from the Ketsky uyezd its most distant eastern areas, yasak paying volosts located in the upper reaches of the Ket and on the left bank of the Yenisei above and below Yeniseysk, from the mouth of the Sym to the mouth of the Kacha. And by the end of the 1620s the Tungus groups of the Lower and Middle Angara became the part of the yasak paying population of the Yeniseysky uyezd. The Ket River was the main penetration route of the Russian statehood to the Middle Yenisei and further to the east. Of course, there were other ways. For example, along the Vakha and the Tyma and then through a system of trails to the Elogui and the Sym with access to the Yenisei. But it was the Ket road that was the most convenient and less time-consuming, despite all the difficulties that awaited travelers on the way. Moving up the Ket the “sovereign’s people” charged, sometimes with force of arms and sometimes with the promise of protection (from the Tungus “princes” or the Yenisei Kyrgyzs) tributary payments from the local “Ostyak” population. Then, at the # 843 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes beginning of the 17th century, a general system of taxed units (yasak paying districts) developed on the left bank of the Yenisei River, which existed then, with some modifications, for over a century and even longer. The overview of the indigenous population of the Yeniseysky uyezd shall start with its western and south-western borders, with those ethnic groups that first became a part of the tax-paying population of the Russian state. The exact date of their entry is difficult to state, but by 1607-1609 the farthest eastern parts of the Ketsky uyezd from 1618/19 included in the newly formed Yeniseysky uyezd were introduced as the following yasak paying volosts: the Kungopskaya (Pumpokolskaya), the Kadyzhskaya or the Kadskaya (Natskaya), the Kema Peaks volost , the Makutskaya, the Yamyshskaya, the Kuznetskaya, the Kipanskaya, the Symskaya and the Kasskaya. The documents of that era indicate that all these volosts, with few exceptions, were called “Ostyak”. For our convenience we, following Boris O. Dolgikh, combine these volosts into the three ethno-territorial groups: Pumpokolskaya (according to Dolgikh – Natsko-Pumpokolskaya), Kuznetsko-Kipanskaya and the Dyukans group (Symsko-Kasskaya). The Pumpokolskaya (originally Kungopskaya) yasak paying district was located in the upper reaches of the Ket and bordered with the Ketsky uyezd. It is on its territory that around 1602 the first Ketsky stockaded town, then known as Kungopsky, was formed. Its foundation in this place was probably due to two factors. Firstly, by the time of founding the Kungopsky stockaded town it was probably the most eastern point of penetration of the Russian statehood to the east. Secondly, at the time, the Kungops were the most numerous and organized group of local people. Their head was not only a founder or an elder, but a real military leader, a tribal leader of the squad having residence – a settlement-fortress fortified with moats, ramparts and palisades. Such Kungops leader in the first quarter of the 17th century was Urnuk Piminov (Urnuk, Urnyuk, Urlyuk). The residence of Urnuk was in the Urlyuk yurts, Urlyuk settlement, according to current data, located 679 kilometers upstream from the Ket mouth (Yakovlev, 1997, p. 73). There is a description of the settlement given in 1675 by the Russian ambassador to China N. Spafariy: “... And that settlement is now empty and everything is rotted and overgrown... But the Urlyuk settlement stands on a red land, in the ravine. And the Urlyuk settlement will bring Makovsky Ostyaks” (Milescu Spafariy, 1997, p. 249). About Urnuk himself it is known that, according to the Russian documentation, he was a knyazets (a prince), the head of the Pumpokolsky (Kungopsky) Ostyaks (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 186). In December 1608 Urnuk informed the Ketsky stockaded town that he had received the news from the knyazets Namak (the head of the Kadyzhsky Ostyak yasak paying volost) about the attack of the Tungus on the Ostyaks of the Kuznetskaya yasak paying volost and their intention to destroy the Ketsky stockaded town. The Tungus, according to Urnuk, wanted to force Ostyaks from the Ket River to pay the yasak to them, but not to Russians (Miller, 2000, pp. 48, 52, 244). In May 1609, the Ketsky stockaded town sent a detachment of Russian military men, the Zyryans and the Ostyaks which included Urnuk and his men to attack the Tungus. The combined forces defeated the enemy; several wounded Tungus men were taken prisoners. However, all of the prisoners died of wounds (Miller, 2000, p. 247). In December 1609, Urnuk, when bringing the yasak to the Ketsky stockaded town, announced the intention of the Tungus people to continue their attacks on the Russians (Miller, 2000, p. 252). In 1619 his volost was transferred to the newly formed Yeniseysky uyezd. In January 1621, Urnuk paid from his 34 # 844 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes yasak payers 31 sables and 282 yasaks. And for the previous debt he paid 93 sables and 1 beaver. In May 1621, he returned the remaining debt in the amount of 83 sables and 7 beavers (Miller, 2000, p. 303). In December 1621, Urnuk paid from his District 34 sables and 374 yasaks and 1 beaver (Miller, 2000, p. 319). In January 1623, for 1622 he made a gift payment of 35 sables and 3 beavers and a yasak payment of 384 sables and 2 beavers (Miller, 2000, p. 340). Considering the above materials in the initial period of inclusion of the population of the left bank of the Yenisei River to the Russian state, Urnuk from the two evils – to be governed by the Moscow tsar or become a tributary to the belligerent Tungus princes of the Lower Angara region, chose what seemed to him the least. But, over time, with strengthening of the Russian statehood, he became the head of a usual taxpaying unit, one of hundreds of similar ones in Siberia at the time. The first known information about the number of yasak paying population of the Pumpokolskaya volost belongs to 1617-1618, before the formation of the Yeniseysky uyezd. According to it, the yasak payment was made by 37 people, namely, adult males from 16-18 to 55. Applying the findings of Boris O. Dolgikh that the ratio between the adult male population and the rest of population (women, children, elderly people) in the Siberian taiga (hunters, fishermen, herders) is 1 to 4, the total number of the Pumpokols of that date was 150 people. Over the following decades of the 17th and the first decade of the 18th century the total number of the Pumpokolsky Ostyaks had been steadily declining reaching its lowest level for that period – 9 yasak payers (45 people of both sexes) by 1710 (Dolgikh, 1960, P. 187, 190). Like other natives of the Upper Ket the Pumpokols suffered especially great damage in 1630, during the outbreak of the smallpox epidemic that killed at least half of their population. 18 yasak payers and 88 “wives and children” died. Only 16 or 17 yasak paying people survived (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 187-188). Around 1705 the Russian administration was forced to organize consolidation of small Ostyak volosts remaining at that time. The Pumpokolskaya volost included its neighboring Natskaya volost located in the Upper Ket region (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 186, 188). This is how NatskoPumpokolskaya volost was established, which lasted until the beginning of the 20th century. The Kadyzhskaya volost (Kadskaya). It was also located on the Ket River, but above the Pumpokolskaya volost. It was brought to yasakpaying by the Ketsky service people, apparently, at the same time as the Pumpokolskaya. During its membership in the Russian state the head of the volost was the knyazets Namak (Nomak, Amanak) Koybytsyn. And the history of the Kadtses of that time is closely associated with his name. Between 1602 and 1605 (?) Namak with the knyazets Chaptonday “changed” and killed 20 yasak collectors of the Ketsky stockaded town. A detachment of serving people was sent against them, but the case was settled peacefully. The knyazets repented and took citizenship of the Russian state (Miller, 1999, pp. 449-450). In 1608, through the “best man” of the Pumpokolskaya volost Olku sent to take the yasak from him, Namak informed the Ketsky stockaded town authorities about the attack of the Tungus on the Ostyaks of the Kuznetskaya volost and their intention to destroy the town located then in the Kungopskaya volost. The objective of the Tungus, according to Namak, was to force the Ostyaks to pay the yasak to them, but not to the Russian state (Miller, 2000, p. 48, 244). In response to this attack in May 1609 the Ketsky stockaded town sent a detachment of Russian military men, the Zyryans and the Ostyaks including Urnuk and his men to attack # 845 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes the Tungus. The combined forces defeated the enemy; several wounded Tungus men were taken prisoners. However, all of the prisoners died of wounds (Miller, 2000, p. 247). In December 1609, Namak was with the yasak in the Ketsky stockaded town and told that a Kyrgyz knyazets came to the Meletsk to see the knyazets Isek, and incited him not to pay the yasak to Russians, but oppose them with the Kyrgyz (Miller, 2000, pp. 252-253 ). In December 1612, bringing the yasak to Ketsk he announced the desire of the Tungus and the population of the Tyulkin land to accept Russian authorities and pay the yasak (Miller, 2000, p. 264). In 1613, Namak had to lead the Ketsky yasak collectors to the Tungus, but instead he went along with Putnya and Tumet. The Tungus refused to pay the yasak, robbed and nearly killed Namak and his companions (Miller, 2000, p. 266). In 1617, the Makovsky stockaded town was founded in the territory of the Kadskaya volost (located on the site of the modern village Makovskoe), getting its name from the knyazets’s name Namak (Namakovsk – Makovsk). Later, since 1634 the whole volost was called by his name – the Nadskaya or Natskaya. Since 1619 the volost had been transferred to the newly formed Yeniseysky uyezd (Dolgikh, 1969, p. 186; Miller, 2000, p. 48, 49, 52). We have data on the population of this volost only starting with 1617-1618 years. At that time there were only 8 yasak payers, i.e. the total number of the Kadskaya volost was 32 people. But between 1618 and 1621 the Yeniseysky uyezd administration had made consolidation of several small yasak paying volosts located in the upper reaches of the Ket. Whether this enlargement was only related to the fiscal interests of the treasury, or there were other reasons, we do not know. But we can assume that very close ethnic groups, if not parts of a big one were subject to consolidation. As a result of this reform the Yamyshskaya volost had completely disappeared (2 yasak payers) and the population of the Kema Peaks volost reduced by half. Apparently, at the expense of the members of these districts the Kadskaya volost numbered, according to the yasak records for 1621-1623, from 21 to 24 yasak payers. Thus, the total population of the volost had grown to nearly 100 people (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 186, 187, 188). The smallpox epidemic in 1630 negatively influenced the Kadskaya volost as well. Out of 23 yasak payers 11 men and 36 women and children died (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 187-188). Later on, the number of members of the volost continued to decline and reached by the beginning of the 17th century 7 yasak payers (about 30 people of both genders) (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 190). In 1705, there was a consolidation of the Pumpokolskaya and the Natskaya volosts into one Natsko-Pumpokolskaya volost (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 188). Other Ostyak volosts – the Yamyshskaya, the Kema Peaks volost and the Makutskaya located in the most upper reaches of the Ket and the Kema, had not existed for a long time as taxable units. By 1632 all of them, for various reasons, disappeared. But their existence for over thirty years was apparently due to some reasons: whether due to yasak paying, remoteness or relatively inaccessible location, or ethnic characteristics of the population of these volosts. Nevertheless, most likely conservatism of the bureaucratic system of the Russian state played its role. While in the initial period of entering the yasak lists, these small-numbered yasak payers and lowpowered volosts were able to survive for almost a third of a century. However, the disappearance of the volosts did not mean the disappearance of the people assigned to them. Brief history of these tax-paying units is as follows. For the first time three above mentioned volosts were mentioned in the formal reply of the Ketsky governor Grigory Elizarov. This reply dated 1609. There “the Makutskaya volost, and # 846 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes the Kema peaks, and the Yamytskaya land” were called “...distant volosts of the new pieces of land...” (Miller, 2000, p. 252). Thus, in 1609 these volosts were considered as new, “newly founded”, only recently entered into the tax-paying system of the Russian state. The number of population in each of these volosts is unknown, because in the reply it was given summarily: 15 yasak payers, i.e. the entire population of these volosts numbered up to 60 people (Miller, 2000, p. 252). As of April-August 1618, there were 2 yasak payers (8 persons of both genders) in the Yamyshskaya volost, 15 (60) – in the Kema Peaks volost, and 3 (about 10) – in the Makutskaya volost (Miller, 2000, p. 285). As already mentioned above, between 1618 and 1621, the Yamyshsky Ostyaks and most Ostyaks of the Kema peaks apparently joined the Kadskaya volost. The rest of the Kema Peaks volost headed by Atanzha Chagaev (7 yasak payers) merged with the Ostyaks of the Makutskaya volost headed by Vesla. This new formation in the yasak records received the name of “the Veslovsk Ostyaks of the Kema Peaks volost” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 188). But soon after the event, in 1630-1631, the whole volost ran to the Krasnoyarsk uyezd, and, despite the efforts of the Yeniseysk administration remained there, having entered it as a special taxpaying unit to the Arinsk land. This fact suggests that ethnically the Veslovsk people were close enough with the Arinsk people, if they were not a peripheral, taiga group. Moreover, the escape was made with the direct participation of the Arinsk people: “...the Veslovsk Ostyaks... with the Krasnoyarsk Arinsk Tatars of the Yeniseysky stockaded town from the Upper Village stole 9 horses and ran to Krasny Yar... Governor Arkhip Okinfov... ordered the Veslovsk Ostyaks to live in Krasny Yar...” (Miller, 1941 p. 44: Dolgikh, 1960, p. 225). In the Krasnoyarsk uyezd the Veslovskaya volost of the Arinsk land was mentioned until 1735. And then it completely merged with the Arins and became a part of modern Khakassia as seok Ara (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 228). As it is known, modern linguistics recognizes the existence of the Arin and the Pumpokol languages as individual languages in the Yeniseian language family. And, if the Arins occupied mainly the Krasnoyarsk foreststeppe, and the basis of their economy was herding, then the Pumpokols are the typical lowland taiga residents, hunters and anglers. The difference in their economic structure, regardless of the linguistic affinity, is noticeable even in the ethnic nomenclature inherent in the Russian administration at the time. Thus, the Russians called all the people of the taiga zone of the Ob basin and the Lower Yenisei left bank basin leading hunting and fishing economy the Ostyaks. Meanwhile the administration was indifferent to what language families these peoples belonged to. Thus, the Ostyaks included ancestors of the Khants speaking Ugrian, the Samoyeds, the Selkups and the Kets, the Yugs, the Pumpokols speaking the Yeniseian language. To describe cattle-breeders of the south of Western and Central Siberia the term “Tatars” was used. Thus, the ancestors of the Siberian Tatars were called the Yurt, the Tyumen, the Tobolsk, the Ayalynsk, the Barabinsk and the Tomsk Tatars. The ancestors of the modern Shors were known as the Kuznetsky Tatars, the Chulym Turks as the Melessk Tatars. Of course, by the time of entering of these peoples in the Russian state, they in the vast majority already belonged to the Turkic ethnic group. The process of turkization among them went far enough. However, perhaps some individual groups still remained among them, especially in the reaches of the Chulym and the Shoria (the Kuznetsk Alatau), who continued to speak the Samoyed or the Yeniseian languages. In the Krasnoyarsk uyezd, and in the south-east of the Tomsk uyezd turkization at the beginning # 847 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes of the 17th century was still unfinished. And peoples of different ethnic origins were called the Tartars – the Yeniseian Arins, the Kotts, the Veslovts, the Korchuns, the Turkic Kachints, the Basagary, the Kizylts, the Sagayts and the Tubints, the Samoyed inhabitants of contemporary Tuvan Toji – the Sayants (Tochigases) (Miller, 2000, p. 65). A peripheral location of the Makutskaya, the Yamyshskaya and the Kema Peaks volosts in relation to the Pumpokols and the Arins allows to see them as the transition groups in the ethnic, linguistic and cultural aspects. Moreover, as already noted above, some of them (the Yamyshsky Ostyaks and more than a half of the Kema Peaks volost) joined the Kadskaya volost and the rest Ostyaks of the Kema peaks united with the Makutsky Ostyaks into the “Kema peaks of the Veslovsk Ostyaks” volost became part of the Arins. However, we should not forget that both of these consolidations were authorized by the administration, in the first case of the Yeniseysky uyezd, in the second – the Krasnoyarsk one. And for any of the fiscal systems the interests of the treasury are in the first place, but not the structure of ethnic communities, although in Siberia it was considered as the basis of the administrative unit being formed. But the case when various ethnic groups are joined in one taxable unit, as in our case, never really happened. Boris O. Dolgikh considered these peripheral groups located on the borders of the “Kyrgyz land” as “the birth of conglomerates of a different origin” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 99), by virtue of their dependence on the Kyrgyz, torn or detached from specific ethnic groups. Perhaps, the Yamyshsky Ostyaks were closer to the Natsk-Pumpokols, the Makutsky were closer to the Arins and the Kema Peaks volost consisted of immigrants both of the first volost and of the second one. And joining these larger units simply meant a return to the onceexisting position. The number of yasak payers of the Veslovskaya volost in the Arin land over the next hundred years mainly corresponded with fluctuations in the population number of that land. Maximum was in 1665, when the yasak was paid by 14 people, that is, the total population of the volost reached 55-60 people. Nevertheless, by 1735 there were only 2 people enrolled into the lists of yasak payers (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 226). Later in 1735 the Veslovts were not mentioned. They fully merged with the Arins who formed the Ara group within the group of the Minusinsk Tatars (Khakassia). By the middle of the 18th century the Arins almost completely lost their language and went on with the Kachinsk (Turkic) language (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 228). A part of the Veslovts was Russified. Their descendants now live (the Aminovs, the Veselovskys) in the Yemelyanovsky District of the Krasnoyarsk Territory not even knowing their roots. Out of the Ostyak volosts of the left bank of the Yenisei we have to consider only the Kuznetskaya and the Kipanskaya volosts located along its banks. They were already mentioned for the first time in 1609 in the yasak payment lists (Miller, 2000, p. 247). The Kuznetsky Ostyaks occupied the territory in the immediate vicinity of the Yeniseysk, above and below the stockaded town, and the Kipanskaya volost was near the mouth of the Angara (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 185, 189). Between 1623 and 1628 both volosts had merged into one the Kuznetskaya volost. If there is no doubt that the Kuznetsky Ostyaks belong to the people speaking the Yeniseian languages, then opinions on the language of the Kipants are not so clear. G.F. Miller when mentioning the Kipanskaya volost almost always called its population the Tungus (Miller, 2000, p. 50, 53, 54). However, Boris O. Dolgikh noted that the Kipants were named the “Tungus” only once, when they were first mentioned in the sources. In all other cases, the population of the Kipanskaya # 848 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes volost and the volost itself were mentioned without any ethnic correlation (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 185). Upon further consideration of the issue, Dolgikh having thoroughly looked through all the references of the Kipants in the sources comes to a definite conclusion about the “Ostyak” (Yeniseian) belonging of the population of the Kipanskaya volost of the 17th century. (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 185-186). However, later, V.A. Tugolukov again returned to the issue and, without a sufficient reason, and any expanded argument announces that the Kipants are the “mixed-Tungus Arin group” (Tugolukov, 1985, p. 59). In favor of his point of view, he cites only one fact and that is unproven in my opinion: the escape in 1626 of the whole Kipanskaya volost led by the knyazets Iltik to the Krasnoyarsk uyezd, to the Arins. Following the opinion of Tugolukov, “mixed-Tungus Arin groups” should be also attributed to the Kadsky and the Kuznetsky Ostyaks. In fact, all the above volosts participated in this escape. And, in the voivode’s reply the Kipants are not mentioned separately, as some sort of a special group, but between the Kadsky and the Kuznetsky Ostyaks. However, the Ostyak origin of the Kadskaya and the Kuznetskaya volosts are not the subject to V.A. Tugolukov’s doubt. In all other cases the Kipants always come together with other “Ostyaks” of the Yeniseysky uyezd. They are friendly and even allied with the Kuznetsky and the Kadsky Ostyaks and the Arins. Their bitterness during military clashes with the Tungus of the near Angara region finds parallels in the history of inter-ethnic relations of the Yenisei Siberia at the time. A massacre of prisoners of the Tungus Ostyaks headed by Iltik, the head of the Kipants in 1625-1626, is a vivid example. And joining in the end of the Kipanskaya volost to the Kuznetskaya one, and not to any of the Tunguska volost clearly shows the ethnic closeness of the Kipants to the Ostyaks. Therefore, the opinion of Boris O. Dolgikh expressed 50 years ago on the ethnicity of the Kipants to this day, in my view, does not need to be revised. Many wrote that the Kipants “...have never been called the Tungus; that they do not differ from the rest of the Ostyaks; that they, like almost all the Ostyaks of the 17th century living near the Yenisei, were hostile to the Tungus; that they, along with the Kadsky and the Kuznetsky Ostyaks ‘ran’ to the Tyul’kinsk (strip of) land, where the Yeniseysky Ostyaks usually ran in case of the Tungus attacks and in case of conflicts with the Russians. Iltik with his men does not stand out among the rest Ostyaks” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 186). The earliest data on population of the Kipanskaya yasak paying volost is found in the materials of 1609-1610. According to them, the volost had 12 yasak payers, i.e. 50 people in total population of the area. But in the early 1620, for unknown reasons for this drop, there were only 6 to 9 yasak payers (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 187). As we know, in previous years, the Ostyak volosts of the Yeniseysky uyezd suffered significant losses from military attacks of the Tungus people. Perhaps this disaster spread to the Kipants, namely because they were the closest Ostyak group to the borders with the Tungus settlements. In the second half of 1620s the Kipants merged with the Kuznetsky Ostyaks and their subsequent life has proceeded within this district. The Kuznetskaya Ostyak volost, due to its geographical proximity to the Yeniseysky stockaded town, quite early experienced Russian and Orthodox culture, which had a direct impact on life and population of the Ostyaks. Confrontation of the Tungus to the Russian penetration influenced directly the Ostyak volosts of the Yeniseysky uyezd, which recognized the power of the Russian state. The Ostyaks, including the Kuznetsky Ostyaks, suffered losses from the attacks of the Tungus groups, and had joint campaigns with the Cossacks into “non- # 849 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes peaceful Tungus pieces of land”. Thus, in 1609, the Tungus attacked the Kuznetsky Ostyaks “and they had two people injured, and the other people scattered” (Miller, 2000, p. 247). The Tungus foray next year was more dramatic for the Kuznetsky Ostyaks. The Tungus “... killed the sovereign Ostyaks, namely: Idyuk, two his sons, three people of other Ostyaks, and the other escaped and ran to the Tyulkin land, but their wives and children, who had not manage to escape, were captured” (Miller, 2000, p. 256). The emergence of the Yeniseysky stockaded town, in building of which the Kuznetsky Ostyaks took part, as an example, Tyumet, the knyazets of the Kuznetskaya volost, at the request of the Tobolsk governor, was to accompany the Cossacks sent to find the most convenient ways for the Yenisei River and the place to build on its banks a new stockaded town (Miller, 2000, p. 280). This decision put Ostyak “distant districts” under the direct and constant control of the Russian administration. The lack of service people on the eastern borders led to the need for recruiting the working class of the local population, capable of military service, or, even, at times, involving combat-ready “strangers” to march to the neighboring “non-peaceful pieces of land”. The Ostyaks of the Kuznetskaya volost were considered the most suitable for this role. Living in the immediate vicinity of the Yenisei, having constant contact with their neighbors and enemies of the Tungus tribes, many of them were recruited for the state service. In 16251626 along with the Russian squad 38 Ostyaks led by Iltik, the knyazets of the Kipanskaya volost participated in the march of the Yenisei Ataman Vasily Tyumenets on the Nizhneangarsk Tungus (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 185-186). Some representatives of the indigenous people acted as guides and translators (interpreters) who were paid by the state, receiving a salary from the Treasury and being exempt from incurring taxes, including tributes. In addition to the above stated fact of Tyumet’s service as a guide we can draw an example of his son Bogdan, who became Orthodox and for nearly two decades served as an interpreter (translator) in Yeniseysk and Krasnoyarsk. Although throughout the 17th century the Tsar government did not welcome the Christianization of the Siberian natives, not willing to lose the yasak payers, the Kuznetsky Ostyaks quickly adopted Orthodoxy, with all the consequences of this fact. Already in 1689 all of them were baptized, were given Russian first name and patronymic. Those of them who had been recruited for the service did not belong any longer to the tax-paying classes. Boris O. Dolgikh took them for this period of time as “... already half-Russified and being on a par with Russian peasants” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 190, 191). Russification of the Kuznetsky Ostyaks led to a blurring of their ethnic core and, eventually, led to the complete disappearance of this ethnic group. Judging by the materials of 1609-1610 years in the Kuznetskaya volost there were 13 yasak payers (i.e., not more than 50 people in total population). In 1610, in a collision with the Tungus 6 Kuznetsky Ostyaks were killed (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 187). But with the accession of the Kipants township to the Kuznetskaya volost, its population by 1630 increased again to 15-17 yasak payers. However, in the future, with each passing decade, population decline only progressed. By 1710 there were only four yasak payers in the Kuznetskaya volost (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 190, 191). The rest, apparently, by this time had completely merged with the surrounding Russian population. Those Kuznetsky Ostyaks, who retained their ethnicity, by 1735 were included in the Symsko-Kasskaya volost (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 188). The Symsko-Kasskaya volost as a single taxable unit was formed only between 1624 and # 850 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes 1628. (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 184). But the story of its components began much earlier. In the yasak records of the Ketsky uyezd since 1609 (earlier sources have not survived) there were stated separately the Symskaya and the Kasskaya volosts (Miller, 2000, pp. 247, 252, 253, 254, 256, 259, 260, 282, 285, 303, 319, 340). Judging by the names, the basis of their naming was not tribal, but geographical principle, which simplifies the identification of population resettlement on these territories. Reasoned opinion of Boris O. Dolgikh stated that both districts were located near the Yenisei River: the Symskaya – at the mouth of the river Sym, and the Kasskaya – at the mouth of the river Kas (Dolgikh, 1960, P. 188). However, while designing a map of the Symsko-Kassky Ostyaks’ resettlement the researcher includes there not only the area at the mouth of the Kas, but its entire basin, that seems logical. Boris O. Dolgikh, despite the initial for almost twenty years isolated existence of two separate districts in the Russian documentation, thinks about the Symsko-Kassky Ostyaks as one tribe. And dividing them into two groups represented, in his opinion, “the intra-tribal division, perhaps, of territorial and phratricancestral character” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 184). And then he even reveals their tribal name: “the later name of the Symsko-Kassky Ostyaks is dyugun’ (yohon’), which existed in the 17th century already when it was recorded in the form of ‘dyukany” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 184). In favor of the theory of volosts’ unity he cites the fact that in 1609 and 1618, i.e. even before the merger of the volosts, their yasak payers were stated in one list (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 184). I can also add that these volosts were always mentioned together, next to each other in tsar charters, province runarounds, and records of yasak collection. And representatives of the volosts were often recorded once in one volost, then in the other. For example, in 1609 Kayget (“Kayaget”) was named a knyazets of the Symskaya volost, and in 1611 he (“Kaigetko”, ‘Kaygetko”) in one and the same document was named a Symsky Ostyak in one place, and in the other as a head of the Ostyaks living near the Kas (Miller, 2000, pp. 247, 260). A head of the Symsky Ostyaks from 1611 to 1617 years was Kimza and his son Akdon Kymzin in 1620-1622 was a head of the Kasskaya volost (Miller, 2000, pp. 260, 301, 319, 340). But perhaps the Symsko-Kasskaya volost was only a part of a wider association of tribal or linguistic nature, in which, along with them were also included the Ostyaks of the Kuznetskaya volost and the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” of the Mangazeysky uyezd. For example, in earlier documents, even before the formation of the Yeniseysky uyezd, the extreme eastern parts of the Ketsky uyezd were always mentioned in the following contexts: “... the Kas volost, the Sym volost, the Yenisei ...” (Miller, 2000, p. 285), “... for the Sym River, for the Kas and the Yenisei to Ket, to tribute the Ostyaks ...”, “... the Ket yasak paying Ostyaks, the Sym from the Kas and the Yenisei ...” (Miller, 2000, p. 253), “... Ket yasak paying Ostyaks from the Kas River and the Yenisei and the Sym ...” (Miller, 2000, p. 254), “... the Yenisei, the Sym and the Kas yasak paying knyaztsy and Ostyaks ...” (Miller, 2000, p. 282). Boris O. Dolgikh believes that “Yenisei”, “for the Yenisei” mean the Kuznetskaya yasak paying volost (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 186, 187). This assumption is based on the fact that in the records of the tributes the Kuznetskaya volost was referred to as “... the Kuznetskaya volost of the Yenisei River ...” (Miller, 2000, pp. 302, 319). And the list of the Ketsky yasak paying volosts, retreated in 1618 to the newly formed Yeniseysky uyezd, did not mention neither the Kuznetskaya volost, nor the Kipanskaya, which is rather strange, given its location in the # 851 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes immediate vicinity of the Yeniseysk (“near the city””), but the word “Yenisei” is present (Miller, 2000, p. 285). There is also a specific reference to the Kuznetsky Ostyaks as of the Yeniseysky uyezd: “So ... was telling us the Yeniseysky Ostyak Tymka: ...” (Miller, 2000, p. 292). Tymka Pereorov, mentioned here, was a head of the Kuznetsky Ostyaks in 1620s. Therefore, these three districts were a certain unity. Moreover, in some cases, the number of yasak payers in them was given cumulatively, in one figure: “... So, in the past, in the 119 year I sent for tsar yasak to the same Ketsky, to yasak paying Ostyaks for the Kas River, and for the Sym, and for the Yenisei , and near these three rivers there lived 36 yasak payers ...” (Miller, 2000, p. 260). Or: “... the Kasskaya volost, the Symskaya volost, the Yenisei, 24 yasak payers ...” (Miller, 2000, p. 285). In other words, a tribe of the SymskoKassky Ostyaks named by Boris O. Dolgikh as “the Dyukans” included the Kuznetsky Ostyaks as an integral part of the tribe. However, the question remains, should the word “Yenisei” always mean the Kuznetsky Ostyaks? First, the Symsky and Kassky Ostyaks lived not only along the tributaries of the Yenisei, but at the Yenisei River itself. Their encounters with the Tungus occurred exactly on the banks of the Yenisei (Miller, 2000, pp. 253, 259). Secondly, in all of these volosts – the Symskaya, the Kasskaya, the “Yenisei”- the yasak was collected by one group of the yasak collectors, who from the upper river of the Ket descended to the Kas River by portage (apparently, it was the route of the later Ob-Yenisei Canal), then they descended by the Kas River to the Yenisei and got to the mouth of the Sym by the Yenisei. Direct indication of this is recorded in a formal reply of the Ketsky governor G. Elizarov to the main Siberian administrator, Tobolsk governor Prince I.M. Katyrev-Rostovsky, dating from 1609/10 years. (Miller, 2000, p. 254). The Kuznetsky volost, as can be seen on the map, was located far above the mouth of the Kas and was serviced by the same service people who collected the tribute from the population of the upper Ket, and the Ostyaks from the Pumpokolskaya and the Kadskaya volosts. Even more than that, in the early years of the Ketsky uyezd the yasak collected in the Kuznetskaya volost was brought to the town frequently by knyaztsy themselves or ordinary yasak payers of these Upper Ket districts (Miller, 2000, pp. 247, 252, 256). Thus, the direct road to the Kuznetsky Ostyaks, to the Yenisei, ran through the lands of the Pumpokolskaya and the Kadskaya (Natskaya) volosts, by portage from the Ket to the Kema River. Notices of this path in general were contained in two of province formal replies dated by 1617 (Miller, 2000, pp. 280, 281). In addition, in cases where knyaztsy or “best people” of all three volosts were collectively described: “Oneska ... and ... Kemsya and Kaygetko ...”, “... Yelifatko and Kilgot and Kinza ...” (Miller, 2000, pp. 256, 260, 282), among them there is no name that could refer to the known names of the Kuznetsky Ostyaks. Although, I must admit not having at present a full list of the yasak payers from all three volosts. Thus, in most cases, by the terms “Yenisei” and “Yenisei Ostyaks” the authors of the documents did not actually mean the Kuznetsky Ostyaks themselves, but the Ostyak population living near the Yenisei, regardless of its precise reference to any yasak paying volost. That is, they did not mean a specific administrative unit, but the geographical location of the group. Although in some cases the terms “Kuznetsky Ostyaks” and “Yenisei Ostyaks” coincided and were even identical. But every such case requires special consideration. Turning to the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” we should emphasize that in the 17th century they belonged to the yasak paying volost of the Mangazeysky uyezd, although under the current administrative division their territory is almost # 852 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes completely included into the modern Yeniseysk District. The centre of this Ostyak group paying tribute was Zakamennoe – wintering harbor, which was located at the mouth of the Dubches River (Dolgikh, 1960, P. 122). However, Boris O. Dolgikh reasonably notes that the Dubches basin is too small to accommodate on its territory an ethnic group numbering up to 700 people, so he extends the borders of the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” settlement. According to him, they settled on the entire basin of the Sym River, except the upper river and its estuary area. The mouth of the Sym, as it was mentioned above, was inhabited by the Ostyaks of the Sym area of the Symsko-Kasskaya volost of the Yeniseysky uyezd (the Dyukans). And the upper Sym was also inhabited by the Ostyaks united in the district of the same name (Sym), but subordinate to the administration of the Surgut area. Boris O. Dolgikh claims that this Surgut Sym volost was a part of the tribal group of the “Zakamennye Ostyaks”, and it seems to be quite realistic in the light of the evidence presented by him (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 145, 149, 150). Data on the number of the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” appear since 1607. Perhaps it was this year that was the beginning of the inclusion of these ethnic groups in the Russian state. But only by 1620 all of the adult male population had been fully identified and recorded into tribute lists whom Boris O. Dolgikh consider to belong to the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” tribe. The total number of the yasak payers for this year was not less than 175 people, which proves that there were about 700 people in total population (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 146, 148). Judging by the Siberian scale the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” were a quite significant in size ethnic community. And all the more surprising that after 60 years, in the 1680s, from such a large tribe only a pitiful bunch of 10-12 yasak payers was left , i.e. only 40-50 people of both genders. For the peoples of Central and Western Siberia in the 17th century such a dramatic reduction in number, by more than 10 times, was a unique case, taking into consideration that the sources have no information about the reasons for such decrease of the population. What are the explanations for such a recurrent catastrophe for this tribal group? Boris O. Dolgikh suggested several solutions for this problem. Firstly, the smallpox epidemic. For some indigenous groups of the Mangazeysky uyezd in the 17th century the mortality from infectious diseases was in the first place, the mortality rate from the smallpox was catastrophic. For example, the epidemic of 1630-1631 reduced the number of the yasak payers of the Khantaysky wintering harbor (the ancestors of the tundra Enets) from 217 to 72 people (thrice). A new epidemic of 16901692 though did not bring a similar devastation, but its blow was quite drastic. The number of the ancestors of the modern tundra Enets fell from 109 to 75 people, that is, killed up to 30 percent of the population (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 128, 129). More significant losses were incurred in the 17th century by tundra tribes of the Yakut area. For example, smallpox of 1651-1652 destroyed nearly 90 percent of the Tungus tribe of the Azyans: in 1661, of 110 payers of the yasak (total population was 440 people) there were alive only 11 people (44 people of the total population) (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 447). The population of the Dolgans reduced from 90 people (in 1640) to 20 (at the end of the 17th century) (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 458, 459). Of the nearly 5,000 Yukagirs employs living in the first third of the 17th century by the end of this century there were only a little over two and a half thousand people alive (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 440). But then, during the 18th – early 20th centuries, the Azyans and the Dolgans could overcome the effects of epidemics and over time they became the main ancestors of a new nation of the Dolgans (according to the census of 1926-1927 the population of the Edyans was # 853 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes 151 people, and the population of the Dolgans – 791) (Dolgikh, 1963, p. 93), but the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” simply disappeared. Although, as the researcher emphasized himself, “we have no specific indications of epidemics among the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 147). Secondly, Boris O. Dolgikh assumed that the reduction in number of the yasak payers of Zakamenny wintering harbor could be affected by the population withdrawal by the service people of neighboring volosts (the Narymskaya and the Surgutskaya), who sought to fill the number of tax-paying people of their administrative units. Thus, in 1653, “the Narym service people and the Narym Ostyaks ... of the Dubches River at the top” attacked the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” and “killed two people and captured 10 people” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 147). That is, about 50 people immediately (if we count their family members) left the Mangazeysky uyezd. Well, another reason he considers the eviction of the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” outside the territory of the Mangazeysky uyezd. By assumption of the researcher “the Tym-Karakonsk Selkups in the Taz basin included a number of people from the Dubches and the Sym basins ... some “Zakamennye Ostyaks” also became members of the Inbatsk Ket tribes”. They also “replenished the Sym-Kass Kets of the Yeniseysky uyezd, socalled Dyukans” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 147). Below Boris O. Dolgikh particularly focuses on the amount of the tax burden of the yasak paying population of the Mangazeysky and neighboring uyezds. And it turns out that the annual yasak rate and gifts of the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” of the Mangazeysky uyezd were two or more times lower than in neighboring uyezds: not 10-12 sables per person, but only five. Therefore, according to Dolgikh, “many Ostyaks (the Selkups and the Kets) of the Surgutsky, the Narymsky and the Yeniseysky uyezds initially sought to pay the yasak in the Zakamenny wintering harbor of the Mangazeysky uyezd, regardless of their actual place of residence and their tribal and clan ties”. That was the cause of seizures and withdrawals of the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” by the service people of Surgut and Narym, as mentioned above (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 147, 148). But Boris O. Dolgikh did not go beyond this finding, he stayed on the assumption, though sufficiently reasoned, that the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” were a special Ket tribe that bore the name “haybangdyang” (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 145, 148). However, following the opinion of Boris O. Dolgikh concerning the efforts of tax-paying population of neighboring uyezds to reduce the burden of the yasak taxation by escaping to the territory of the Mangazeysky uyezd, we may presume that a considerable amount of the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” could be such refugees. All the more so, because the territory of the “Zakamennye Ostyaks” was located at the junction of five uyezds, creating an extremely convenient situation for the natives “to make fools” of the yasak collectors. A similar pattern was observed for another border area of the Mangazeysky uyezd – the Taz and the Turukhan rivers. It was the area, that the Ostyak (Selkup and Ket) population of the Surgutsky, the Narymsky, the Ketsky and Mangazeysky uyezds had been longing for since the second quarter of the 17th century. Having established a foothold in the new places, these tribes formed the northern ethnic group of the Selkups, which consisted of two ethno-territorial units – the Tazovsky and the Baishensky. Another group of the yasak paying population, which lived in the Yeniseysky uyezd and spoke one of the Yeniseian languages, was in some isolation from the main part of their relatives living on the left bank – in the lower reaches of the Chuna and the Biryusa (Ona) rivers, and in the upper reaches, where the two currents flow one into the other, forming the Taseeva river. Since # 854 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes 1621 it was on the list of the yasak payers of the Yeniseysky uyezd, but until 1669 its name varied greatly in the written sources: “Vasanskaya”, “Vasaganskaya”, “Osanskaya”, “Savanskaya” and even “Sayanskaya”. And only in 1669 was established the name by which the group was recorded in the history – “Asanskaya”. It is known that the Asans were representatives of the northern periphery of the Kotts – a tribe speaking one of the Yeniseian languages, which lived on the territory of the Kan Forest-Steppe and in its neighboring areas. In addition to the Asanskaya volost there was the Taseevskaya yasak paying volost. By 1696 the two volosts were united and became one volost, which obtained its name as “The yasak paying volost along the Taseeva, the Usolka and the Ona rivers” (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 204, 205). According to the shert-oath record books1 in 1683 there were 45 yasak payers in the both volosts, i.e. about 180 people (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 197, 206). Most of them are referred to in the sources as the Tungus people, but Boris O. Dolgikh conducted the analysis of personal names of these “Tungus people” and came to the conclusion that they all are of the Asansky (the Yeniseian languages) origin. Boris O. Dolgikh considered the residents of the Taseevskaya and the Asanskaya volosts to be the Asans in origin, which by the end of the 17th century were heavily influenced by the Tungus, and in the end, were fully “tungussified” (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 205, 206). G. M. Vasilevich found that a part of the Evenk population west of the Yenisei River, was originally from the Lower Angara river (Vasilevich, 1931, pp. 133, 134). Dolgikh pointed out that the everyday life of the left bank Tungus had some features, which were not typical of the Evenk culture. In particular, their men did not know how to ride a reindeer, there was a special type of sharpened blade placed on the shaft and a sled without runners, in contrast to the other Tungus, who used birch bark canoes, they used dugouts. In addition, the Kima, a family of the left bank Tungus, had another name – Koshka. Dolgikh notes that at the end of the 17th – the beginning of the 18th century the Asanskaya volost was headed by Koshka, or Koshko Sigasev. On the basis of these data Boris O. Dolgikh makes an assumption that the family of Kima can be regarded as “tungussified” descendants of the Asans, who left the Angara river territory for the left bank of the Yenisei in the early 18th century. In support of his hypothesis, he cites an Evenk legend that, “Kima” was the name of an ancient population that preceded the Tungus, and from which descended some of the Evenk families along the Angara and the Podkamennaya Tunguska rivers (see below) (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 206). In 1926-1927 there were 84 people of the Kima family on the left bank of the Yenisei and 10 people of the Kimal family among the Yataelsky (Yatoulsky) Tungus on the Komo river (a tributary of the Podkamennaya Tunguska River) and in Pitsko-Velminsky territories (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 206; Tugolukov, 1985, p. 253). The Upper Tunguska, which at present is known as the Lower Angara region, by this very name appears in the sources of the 18th century as a territory inhabited by the Tungus. A separate group of the Asans, who spoke one of the Yeniseian languages, lived along the bank of its left-bank tributary – the Taseeva and its confluent – the Ona. Materials on the number and dispersal of the Lower Angara Tungus people of the 17th century are only in the “census books” for 1631, 1669 and from 1696 onwards, and in one of the shert-oath record books of 1683. In 1696 a list of yasak paying volosts was formed, which survived until 1824, till the reform of Yeniseysk governor A. P. Stepanov. Some of them existed till 1917 (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 195, 196). The dispersal of the Tungus clans in the Lower Angara of the 17th and 17th – 20th centuries was studied in detail by Boris O. Dolgikh and V. # 855 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes A. Tugolukov (Dolgikh, 1960; Tugolukov, 1985). In most cases they coincide in the outcomes of the research, but in a number of cases the scholars came to different opinions concerning the origin, places of residence and ethnic history of some of the tribal groups of the local population of the Tungus people. The both authors agree that by the time the Russian troops appeared on the Angara River, the lower part of it was inhabited, from west to east (to the mouth of the Kata), by the following tribal groups of the Tungus: the Lapagirs (Lopalsky Tungus), the Toporks and the Chipagirs (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 196; Tugolukov, 1985, p. 48). The materials of the early 1630s in the documents mention the Icherents (hereinafter Icherivsky and Icheriliny clans), and the Mendizinkurskaya and the Kaivaganskaya volosts. One of the shertoath record books of 1683 contains records of several generic names of the local Tungus – Koyungolsky, Nanadunsky, Nemedinsky and Zyatoyaginsky (yatoyagir) clans (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 196; Tugolukov, 1985, p. 49-50). In addition, in the population census of 1669 the Tungus people of the Lower Angara were represented not under their ethnic names, but were divided by the territorial principle: the names of volosts were given in accordance with the names of the rivers on which they lived. Since 1696 the ethnic names were finally replaced by geographic ones – Rybenskaya, “along the Taseeva, the Usolka and the Ona rivers” (the Asans), Chunskaya, the Chadobskaya, the Katskaya, the Murskaya and the Kovinskaya (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 196). Boris O. Dolgikh divides the Tungus people of the Lower Angara region into two tribal groups: the Toporks and the Icheril (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 197-203). The first included such clans as the Lapagir, the Yatoyal (Yatoyagir), the Toporks themselves and the Mendizinkursky Tungus living along the Chuna River. The Kaivaganskaya volost (the Koyungolsky clan), and the Nanadunsky and the Nemedinsky clans, in his view, were also territorial or tribal divisions of the Toporks. The second group contained the Icheril (Icheren, Icherivsky, Icherilin, Icherilsky clan) and the Chipogir (Chipogur, Chipugir clan). Dolgikh treated the Chipogir as one of the clans of the Icheril, probably the most important one. The settlement area of the Toporks covered the Angara river basin and its tributaries from the mouth of the Taseeva to the Mura (the Lapagirs and actually the Toporks themselves), the Chuna River (the Mendizinkurs) and the middle course of the Podkamennaya Tunguska (the Toporks), which flew through the territory of the Mangazeysky uyezd. And above them, to the mouth of the Kata (the main settlement area of the Chipogirs) lived the Icherils (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 197-204). And he believed, that the Icherils and their immediate neighbors – the Shamagirs (“Tungus shaman people”) of the Ilimsky uyezd were one tribe, who became known to Russians albeit under different names, but having one meaning (“icheri” – “shaman”) (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 199). Here the attention should be focused on the problem of the existence of the Tungus tribe, which, to date, remains a big question. Researchers such as A. F. Anisimov and B. O. Dolgikh, followed the classic writings of F. Engels and L.G. Morgan, and confidently wrote about the tribes of the Tungus, but often designing them in their own way. However, they gave no or could not give any public data on tribal organization of the identified “tribes” (Anisimov, 1936; Dolgikh, 1974, pp. 55-56). G. M. Vasilevich assumed that “one of the forms of the tribe” for the Tungus was their existing merger of two or three clans linked by marital relations and mutual assistance (Vasilevich, 1968, p. 30). The tribe, as this notion is understood in modern ethnographic field of study, is of course different from these associations of people. V. A. Tugolukov also # 856 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes believes that the existence of tribes in the Tungus people is a matter of question, even though he believes that in pre-Russian times the Tungus had “associations of blood relatives larger than a clan”. Moreover, some of them were formed, in his opinion, “on the basis of inter-ethnic relations of the Tungus with the previous inhabitants” (Tugolukov, 1985, pp. 274, 275). Thus, V.A. Tugolukov followed the well known by that time theory of phratric social organization of many Western Siberian tribes (the Nenets, the Enets, the Hunts and others), that is one phratry is the descendants of South Siberian newcomers, and the other is the descendants of the taiga and tundra indigenous peoples (Dolgikh, 1962; 1964, Vasilyev, 1970; 1974; 1979, Sokolova, 1970; 1974 et al.), so he transferred the findings of his predecessors on the Tungus material. But until now almost no trace of tribal organization have been identified for the Tungus, if we understand it as a knitted, organized community (consisting of many clans), combined on the basis of kinship and economic ties, with a common territory, a special dialect, one tribal council, a tribal chief and / or military leader and religious traditions and rituals. Now we return back to the Icheril people. V.A. Tugolukov treated the Icherils as the Shamagirs, but attributed their name to the Ichera River, a tributary of the Lena River in its upper reaches. He justified this by the fact that it is at the mouth of the river in 1639 one of the Shamagir groups was forced to pay the yasak on the regular basis. According to him, some of these “Ichersky Shamagirs” several years before moved to the Angara River, near the mouth of the Mura, and there they called themselves Ichera or Icherils, i.e. belonging to the Ichera. After 1683 a part of the Icheril people were assimilated with Russians, and some went to other regions, which explains the disappearance of this ethnonym (Tugolukov, 1985, p. 58). We can hardly agree with this thesis for several reasons. Firstly, the Ichera is located at the distance of not less than 600 kilometers away from the Mura. And for the first third of the 17th century, and even later, when the breach of another’s tribal boundaries was one of the most serious “misconduct”, which led to bloody civil strife, such movements of large masses of the Tungus people was not typical. That is, the concepts of “tribal areas”, “ancestral lands” were perfectly familiar to the Evenks. On this occasion, we can recall the wars between the Essei Vanyad people with the Oleneksky and the Anabarsky Adians and the Sinigir people, between the Shilyagir and thetrans-Baikal Kindigir and the Chilchagir people, or with the Lena-Vilyuisky Nyurmagan, the Nanagir and the Kantakul people. Although there were some examples of mass departures of entire clans, and even tribal groups from their places of permanent residence. For example, in 1683 the Vanyad people fled from the Mangazeysky uyezd. They beat the military people of this uyezd “in a battle” and were taken over by the district administration of the Yakutsky uyezd. But again, I shall repeat, by the time the third generation of the Vanyad people lived in the Russian state on its territory and to a greater or lesser extent, was forced to their external contacts to obey the laws of this state, and not to the traditions of their customary law. That is why, going into the territory of the Yakutsky uyezd, they immediately made contact with its authorities and confessed “the crime” they had committed. Secondly, as inhabitants of the Mura area the Icheren people were mentioned a few years before 1639, back in 1631 and the amount of not less than 50 people of both genders (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 195). In 1683 in the Lower Angara region with the Taseeva and the Chuna river there were already 400 people (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 197). “Searching” for new yasak payers was the main objective of migration of the Russian # 857 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes military people to the East, and it would have been awkward if such substantial in number groups of people would have been left unattended by the Cossacks, even at the initial stage of their arrival to the Lower Angara river region. Active agricultural development of the Lower Angara region by the Russian population began only in the 80s of the 17th century (Aleksandrov, 1964, pp. 114-115), and, in spite of constant assimilation of the Evenks by Russians, even at the beginning of the 20th century many groups of the Tungus people continued to maintain their ethnic look. Therefore, the explanation of V.A. Tugolukov concerning the reasons of disappearance of the ethnonym by the assimilation with Russians is quite far-fetched. Thirdly, B. O. Dolgikh by comparing the nominal lists of 1669, 1683, 1696, and “following” found out that the Icheril did not disappear, and formed the Kovinsky yasak paying volost. A part of them together with the Chipogirs joined the Katskaya volost (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 197). In accordance with one of the shert-oath record books of 1683 four groups of the Icherils (“along the Kova river…Icheril clan”, “along the Kezhma river…Icheril clan”, “along the Taseeva and the Chuna rivers”) were 94 yasak payers, which totals 376 people. And “along the Kate river…of the Chipugir clan” was 39 men of labor capable age (156 people of both genders). Thus, in general in 1683 there were about 530 representatives of the Icheril people (Dolgikh, 1960, pp.197, 199). At the same time, V.A. Tugolukov does not consider the Chipogirs as a part of the Icherils, and relates them to the Chipagirs of the Podkamennaya and the Lower Tunguska rivers, a territorial group of which, in his opinion, they were (Tugolukov, 1985, pp. 48, 49, 113, 115-116). The administrative reform of A.P. Stepanov (1824) transformed the Kovinskaya volost into the first Lapogirskaya, and the Katskaya volost – into the second Lapogirskaya councils. These new names were not successful, because the Lapagirs in the 17th century lived far to the west from the Kova and the Kata, but B. O. Dolgikh considered that it was symptomatic that both of the councils received the same name. That is, the Yeniseysky administration recognized the similarity of their origin. The fate of the members of the administrative units varies in different authors. Thus, S. Patkanov believed that by the end of the 19th century they died of smallpox (Patkanov, 1906, p. I, issue. 2, p. 152). B. O. Dolgikh saw the descendants of the first Lapagirskaya council in the so-called Kolangirsk Evenks of the population census in 1926-1927. They consisted of the Kuchal, the Oedal and the Tonkul clans (87 people) and lived on the Taimba, the Como and the Velmo rivers (the Podkamennaya Tunguska River basin) and the Pit (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 199). V.A. Tugolukov believed that the Kuchal and the Oedal belonged to the first administrative Kurkugirsky clan, and he considered the Tonkul clan to be, albeit with some doubts, a spin-off patrimony of the Lower Tunguska clan of the Muchugirs (Tugolukov, 1985, pp. 87, 89, 90). B. O. Dolgikh believed that the clan Lopokol (136 people) were the descendants of the Katsky Tungus (2nd Lapogirskaya council). This clan evicted, according to a legend, at the beginning of the 19th century from the Parta river (between the Kova and the Kezhma rivers on the Angara) at the Podkamennaya Tunguska river and became a part of the Kurkogirs (Chapagirs) (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 199). V.A. Tugolukov opposes such an identification, and considers the Lopokol, the Lopukor and the Lopal clans (see below) to be the descendants of the Lower Angara Lapagirs of the 17th century, which subsequently disintegrated into several local groups (Tugolukov, 1985, p. 84). G. M. Vasilevich at first supported the opinion of B. O. Dolgikh (Vasilevich, ERS, 1958, p. 581), but later she confirmed the identity of these clans # 858 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes (Vasilevich, 1969, p. 273). In this issue the author is inclined to believe G. M. Vasilevich and V.A. Tugolukov. In fact, it is hard to believe that the names are so similar and quite common in the local area (there were no similar ethnonyms found on the entire rest of the vast area populated by the ethnic Evenks) could belong to different groups of different origin. Although, with respect to the Lopokol clan we can assume that the determination of its members for a hundred years in the second administrative Lapagirskaya council served as an important factor in their perception of the name, derived from the ethnonym Lapa, Lopal, Lapagir. So far, the available data do not allow us to neither fully adhere to the views expressed by the above experts, nor to put forward any theory about the fate of the descendants of the Kovinskaya (the first Lapogirskaya) and the Katskaya (the second Lapogirskaya) volosts in the second half of the 19th – the 20th centuries. Now we turn to the Lapagirs. The first time when they were mentioned was found in a collective petition for their “services” to the Yeniseysky military men dating back to 1630 (Miller, 2000, p. 240). But these “services” refer to an earlier time, to the middle or second half of the 1620s. The petition lists the Tungus clans who lived in the Lower Angara and were forced by the Cossacks to pay the yasak on a regular basis. The Lapagirs in the document presented as the west, next to the Yenisei, the Tunguska family, developed areas of the Rybnaya river mouth. The Lapagirs were led by, in Russian terminology, knyaztsy (princes) Irkiney Chekoteev and Bolkey Kelov. Tasei, a famous military leader of the Tungus also belonged to the same clan. His name is reflected in the name of the river Taseeva, a most large inflow of the Angara. Danul, apparently, also belonged to the Lapagirs. He led several attacks on subservient to Russian administration Ostyaks and threatened to take the Ketsky stockaded town. Apparently, it was the Lapagirs who initiated the attacks on Russian property and the Ostyak population subservient to the Russian administration of the Ketsky and then the Yeniseysky uyezds. Such aggression was based, apparently, on the factor that the Lapagirs were the most distant south-western outpost of the Tunguska world, come into direct contact with the more advanced socially and economically ethnic groups of southern Siberia. Their eastern and southern neighbors, such as the Kuznetsky Ostyaks, the Arins and the Asans, before their transfer under the authority of the Russian Tsar, were dependent on the state of organized entities (principalities) of the Yeniseysky Kyrgyz, regularly paying the yasak to them and to the extent necessary, supplying troops for raids to the neighboring peoples. They knew the power structure, responsibilities in relation to the ruling stratum, social stratification. Despite the independence of the Lower Angara Tungus people in relation to the Kyrgyz, the impact of the first in part of social life and community aspects on the second cannot be excluded. In life of the Lower Angara Tungus, and in particular in the life of the Lapagirs, a significant role was played by the military component of the organization of the society. The desire to protect the lives and the property wealth of the society led to the appearance of the Lower Angara Tungus strong enough military organization and the military leaders who wanted not only military glory, but also the subordination of weaker neighbors in order to obtain the tribute. In the eastern written sources it is mentioned that in the 17th century at the mouth of the Angara there was a Kyrgyz city Kikas. “The city” – that sounds pretty loud, but the fact that it was a fortification, located on the border of the Kyrgyz impact is unlikely to be questioned. Thus, by the time when Russian troops appeared in the Lower Angara region the Tungus local population of nearly half a millennium was even in the # 859 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes mediated, but contact with the Kyrgyz. They were familiar with their culture and traditions of the military. They could use them as a base to develop their military code and warlike lifestyle. In this connection it is appropriate to quote the words of a local knyazets, Tasin, who said they “are brave, our young people, and in no way they to listen to us and they are going to battle the Ketsky fortress, and to fight with the Kets and the Kasovsky Ostyaks” (Miller, 2000, pp. 53, 292). According to ethnographic materials it is known that in the societies in which the war was to occupy a significant place, military valor and fortune valued very highly. And the most active fighting force advocated the youth for whom the war represented the fastest and most radical way to improve their property and social status, gain prestige, get things valued by the society. The fact that the war took quite a significant place in the life of the Lower Angara Tungus documents show Russian administration of the Ketsky and Yeniseysky uyezds of the first quarter of the 17th century. They often documented evidence of attacks on the Angara Tungus Ostyaks, who were subservient to Russian population. And this despite the fact that the documentation of that time came to us not in full. Therefore, in 1608, Danul led the Tungus “in the latest way” to attack the Ostyaks of the Kuznetskaya volost of the Ketsky uyezd “and they injured two-persons, and other yasak paying people scattered.” Not only the combat capabilities of the Tungus and the purpose of their leaders in the face of Danula were perfectly illustrated by the following lines: “the same Tungus want sovereign yasak payers, military people who come to them for the yasak, to beat, and to leave one Cossack and an interpreter, and want to make the yasak payers downstream the Ket to the Ketsky stockaded town, so that they could not give the yasak to the sovereign, but to pay the yasak to them” (Miller, 2000, pp. 244, 247). It clearly shows the desire of the military leadership of the Tungus not only defeat the enemy, and put it in a dependent tributary position. Such a situation was not at all typical of other groups of the Evenks of Siberia. V.A. Tugolukov even believes that until Russians appeared in the Yeniseysky region the local Ostyak population had been paying the yasak to the Tungus people of the Lower Angara (Tugolukov, 1985, p. 47). The subsequent course of events was as follows: in May 1609 from the Ketsky stockaded town a detachment of Russian military men, and the Zyryan Ostyaks was sent, who defeated the enemy and captured several wounded Tungus people. However, all of the prisoners died of his wounds. (Miller, 2000, p. 247). The defeat did not break the force of the Tungus, and they immediately afterwards attacked the Ostyaks from the River Sym (Miller, 2000, p. 247). By the end of 1609 there were several reports that Danul and his men were still not willing to give the yasak and prepared to continue the fight against Russians (Miller, 2000, p. 252). In 1610 and 1611 Danul continued attacks on the Ketsky Ostyaks and prevented further advancement of Russians to the east. The Kuznetskaya volost especially suffered from his actions, as it was the closest to the Angara. So, in 1610, “in the fall” the Tungus (“about 100 man”) “fought” this town and killed six people. The Ostyaks fled to the Tyulkin land, and women and children who left, were taken into captivity by the Tungus (Miller, 2000, p. 256). In June 1611 15 Tungus again attacked the Dyukans that came to the Yenisei and killed their 6 people, next of kin of Chiemsee and Kayget, who were knyaztsy of the Symsko-Kassky Ostyaks (Dyukans) (Miller, 2000, p. 259). At the end of 1612 it became known about the desire to join the Tungus, however the Ostyak knyaztsy Namak and Tumet, who were sent to them for the yasak, in the next year were robbed and sent home only “soul and body” (Miller, 2000, p. 266). In 1618, out of # 860 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes the Makovsky stockaded town a detachment of serving people was sent to beat the Tungus. The Tungus people led by Danul were “beaten” and were put “under the sovereign’s ... a high hand.” This campaign involved the Cod Ostyaks (Mansi) of the knyazets Michael Alachev (Miller, 2000, p. 668). The Lower Angara Tungus experienced some impact of the Buryat knyaztsy, whose nearest lands were located in the area of modern Bratsk and Nizhneudinsk, but their influence extended to a much larger area. It is known that in their military campaigns “Bratsk people” reached the shores of the Yenisei River near Krasnoyarsk forest steppe. Moreover, they represented a potential threat to western tribal groups such as the Arins, the Kachins and even residents of the Middle Chulym – the Basagars, the Kereksus, the Achints, the Meles and others. Many of them were forced to pay the yasak to the Buryat feudal elite. On this score, there are direct indications in the sources. In letters of the Yeniseysky writ man M. Trubchaninov, dated 1620, is written: “... in the Chulym upper part there are Tomsk yasak paying people: the Kyzyl, the Bogasars, and adjusting to them Kachi, Milis, Macaws, Brata, Mats, and Mats and Brata are great people, did not pay the yasak to the sovereign, and they themselves collect the yasak from sovereign’s yasak paying people who wander close to them: from the Kyzyl, from the Bagazars ...”(Miller, 2000, p. 293). A letter in 1622 states: “... the Arin knyazets Tataush sent his messenger to Basagary and Kerekusy and Upper Melestsy and his Bratsk banner, truly go to fight Bratsk people with the Arins and the Kachins and the Basagars and the Kereksuses, the Melesky people and 3,000 people of Bratsk except the Kyshtyms” (Miller, 2000, p. 337). The Lower Angara Tungus also had direct contacts with the Buryats. It is known that an authoritative warchief of the local Tungus Tasei was killed by the Buryats at the beginning of 1626 at the Chuna river. The most western groups of the Buryat population lived in the upper reaches of this river known as the Uda (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 185, 202). The lands of the Lapagirs and the Uda Buryats were separated by more than 500 kilometers on the straight. Nevertheless, this fact did not prevent them from mutual invasions. A whole series of “military” burials found recently in the Lower Angara region and the Yenisei regions adjacent to it, which are dated the 5th-14th (11th-14th) centuries, speak for a quiet developed military culture of the local peoples, may be even the pre-Tungus. The burials are represented by cremated bodies, which also demonstrates the influence of more south cultures, the Kyrgyz in particular. The cremation ceremony is almost untypical for the peoples of the taiga zone of Central and Eastern Siberia, and among the Yeniseysky Kyrgyz it had survived through two thousand years. Among the burial instruments those typical for military societies are prevailing: iron arrow heads, pikes, knives, broadswords (Mandyka et al., 2011, p. 432). Returning to the Lapagirs, according to the data of 1631 the Lapagirs were exploring the most lower reaches of the Angara river, including the tributaries the Taseeva, the Kamenka, the Irkineeva, the Karabula and the Pinchuga. They included three territorial groups: the Lapagirskaya volost itself, the Kaivaganskaya volost and “the Lapagirskiye districts along the Karabula river”. The total amount of the yasak payers in these volosts amounted to 78 people, which corresponds to 310-320 people of both genders (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 195). The fact that the Kaivagans were a part of the Lapagirs is also confirmed by Bolkey Kelov being their chief, who was called a Lapagir knyazets in the petition of 1630 (Dolgikh 1960, p. 196). Nevertheless, we shall consider that according to Boris O. Dolgikh # 861 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes opinion, “the Lapagirs from the Karabula” (an therefore, the Pinchuga Tungus they joined in one Murskaya volost) were not even the Lapagirs but the Toporks, another class of the same tribe or the tribal name of all the Lower Angara Tungus (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 197, 201). Without them the amount of the Lapagirs will be only 190 people. After comparing the names in the “census books” and the oath book Boris O. Dolgikh determined that according to the census of 1669 the Lapagirs formed the Rybinskaya and the Kamenskaya volosts and the total population of the yasak payers was 59-62 people (i.e. 240 people of both genders of the total population) (Dolgikh, 1960, pp. 196, 201). In 1683 the following yasak payers could be considered as the Lapagirs: the Lapagir clan (8 men), the Koyungol clan (12), the Kamenka Tungus (11), the Irkineeva clan (13) and the Nanadun clan (17). The name “Koyungol” is a wrong pronunciation of “Kaivagan” recorded in the census of 1631. This is also confirmed by the fact that the chief of the Koyungols was Naunts Bolkeev, the son of the chief of the Kaivagans and a Lapagir knyazets, Bolkey Kelov (see above). It is a little bit more complicated with the Nanadun clan. In the oath book its members are named as “belonging to the Nanadun clan, being the Toporaks also”. As it was previously mentioned, Boris O. Dolgikh thought that the name “Toporks” (Toporaks) was the name of the Tungus clan in the lowest Angara. At that time it united the clans of the Lapagirs, Yatoyals, Toporks and Mandezinkur Tungus from the Chuna river (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 200). Therefore, there are two possible ways of understanding the census of 1683. The Nanadun clan in the census represented the Lapagirs, but specification refers not to the name of the clan, but the name of the tribe (“being the Toporaks also”), or they were still the Toporks (clan), but at the beginning of the following century they had almost assimilated with the Lapagirs and lost their clan differentiation from the latter. Boris O. Dolgikh preferred the latter version stating that the Nanaduns by the end of the 17th century were included into the Rybenskaya yasak paying volost formed by the descendents of the Lapagirs and the Kaivagans according to the names recording of the census of 1631 (Dolgikh, p. 197). The Rybenskaya yasak paying volost, which first appeared in the sources in 1669, had survived until the second half of the 18th century. Nevertheless, the population of this volost started to decrease a hundred years before this time. By 1669 the Rybenskaya and other volosts joined to it later had 59 yasak payers, and by 1696 there were only 31, and by 1735 only 10 (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 201). Such a disastrous decrease requires an explanation and Boris O. Dolgikh provides it. For example, in the materials of the yasak records for 1767 it is said: “the Chunskaya (volost-Boris Dolgikh’s comment) and the Rybenskaya volost joined to it”, “the Chadobskaya volost and the Irkineevskaya and the Kamenskaya volosts joined to it” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 201). According to these records a part of the Lapagir population in the second half of the 17th century joined the adjacent volosts, which were more numerous in population. The main part of population in such volosts were not the Lapagirs. Moreover, he turns to the materials of the field research of G.M. Vasilevich. According to the data of this research “the earliest migration of the Tungus, especially the Kim clan, from the Angara regions to the left banks of the Yenisei happened 200 years ago according to the genealogic records, i.e. in 17201730” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 201; Vasilevich, 1931, p.134). At the same time he adds that “possibly a part of the Rybensky Tungus migrated to the left banks of the Yenisei in 1690-1720 already” (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 201). Therefore, the members of the Kim clan (84 people in 1926) are recognized by Boris O. Dolgikh as the descendents of the Tungus of the Rybenskaya volost, i.e. direct descendents of the Lapagirs of the Lower Angara # 862 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes region of the 17th century. Even though he makes an assumption that the Kim clan may have come from the Asans, the group speaking one of the Yeniseian languages, recorded in the 17th century on the Taseeva river and in the lower reaches of the Chuna (Dolgikh, 1960, p.206). He considers the following clans recorded in the Turukhansk census of 1926-1927 to be the descendents of the Lapagirs: the Lopukor (26 people) in the Nanadal group (between the upper waters of the Mura and the Chuna rivers), the Lopal clan (27 people) and its derivation the Kochonil (82 people) in the Chapagirs tribe at the Podkamennya Tunguska (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 202). Among the Yataelsky (Chadobsky) Tungus the Kimal clan (10 people), the main part of which lived on the left bank of the Yenisei (the Kim clan), could be referred to the Lapagirs’ descendents. May be the Lapagirs’ descendents can be found among some other clans of the Yataelsky volost of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century, but to clarify this issue a separate research is required. V.A. Tugolukov unlike Boris O. Dolgikh does no consider the Kaivagans (Koyungols) a part of the Lapagirs judging only by the assonance of their name with toponymic and ethnonymic terms determined at the Kets’ territory. He offers to consider them as an ethnically mixed group (Tugolukov, 1985, p. 58). The Toporks are fi rst mentioned in the Yeniseysky servicemen’s petition in 1630. Then they were localized in the area of the mouths of the Mura and the Chadobets rivers. The chiefs of the Toporks were knyaztsy Mamyga and Multa (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 196). Therefore, each of these knyaztsy was a chief of one territorial group of the Toporks: the Mura group or the Chadobets group. Nevertheless, already in 1631 the Toporks are not mentioned as a separate territorial group neither in this region, nor somewhere nearby. Instead the Icherents appear on the Mura (“on the Mura rift”), and the Chadobets Tungus are named simply by their territorial name “on the Chadopcha river” (Dolgikh, 1960, p.195). Neither Mamyga, nor Multa are the chiefs of these territorial units. Nevertheless, the name of Mamyga is recognized in the name Mommoka Toyanets recorded among the Chadobets Tungus. As for Multa, he does not appear in the records himself, but his five sons and three grandsons are named. Herewith, three of his sons appear in the list of the Chadobets Tungus, while the two others are listed among the Mura Icherents. Moreover, the chief of one of the groups was Multa’s son, Gotal Multin. At the same time thereof his sons and also grandsons were assigned to the neighboring Chadobskaya volost (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 200). Individual Toporks are mentioned though. Thus, in the list of the Chadobets Tungus during this year three names received the addition “Toporoks” or a “Toporok”. One Toporok is also present in the list of the Tungus “on the Apla rift”, i.e. among the Icherils (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 200). The next mentioning of the Toporks on the Angara dates only 1683. They are a part of the clans and territorial groups of the Rybenskaya yasak paying volost (“of the Nanadun clan, being the Toporoks also” – 17 men) and on the Chuna river (the Toporkil clan – 22 men) (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 197). As it was mentioned above Dolgikh consider the name Toporks to be general for the Tungus tribes which inhabited the Angara river basin from the Chadobets river to the mouth. Boris O. Dolgikh’s statement was based, apparently, on several reasons. Firstly, when the ethnonyms of the Lower Angara Tungus, who lived along the Yenisei to the Kata river, are first mentioned (1630),the place of inhabitance of the three groups of the natives are determined: “the Lapagir Tungus”, “the Tungus Toporks” (on the Mura and the Chadobets) and “also the Tungus Chipog…s” (i.e. Chipogirs) (Dolgikh, 1960, p.196). Therefore, the name “Toporks” # 863 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes determined quite a significant group of the Lower Angara region population living in its middle part. Secondly, “the census book” of 1631 shows that not the Toporks, but the Icherents lived on the Mura, but their chief was Gotal Multin, the son of one of the Toporks chiefs in 1630 and it is possible that the chief of the Mura Toporks. Among these Icherents another son of Multa is found as well. Thirdly, in the oath book of 1683 the Toporkil clan is recorded to inhabit the Chuna banks. And about 100 Toporks of the Mangazeysky uyezd lived in the basin of the middle reaches of the Podkamennaya Tunguska during the whole 17th century. Thus, this clan (tribe) inhabited quite a large territory. Moreover, the members of the Nanadun clan of the Lapagirs were also named the Toporks in 1683. And Mommoka Toyanets (mentioned in the census book of 1631 among the Tungus of the Chadobskaya volost), i.e. MamugaYatoyanets (from the Yatoyal clan), was the chief of the Toporks on the Mura and the Chadobets in 1620s. Therefore, the Lapagirs and the Yatoyals were also recognized as the Toporks, but the Toporks themselves always remained only the Toporks. Boris O. Dolgikh outlines that there are quite enough examples when the name of one of the tribal clans, the chief one as a rule, becomes a general name for the whole tribe with time (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 198). Boris O. Dolgikh basing on the personal names of the Tungus from the lists of the yasak payers for the 17th – beginning of the 18th century comes to the conclusion of the succession of the Lapagirs from the Karabula (“on the Karabula river, the Lapagirs”) of 1631 (31 yasak payers – i.e. about 120 people of the total population) with the peoples of the Murskaya and the Pinchugskaya volosts of 1669 (40 yasak payers and 160 people of the total population) and of 1683 (45 and 180 correspondingly). The latter together with the population of the Murskaya volost of 1969 (43 and 170) and the following years (in 1735) there were only 38 yasak payers (about 150 people of both genders) in the Murskaya volost (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 201). This is quite strange, while the Mura Tungus are not named the Toporks in none of the sources. Moreover, in 1631 when this territorial group was first mentioned in the sources, it was called the Lapagirs contradicting the above stated idea that the Toporks have always remained only the Toporks. Boris O. Dolgikh also notes that in the 17th century some Toporks along with the Yatoyants formed the Chadobskaya volost, and other Toporks formed the Chunskaya volost together with the Mendizinkurskaya (see the data of 1683) (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 197). Therefore, it happens that the Toporks for the whole century are mentioned only several times: in 1630 (this document contains the data for the second half of 1620s) on the Angara, the Mura and the Chadobets; in 1631 three of them were recorded in the Chadobskaya volost and one in the list of the yasak payers of the volost “on the Apla rift, i.e. among the Icherints”; in 1683 the members of the Nanadun clan of the Rybenskaya volost were named the Toporks and the Toporkil clan on the Chuna is mentioned as well. Moreover, during the whole 17th century, starting from 1630 the Toporks had been constantly mentioned on the Podkamennaya Tunguska, where they were permanent yasak payers of the Teter wintering place. In 1824 the Murskaya yasak paying volost (the Toporks descendents according to the opinion of Boris O. Dolgikh) was transformed into the Nanadalskaya volost by the Yeniseysk governor A.P. Stepanov (let us remember the Nanadun clan of 1631). Stepanov wanted to return the “original” (as he understood them) names to the existing yasak paying units. But often he messed them up even worse. In the Subpolar census of 1926-1927 there were 50 Nanadal Tungus including three clans: the above mentioned Lopukor (26 people), the # 864 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes Tumnyyar (10 people) and the Bagdalil (14 people) (Dolgikh, 1960, p.202). At that time they inhabited the upper reaches of the Mura and the Chuna, but some of them had already left for the Podkamennaya Tunguska (Vasilevich, 1969, pp. 263, 273, 276, 280). The Yatoyants are also mentioned in the sources of the 17th century only several times, being more exact two times: in 1631 (Yatoyanets or Toyanets) and in 1683 (Zatoyaginsk clan). And both cases took place on the Chadobets river, which was more likely their place of residence. In other cases the Tungus on the Chadobets are mentioned as the Chadobskaya volost. The yasak paying population of this volost in 1631 was 62 people, i.e. total pollution of this volost was 250 people. In 1696 the population decreased to 48 (about 190 people of total population) of the yasak payers, and in 1735 the amount of the yasak payers was 35 (140 people of total population) (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 201). The Chadobskaya volost existed until 1824. Moreover, smaller territorial groups of the Rybensky Tungus (paying the yasak in the Rybensky stockaded town) (Irkineevsky and Kamensky in 1767), i.e. the Lapagirs, were joined to this volost as it was mentioned above. A.P. Stepanov renamed the Chadobskaya (at the beginning of the 19th century it was called the Chadobets bank volost) volost into the Yataelskaya (compare the Yatoyants and the Zyatoyaginsk clan). The census of 1926-1927 considered the Yataelts of seven clans existing only in one territorial group: the Tepurekol (52 people), the Yatoyal (47 people), the Kiroktol (19 people), the Tukal (19 people), the Kurichel (17 people), the Sulikal (11 people) and the Buldagir (7 people). There were also 10 people of the Kimal clan, the main part of which nomadised on the left bank of the Yenisei. As we can see, the descendents of the Yatoyals and the Toporks of the 17th century were the biggest part of the population in this group. But at that time the Yataelts did not inhabit the Angara basin anymore. They moved to the north to the Podkamennaya Tunguska, to get far from the Russian settlements. Another Tungus speaking group of the Lower Angara region lived in the Middle Chuna basin and was headed by the knyazets Mendizinkur. By the name of this knyazets it was called at the end of 1620s-beginning of 1640s the Mendizinkurskaya volost. The census of 1669 calls the whole group the Chunskaya volost. In the oath book of 1683 the names of separate parts of the Chunskaya volost are given: the Nemedin clan of the Rybny stockaded town (9 yasak payers), Nemedin clan on the Chuna ( 17 yasak payers), the Toporkil clan on the Chuna (22 yasak payers), the Chuna Tungus having paid the yasak on the Mura (30 yasak payers), the Chuna Tungus having paid the yasak on the Pinchuga (10 yasak payer) and the Chuna Tungus having paid the yasak on the Chadobets (15 yasak payers). Total 103 yasak payers, i.e. 410 people of the total population. The “Chunskaya” volost had existed with this name until 1824, when the Yeniseysk governor A.P. Stepanov “corrected” its name into the Mendezhel clan (compare Mendizinkur) (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 203). By the 19th century the Chuna Tungus were Russified and turned into Christianity and in 1832 most of them became peasants and remained in the villages on the Chuna river (Bedoba, Takhmay, Vydrina, Bideya – 97 people) and Karabula (Gavrilskaya – 9 people) (Dolgikh, 1960, p. 204). Their descendents, who still remembered their Tungus origin, were found in this area even at the beginning of the 20th century (Pokrovsky, KKKM, o/f 7886/190, p. 60-62; Chekaninsky, 1914, pp.70,74). Thus, by 1920 there were almost no Evenks left in the Angara river basin. Some of them having settled in the Russian villages got totally Russified, others left this region, mainly for the # 865 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes Podkamennaya Tunguska river basin, to the north. The Lower Angara known previously as the Upper Tunguska lost its Tungus status and became a Russian river. The same can be stated for the rest of the Yeniseysky uyezd of the end of the 17th century, where the clans speaking one of the Yeniseian languages lived. Most of 1 them got Russified by the beginning of the 20th century, the last Yartsev and Vorogov Yugs have disappeared before our eyes, in 1980s. Some of them were included into the Ket people. This is a brief history of the indigenous northern peoples of the Lower Angara and the Middle Yenisei territories for the past 400 years. Shert-oath record books (Russian: шертоприводные книги) were books, which contained written oaths (“sherts” – after Arabic šart – “condition”) of loyalty and allegiance to the Russian Tsar. These oaths were taken by the indigenous peoples of the region – translator`s note. References 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Aleksandrov V.A. Russkoe nasledie Sibiri XVII- nachala XVIII v. (Yeniseiskii krai) [Russian Heritage of Siberia of the 17th – beginning of the 18th centuries (The Yeniseysky uyezd)], Moscow, 1964. Anisimov A.F. Rodovoe obshchestvo evenkov [The Tribal Community of the Evenks], Leningrad, 1936. Vasilevich G.M. Symskie tungusy [The Sym Tungus] // Sovetskiy sever. 1931, No. 2. Vasilevich G.M. K voporosy o plemenakh u evenkov k severu ot Nizhnei Tunguski [About the Evenks Tribes to the North from the Lower Tunguska] //Abstracts of the Annual Scientific Session Reports, May 1968. Leningrad, 1968. Vasilevich G.M. Evenki. Istoriko-etnograficheskie ocherki (XVIII-nachalo XX v.) [The Evenks. Historical and Ethnographic Reviews (the 18th – beginning of the 20th century)]. Leningrad, 1969, 304 p. 6. Vasilyev V.I. Sotsial’naya organizatsiya aziatskikh nentsev, entsev i nganasan [Social Organization of the Asian Nenets, Enets and Nganasan] // Social Structure of the Northern Siberia Peoples. Moscow: Nauka, 1970. 7. Vasilyev V.I. K probleme etnogeneza severosamodiiskikh narodov [To the Issue of the Northern Samoyed Peoples’ Ethnogenesis] // Social Organization and Culture of the Peoples of the North. Moscow, 1974, pp. 133-175. 8. Vasilyev V.I. Problemy formirovaniya severosamodiiskikh narodnostei [The Problems of Formation of the Northern Samoyed Peoples] Moscow, 1979, 243 p. 9. Dolgikh B.O. Rodovoi i plemennoi sostav narodov Sibiri v XVII veke [The clans and Tribes of the Peoples of Siberia in the 17th century] Moscow, 1960, 622 p. 10. Dolgikh B.O. Rodovaya ekzogamiya y nganasan i entsev [The Clan Exogamy among the Nganasans and the Enets] //Siberian Ethnographic Collection. Moscow: Publishing house of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, 1962 (The Ethnography Institute Works, IV, V. 78). 11. Dolgikh B.O. Proiskhozhdenie dolgan [The Origin of the Dolgans] // Siberian Ethnographic Collection. V. Moscow, 1963, pp. 93-141. 12. Dolgikh B.O. Rod, fratriya, plemya u narodov Severnoi Sibiri [Clan, Phratry, Tribe in the People of Northern Siberia]. Report on the VII Moscow Congress of Anthropologists and Ethnographers, Moscow: Nauka, 1964. # 866 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes 13. Dolgikh B.O. K voprosu o sootnoshenii Bol’shoi i maloi sem’i u narodov severa v proshlom [To the Issue of Relation of the Big and the Small Families among the Peoples of the North in the Past] // Social Organization and Culture of the Peoples of the North. Moscow, 1974, pp. 21-57. 14. Milescu Spafariy N.G. “Puteshestvie chrez Sibir ot Tobolska do Nerchinska i granits Kitaya russkogo poslannika Nikolaya Spafariya v 1675 godu” [“The Journey through Siberia from Tobolsk to Nerchinsk and the Chinese Border of the Russian Ambassador Nikolay Spafariy in 1675”] // Zemlya Verkhneketskaya. Tomsk, 1997 15. Miller G.F. Istoriya Sibiri [The History of Siberia], V. I, Moscow, 1999. 16. Miller G.F. Istoriya Sibiri [The History of Siberia], V. II, Moscow, 2000. 798 p. 17. Mandyka P.V., Senousova P.O., Biryulyova K.V. Resul’taty rabot na ansamble arkheologicheskikh pamyatnikov Shivera Prospikhinskaya na Angare [The Results of works on the Archeological Sites Shivera Prospikhinskaya on the Angara] // Problemy arkheologii, etnographii, antropologii Sibiri I sopredel’nykh territorii [The Problems of Archeology, Ethnography and Anthropology of Siberia and Adjacent Territories]. Materials of the Final Session of the Institute of Archeology and Ethnography of SB RAS 2011, V. XVII. Novosibirsk, IAET, 2011, pp. 432-436. 18. Patkanov S. Opyt geografii i statistiki tungusskikh plemen Sibiri na osnovanii dannykh perepisi 1897 i drugikh istochnikov [Experience of Geography and Statistic of the Tungus Tribes of Siberia Basing on the Data of the Census of 1897 and Other Sources]. Saint-Petersburg, P. I: The Tungus. Issues 1 and 2, 1906. 19. Pelikh G.I. Selkupy XVII veka (ocherki sotsial’no-ekonomicheskoi istorii) [The Selkups of the 17th 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. century (social and economic history notes], Novosibirsk, 1981, 177 p. Pokrovskiy I.I. Doklad podatnogo inspektora 1-go uchastka Yeniseiskogo uyezda po voprosu ob obsledovanii inorodtsev Angarskogo kraya Yeniseiskogo uyezda [The Report of a Tribute Collecting Inspector of the 1st District of the Yeniseysky Uyezd about the Study of the Foreigners of the Angara Region of the Yeniseysky Uyezd] // KKM, o/f 7886/190, 93 sheets. Sokolova Z.P. Sotsial’naya organizatsiya obskikh ugrov i selkupov [Social Organization of the Ob Ugrs and Selkups] // The Social Structure of the Northern Siberia Peoples. Moscow: Nauka, 1970. Sokolova Z.P. Sotsial’naya organizatsiya obskikh ugrov (k istorii voprosa) [Social Organization of the Ob Ugrs (to the History of the Issue)] // The Social Structure of the Northern Siberia Peoples. Moscow, 1985, 285 p. Tugolukov V.A. Tungusy (evenki i eveny) Srednei i Zapadnoi Sibiri [The Tungus (the Evenks and the Evens) of Central and Western Siberia]. Moscow, 1985, 285 p. Chekaninskiy I.A. Sledy shamanskogo kul’ta v russko-tungusskikh poseleniyakh po reke Chune v Yeniseiskoi gubernii [The Traces of the Shaman Cult in the Russian-Tungus Settlements on the Chuna River of the Yeniseysky Governorate] // Ethnographic Review, No. 3-4, 1914. Yakovlev Ya. A. Geographicheskie nazvaniya Verkhneketskogo raiona. Chto oni oznachayut? [Geographic Names of the Upper Ket Region. What Do They Mean?] // Zemlya Verkhneketskaya. Tomsk, 1997. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Mikhail S. Batashev. Ethnic History of Indigenous Peoples of the Yeniseysky Uyezd in the 17th Century and Their Fortunes Этническая история коренных народов Енисейского уезда XVII века и их судьбы М.С. Баташев Красноярский краевой краеведческий музей, Россия 660049, Красноярск, ул. Дубровинского, 84 В данной статье представлен обзор этнической истории коренного населения Енисейского уезда с XVII века до исторической современности. На основе широкого круга архивных источников и этнографических данных дана реконструкция сложных процессов культурогенеза эвенков и других коренных народов Красноярского края на территории Северного Приангарья, в бассейне р. Енисей и р. Кеть. Ключевые слова: этнография, Енисей, Северное Приангарье, Красноярский край. Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Distribution of Clans and Tribes in Central Siberia of the 17th century (according to Dolgikh B.O., 1960). 1. Turkic tribes and clans. 2. Samoyed tribes and clans. 3. Tungus tribes and clans. 4. Yenisei tribes and clans. 5. Mongol tribes and clans. The borders of the Yeniseysky uyezd at the end of the 17th century are outlined with the black line (without its south-eastern part). Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 870-881 ~~~ УДК 392:316.64 (571.511) The Dolgans’ Ethnic Identity and Language Processes Victor P. Krivonogov* Siberian Federal University 79 Svobodny, Krasnoyarsk, 660041 Russia Received 21.11.2012, received in revised form 18.12.2012, accepted 26.02.2013 Ethnic identity of the Dolgans is characterized by separation from the closely related Yakuts and identification as the separate independent ethnic group. However, together with the main ethnonym “the Dolgans”, the older generation uses other ethnonyms, such as “Sakha”, “Tia”, “Hakha”. In the Dolgans’ ethnos there are several ethno-territorial groups with peculiarities in the language and culture. The language processes are characterized by beginning of assimilation of languages, which is most noticeable in childhood. As for territorial boundaries, assimilation of languages is typical for western part of Taimyr, in the east of the peninsula the situation does not impose any hardship. Today, a little bit more than a half of the Dolgans can fluently speak the Dolgan language. Keywords: Ethnic identity of the Dolgans, ethnonym, ethno-territorial groups, assimilation of languages. The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. If the Dolgans, the indigenous people of Taimyr, are autonomous ethnic group or ethnographic group of the Yakuts is a controversial and complex issue, even for the Dolgans. In the early 20th century, the different parts части of the Dolgans, according to the statistics, belonged to different peoples – to the Yakuts, the Tungus (Evenks) and part of them were considered the Russians (“the peasants from tundra”). Although by this time, the Dolgans, most likely, had already been formed as a separate ethnic group, but the statistics didn’t record the real situation, and displayed * the situation of the previous period. Indeed, the Dolgans were formed by the merger of these three components – the Yakuts, the Evenks and the Russians. In this case, the Yakut language, to be more exact – its local dialect, became the winner. In the 1930s, the point of view that the Dolgans were the separate ethnic group was prevailing, and, as the result, the autonomous region was called “Dolgano-Nenentsky”, thus, the name of the people was formalized. But, according to our informers, for a long period of time, until the 1950s in the passports of the Dolgans there were such nationalities as “the © Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved Corresponding author E-mail address: firstname.lastname@example.org # 870 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victor P. Krivonogov. The Dolgans’ Ethnic Identity and Language Processes Yakut” or “the Sakha”. Only at this period of time the nationality “Dolgans” was written in the passports. However, up to this day the problem of ethnic defi nition of the Dolgans causes different interpretations. The question of ethnic identity was included in the questionnaire during the ethno-sociological research among the Dolgans in 1993 and 2003. According to the data, 25 % of the Dolgans population of the region was interviewed. How do the Dolgans defi ne themselves in relation to their relative ethos – the Yakuts? On both questions the similar results, indicating that the majority of the Dolgan consider themselves as an independent ethnic group, although related to the Yakuts, were obtained (Table 1). According to the age of the respondents, the highest index among those who consider themselves to be the one people with the Yakuts (23-25 %) is observed among the respondents in their 50s, the minimum index – among the young population (11-16 %); among the young population there are a lot of respondents who can not answer the question (up to the quarter). There is definite correlation with the level of education. The number of those who consider the Dolgans and the Yakuts one people rises from 16.4 % in the group with primary and subaverage education up to 23.4 % in the group with the higher education. Thus, at the present time the Dolgan themselves believe that they are special people, although related to the Yakuts. The affirmation of this opinion was facilitated by the fact that 30-40 years ago, the special Dolgans writing was developed, the textbooks on the Dolgans’ language were published and teaching of the Dolgans’ language began in the local schools. Along with the ethnonym “the Dolgans” there are other, informal ethnonyms that are used in colloquial speech in Taimyr (Table 2). 100 % of the respondents use the term “the Dolgans”. Table 3 illustrates use of the different ethnonyms in the groups of settlements. The informal ethnonyms are more often used in the east than in the west and in the cities, primarily due to the fact that the Russianspeaking Dolgans do not know them, and they live mostly in the west and in the cities. There is a clear separation of these ethnonyms based on geographical criterion: in the west, in the villages Levinskie Peski Volochanka and Ust-Avam the Table 1. Answers to the question about belonging of the Dolgans to the Yakuts (in %) 1993 2003 The Dolgans and the Yakuts are the same people 19,5 19,5 The Dolgans and the Yakuts are different peoples 67,2 70,9 Cannot say 13,3 9,6 Table 2. Use of the informal ethnonyms (in %) Do not use 21,3 Hakha 63,7 Sakha 7,4 Tia 7,5 # 871 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victor P. Krivonogov. The Dolgans’ Ethnic Identity and Language Processes Table 3. Use of the informal ethnonyms in different populated areas (in %) Ethnonyms Do not use Hakha Sakha Tia Lower settlements* 8,1 84,9 7,0 0 Khatanga 23,2 69,7 7,1 0 Upper settlements* 12,8 74,4 11,1 1,7 Western settlements* 48,8 3,3 5,8 42,1 Dudinka 33,3 56,1 4,9 5,7 * «Lower» settlements – to the east from Khatanga, «upper» settlements – to the west from Khatanga, «western» settlements – in the territory of Dudinka, down the Yenisey river and in Avamsk tundra. Table 4. Use of the informal ethnonyms based on the age criterion (in %) Do not use Hakha Sakha Tia 70 years and older 5,6 88,9 0 5,5 60–69 6,8 70,5 18,2 4,5 50–59 2,9 71,8 9,7 15,5 40–49 8,7 62,1 13,7 15,5 30–39 15,5 70,1 8,0 6,4 20–29 33,5 61,4 2,5 2,5 16–19 56,4 43,6 0 0 informal ethnonym “tyalar” is used, the rest of Taimyr uses the word “hakalar”, which indicates the presence of two ethno-territorial groups. Ethnonym “sakha” came to Taimyr due to the documentation (the official record on the Dolgans in the passports up to the 1950s was “sakha”) and is used by the Dolgans only when they speak Russian, thus, this ethnonym obviously came from outside. The Dolgans know that the Yakuts call themselves “sakha”, and if they want to say, for example, that their grandfather was the entrant Yakut, they say: “He was a real sakha.” The term “hakha” is actually of the same origin as “sakha”, but in the local pronunciation. Its widespread use could have been an argument in favor of those who believe that the Dolgans are a part of the Yakut ethnic group. But now the term has been redefined and it is not considered by the most Dolgans as a synonym for “sakha”, and the opposition appeared: “We, the Dolgans are hakhalar, and they, the Yakuts are sakhalar”. Comparison of the different ethnonyms based on the age criterion indicates that young people use informal ethnonyms not as often as middleaged and elderly people (Table 4). From this we can conclude that the use of these ethnonyms will continue to decline. This is indicated by the fact that those who have insufficient knowledge of the Dolgan language or do not speak it use these ethnonyms less often (Table 5). The same can be said about the people of mixed origin (Table 6). The share of both these categories among the Dolgans is increasing. But this figure doesn’t depend so much on the level of education: on the one hand, these terms are used more often by the less educated groups, and the other hand, by people with the higher and vocational secondary education. # 872 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victor P. Krivonogov. The Dolgans’ Ethnic Identity and Language Processes Table 5. Use of the informal ethnonyms based on knowledge of the Dolgan language (in %) Do not use Hakha Sakha Tia Language fluency 6,9 76,4 9,4 7,3 Not fluent language 43,5 43,5 3,1 9,9 Do not know the language 90,9 5,5 1,8 1,8 Table 6. Use of the informal ethnonyms in different groups of the Dolgans (in %) Do not use Hakha Sakha Tia Pure Dolgans 16,5 69,0 9,1 5,4 Mongoloid metis* 20,1 63,0 5,2 11,7 Caucasian metis* 37,3 48,5 4,3 9,9 * “mongoloid metis” – a group of descendants from the mixed families of the Dolgans with the Nganasans, the Nenets and other Asian peoples; Caucasian metis – a group of descendants from the mixed families of the Dolgans with the Russains and other European peoples. Within the Dolgan ethnos there are several ethno-territorial groups of different degrees of hierarchy. Most Dolgan are aware of their belonging to a particular group, and in 10 years, the proportion of those who named their group did not decrease but even increased – from 66.6 up to 72.2 %.Thus, this phenomenon can not be called disappearing. Currently, 26.0 % of respondents classified themselves as the “lower” (among the studied settlements – Novorybnoe), 25.3 % as – the “upper” (Novaya, Heta), 8.8 % – as the “middle” (Zhdaniha), as the western or “Avamsk” – 6.7 % (Volochanka, Ust-Avam, Levinskie Peski), as the “Popigai-Anabar” – 4.9 % (Popigai), as the “Kamensky” – 0.5 %, 27.8 % did not classified themselves to any group. This structure doesn’t adequately reflect the numerical ratio of the groups, as settlement Khantaiskoe Ozero – the main habitat of the “Kamenskaya” Dolgans was not studied; their actual share in the Dolgans is approx. 4 % (they are called “Kamenskie”, because they were resettled to Khantaiskoe Ozero from the settlement Kamen in Avamsk tundra). The share of the “Avamsk” was lower than the real number, because here, in the West, there is the maximum number of those, who don’t know the internal ethnic structure, which means, those, who are not able to classify themselves to any group. This happens due to the fact that the Russian-speaking Dolgans know this structure worst of all, and they live mostly in the West. In settlement Popigay the opinions about belonging to a certain group split: some identified themselves as the “Anabar”, and some as the “upper”, and not because the population of the village is mixed, but because many believe that the Popigai-Anabar Dolgans are the part of the “lower”. That is why some named the lower level division (the “Anabar”) and the others – the broader (the “lower”). In settlement Zhdaniha one part identified themselves as the “lower”, and the other as the “middle.” The settlements Zhdaniha and Kresti are located on the border of the “upper” and the “lower” groups, so they have some vague self-identification, because they often feel their intermediate position and call themselves the “middle”, one part of them tend # 873 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victor P. Krivonogov. The Dolgans’ Ethnic Identity and Language Processes Table 7. Knowledge of sub-ethnical division in different age groups of the Dolgans (2003, in %) Age 50 and older 30–49 16–29 Do not know the group 17,5 21,8 40,6 The lower 30,7 27,2 22,1 Identify the group The Anabarsk The middle The upper 6,6 7,8 27,1 5,9 10,5 26,4 2,6 7,3 23,1 The Avamsk 10,3 7,1 4,3 Table 8. Identified their ethnic group depending on age (in %) 70 and older 22,2 60–69 20,5 50–59 22,1 40–49 17,3 30–39 9,5 20–29 6,9 16–19 0 to be the “lower” (Zhdaniha), and the other part – the “upper” (Kresti). The position of different groups in the general structure of the Dolgans the Dolgans themselves define on the basis of the peculiarities of pronunciation. The largest number of those who do not know the internal ethnic structure is observed in the younger age groups (Table 7), due to this, it is possible to draw a conclusion that this phenomenon is disappearing, but our interval study showed that it is not true, as the most of the Dolgans know this structure. This contradiction can be explained by the fact that the knowledge about these groups is acquired not in the younger, but in the middle-aged and older age groups. It is connected with the life experience of the people, travels to the different parts of Taimyr, to Dudinka and personal acquaintance with the inhabitants of different settlements of Taimyr. Naturally, senior citizens have more experience in migration and communication. The Dolgans clan structure is known to a very limited number of people – in the survey 11.7 % of the respondents were able to identify their ethnic group. Most often, these are senior citizens (Table 8). There is no certain regularity in identification of ethnic group in the settlements, more in the east, less in the west (Table 9). Interest of the intellectuals in the history of their own people affected the degree of competence in clan structure – people in more educated groups identify their ethnic group more often (in groups with primary and lower level of education – 7.9 %, in the groups with the secondary and higher education – 15-17 %). Population censuses indicate of decrease in the Dolgan language index. The index especially decreased during the last censuses. The data of the censuses about the native language of the Dolgans (Taimyr, in %): 1979 – 93,5 %; 1989 – 90,2 %; 2002 – 75,9 %. However, we consider the data of the censuses to be overstated, as in our research the figures were different: Language 1993 2003 # 874 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victor P. Krivonogov. The Dolgans’ Ethnic Identity and Language Processes Table 9. Identified their ethnic group in different settlements (in %) Popigai 22,8 Novorybnoe 9,4 Zhdaniha 3,3 Khatanga 9,1 Novaya 15,0 Heta 17,5 Ust-Avam 8,1 Volochanka 11,9 Levinskie Peski 0 Potapovo 0 Dudinka 10,4 Table 10. Native language in different age groups of the Dolgans (1993, in %) Age 70 and older 60–69 50–59 40–49 30–39 20–29 10–19 Under 10 Identified as native language Dolgan and Russian – – – 2,6 2 1 1,8 5 Dolgan 100 92,9 98,8 95,7 87,5 71,5 45,5 32,2 Russian – 7,1 1,2 1,7 10,5 27,5 52,7 62,8 Table 11. Native language in different age groups of the Dolgans (2003, in %) Age 70 and older 60–69 50–59 40–49 30–39 20–29 10–19 Under 10 Identified as native language Dolgan Dolgan and Russian Russian 94,4 90,9 89,4 82,8 61,8 24,1 12,7 11,4 5,6 6,8 7,7 9,2 19,4 22,2 19,4 14,2 – 2,3 2,9 8,0 18,8 53,7 67,9 74,4 Native Dolgan 62,5 % 38,6 % Both languages 2,5 % 16,1 % Russian 35 % 45,3 % Distribution of the language index among the age groups indicates of its decrease in the Dolgan language in all the age groups (Tables 10, 11). As the main spoken language – the Dolgan language was named by the respondents less often as the native language, this index has significantly decreased in ten years. In 1993 for 24.3 % (in 2003 – 8.9 %) of the respondents the main spoken language was the Dolgan language, # 875 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victor P. Krivonogov. The Dolgans’ Ethnic Identity and Language Processes Table 12. The main spoken language of different age groups of the Dolgans (1993, in %) Age 70 and older 60–69 50–59 40–49 30–39 20–29 10–19 Under 10 The main spoken language Dolgan and Russian 18,2 26,2 39,7 36,7 25,5 32,5 24,7 17,2 Dolgan 81,8 47,6 42,2 38,5 41,5 26,5 7,9 11,1 Russian – 26,2 18,1 24,6 33 41 67,4 71,7 Table 13. The main spoken language of different age groups of the Dolgans (2003, in %) Age 70 and older 60–69 50–59 40–49 30–39 20–29 10–19 Under 10 The main spoken language Dolgan Dolgan and Russian Russian 50 20,5 14,4 18,4 10 4,9 2,7 7,1 50 56,8 73,1 57,7 58,6 32,5 27 17,8 – 22,7 12,5 23,9 31,4 62,6 70,3 75,1 for 25,9 % (38,7 %) – two languages, for 49.7 % (52, 3 %) – the Russian language, for 0.1 % – the Dolgan, the Russian and the Nganasan languages (in 2003 – 0.1 % the Russian and the Nenets languages). However, only the index of use of the Dolgan language decreased, but its use along with the Russian language has increased. In general, to any extend 50.3 % of the respondents used the Dolgan language, now – 47.6 %, thus, the decrease is minimal. Tables 12 and 13 show age dynamics in the main spoken languages. The younger age groups are characterized by the increase in use of the Russian language exclusively, and senior age groups by the increase in the number of bilinguals. Indexes of the level of comprehension of the main languages of the region point to increasing development of the Russian language and slow decline of the Dolgan language (tables 14 and 15). Only 3.7 % of the Dolgans knew the Nganasan language and in 10 years this index has fallen to 2.8 %, at that, only 0.1 % has good command of the language, despite the proximity and close interaction with the Nganasans. The Dolgans prefer to communicate with them in Russian, and in Khatanga area – in Dolgan, as many of the Nganasans master the language of the surrounding Dolgan society. Distribution of the indexes of the level of comprehension of the Dolgan language in different age groups point to the gradual decline of the index (Tables 16 and 17). Analysis of the above table indicates that deterioration of knowledge of the Dolgan language is not so straightforward. If we compare the same age groups, the decline is evident. But if we compare the figures for the same age group with a difference of 10 years, # 876 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Table 14. The level of comprehension of the main languages of the region (1993, in %) Know the language Languages Dolgan Russian Nganasan have good command 55,1 90,2 0,3 have some difficulties 6,8 5,5 0,2 have serious difficulties 7,5 1,8 0,4 understand, but do not speak 15,5 1,2 2,8 do not know the language 15,1 1,3 96,3 total 100 100 100 Table 15. The level of comprehension of the main languages of the region (2003, in %) Know the language Languages Dolgan Russian Nganasan have good command 50,6 95,6 0,1 have some difficulties 5,5 1,6 0,1 have serious difficulties 6,6 1,4 0,4 understand, but do not speak 19,2 0,8 2,2 do not know the language 18,1 0,6 97,2 total 100 100 100 Table 16. The level of comprehension of the Dolgan language in different age groups (1993, in %) Know the Dolgan language Age 70 years and older 60–69 50–59 40–49 30–39 20–29 10–19 Under 10 have good command 100 have some difficulties – have serious difficulties – understand, but do not speak – 95,2 96,4 93,2 86,0 64,5 28,0 24,4 2,4 2,4 6,0 3,5 6,6 11,8 7,2 – – – 3,0 5,6 16,5 9,5 2,4 1,2 – 5,5 17,2 22,9 25,0 do not know Total – 100 – – 0,8 2,0 6,1 20,8 33,9 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Table 17. The level of comprehension of the Dolgan language in different age groups (2003, in %) Know the Dolgan language Age 70years and older 60–69 50–59 40–49 30–39 20–29 10–19 Under 10 have good command 100 have some difficulties – have serious difficulties – understand, but do not speak – 93,2 94,2 90,8 77,0 41,9 25,9 22,4 4,5 2,9 2,4 5,2 7,9 8,3 3,2 – 1,9 2,5 4,2 15,7 8,6 4,6 2,3 1,0 3,1 8,4 20,7 34,8 24,9 do not know Total – 100 – – 1,2 5,2 13,8 22,4 44,9 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Victor P. Krivonogov. The Dolgans’ Ethnic Identity and Language Processes we will see a different data – the index of the Dolgan language is growing. For example, in 1993-1994, 64.5 % of the people aged 20-29 had good command of the Dolgan language, and now, at the age of 30-39 – 77.0 %. The difference of knowledge of the Dolgan language at the age of 10-19 years (1993) and 10 years later: 28 % and 41.9 %, respectively, is even more impressive. These facts indicate that many Dolgans master the Dolgan language not in the early childhood, but later, and as they grow older the index is growing. Thus, the process of language assimilation is hindered by the late initiation to the Dolgan language. If not for that, the process of the language assimilation would be faster and decrease of the overall index of comprehension of the Dolgan language would be more evident. Этническое самосознание и языковые процессы у долган В.П. Кривоногов Сибирский федеральный университет Россия 660041, Красноярск, пр. Свободный, 79 Этническое самосознание долган характеризуется отграничением от близкородственных якутов и определением себя в качестве особой самостоятельной этнической единицы. Однако наряду с основным этнонимом «долганы» в старшем поколении используются и иные этнонимы – «саха», «тыа», «хака». В составе долганского этноса сохраняется несколько этнотерриториальных групп, имеющих особенности в языке и культуре. Для языковых процессов характерно начало языковой ассимиляции, особенно заметной в детской возрастной группе. В территориальном плане языковая ассимиляция сильнее проявляется в западной части Таймыра, на востоке полуострова ситуация благополучная. В настоящее время свободно владеют долганским языком немного более половины долган. Ключевые слова: этническое самосознание долган, этнонимы, этнотерриториальные группы, языковая ассимиляция. Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Svetlana Petunskaya, Popigay village Kristina Agapyevna Aksenova in a festive parka, Ust-Avam village Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» An old frame hut near Popigay village Popigay children in national clothes Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Spectators at the festival of the Dolgan-Nganasan village Ust-Avam Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 882-889 ~~~ УДК 94(571)+325.454 Questions of Formation of Territories of Traditional Environmental Management Vladimir I. Kirkoa*, Anna V. Keusch and Nikolay G. Shyshatskiyс a Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogiсal University 82b A. Lebedevoy Str., Krasnoyarsk, 660060 Russia b Siberian Federal University 79 Svobodny, Krasnoyarsk, 660041 Russia с Institute of Economics and Industrial Engineering SB RAS 50 Akademgorodok, Krasnoyarsk, 660036 Russia b Received 28.11.2012, received in revised form 04.12.2012, accepted 21.05.2013 In the given article we analyze the notion of «a territory of traditional environmental management» (TTEM), consider social-economic and legal problems of the TTEM conception. The authors suggest certain approaches to solution of present problems of the concept of the territory of traditional environmental management, which are based on TTEM criteria, on stages of TTEM realization and on a complex substantiation of TTEM. Our approach to definition of borders and the character of usage should correspond to the following conditions or criteria of determination, which can be formulated the following way: The criterion of «necessary sufficiency» of the territory’s size, its natural resources reserves and etc. in order to provide a normal ecological balance of combined components of the feeding landscape on the given territory sector. The most important condition of the given criteria fulfillment is drawing TTEM borders along the natural geographic lines of the given territory (for example, rivers, streams, water-partings and so on.). The criterion of «functional legal capacity» of the system of traditional household keeping. The size of the territory must optimally correspond to the demands of the settled traditional household activity and must have a necessary margin of safety in case of its load being increased, for example, because of its population growth. Correspondingly, the territory in Siberian and the Far East taiga zones will be of one size, it will be of another size in forest tundra, and of a third size in tundra and mountain tundra, thereat increasing while going from south to north. The criterion of «rational independence» of management structures from the activity of the authorized state organ of power and economic organizations. Here, the optimal way out can be to form a coordinating organ (the board of TTEM management) out of representatives of the local administration, economic organizations and population (clans); this board will coordinate their activity concerning the territory usage and management together with the TTEM Administration, which head is appointed in coordination with the Authorized Representative of the native population. Keywords: territories of traditional environmental management, native small-numbered peoples of the North. * © Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved Corresponding author E-mail address: email@example.com # 882 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Vladimir I. Kirko, Anna V. Keusch… Questions of Formation of Territories of Traditional Environmental Management The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. In literature the term «territories of traditional environmental management» (further – TTEM) is used in several meanings. And it is most frequently used in its wide sense as a notion of some geographical space, where at presence the process of traditional environmental management takes place. In this case, the process of factual usage acts itself as a TTEM determination criterion. On the acceptance of Federal Law № 49FL «Concerning the territories of traditional environmental management of the native smallnumbered peoples of the North, Siberia and FarEast of RF» on 07.05.2001 (further – FL № 49) this word combination is more often used as a juridical term. Thereat, we observe a certain misunderstanding, as far as the territories, being in reality used in traditional environmental management, do not always have a corresponding official status. The same term is often used in its historical meaning, when they suppose the territories, which have been used for traditional environmental management in the nearest past and the native peoples still have a right to claim for these territories. Thus, the term TTEM can be used in three different meanings: а) factual TTEMs, for which the native peoples’ rights, as a rule, have been fixed this or that way, but they do not have the TTEM status in correspondence with FL № 49; б) historical TTEMs – the territories, which are for the moment not being used for traditional environmental management, but it is possible to restore the native peoples’ rights for them; в) juridical TTEMs – the native peoples’ rights for them are officially fixed and they must have the TTEM status of federal, regional or local value in correspondence with FL № 49. At present time, they have not formed any TTEM of the federal level within the frames of FL № 49. The results of TTEM formation of the regional level are also rather humble. Thus, for example, there is only one traditional environmental management territory «Popigay», which is of regional level in the Krasnoyarsk region (according to the solution of the administration of the Taimyr (Dolgan-Nenetskiy) Autonomic District on 23.12.2003 № 495). In the course of time of TTEM «Popigay», the Dolgans, who have lived and performed their activity within its borders, have not registered their accommodation right for their land property and other natural resources. It is mainly connected with the shortcomings of FL №49 and other normative-legislative acts in the sphere of regulation of traditional environmental management of the native smallnumbered peoples. The Federal Legislation says that there must be a special legislative regime of natural resources usage in the places of traditional habitation and traditional environmental management. TTEMs are considered as a sort of specially protected territories, being referred to the general national property. They cannot be a property of some citizens or juridical persons, and it is quite obvious, as far as more than 70% of such kinds of territories are the areas of the State Forest Fund. Most of the positions of FL № 49 are not the norms of direct action. In order to realize them in practice, enactment 11 provides development and affirmation of various provisions (federal, regional and local ones), which regulates the legal # 883 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Vladimir I. Kirko, Anna V. Keusch… Questions of Formation of Territories of Traditional Environmental Management regime of TTEM formation and usage. Though, as for today, the RF Government has neither developed, nor accepted such a provision, and this fact causes normative-legislative vacuum of practical realization of the given law. Moreover, some norms of FL № 49 (for example, «free» usage of land resources) contradict the RF Code of land laws. Besides, there appear new legislative and organizational collisions in the course of application of the RF Forest Code and Federal Law № 131-FL «Concerning the General Organization Principals of Local Self-Governing in the Russian Federation» dated 06.10.2003, according to which TTEMs are included into the list of settlement territories (article 11, paragraph 3) because they pass over the questions of state regulation, which concern the native small-numbered nations of the North (further – NSNNN), to the Ministry of RF Regional Development. Thus, up to the present time the relations in the sphere of aborigine environmental management on the territories of NSNN settling have been unsatisfactory and fragmentary regulated. In connection with the mentioned, they have made a lot of attempts to make amendments to the present legislative acts, for example, they suggest excluding TTEMs form the category of Specially Protected Natural Areas. By the Russian Federation Government’s Order № 132-р dated 4 February 2009, they have accepted the Conception of Steady Development of the Native Small-Numbered Nations of the North, Siberia and the Far-East of the Russian Federation. The significance of this document is in the following: they have officially accepted the main basic principles of NSNNN’s steady development, including: – Admission of the NSNNN’s right for their foremost access to the fishing and hunting areas, to the biological resources in the territories of their traditional habitation and traditional economic activity; – Necessity of NSNNNs’ representatives participation and unification in decisions making in the questions, which concern their rights and interests in the course of development of natural resources in places of traditional habitation and traditional house holding; – Necessity of estimation of cultural, ecological and social consequences of the suggested-to-realization projects and works in the places of NSNNNs’ traditional habitation and traditional house holding; – Reparation of damages, inflicted to the primordial habitation environment, to the traditional way of living and to the NSNNNs’ health. Acceptation of the given concept let us hope that the existing problems of the native smallnumbered nations of the North in the sphere of realization of their rights for realization of their traditional house holding on the territories of traditional environmental management will be finally solved. In order to achieve some concrete results in the given direction we are to solve the following tasks: – To develop precise criteria in order to define a necessary size (area) of the singled territory and its location; – To develop an economic conception and a program of development of traditional branches of economy, which is based on development of the existing structural economic units of the given territory and reconstruction of its lost elements. The main aim of the program is to create certain conditions in order to reach maximum employment among the native population, ecological safety and stability of social-economic development; – To develop certain concrete conceptions and programs of steady ethno-demographic and cultural-ecological development of autochthonous nations, which is aimed for reconstruction of a corresponding system of consort relations, their # 884 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Vladimir I. Kirko, Anna V. Keusch… Questions of Formation of Territories of Traditional Environmental Management medical provision, regeneration of their cultural and spiritual traditions and their language; – To develop an ecologic conception and a program of resource exploitation of the given territory, to provide their relation with the existing system of environmental protection measures and the legislation; – To develop a legal basis, fixing the status and regulating the character of usage of the given territories. Our approach to definition of borders and the character of usage should correspond to the following conditions or criteria of determination, which can be formulated the following way: – The criterion of «necessary sufficiency» of the territory’s size, its natural resources reserves and etc. in order to provide a normal ecological balance of combined components of the feeding landscape on the given territory sector. The most important condition of the given criteria fulfillment is drawing TTEM borders along the natural geographic lines of the given territory (for example, rivers, streams, waterpartings and so on.). – The criterion of «functional legal capacity» of the system of traditional household keeping. The size of the territory must optimally correspond to the demands of the settled traditional household activity and must have a necessary margin of safety in case of its load being increased, for example, because of its population growth. Correspondingly, the territory in Siberian and the Far East taiga zones will be of one size, it will be of another size in forest tundra, and of a third size in tundra and mountain tundra, thereat increasing while going from south to north. – The criterion of «rational independence» of management structures from the activity of the authorized state organ of power and economic organizations. Here, the optimal way out can be to form a coordinating organ (the board of TTEM management) out of representatives of the local administration, economic organizations and population (clans); this board will coordinate their activity concerning the territory usage and management together with the TTEM Administration, which head is appointed in coordination with the Authorized Representative of the native population. Placing an emphasis first of all on the problems of reconstruction of traditional household, national peculiarities and traditions, restoration of the territories normal ecological balance, we may suggest the following technology of TTEM realization and define its main stages. The conceptual stage is a definition of the circle of the interested participants, of the given resources and limitations, diagnostics of the main problems; working out of the general strategy; restoration of the priorities; approval of the preliminary agreements texts. The project stage consists of a complex ecologic-social-economic analysis of the key problems; search and estimation of alternative variants of solution; definition of organizational forms and of the mechanism of participants interaction; approval of a precise contribution of every participant; formulation of organizational and legal documentation, contracts and credit agreements. The starting stage is a formation and registration of new economic and social structures; formation of the structure of management, funds of migration and development, creation of supporting commercial and holding structures; assimilation of abandoned lands of the territory and its resources; search and approbation of commercial links for traditional household products distribution and reactionary development. The stage of development consists of an optimization of all the project components’ activity; formation of a long-term cultural, economic, and commercial relations; development # 885 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Vladimir I. Kirko, Anna V. Keusch… Questions of Formation of Territories of Traditional Environmental Management of the organs of self-government and social structures. In order to substantiate the program of action and to realize it successfully it is advisable to make a complex substantiation of the TTEM organization, which is developed proceeding from the interests of its participants, from the present resources, limitations, results of the problematic situation analysis and priorities of the set goals. Taking into consideration the specifics of the way of life and of the traditional house holding of the northern people, one should handle the work in the following four directions: ethnodemographic, resource-ecological, financial and technical-economic, cultural-historical. The volume of work in each direction is defined in accordance with their top priorities. Ethno-demographic direction includes the following: – the analysis of peculiarities of the population ethnic composition (personnel of the enterprise, population of the village and etc.), motivation of its economic behavior, peculiarities of its way of life, which are connected with its traditional house hold cycle; – The estimation of the life level of the native population and of the role of traditional industrial branches in people’s life sustainment; – The analysis of the working places coverage by the employable population; – The estimation of the degree of social tension and recommendations concerning prevention of potential conflicts in the sphere of traditional house hold. Materials in use: initial information on the population, Census of the Population files, act records of the Civil Status Registration Office Branch, results of selective sociological researches and questionnaires. Resource-ecological direction covers the following: – The qualitative and quantitative estimation of lands and of biological resources of the reindeer and fishing-and-hunting branches, and also of the other types of activity, which complete the economical complex: agriculture, forestry, recreation and so on; – The forecast of possible volumes of resources usage with an account of the possibility of new lands and resources assimilation; – The substantiation of measures on realization of the schemes of traditional environmental management and resources protection. Materials in use: information from the land surveying, hunting-, fishing- and forestry offices, reporting materials of the reindeer, fishing-and-hunting enterprises and procurement organizations of the previous years (especially, reports of the industrial departments), expert questionnaire data, which have been obtained from the specialists and experienced workers. What concerns the economic direction, here we pay the main attention to the characteristics of the given financial and material-technical basis and to the possibilities of efficient technologies implementation (as new ones, so traditional ones). In correspondence with the main tasks of the project, financial and material-technical basis is estimated in appliance to the chosen directions of the industry development and economic structure reorganization. Materials in use: industrial and financial reports, industrial-technical norms, technicaleconomic documentation on the technologies, which are liable for implementation. In certain cases it is necessary to perform special technical-economic calculations (with the help of local specialists). Cultural-historical direction of substantiation includes the following: – Recordings of the natural and archeological monuments, historical and sacral places, situated on the territory, definition of their # 886 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Vladimir I. Kirko, Anna V. Keusch… Questions of Formation of Territories of Traditional Environmental Management preservation condition and expenditures for their reconstruction and maintenance; – census and counting of the native people – the carries of the elements of national culture, folklore, language and so on, which are now being lost; – Estimation of condition of the culturalhistorical objects and program of their usage and preservation. Here, the sources are the following: collections of the Local Museums of Local Lore, History and Economy, library and archive data, results of special field archeological and ethnographical research works. In order to solve the problems quickly and without conflicts we need also to define the circle of the interested persons and organizations and to develop an efficient procedure of coordination of their interests. The result of the final substantiation is a compilation of necessary maps and schemes with certain information, which explains the offers, concerning borders setting, usage of resources and territories development. The result of the given substantiation can be optimized in the form of a typical project of TTEM organization. Simultaneously, the given project can be the main working document, which would define the character of TTEM usage and development. This way, in the conditions of expanding assimilation of the northern resources, formation of territories of traditional environmental management is actually the only possible way of protection and guardianship of NSNNNs. References 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Zemel'nyi kodeks Rossiiskoi Federatsii (Land Code of the Russian Federation) Available at: http://base.consultant.ru/cons/cgi/online.cgi?req=doc;base=LAW;n=133418;div=LAW (accessed 12 December 2012) Lesnoi kodeks Rossiiskoi Federatsii (Forestry Code of the Russian Federation) Available at: http://base.consultant.ru/cons/cgi/online.cgi?req=doc;base=LAW;n=133350;div=LAW (accessed 12 December 2012) territoriiakh traditsionnogo prirodopol'zovaniia korennykh malochislennykh narodov Severa, Sibiri i Dal'nego Vostoka Rossiiskoi Federatsii (Concerning the Territories of Traditional Environmental Management of the Native Small-Numbered Peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation) Available at: http://base.consultant.ru/cons/cgi/online.cgi?r eq=doc;base=LAW;n=78670;div=LAW;mb=LAW;opt=1;ts=710C30DC8DE55C68F88F7D5B7C0 60CB3;ts=C9022E62B4B716102B08C738BE375005 (accessed 12 December 2012) Konceptsii ustoichivogo razvitiia korennykh malochislennykh narodov Severa, Sibiri i Dal'nego Vostoka Rossiiskoi Federatsii (Concerning the Concept of Steady Development of the Native Small-Numbered Peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation) Available at: http://base.consultant.ru/cons/cgi/online.cgi?req=doc;base=LAW;n=84814;div=LA W;mb=LAW;opt=1;ts=44F5CAE7957C57D6ECBF7100A407838E;ts=093548C894E22EECE003 77115F20B4B7 (accessed 12 December 2012) Ob obshchikh printsipakh organizatsii mestnogo samoupravleniia v Rossiiskoi Federatsii (Concerning General Principals of the Local Self-Government Organization in the Russian Federation) Available at: http://base.consultant.ru/cons/cgi/online.cgi?req=doc;base=LAW;n=13 6632;div=LAW;mb=LAW;opt=1;ts=C9EBD90F6A05AF6D5CDAA24D52E60786;ts=AA56DE9 B4E9F7A3FE73950E419AE1154 (accessed 12 December 2012) # 887 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Vladimir I. Kirko, Anna V. Keusch… Questions of Formation of Territories of Traditional Environmental Management 6. Pravovoi spravochnik dlia KMNS Sibiri i Dal’nego Vostoka RF [Legislative Reference Book for NSNNN of Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation]. Moscow, AKMNS Publ., 2003. pp. 133-141. Вопросы формирования территорий традиционного природопользования В.И. Киркоа, А.В. Кеушб, Н.Г. Шишацкийв а Красноярский государственный педагогический университет Россия 660060, Красноярск, ул. Ады Лебедевой, 82б б Сибирский федеральный университет Россия 660041, Красноярск, пр. Свободный, 79 в Институт экономики и промышленного производства СО РАН Россия 660036, Красноярск, Академгородок, 50 В статье анализируется понятие «территории традиционного природопользования», рассматриваются социально-экономические и правовые проблемы концепции территорий традиционного природопользования. Авторами предложен подход к решению существующих проблем концепции. Выделяются критерии установления границ и этапы реализации концепции территорий традиционного природопользования. Подход к установлению границ, определение характера использования должны соответствовать следующим условиям или критериям выделения, которые можно сформулировать как: – критерий «необходимой достаточности» размеров территории, запасов ресурсов на ней и т.д. для поддержания на данном участке местности нормального экологического баланса совокупных составляющих кормящего ландшафта. Важнейшим условием выполнения данного критерия является проведение границ ТТП по естественным географическим рубежам данной территории (например рекам, ручьям, водоразделам и пр.); – критерий «функциональной дееспособности» системы ведения традиционного хозяйства. Размер территории должен оптимально соответствовать потребностям сложившегося типа традиционной хозяйственной деятельности и обладать необходимым запасом прочности при увеличении нагрузок на него, например из-за роста численности населения. Соответственно, в таёжной зоне Сибири и Дальнего Востока размер будет один, в лесотундровой – другой, в тундровой и горно-тундровой – третий, увеличиваясь при продвижении с юга на север; – критерий «разумной независимости» структур управления от деятельности уполномоченного государственного органа и хозяйственных организаций. Оптимальным вариантом здесь может быть создание координационного органа (Совета управления ТТП) из представителей местной администрации, хозяйственных организаций и населения (родовых общин), координирующего их деятельность по использованию и управлению территорией и администрации ТТП, руководитель которой назначается по согласованию с уполномоченными коренного населения. # 888 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Vladimir I. Kirko, Anna V. Keusch… Questions of Formation of Territories of Traditional Environmental Management Итогом комплексного обоснования концепции должен быть типовой проект устройства территорий традиционного природопользования. Ключевые слова: территории традиционного природопользования, коренные малочисленные народы Севера. Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 890-896 ~~~ УДК 314.3 Demographic Transition as Reflected by Fertility and Life Expectancy: Typology of Countries Olga S. Tolstikhinaa, Vladimir L. Gavrikovb, Rem G. Khleboprosb and Viktor A. Okhoninc a Saint Petersburg State University 3 Volkhovsky Per., St. Petersburg, 199004 Russia b Siberian Federal University 79 Svodobny, Krasnoyarsk, 660041 Russia c University of Ottawa 75 Laurier Avenue East, Ottawa, ON K1N 6N5, Canada Received 25.03.2013, received in revised form 17.04.2013, accepted 06.06.2013 The notion of demographic transition is well known for several centuries and it is quite often the basis for demographic and social policies in the world. Since many countries have completed the transition process from rural to industrial economies with low rate of fertility and high life expectancy it is interesting to have a closer look at the global trend of where the world is going to. This trend is estimated from the point of a choice at the national level and a choice of each person in the world. The result obtained shows no quantitative and qualitative difference between the two choices. Finally the notion of success for each country has been discussed depending on whether it is on the trend, above or below the trend. Keywords: demographic transition theory, fertility, life expectancy, economic dividend, success. Introduction The demographic issues have been attracting attention of social, economic and political studies for several centuries. The reason is that they have a direct impact on the present and future global development and policies practiced by the modern governments. The research in this field influences decisions of international organizations and other political and economic institutions working on family planning programs, governments developing official policies and so on. * It became obvious by the end of the nineteenth century that fertility levels were falling in many Western countries and birth rates would stabilize at new lower levels. Thompson (1929) tried to divide this transition period into three phases and afterwards Blacker (1947) distinguished five phases. However, neither of them suggested any causes to account for this demographic change. Later, a twofold explanation of falling fertility was offered by Notestein (1945). He stated that fertility in premodern countries had © Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved Corresponding author E-mail address: firstname.lastname@example.org # 890 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Olga S. Tolstikhina, Vladimir L. Gavrikov… Demographic Transition as Reflected by Fertility and Life Expectancy… been kept high almost artificially with the help of religious doctrines, moral codes, family organization, education, etc. and this high rate was necessary for the nation to survive because of the high mortality rates. The fundamental reason for low birth rate for Notestein was “the growth of huge and mobile population” which destroyed corporate and family-based way of life in a traditional society replacing it with individualism. He also noticed that at the root of the matter there are development of technology, as well as education, improved health and alternatives to early marriage and childbearing. Therefore the main argument of the theory is that fertility is high in poor, traditional societies where mortality is high and where there is no opportunity for personal advancement. In these societies the individual status is equal to which a person was born with and there is little motivation for advancement. Children join the labor force quite early contributing to the economy most of their life since education period is very brief. However, all these things change with modernization and urbanization when individuals have different opportunities. A more recent study in the field of demographics using example of Thailand is written by Lee and Mason (2006) who once again explore a notion of “demographic transition” which all industrial countries have almost completed. It can be described as a shift from a rural society with high mortality and fertility rates to an urban society with low mortality and fertility rates. As a result, the labor force grows faster than the population dependent on it. This brings about two straight dividends for the society: 1) per capita income grows more rapidly; 2) population facing an extended period of retirement has an incentive to accumulate more assets – which gives a rise to the national income. First dividend also comes from more women available to join the labor force and fewer children to invest in families’ capital. Children become well-educated, later they grow skilled workers, forstering economic and job growth. However, the first dividend period even though taking up to five decades eventually ends (feedback loop) and low fertility rate leads to declining growth of the labor force. Simultaneously, longer life expectancy speeds the growth of the elderly population and the load on the economy. The first dividend yields a transitory bonus coming to an end at some point, whereas the second dividend overlapping with the first one transforms this bonus into sustainable development and can be indefinite. Many developing countries still undergo this transition process. Thailand at an early stage of the transition (Fig. 1) had a high number of children when mortality fell, it was followed by an intermediate stage when fertility dropped reducing the number of children while working population grew. Finally, during the late stage of the transition low mortality and fertility led to population ageing – a well-known process. The first dividend starts at the intermediate stage with the second dividend coming at the late stage. It is worth mentioning that the dividends are not automatic but depend on the implementation of effective policies. In each country, the time to build the dividend for the society is different depending on how much people produce and consume at each age. In Thailand, people produce more than they consume only between ages 26 and 59 (Fig. 2) whereas in the United States these ages are 26 and 57; in Taiwan – 26 and 55, which is very different from the real working-age boundaries. Each individual in Thai has only 33 years to build the dividend for the society. The lower the level of education is in a country, the earlier children start working, and the less is the quality of work. Whereas in countries where children have longer education track they automatically spend less of their life working, but the quality # 891 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Olga S. Tolstikhina, Vladimir L. Gavrikov… Demographic Transition as Reflected by Fertility and Life Expectancy… Source: UN World Population Prospects, 2004 revision Fig. 1. Thailand’s demographic transition: three stages Source: Amonthep Chawla, 2006, “National Transfer Account Estimates for Thailand”. www.ntaccounts.org. Fig. 2. Economic life cycle of a typical Thai worker of work is higher, which leads to better dividends accumulated by the society. Statement of the problem Taking into account the theory of demographic transition every country is going through or has already completed this transformation period. One of the most important resources of a nation is its human resource. Therefore it is interesting to research and compare countries which are successful with which are not when using their resources. It is also noteworthy to take a closer look at the global trend and determine which countries are more successful than the others and what the notion of success would mean in the context of transition process. Methods and Data Central Intelligence Agency World Factbook has been used to analyze the sample of 219 countries. Three main variables are presented in the research. They are fertility, life expectancy and population in the countries as of 2012. Fertility has been treated as a dependent variable, life expectancy as an independent variable and population is used to take into account the size of each observation in the sample. Fertility represents the average number of children that would be born per woman if all women lived to the end of their childbearing years and bore children according to a given fertility rate at each age. Life expectancy is the average number of years to be lived by a group of people born in # 892 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Olga S. Tolstikhina, Vladimir L. Gavrikov… Demographic Transition as Reflected by Fertility and Life Expectancy… the same year, if mortality at each age remains constant in the future. The criteria of life quality and cultural differences in the countries are not considered. The data have been processed using StataSE 10 software program. There are two samples processed: 1) countries are simply taken as equal, irrespective of their population or 2) each observation is weighted according to the population. In the first sample countries themselves are taken representing each observation and the trend is the average for these countries. The second sample takes into account the weights of each country so that the trend becomes the average of how each citizen in these countries lives. In the first case, the experiment is based on ethnicity, in the second case – on individual. If these two experiments do not converge there is a difference between ethnicity and overall global trend. The degree of discrepancy can be explained by the influence of different ethnical or national factors. Results The data used have been approximated by a simple linear function of the form: Fertility = α · LifeExp + β, where α and β are parameters of approximation. Figure 3 shows the scatter plot of life expectancy and fertility in 219 countries described by the statistically significant linear function of: Fertility = – 0.12LifeExp + 11 R 2 of the function equals 0.66 with ß coefficient being not statistically significant at 5 % level. When taking into account the population of the countries the function looks as follows: Fertility = – 0.13LifeExp + 12 The function is statistically significant, R 2 of the function equals 0.66 with ß coefficient being statistically significant at 5 % level. In this case the function was taken as linear because the closest quadratic model gives very close relation but doesn’t take into account some countries down the graph. The slope is negative which in this case can be explained by the orientation of the society either to the birth rate or to the life expectancy period and these are competitive criteria. Such countries as Israel, Gaza, EU countries, Canada, New Zealand, Jordan, USA, Qatar, Chile where life expectancy Fig. 3. Fertility and life expectancy: global trend # 893 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Olga S. Tolstikhina, Vladimir L. Gavrikov… Demographic Transition as Reflected by Fertility and Life Expectancy… is high take extra income dividend to invest in better life quality, medicine, etc., which leads to lower fertility rate. The opposite is also true. Countries where fertility rate is high (Niger, Mali, Somali, Uganda, Afghanistan, Yemen, Iraq, Jordan, Philippines, Pakistan, Egypt) might still be at the stage of transition from rural society to urban one with high fertility and mortality. The estimated global trend gives the opportunity to define relative types of countries. Countries being above the trend could be seen as “successful”, while those being lower the trend as “less successful”. When taking into account the weights of the countries the trend has deeper slope making some countries down the line “successful” or “more close to being successful”, whereas some countries up the line become “less successful”. That is explained by the heavier countries like China, India and EU countries adding weight to the slope of the overall trend, so more population in reality has low fertility and long life expectancy than vice versa. The pivot point of the line is for such intensively inhabited countries like China and India. It can be calculated from the function how more or less children will be born if life expectancy changes by one year. The function shows that if life expectancy decreases globally by one year fertility rate in the world will increase by 0.12 children per woman. In relation to weights one year decrease in life expectancy globally will increase fertility by 0.13 children. This negative linear trend might be explained by several reasons: 1) there is higher mortality rate in many countries where fertility is high because women still die during the childbirth; 2) there is a tradeoff between spending money on an extra child (or policies that government applies) or rising life quality (or medical supervision). At some point it became obvious that medical treatment is beneficial for two groups under risk – children and the elderly, and mortality dropped while life expectancy grew by 5 to 10 years. After some period of time, governments and citizens usually choose between two competing groups in order to cut the spending. That can lead to lower fertility rates. Figure 4 gives a more precise understanding of being successful in the context of the study. It can be seen that there are three main groups of countries: those which are on the trend and represent “average countries” following the overall deterministic development; those which Fig. 4. Fertility and life expectancy: the notion of success # 894 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Olga S. Tolstikhina, Vladimir L. Gavrikov… Demographic Transition as Reflected by Fertility and Life Expectancy… are above the trend and can be called “successful countries” doing better than they would have done according to the trend; those which are lower than the overall trend and can be called “unsuccessful countries” doing worse than they would have done according to the trend. Discussion and Conclusion The global trend of fertility and life expectancy has a negative slope which is explained by the tradeoff for each country and each citizen of this country on the issue of spending extra money to support childbearing or longer life expectancy. Moreover, countries which have already completed the transition process are more inclined to invest in life expectancy of the elderly rather than in social services to support fertility. However, even among these countries there are several that are more successful than others. They are able to maintain higher levels of fertility with the same level of life expectancy compared to what the average global trend determines. This can be called the rate of success and it is the distance between the trend and the confidence level, on the one hand, and the position of a particular country, on the other. Being unsuccessful means to be lower the trend and the rate of it can also be estimated as the corresponding distance. There is no qualitative difference between the trend with population weights and without it, which is a very important result meaning that each unit – an individual – repeats the overall global trend no matter in which political or economic conditions this particular person lives. There is almost no quantitative difference between the trend with and without population weights. This result highlights that there is the overall global trend which is quite often more important than some ethnical or social factors of each particular country. To conclude, it does not matter if the country has millions or billions of residents. People in the whole world follow the same trend that determines their fertility and life expectancy. References 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Caldwell, J. (1976). Toward a Restatement of Demographic Transition Theory. Population and Development Review, Vol. 2, No.3/4 (Sep.-Dec., 1976), pp. 321-366. Central Intelligence Agency Data (2012), available at: www.cia.gov/library/publications/theworld-factbook/ (accessed 15 January 2013). Lee, R., & Mason, A. (2006). What Is The Demographic Dividend. A quarterly magazine of IMF Finance and Development [Online], 43(3), available at: www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/ fandd/2006/09/basics.htm (Accessed at: 11 February 2013). Martin, P. (2009). Demographic and Economic Trends: Implications for International Mobility. United Nations Development Programme. Human Development Research Paper, (17). Notestein, F. Economic Problems of Population Change. 8 th International conference of agricultural economists, London: Oxford University Press, 1953, pp. 15-18. Philipov, D.Thevenon, O., Klobas J., Bernardi, L., & Liefbroer, A.C. (2008). Reproductive Decision-making in a Macro-Micro Perspective. European Comission. Seventh Framework Programme under the Socio-Economic Science and Humanities Theme. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Olga S. Tolstikhina, Vladimir L. Gavrikov… Demographic Transition as Reflected by Fertility and Life Expectancy… Демографический переход в зеркале рождаемости и продолжительности жизни: типология стран О.С. Толстихинаа, В.Л. Гавриковб, Р.Г. Хлебопросб, В.А. Охонинв а Высшая школа менеджмента, Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет Россия 199004, Санкт-Петербург, Волховский пер., 3 б Сибирский федеральный университет Россия 660041, Красноярск, пр. Свободный, 79 в Университет Оттавы Оттава, Канада ON K1N 6N5 В статье развивается известная теория демографического перехода стран из «аграрных» в «индустриальные». Особое внимание уделено биологическим эффектам, сопровождающим этот переход с учетом и без учета количества жителей в странах. Ставится вопрос, есть ли качественная и количественная разница между тем, как живут этносы и как живут люди вообще в мире. В результате анализа разработан подход, позволяющий классифицировать страны по их успешности относительно глобального тренда человечества. Ключевые слова: теория демографического перехода, фертильность, продолжительность жизни, экономический дивиденд, успех. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 897-905 ~~~ УДК 37.017.924 Universals and Pragmatics as Substantial Reference Points of Modern Ethical Education Elena N. Viktoruka* and Olga S. Ardykovab a Krasnoyarsk State Pedagogical University named after V.P. Astafev 89 A. Lebedeva st., Krasnoyarsk, 660049 Russia b Siberian State Technological University 82 Mira, Krasnoyarsk, 660049 Russia Received 24.11.2012, received in revised form 15.01.2013, accepted 07.02.2013 The present article analyzes the substantial change in the content of ethical courses under shift of educational paradigms. On the data of the questionnaire survey of four groups of students, the authors of the article consider the limits and prospects of practical and applied ethical education. The article arrives at the conclusion that general ethical problems are fairly well mastered during the study of practical and applied courses, if there is a particular educational and motivational space, “the zone of proximal development”, as called by psychologists. The authors note the distinctive features of the zone of proximal ethical and moral development in adult education, related to the “universal” vision of the studied material, and a significant increase of its efficiency when studied in small groups. Keywords: ethical education, applied ethics, practical ethics, moral philosophy, ethical universals, ethics for adults, the zone of proximal ethical and moral development. The relevance of the current research is caused by the fact that the most efficient ethical education today is developing not in the theoretical field (such as moral philosophy), but in the practical and applied one, where it is fulfilled in the form of user programs. There is no doubt that ethical education can be efficient, especially considering the general Russian and international tendencies, which claim that the main task of today’s higher education is to provide students with the sort of knowledge may serve as a “tool for building up their social career” (Semenkov, 2004). Besides the traditional classification * of knowledge into theoretical and practical, sociologists come up with two more dichotomies: “conceptual / descriptive” and “user-defined / researcher-defined”. At the same time there are some concerns connected to the fact that the focus on radical pragmatics dilutes the contents of ethics itself, replaces its socially significant functions, the main of which is preserving the humane in a human. In June 2012 we carried out a research aimed at revealing the limits of pragmatic content in applied and practical courses of ethics, on the basis of such metaphors as “radical”, “obvious” © Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved Corresponding author E-mail address: email@example.com # 897 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Elena N. Viktoruk and Olga S. Ardykova. Universals and Pragmatics as Substantial Reference Points… and “unobvious” pragmatics suggested by V.I. Bakshtanovsky, the Director of Research Institute for Applied Ethics (Tyumen State University of Oil and Gas). In our opinion, these metaphors, characterizing the form and content of ethical courses, serve as good markers for reflection of “multilayered” and not so transparent process of paradigm shift in the modern ethical education. The studies of this specificity of ethical education development is carried out within the framework of scientific and educational project “Applied and Practical Ethics Laboratory” (Koptseva, 2010). Methods of research: questionnaire survey, interview, expert poll, debriefing as a training tool. Object of research. To reveal the relations between universals and pragmatics within the ethical course content, we conducted a survey in four groups of students studying ethics according to different practice-focused programs: − post-graduates and PhD students of Siberian State Technical University, specialty course “Ethics of Science” (20 class hours); − third-year part-time students, “Professional Ethics” course (16 class hours); − participants of “Human Resources Management” program at the Institute of Advanced Professional Education of Siberian State Technical University “Higher School of Business, Management and Psychology”, “Business Ethics” course (24 class hours); − unemployed citizens registered at the Employment Bureau, taking the program “Assistant Director”, “Ethics of Business Relations” course (44 class hours) Main clauses. Having studied the relations between universals and pragmatics in the content of ethical applied courses, we arrived at the following conclusions: a) there are some ethic courses distinctive with their “radical pragmatics”; within the framework of the current research, it is the course “Ethics of Business Relations” for the unemployed; b) “obvious pragmatism”: is typical for “standard” university courses formed in accordance with some approved educational standards; in the present research it was noticed in the professional courses of ethics for parttime students and courses of business ethics for managers; c) course with a great “universal” ethical component, harmoniously complemented with radical and obvious pragmatics, like “Ethics of Science” for post-graduates. The number of respondents in some groups is quite little (total number of respondents is 56 people), as filling in the questionnaire was voluntary, anonymous and was offered only after passing the exam for the sake of higher verity. Examples. In the questionnaires for parttime students and unemployed people the first question was formulated as a request to evaluate the usefulness of ethical knowledge on a 1-10 scale. The results are the following: 54 % of parttime students evaluated the usefulness of the studied discipline as 10, 24 % and 19 % chose 9 and 8 correspondingly, and only one respondent (3 %) evaluated the usefulness of the course as 7. The average value for the group is 9,27. In the group of the unemployed, 43 % evaluated it with 8 and 14 % – with 6 score. The average value for the group is 8,57. As we can see, no one put a score below 6 points; the students admit the necessity of the knowledge, skills and habits. The second question: “Are the knowledge and skills in business (professional) ethics applicable for solving ethical problems in personal and social communication?” was asked in order to define whether the students are capable of extending the narrow practice-focused topics on the whole range of ethical problems they may face in their lives. 92,3 % of part-time students, 83,3 % of “Human # 898 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Elena N. Viktoruk and Olga S. Ardykova. Universals and Pragmatics as Substantial Reference Points… Resources Management” program participants, 85,7 % of the unemployed and 93,3 % of postgraduates gave the positive answer; the negative answer (in the number of 1 or 2) was present in every group; in the group of unemployed people, one person replied, “never”. The third question was included into the questionnaires for all the four groups of respondents to find out, whether the students are aware of the connection between ethical pragmatics and universal ethical issues. The question was formulated as follows: “Is the knowledge of business (professional) ethics helpful for understanding general ethical issues? Describe in a 1-5 scale” (see Table 1). The offered 1-5 scale was intended to reflect the potential of the universal ethical “background” of the students. Self-evaluation as a factor of feedback can reveal, which issues of moral philosophy were “identified” and problematized, opening up the space of theoretical ethics. The figures in Table 1 rather reflect the virtual level of digesting general ethical issues, self-evaluation of the received ethical knowledge. It is quite likely that a test carried out in these group according to traditional methodology or in the form of a spoken exam would show some different figures, but formulating the question this way, we attempted to reveal the fact of identifying universal ethical knowledge as such, taking into account possible insincerity of answers, incomplete understanding on the question and involving people with lack of special knowledge (among the respondents there were people who had missed a part of the course). In the analysis of the received data it is important to consider not only average figures (Table 1), but also the “extreme” ones, meaning that the respondents evaluate their knowledge of this or that topic either as very high or very low. “Ones” or “twos” are absent in the group of those studying business ethics, and there are very few Table 1. Self-evalutaion of understanding general ethical problems, average figures for groups Part-time students. Prof. Ethics “HR Management” participants. Business Ethics Unemployed. Ethics of Business Relationships Post-graduates. Ethics of Science Criteria of good and evil 3,42 4,00 3,29 3,53 Moral choice 3,92 4,13 3,86 3,67 Freedom and freedom of choice 4,19 3,88 3,29 3,67 Ratio of ends and means in the situation of moral choice 3,73 3,88 3,71 3,73 Meaning of life and mission of human 3,92 3,88 3,43 3,33 Justice – injustice 3,85 4,38 3,14 3,47 Moral duty and responsibility 4,31 4,25 3,57 3,60 Consciousness 4,08 4,00 3,71 3,47 Moral regulations, principles and ideals 4,08 4,13 3,57 3,53 Nature and origin of morals 3,58 3,88 3,71 2,93 Structure and functions of morals 3,81 4,13 3,71 3,33 Moral values 4,12 4,63 4,00 3,67 General ethical problems # 899 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Elena N. Viktoruk and Olga S. Ardykova. Universals and Pragmatics as Substantial Reference Points… “threes” in self-evaluation. In the group of the unemployed studying business ethics, there are no “ones”, but quite a lot of “twos” and “threes”. Probably, this self-evaluation is quite fair, as the content of the course was different from the other courses with higher radically pragmatic mindset considered in the article, which we will discuss later. A small number of “ones” and “twos” and a greater number of “threes” is typical for the self-evaluation of understanding general ethical problems by part-time students, at the same time there are quite a lot of “fours” and “fives”. In the groups of post-graduates the diversity of the score was the largest; the ones who answered with a “one” or “two” to this question were the ones who highly evaluated the general usefulness of the course. The data of Table 1 presented as a diagram demonstrate that general ethical issues studied in an “indirect” way stimulate the inner effort for ethical and moral development of the students. The lowest mark, lower than three points, was given only to the topic on nature and origin of morals in the group of post-graduate students. We explain it with the higher level of education of this group and the corresponding standards of self-evaluation: this topic was not among the deeply studied issues. Fig. 1 demonstrates the diversity of selfevaluation of understanding the general ethical issues in the groups: the topic of moral values is chosen as the deepest studied in the group which studied business ethics. The fact that all the groups marked the topic “nature and origin of morals” as the least studied proves the verity of evaluation: it is true that to this very topic little attention was paid. Part-time students put high score to the topic called “moral duty and responsibility”, which is also understandable, as the motive of professional duty as the core of professional ethics was strongly emphasized in the course. In all the groups the topic “criteria of good and evil” looks as less studied in comparison with those concerning moral choice. The data of Table 1 converted into a diagram (Fig. 2) shows that “universal” ethical issues, according to the students’ self-evaluation, look as well studied. Trying to understand the reasons of such active and spontaneous interference of general ethical problems into the practical Fig 1. General ethical problems for each surveyed group # 900 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Elena N. Viktoruk and Olga S. Ardykova. Universals and Pragmatics as Substantial Reference Points… Fig 2. Self-evaluation of understanding general ethical problems studied at practical and applied courses of ethics, common for all the surveyed groups educational medium, we found the explanation in what psychologists usually call “zone of proximal development1 (ZPD). Both in child and adult psychology “zone of proximal development” means a space of higher motivation, emotional intensiveness, where obvious examples of competent acts provided by an adult (a teacher) demonstrate a model of success. This leads to higher educational results, significantly exceeding the expected ones. The data we received conducting the survey indicates, that the radical pragmatics of the applied ethical courses create the “zone of proximal ethical and moral development”, thereby stimulating the studies of universal ethical issues. Let us study the representative groups for radical, obvious and unobvious pragmatics. As we have already mentioned, obvious pragmatics is more typical of “standardized” university courses than radical pragmatism. The group of part-time students studied the following topics: objects and tasks of professional ethics, principles of professional ethics, professional and ethical codes, professional duty, business etiquette and etc. A large part of the course was conducted in the form of seminars and practical classes with workshop elements. The form of “radical pragmatics” was used in teaching the topics concerning business etiquette, which explains the total impression of high usefulness of the course (according to the fi rst questions of the questionnaire). In this group, which was the largest in the number of polled, the answers to the question “Which ethical problems would you like to study on your own or with a guidance of a specialist?” are especially interesting. Here are some of the answers: conflicts (4 people); verbal communication, business communication, specificity of personnel management, how to behave in stressful business situations, career growth in business, rules of behaviour for a business person, “boss-employee” relations, etiquette of an administrator (2 people); problems with work and employment (2 people); moral duty and responsibility, moral values, meaning of life. The answers are listed in the order of increasing the universality of the ethical problems. But # 901 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Elena N. Viktoruk and Olga S. Ardykova. Universals and Pragmatics as Substantial Reference Points… generally there are hardly any universal ethical topics in the “zone of proximal ethical and moral development”. The reason is the dissatisfaction of the ethical and practical inquiry. In the second group, the participants of “Business Ethics”, we traditionally observe the contradictory combination of radical (unfounded) pragmatics and the amorphous inquiry “to see what business ethics is and what it does”. The issues studied during the course, beginning with ethical violations in business and their consequences in micro and macroprospects (corruption, thefts, fraud, extortion, unfair discrimination), are characterized with “obvious” pragmatics. The program of the course provides some vast theoretical and methodological material on the ethics of administrative decision-making, and the survey on the students’ expectation often does not go beyond the boundaries of radical pragmatics. Our experience shows, that one should not ignore such inquiries; they can be used for forming a universal ethical platform, a fundament for studying conceptual, theoretical knowledge. Inquiries for radical pragmatics should be taken positively as they reflect the faith in Ethics as a tool of perfecting private and social life up to the desired “decent”, “deserved” level; the hope for it as a kind of knowledge that can help solving some real problems of life. On the example of the next group, which is the unemployed, we will see the limits of ethical pragmatics: narrow (etiquette or behaviour) topics with the well-mastered methodology run dry quite soon, thereby provoking the turn to universal ethical topics. Radical pragmatism of “user-defined” programs is distinctive in the business ethics course for the unemployed. “Assistant Director” advanced course was financed by the municipal Employment Centre. The radically pragmatic mindset of the course was strongly recommended by the management of the Centre, which corresponded to the expctations of the students: the result should be clear and applicable “right here and now”. Main topics: greeting, introduction, appearance of a business person, business card, speech etiquette formulae, “boss-employee” relationships, organization ethics, manager ethics, business presents, phone conversation etiquette etc. The studies were carried out in conformity with the set tasks, but the self-evaluation results for understanding general ethical problems in this group are just as high as in the others. As we see it, the reason can be the presence of the “zone of proximal development” activated not only by the obvious pragmatics of the course (workshops and case studies), but also by the existential factors of “unemployment” provoking some deep personal contemplations on “justice/ injustice”, cause-effect relations in the terms of destiny, happiness, consciousness, meaning of life and other universals of moral philosophy. The term “zone of proximal development” within the framework of ethics explains the interdependence of “radical pragmatics” and general (theoretical) ethics rather than its boundaries. Studying the phenomenon of “zone of proximal development”, psychologists remark its specificity in teaching adults. The difference is that unlike children, adults can construct their own zone of proximal development. This is exactly what we observe at ethical courses aimed at radical and obvious pragmatics. Studying the distinctive features of the “zone of proximal development” in adult education, specialists emphasize that an important factor is various forms of work in small groups. They are not only efficient methods of teaching, which can help solving various problems connected with the content and upgrading character of teaching. They are necessary because from the very beginning of studies they teach building up the whole logic of the studied material, seeing not # 902 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Elena N. Viktoruk and Olga S. Ardykova. Universals and Pragmatics as Substantial Reference Points… only its separate parts and elements studied at the moment, but its ultimate results which constitute the content of studies for quite a long time (Grandars, 2012). “Zone of proximal development” is the gateway to universal ethical problems. These distinctive features of the “ZDP” in adult education are completely confirmed by the results of work with one of the most interesting groups in our poll, which is, post-graduates. The topic “Ethics and Axiology of Science” is quite an independent section in the general course of preparation for qualifying exam in “History and Philosophy of Science”. Within the framework of this section for the past several years we have been conducting an ethical and didactic experiment that we described (Viktoruk, 2009). The postgraduates’ group is the key to understanding the boundaries of pragmatics and universalism in applied ethical courses. The experiment in “radicalization” of obvious ethical pragmatics in studying the issues of science ethics has been lead since the year 2006. Understanding of world outlook and practical significance of this subject for post graduates (future members of scientific community, managers and administrators of higher education establishments) provoked the search for the forms of ethical and practical knowledge that may give some ethical and awareness-raising result, positioning ethical knowledge as something modern, dynamically developing, matching modern educational technologies. For this reason the lecture that describes the theoretical and methodological issues on the borderline between general ethics and science ethics gradually turnes into a seminar on teaching the skill of administrative highly ethical decisionmaking. The content of this four-hour lecture includes both the obvious pragmatics of science ethics (regulations, principles and ideals of the academic community, social commitments of the academic community, international conventions on the role of science in the society and scientist status, etc.), the “unobvious pragmatics” of moral philosophy (history of relations between ethics and science; moral evaluation of progress in science and technology; ethical understanding of global problems of the humankind etc.). Radical pragmatics of the course is caused by the application of case study for solving ethical dilemmas in the sphere of science and stakeholder analysis, a tool of business ethics, used as a method for resolving cases. The post-graduates’ questionnaire included some questions intended to find out, how efficiently the “radically pragmatic” mechanism of stakeholder analysis (training is considered to be the main target of the practical seminar) opens up the topics that belong to obvious pragmatics: moratoriums on various kinds of research, scientific inquiry and human rights, necessity to admit mistakes in public, moral qualities of a scientist, ethics of scientific corporations, unconsciousness of scientific research, prohibition of inhumane experiments, authorship, coauthorship, intellectual property in science etc. The question is formulated as a request to mark “ethically disputable spheres of scientific research where stakeholder analysis is efficiently applicable”. In the questionnaires, from 4 to 14 topics of those listed above were marked. This question was supported by the next one which offered to describe the applicability of stakeholder analysis to solving ethical problems on a 1-10 scale for such fields of study as clinical and medical research, environmental studies, space research, information and computer technologies, psychology, pedagogy, biotechnologies, genetics, economics and management. To reveal the limits of radical pragmatism and its connection to obvious pragmatics, the following open questions were intended: “Which ethical dilemmas in the sphere of science you # 903 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Elena N. Viktoruk and Olga S. Ardykova. Universals and Pragmatics as Substantial Reference Points… consider to be the most acute, is it possible to solve them with stakeholder analysis? Here are some answers: using unreliable information in computer systems, plagiarism, ethical dilemmas in economics, changes in biology, genetic experiments, usefulness and harm of scientific discoveries, socially hazardous research, cloning, experiments on humans, humanity of research. Generally speaking, these three questions should indicate whether the method of stakeholder analysis is distractive for the studies of science ethics problems as such. The results of the survey allayed our fears. As the subject matter is science ethics, we offered the respondents the following question: “Which topics would you like to learn with the help of a teacher or independently?” Here are the answers, from particularly ethical to more general ones: ethics of providing psychological service, genetics, use of natural resources, plagiarism, scientific database, problems of relationships within the academic community, social commitments of scientists, humanity, justice. Here, just like in the group of part-time students, the inquiry for advanced knowledge is more aimed at ethical pragmatics, though the self-evaluation of understanding universal ethical problems was quite high, as we could observe in Table 1 and in Fig. 2. Conculsions: 1. “Radical pragmatism” in the inquiries for ethical education is a consequence of the fact that in our country it has been focusing on ethics as a science of morals (theory) for inexcusably long time, 1 ignoring the necessity for the obvious pragmatism of professional ethics, and radically pragmatic calls of applied and practical ethics. The analysis of forms and content of the practical and applied ethical courses reveals the natural limits of “downto-earth” user programs, the doubtless advantage of which is forming the zone of proximal ethical and moral development, where the self-inquiry for conceptual content of Ethics with a capital and its unobvious pragmatics is produced. 2. The well-developed methodology of workshop activities on ethics a) form trust for the teacher as a specialist who has good command of ethic programs of successful work; b) create a “small group” climate, so that synergetically united experience of the adult people and the teacher forms the “zone of proximal ethical and moral development” and brings an ethic and educational result, which exceeds the obvious “planned” expectations. 3. Ethical didactics cannot but consider the studies on the dynamics of moral subject and its moral growth (L. Kohlberg, C. Gilligan in psychology; S.I. Gessen, J. Habermas and K.O. Apel in philosophy; J. Maxwell in management). The fundamental clauses of theoretical ethics, moral philosophy become more accessible to the person involved into labour and social practice with its moral dilemmas. The strong side of such engagements is the powerful motivation of students creating the “zone of proximal ethical and moral development” where the general vision of ethical problems is restored, and the studied “narrow” topics become the content of studies for a long time. The term “zone of proximal development” was fi rst introduced by L.C. Vygotsky for characterizing the process of “moving up the psychic development along with education”. This zone is indicated by the content of those tasks the student can solve only with a help of a more competent person (an adult), but after the experience of joint solution they become capable of solving similar tasks independently. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Elena N. Viktoruk and Olga S. Ardykova. Universals and Pragmatics as Substantial Reference Points… References 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Semenkov, V.E. Sotsiologiia obrazovaniia: uchebno-metodicheskoe posobie [Education Sociology]. Saint Petersburg: Sociological Society of M.M. Kovalevsky, 2004, p. 9. Koptseva, N. P. Integration of humanitarian education in Siberian Federal University. Higher education today, 2007 (Issue 4), 6-8. Grandars (2012), Available at: http://www.grandars.ru/ (accessed 24 November 2012). Psikhologicheskie osobennosti vzroslykh [Psychological Caracteristics of Adults] Available at: http://www.grandars.ru/college/psihologiya/psihologiya-vzroslogo.html (accessed 24 November 2012). Viktoruk, E.N. (2009). Paradigms of applied ethics. Vedomosti, (35), 185-199. Viktoruk, E.N. (2009). Axiology of Ethics and Acience for Graduate Students and Competitors (Experience at Siberian State Technological University). Scientific and Theoretical Journal on the General Methodology of Science, Theory of Knowledge and Cognitive Sciences. Epistemology and Science Philosophy XXI (3), 95-106. Универсалии и прагматика как содержательные ориентиры современного этического образования Е.Н. Викторука, О.С. Ардюковаб Красноярский государственный педагогический университет им. В.П. Астафьева Россия 660049, Красноярск, ул. Ады Лебедевой, 89 б Сибирский государственный технологический университет Россия 660049, Красноярск, пр. Мира, 82 a В статье проанализировано существенное изменение содержания этических курсов в условиях смены образовательных парадигм. Опираясь на данные, полученные в ходе анкетных опросов четырех различных групп учащихся, авторы рассматривают пределы и перспективы практико-прикладного этического обучения. Делается вывод о том, что общие этические проблемы достаточно хорошо осваиваются в ходе изучения практико-прикладных курсов, если возникает особая учебно-мотивационное пространство, называемое психологами «зона ближайшего развития». Авторы отмечают особенности зоны ближайшего этико-морального развития в обучении взрослых, которые связаны с «универсальным» видением изучаемого материала и значительным повышением эффективности его освоения в микрогруппах. Ключевые слова: этическое образование, прикладная этика, практическая этика, моральная философия, этические универсалии, этика для взрослых, зона ближайшего этико-морального развития. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 906-912 ~~~ УДК 331.5 (571.512) The Areas of Compact Settlement of the Indigenous and Small-numbered Peoples of the North of Krasnoyarsk Krai: Setting the Objective Irina A. Mezhova, Tatiana A. Samylkina and Evgenia B. Bukharova* Siberian Federal University 79 Svobodny, Krasnoyarsk, 660041 Russia Received 23.01.2013, received in revised form 18.03.2013, accepted 04.06.2013 In the preset article the objective for the research on the problem of development of the adaptive mechanism and creating models of employment of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North of Krasnoyarsk Krai is set. The research is based on the arrival of large industrial extracting companies to the areas of compact settlement of the indigenous peoples of the North, which to a certain extent deteriorates the conditions of sustainable social-economic development of the region. Keywords: the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North, adaptive mechanisms of use of territories, models of development of labor markets, sustainable socio-economic development. The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. The Russian Federation is one of the few countries where the indigenous small-numbered peoples preserved their traditional life-style and nature use in their classical meaning – the way they were created by nature. It is mostly connected with the social and economic policy, which was conducted by the Government of Russia according to the main principles, formulated by M. M. Speransky in “The Regulations of governing non-Russians (inorodsy)” as far back as 1822 (Contseptsiya ustoichivogo razvitiya.., 2009). * In the period of the reforms in the economy and social life in the 1990s, the conception of “surmounting of centuries-old cultural and economical backwardness of the peoples of the North “, a strictly unified policy of state paternalism, directed at the indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the North (the ISPN), which lead to significant deterioration of conditions for traditional nature use and standard of living of these peoples, were discarded. At the present time the objective is set to provide a sustainable increase of the standard and © Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved Corresponding author E-mail address: firstname.lastname@example.org # 906 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Irina A. Mezhova, Tatiana A. Samylkina… The Areas of Compact Settlement of the Indigenous and Small-numbered… quality of living conditions of the population of Siberia basing on the balanced socio-economical system of innovative type, guaranteeing social security, dynamic development of economy and realization of strategic interests of Russia in the world community (Strategia sotsial’noekonomitseskogo.., 2010). Sustainable development of small-numbered peoples of the North presupposes strengthening of their social and economic potential, preservation of traditional environment, way of live and cultural values on the basis of targeted support of the government and mobilization of the inner resources of the peoples themselves in the interests of the present and future generations. The problem of sustainable development of the indigenous peoples is urgent for Krasnoyarsk North because the areas of their compact settlement are considerable. As registered by 1 January, 2010 such areas are: ▪ administrative territorial unit with special status within the borders of Taimyrsky (Dolgano-Nenetsky) Autonomous Okrug; the whole territory; ▪ administrative territorial unit with special status within the borders of Evenk Autonomous Okrug; the whole territory; ▪ Yeniseysky District: Symsky village council; ▪ Severo-Yeniseysky District: pos. Vel’mo, under the jurisdiction of the administration of the District; ▪ Turukhansky District (except the town of Igarka, the settlement of urban type Svetlogorsk and the settlement(posyolok) Kureika). Besides that in recent years the northern territories of Krasnoyarsk Krai are becoming the regions of large-scaled transformations both in socio-economic sphere, connected with the beginning of extracting of natural resources in the region and the “arrival” of big resource -extracting companies to the region; and in sociocultural sphere, causing transformations in the conditions and way of life of the representatives of indigenous small-numbered peoples. Arrival of resource-extracting companies to the territory of the traditional nature use of the ISPN results in horizontal as well as vertical inequality among the population of the regions (Problemy traditsionnogo prirodopol’zovaniya.., 2000, pp 273-295). The indigenous peoples are most vulnerable to the active attack of technological civilization. Nowadays we can witness the formation of preconditions for conflict of interests of the indigenous population, on the one hand, and resource – extracting companies, on the other; the conflict between traditional and industrial nature use; folk conceptions and skills and pragmatic knowledge and approaches to environment and natural resources. Russian and foreign practice shows that legal and everyday conflicts in this sphere lead to negative consequences: destruction of environment, unemployment, alcoholism, loss of traditional values and languages by indigenous peoples, insufficient level of development of education and health care, low standards of living etc. The differentiation of population by the level of income (vertical inequality) gradually leads to differentiation by the levels of income / formed local budgets (horizontal inequality). Both kinds of inequality can be harmful for the economy of the region: high level of vertical inequality can inhibit development, weakening those factors of economic growth that help to reduce poverty, and horizontal inequality can lead to severe conflicts. Sharp changes in horizontal inequality are the most dangerous (Ross, 2011, p. 274). In the North the gap between those who work in shift teams of the resource-extracting companies and local residents is constantly increasing. Let alone the fact, that the income, obtained in the territory, such as wages, dividends and bonuses, is received # 907 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Irina A. Mezhova, Tatiana A. Samylkina… The Areas of Compact Settlement of the Indigenous and Small-numbered… by the budgets of some other levels and territories in the form of taxes and is spent in some other regions, forming the consumer demand of these regions and leaving the insoluble ecological and social problems to the North. The distinctive trait of development of Krasnoyarsk Krai in recent years is realization of big investment projects: commercial oil production on the Vankor field and YurubchenoTokhomskoe field development; construction of the Boguchany Hydro-electric Power Station, construction of Boguchany aluminium plant as part of БЕМО-project (Boguchany electro-metallurgical corporation), building of Boguchany timber processing complex (TPC) and other projects. The main territories of realization of capital investment projects are northern territories of the Krai, the areas of compact settlement of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the North. On the one hand, large investment projects are one of the main directions of development of the economy of the Krai, they reflect the economic interests of the region, the federation and financial-industrial groups, and they are carried out on the basis of private-state partnership. On the other hand, the realization of the investment projects affects the interests of local communities, separate local inhabitants, whose lifestyle is based upon traditional occupations, traditional nature use. For example, putting hydro- electric power stations into operation would imply water flooding of vast areas, which are either original areas of settlement of the ISNP, or the lands of traditional nature use of aboriginal peoples. Laying of petrol- or gas pipes over the land surface in the conditions of permafrost results in the change of the migration paths of wild reindeer; emissions of industrial giants, polluting water resources and atmosphere, lead to abnormalities in the development of animals, which are objects of traditional occupation of indigenous peoples. The standard of living of the population of northern settlements is estimated as critical, the absence of normal living conditions and conditions for traditional occupations lead to aggravation of social problems in the region. In particular, the level of unemployment in the region is two-three times higher than in the Krai. Municipal budgets are subsidized, the ratio of state subsidies is constantly growing, being 85 % or more. Despite the general decrease in the number of population of the territories, there is increasing in the number the ISPN living in rural areas and their ratio in the total population of the regions. Thus, the problem of social-economic and social-cultural life of Krasnoyarsk North is a misbalance between the necessity of industrial development of the northern territories in the interests of the country, the Krai, the region and the necessity of long-term preservation of the indigenous small-numbered people of the North, living in these territories. Hypothesis: at the present time there are different variants of the process of interaction of the indigenous peoples of the North, extracting companies and the authorities. The forms of establishing of contract relations depend on the specifics of the northern territories where these relations are built up (the North of the European part of the RF, the North of Western Siberia, Krasnoyarsk North etc). The mechanism of regional policy of adaptive regulation of socioeconomic and legal relations of the subjects of the northern territories of Krasnoyarsk Krai must base upon providing of sustainable development of the region (social, economic, ecological and political). The mechanism of adaptive regulation must be based upon the principle of steady increase of the living standard and the quality of life of the population of the region, including indigenous peoples. # 908 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Irina A. Mezhova, Tatiana A. Samylkina… The Areas of Compact Settlement of the Indigenous and Small-numbered… Table 1. The number of the ISPN by ethnic groups 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 Total number of population Beginning of the year, pers. 70069 69695 69632 69091 68177 67159 66027 The number of rural population of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the North According to the data of households registry at the beginning of the year; pers. 13252 13442 13287 13341 13201 13214 13275 Numbers by ethnic groups: Dolgans pers. 5022 4870 4864 4691 4749 4861 Kets pers. 1014 1038 997 993 987 990 Nanai pers. 1 1 1 1 3 – Nganasans pers. 720 698 681 675 638 607 Nenets pers. 2792 2810 2962 3051 3112 3174 Sami pers. 1 1 3 – – – Selkups pers. 369 376 369 377 357 359 Tuvans-Todzhins pers. 1 3 4 19 19 3 Shorians pers. 5 5 6 6 6 7 Evenks pers. 3391 3356 3323 3243 3195 3121 Evens pers. 2 1 – 1 2 1 Enets pers. 124 127 131 143 144 148 Eskimo pers. 1 1 – 1 1 1 Birth rate pers. 1081 1090 1017 978 1071 1047 1109 Death rate pers. 784 736 818 757 741 763 798 Natural increase rate pers. 297 354 199 221 330 284 311 Cit. by economic and social data of the areas of settlement of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North – 2010. Copyright © the Federal service of state statistics. The Federal State Statistics Service. The elements of the adaptive regulation are: ▪ increasing the employment of indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North, living in the areas of compact settlement in Krasnoyarsk Krai; ▪ reducing the level of state subsidies in the budgets of northern regions; ▪ involving the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North into innovative activity based on processing of produce of the traditional nature use; ▪ creating models of economic, cultural and ecological development of the northern settlements (posyolki) – areas of compact settlement of the ISPN, allowing to improve the quality of life of inhabitants of these settlements. The threats are connected with the clash of interests of indigenous peoples, their communities and industrial-extracting companies (on condition that there is no merging of interests of the leaders of the ISPN communities and the management of companies). There are two main approaches to resolving conflict situations. The first. Improvement of legislation and achieving free-willed preliminary deliberate agreement of indigenous peoples, receiving compensation by indigenous peoples, and fair # 909 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Irina A. Mezhova, Tatiana A. Samylkina… The Areas of Compact Settlement of the Indigenous and Small-numbered… distribution of income from the use of natural resources. The second. Moving indigenous population from the areas of their traditional land use, building houses in posyolki and towns for them, paying compensations. Thus, three principal innovation scenarios of development of the northern region can be formulated: industrial-resource scenario, the main operator of which is raw-material companies. Processes of modernization and elimination of the most acute social and infrastructural imbalances have local character, innovation are determined by computerization of industrial processes. Indigenous peoples are not included in the process of innovational development; they are just an appendage to the process, surviving by means of traditional nature use, on the one hand, and also subsidies and donation-based development budget, on the other; scenario for new industrialization of economy, the main operator of which is regional authorities. “Raw material” development of the Far North starts on the complex technological base. Innovativeness is set by the demand for the technologies, reducing production costs and primary treatment of raw materials, increasing effectiveness of work on developing of mineral raw material base, promoting optimization of sectoral and spacial structure of the region. Indigenous peoples are included in the process as workforce without taking into account their interests and potential possibilities. In the process of development of territories there occurs “merging” of leaders of indigenous communities with the authorities; scenario of strategic choice, the main operator of which can be the state. This scenario presupposes that purposeful transforming regions of the Far North into locomotive of development of Russian economy by means of modernizing and restructuring of raw material sector by developing multifunctional settlements. The demand for innovations in the framework of this scenario will be set by introduction of strict federal and regional technical and ecological regulations of extraction and processing carbohydrates, cardinal increase of the level of processing of raw materials, optimization of the expanses of living in the conditions of the Far North with fundamental increase of the quality of life and reducing of man-caused pressure on the environment. Methods of confirming/disconfirming of the hypothesis (methodological basis): 1. Systemic approach, eliciting cause-andeffect connections; 2. Comparative analysis; 3. Analogue method (studying and establishing possibilities of domestic and foreign experience); 4. Morphological analysis; 5. Function-cost analysis; 6. Economic-mathematical modeling. The constructive result, which the researchers would like to achieve in the course of the scientific research: ▪ content-analysis of the legal basis of Krasnoyarsk Krai and other territories of the RF – areas of compact settlement of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North, for the support of northern ethnic groups; ▪ drafts of laws, necessary for realization of the policy of social-economic support of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North of Krasnoyarsk Krai; ▪ evaluation of the current conditions and standard of living of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North of Krasnoyarsk Krai; ▪ evaluation of the current state of socialeconomic conditions of municipal # 910 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Irina A. Mezhova, Tatiana A. Samylkina… The Areas of Compact Settlement of the Indigenous and Small-numbered… ▪ ▪ ▪ ▪ districts – areas of compact settlement of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North; evaluation of the demographic situation of the municipal districts-- areas of compact settlement of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North; analysis of labor market of the northern territories of Krasnoyarsk Krai (accentuating employment of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North) in view of demographicс processes , migration, realization of large investment projects; methodology for evaluation of conditions and standard of living of the indigenous small-numbered peoples on the example of Krasnoyarsk Krai; Model of financial mechanism of granting budget subsidies to households for partial compensation of the expenses on realization of products of traditional occupations of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the North of Krasnoyarsk Krai; ▪ methodology for evaluation of efficiency and productivity of regional policy of adaptive regulation of social-economic and legal relations of regional authorities (municipalities), extracting companies and the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North; ▪ quantity estimation of current ecological conditions of land ecosystems and their key components (f lora, soils, fauna); ▪ quantity estimation of biological resources and conditions of eco-systems in the areas of compact settlement of indigenous small-numbered peoples. Thus, we intend to make a general complex evaluation of the current condition of socialeconomic and ecological environment of the areas of compact settlement of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the North; develop models of employment depending on the area, socialeconomic possibilities etc. All this will allow to form the regional conception of development of the region, evaluate its effectiveness, adaptability and productivity. References 1. 2. 3. 4. Contseptsiya ustoichivogo razvitiya korennykh malocholsennykh narodov Severa, Sibiri I Dal’nego Vostoka Rossiyskoy Federatsii. [The conception of sustainable development of the indigenous small numbered peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation] – ratified, adopted by the decree of the Government of the Russian Federation from 4 February 2009. №132-p. Problemy traditsionnogo prirodopol’zovaniya Sever, Sibir I Dal’ny Vostok Rossiyskoy Federatsii. [Problems of traditional nature use: the North, Siberia and the Far East of the Russian Federation: Legal aspects.] M., 2000. P190-212. Ross M.L. Kak bogatye poleznye iskopaemye strany mogut cokratit’ neravenstvo.// Kak izbezhat’ resursnogo proclyatia.[How can rich mineral resources of the country reduce inequality.// How to avoid resources curse.]/ edit. by M. Humphreys, D. Saxe and D. Stiegkitz; transl from Engl N. Avtonomovoy, I. Fridman, edit.by E.Dobrushinskaya and A.Yu. Knobel. M.: Publ. Institute of Gaidar, 2011. Strategia sotsial’no-ekonomitseskogo rasvitiya Sibiri do 2020 g.[Strategies of social-economic development of Siberia until the year 2020].-- ratified, adopted by the decree of the Government of the Russian Federation from 5 July, 2010. № 1120-р. # 911 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Irina A. Mezhova, Tatiana A. Samylkina… The Areas of Compact Settlement of the Indigenous and Small-numbered… 5. Economitcheskie I sotsial’nye pokazateli raionov prozhivaniya korennykh malochislennykh narodov Severa – 2010 g. [Economic and sociological data of the areas of settlement of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North.] – 2010. Copyright © the Federal service of state statistics. The Federal State Statistics Service. Места компактного проживания коренных и малочисленных народов Севера Красноярского края И.А. Межова, Т.А. Смылкина, Е.Б. Бухарова Сибирский федеральный университет Россия 660041, Красноярск, Свободный, 79 В статье рассмотрена проблема развития адаптивного механизма и создания моделей занятости коренных малочисленных народов Севера Красноярского края. Исследование проведено в связи с приходом крупных промышленных добывающих компаний в места компактного проживания коренных малочисленных народов Севера, которые в определенной степени ухудшают условия устойчивого социально-экономического развития региона. Ключевые слова: коренные малочисленные народы Севера, адаптивные механизмы использования территорий, модели развития рынков труда, устойчивое социальноэкономическое развитие. Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 913-924 ~~~ УДК 314.1 (571.511) + 314.1 (571.512) The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North as of 2012 Semen Ya. Palchin* Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights in the Krasnoyarsk Territory 207 office, 122 Karl Marx Str., Krasnoyarsk, 660021 Russia Received 14.01.2013, received in revised form 20.02.2013, accepted 17.05.2013 The present article is the first part of the material based on the Report of the Commissioner for the Rights of the Indigenous Small-numbered Peoples in the Krasnoyarsk Territory (ombudsman) “On the problems of realizing the constitutional rights and liberties of the indigenous small-numbered peoples in the Krasnoyarsk Territory in 2012”. The article includes the current information about the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North of the Krasnoyarsk Territory and general analysis of the demographic data of the Krasnoyarsk Territory based on the data of the past three censuses. The current information about the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North is given separately for the three territorial units of the Territory, which are Taimyrsky, DolganoNenetsky and Evenkiysky municipal districts, as well as the Krasnoyarsk Territory, except for the above-named districts. Keywords: Indigenous peoples of the North, ethnos, the Representative by the laws of the indigenous small people, constitutional laws, Taymyr, Evenkia, Turukhansky region. The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. Protection of human rights is a certain, a very important, I would even say, the most important, at least at this stage of the world history, element of politics. It is a question of whether a man exists for the state or the state exists for a man. It is an aspect of politics where it is decided what is more important – civil rights or the authority, and what distinctively establishes the priority of rights. Rights are outside politics, above politics. Alexander V. Uss, The Chairman of the Legislative Assembly of the Krasnoyarsk Territory * © Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved Corresponding author E-mail address: email@example.com # 913 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Semen Ya. Palchin. The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North… It is for good reason that the words of A.V. Uss are used as the epigraph for this article about realizing the constitutional rights and liberties of the indigenous small-numbered peoples on the Territory of Krasnoyarsk Krai for 2012. It is an opportunity to once again remind all the participants of the civil society and representatives of the authorities about the priorities which are established in the Krai and serve as a beacon for regional ombudsmen. For real ombudsmen people with their problems, their pain and their hopes are of primary importance; the desire to help them in restoration of their rights is of primary importance, too. In this occupation there is no place for the struggle for power, but there is an aspiration to make the power more human-oriented, more legal, democratic and just. To make the power closer, more responsive to the needs of ordinary people is the aim of the Commissioner for the Rights of the Indigenous and Small-numbered Peoples in Krasnoyarsk Krai, and of the whole system of the state and local authorities, too. It is in this very context that the following words of the Governor of Krasnoyarsk Krai L.V. Kuznetsov should be understood:”the rights and liberties of the citizen of Russia are guaranteed by the highest Law–the Constitution. However, for the norms of equality to work, all of us will have to make a lot of effort. The right to work, right to adequate housing and right to medical care, right to good education and right to healthy and adequate environment are not easy to ensure. It is understood that at present the state has not sufficient resources to solve all problems at one go. However, even when there is money and political decisions, they are often the local anthologies, officials at different levels, heads of enterprises, who cannot or do not want to be more understanding, to work with people, following not only the text of the Law, but also its spirit. They were local authorities of this kind who the Commissioner had to encounter in 2012 while defending the rights of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples. Some authorities in the municipal districts interpreted the report of the Commissioner for 2011 as criticism concerning them personally, as an occasion to make an attempt to rehabilitate themselves in the eyes of the highest authorities of the Krai for their mistakes, shortcomings of their work and their explicit unwillingness to realize the legal rights and interests of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North. Thus, in the last decade of 2012, the deputies of Taimyrsky regional Deputies’ Council adopted the Appeal to the deputies of the Legislative Assembly of Krasnoyarsk Krai with the demand to review the Report of the Commissioner for the Rights of the Indigenous and Small-numbered Peoples in Krasnoyarsk Krai in order to form an objective opinion, stated by the deputies of the regional Council in the Appeal to the deputies of the Legislative Assembly of Krasnoyarsk Krai. The indignation of Tajmyr deputies is also caused by the fact that most cases, mentioned in the report, are “anonymous”, i.e. the Commissioner does not disclose the information about the applicants, does not state their full name, address of residence and other personal details. Henceforth, too, the Commissioner will not disclose personal details of applicants in order to ensure their security, protect them from possible prosecution by the officials, and also in order to prevent rumors, gossip and idle talks. In this case the Commissioner relies on the Federal law № 59- ФЗ from 02.05.2006 “About the procedure of processing applications of citizens in the Russian Federation, namely article 6 “Guarantees of security for a citizen in connection with his/her application”. 1. It is forbidden to prosecute a citizen in connection with his/her application to the state # 914 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Semen Ya. Palchin. The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North… institutions, local institutions or to an official with critics of work of the above- mentioned institutions or officials with the aim of either restoring or asserting his/her rights, liberties and legal interests or rights, liberties and legal interests of other persons. 2. In the course of processing of the application of a citizen, it is forbidden to disclose the information contained in the appeal and also personal details of the applicant, without his/ her agreement. Directing the application to the state institution, local institution or an official in whose competence it is to solve the problem is not considered a disclosure of the information contained in the application. In the light of the incident, the Commissioner advised Taimyr deputies, as well as all citizens to raise their legal culture, not to prevent others from asserting their rights and to assert their own rights without fear, because it is the only way we can build an effective constitutional state. Over and over again do ombudsmen remind the officials, the authorities about the necessity to respect rights of citizens. It is very often that we can hear optimistic reports of big and smaller officials, and it is also very often that while listening to these reports we come to understanding that they are made to create a serene picture, which does not reflect real life. Both the officials and ordinary people understand that things are far from being perfect. One of the indisputable rules of administration is to have an integral, truthful picture of reality. It is far from being ideal in the sphere of upholding the rights of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North. Is it worth getting hysterical or aggressively defensive, or blaming others? Of course, it is not. One must honestly work at the problems: elicit the causes of problems, fi nd acceptable variants of their solution, anticipate the consequences of the decisions made. It is in this way that the Commissioner carries out his work, his annual reports being part of it. The “Recommendations” sections of the reports contain answers to some problematic questions. Some of them entail financial commitments of the Krai budget, but a considerable part of problems can be solved solely by applying administrative, management measures. The deputies of the Legislative Assembly of Krasnoyarsk Krai rely on this logic too when they make decisions based on hearings of annual reports. The Government of Krasnoyarsk Krai adequately perceives criticism and recommendations and does its best to implement them. This positive experience aroused interest in other regions of the Russian Federation, in which there also live the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East. At the visiting session of the Coordination Council of Russian national public organization “Russian Association of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East” which took place in October 2012 on Kamchatka, a deputy of the Legislative Assembly of Krasnoyarsk Krai V.H. Vengo gave a detailed talk on the experience of Krasnoyarsk Krai. The participants of the visiting session highly estimated the work of the Commissioner for the Rights of the Indigenous and Small-numbered peoples in Krasnoyarsk Krai and informed the Governer of Krasnoyarsk Krai L.V. Kuznetsov about that. The Commissioner expresses his gratitude to this organization for publicizing his annual reports through its own Internet resource www.raipon.info, and also for advocating and effectively protecting the rights of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East at the federal and international levels. It is thanks to this organization that the reports become accessible and popular. # 915 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Semen Ya. Palchin. The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North… The materials of the reports are read not only by citizens but also by different expert groups and even by planning institutes in the course of developing environmental impact analysis (EIA) for industrial companies planning their activity in the areas of traditional residence and traditional occupations of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the North of Krasnoyarsk Krai. The previous reports of the Commissioner were addressed to the Governer of Krasnoyarsk Krai, the deputies of the Legislative Assembly of Krasnoyarsk Krai, members of the Government of Krasnoyarsk Krai, Krasnoyarsk territorial Court, the Office of Public Prosecutor of Krasnoyarsk Krai, the municipal authorities, to the general public. The Report “About the problems of realization of constitutional rights and liberties of the indigenous and small-numbered peoples on the territory of Krasnoyarsk Krai in 2012” was no exception. The Report was also sent to the Commissioner for Human Rights in the Russian Federation, the Plenipotentiary of the President of the Russian Federation in Siberian Federal Okrug, the Committee for National Issues of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, the Committee for the North and Small-numbered Peoples’ Affairs of the Federation Council of Russia of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. The legal basis of the Report is article 22 of the Law of Krasnoyarsk Krai “About the Commissioner for Human Rights in Krasnoyarsk Krai.” The Reports regards the recommendations of the treaty-based and specialized bodies of the UNO, other international institutions and organizations, and also current international laws and regulations concerning rights of indigenous peoples. The Report will be accessible in the State Universal Scientific Library of Krasnoyarsk Krai, in libraries of municipal districts, and also on the official Website of the Commissioner for Human Rights in Krasnoyarsk Krai. The сurrent information about the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North of Krasnoyarsk Krai In the first decade of 2012 the territorial institution of Russian Federal State Statistics Service in Krasnoyarsk Krai summed up the results of the Russian Census of 2010. This information can be found on the official Website of the institution www.krasstat.gks.ru. Table 1. Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky municipal district Ethnic group Dolgans Nganasans Nenets Total Result 2002 2010 5 517 5 393 766 747 3 054 Urban population 2002 2010 –124 786 1 068 –19 111 212 3 494 +440 390 – 0 Result Rural population Result 2002 2010 +282 4 731 4 325 –406 +101 655 535 –120 531 +141 2 664 2 963 +299 17 – 0 2 Kets – 19 Selkups – 9 – 0 9 – 0 0 – 88 88 – 178 178 –9 Evenks 305 266 –39 Enets 197 204 +7 24 40 +16 173 164 Total 9 839 10 132 265 1 311 1 965 628 8 223 8 167 # 916 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Table 2. Evenkiysky municipal districts Ethnic group Dolgans Total Result Urban population Result Rural population 2002 2010 2002 2010 2002 2010 – 48 – 41 – 7 Nganasans – 6 – 2 – 4 Nenets – 8 – 5 – 3 Kets – 207 – 16 – 191 – 0 – 0 1 097 945 2 723 2 638 1 097 1 009 2 723 2 843 Selkups – 1 Evenks 3 802 3 583 Total 3 802 3 853 –219 –152 Result –85 Table 3. Krasnoyarsk Krai (except Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky and Evenkiysky municipal districts) Ethnic group Dolgans Total Result 2002 2010 288 369 +81 Urban population Result 2002 2010 252 343 +91 Rural population 2002 2010 36 26 Result –10 Nganasans 45 54 +9 36 49 +13 9 5 –4 Nenets 134 131 –3 104 121 +17 30 10 –20 Kets 1 189* 731 –458 199 150 –49 990 581 –409 Selkups 412** 271 –141 58 60 –2 354 211 –143 Chulyms 159 145 –14 11 8 +3 148 137 –11 Evenks 830 523 –307 359 312 –47 471 211 –260 +1 15 13 –2 1 4 +3 1 034 1 056 2 039 1 185 Enets 16 17 Total 3 073 2 241 Notes. * Perhaps, according to the data of the Russian Census of 2002, the number of the Kets is given including Taimyrsky and Evenkiysky АО. ** Perhaps, according to the data of the Russian Census of 2002, the number of the Selkups is given including Taimyrsky and Evenkiysky АО. Table 3. Total numbers in Krasnoyarsk Krai Ethnic group Dolgans Nganasans Nenets Kets Selkups Chulyms Evenks Enets Total Total 2002 5 805 811 3 188 1 189 412 159 4 632 213 16 409 2010 5 810 807 3 633 957 281 145 4 372 221 16 226 Result +5 –4 +445 –232 –131 –14 –260 +8 Urban population 2002 2010 1 038 1 452 147 263 494 657 199 183 58 70 11 8 1 438 1 345 39 53 3 424 4 031 Result +414 +116 +163 –16 +12 –3 –93 +14 Rural population 2002 2010 4 767 4 358 664 544 2 694 2 976 990 774 354 211 148 137 3 194 3 027 174 168 12 985 12 195 Result –409 –120 +282 –216 –143 –11 –167 –6 Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Semen Ya. Palchin. The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North… Taking into consideration the special status of Taimyr and Evenkya, the data are distributed into the following sections: Taimyrsky DolganoNenetsky and Evenkiysky municipal districts. Thus, it is possible to compare the data of the Russian Census of 2002 and the Russian Census of 2010 in these districts. The general analysis of the social-economic situation on the basis of the demographic data for Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky municipal district According to the data of the Russian Census of 2010, on Taimyr the total number of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North is 10,132 people, including 19 Kets and 9 Selkups. The number of the indigenous peoples of Taimyr (those who have traditionally lived here: the Dolgans, the Nganasans, the Nenets, the Evenks, the Enets) is 10, 104 people. In comparison to the data of the Russian Census of 2002, a considerable positive dynamics can be seen among the Nenets. There is an explanation for this. The Nenets are reindeerbreeders. As it was repeatedly stressed by the Commissioner, reindeer breeding is an ethnopreserving branch of the national economy, and since 2003-2004 it has been on the rise. Since 2003 the numbers of reindeer have practically doubled. Although the rate of increase in the numbers of reindeer has slowed down in recent time, the dynamics is still positive. Increase in the number of the Nenets more than by 14 % is explained by a relative prosperity of reindeer-breeding. 85 % of the total number of the Nenets lives in rural areas. There exists some migration of the Nenets to Dudinka, but it is not mass migration as with the Nganasans and the Dolgans. The Nganasans have traditionally lived in the settlement of Volochanka, in Ust’-Avam of the settlement of urban type Dudinka and in the settlement of Novaya of the rural settlement Khatanga. This ethnic group has always been characterized by a small number of people but negative dynamics denotes a change for the worse in the social-economic conditions of the Nganasans. It is connected with the problems in traditional occupations and trades. The reindeer breeding was lost in the 1980s. Professor K.B. Klokov considers that the reason for the decline of the reindeer breeding was a change of specialization of the gospromkhoz “Taimyrskiy” and the sovkhoz “Volochansky”, which started the shooting of wild reindeer for the needs of Noril’sk industrial region. The economic effect of the shooting lead to change of priorities, which resulted in insufficient financing of reindeer breeding and its disappearing. But the decline of reindeer-breeding took place 25 years ago and is of secondary influence on the current demographic processes. The most influential factor is hunting and fishing. Here, too, the Nganasans have problems, which the Commissioner repeatedly talked about at different public events (meetings, conferences) and wrote about in his annual reports. These problems are the result of the drawbacks in the policy of the governing institutions of Taimyr. These are the mistakes which were systematically pointed out by public figures and the specialists of the Scientific Research Institute of agriculture of the Far North, and also by the Commissioner. It is still worth repeating: the problem is in the inaccessibility of fishing and hunting areas for traditional occupations and lifestyle. For example, near the posyolok of Ust’-Avam practically all lands suitable for hunting and fishing have been given to LLC “PH Pyasino”, where there is only a handful of indigenous people. The conclusions of the Commissioner about unsatisfactory social- economic conditions of indigenous peoples are supported by the opinions of the local population and municipal employees. At the session of the Public Council under the # 918 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Semen Ya. Palchin. The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North… jurisdiction of the Head of Taimyrsky DolganoNenetsky municipal district, which took place on 27 October, 2012, a speech was made by a local of Volochanka, G.A. Grigorieva. She told how the posyolok is degrading, that suicides are committed every year, young people and adults ruin themselves by drinking, the houses are falling to pieces, there are no perspectives for life in the posyolok. This is clearly proved by statistical data. Rural population literally flees to Dudinka from social problems, unemployment and poverty. The courageous, frank, principled speech of G.A. Grigorieva might result in negative attitude of the powers that be. That is why the Commissioner publicly declares that he takes the well-being of this woman under his control and in case she is pressurized, the Commissioner will use all legal instruments to protect her. A lot of people spoke at this session: representatives of education, healthcare, culture, Ministry of Internal Affairs and general public; they spoke about the problems of alcoholism, the state of decrepitude and disrepair and lack of housing; about the shortage of qualified specialists. These problems are so evident that they are impossible to ignore. Under these circumstances, the above mentioned statement of Taimyr deputies that the Report of the Commissioner was biased looks at the very least strange. Looking through the statistical data of the Dolgans, the decrease by 124 people arrests your attention. The total number of the Dolgans in the country during 2002-2010 rose from 7,261 to 7,885. The increase is 8.6 %. The data on the Dolgans in the Sakha (Yakutia) Republic look interesting. The number of the Dolgans there increased by more than 50 % from 2002 to 2010. One cannot but wonder what this demographic boom could have been cause by. The answer is simple–the migration of the Dolgans from Taimyr to the Sakha (Yakutia) Republic. The reason for the migration is a disastrous state of the Dolgans on Taimyr and in particular, in the settlement of rural type Khatanga where prices for products are stunning. For example, in the posyolok of Novorybnaya the price of 1 liter of juice reaches 300 rubles, sugar in exchange for fish costs 200 rubles a kilo, the price of a pot of yogurt is 90 rubles. Fresh fruit and vegetables are a gastronomic rarity. One of the reasons is that in the winter of 2011-2012 the price of petrol reached 175 rubles per litre. The winter supply of petrol, oil and lubricants (GSM) was disrupted. Although the administration of Taimyr reported that it applied considerable effort to deliver petrol by cars by winter roads (temporary roads carved in snow and ice), a system mistake is obvious. But no one was found guilty of the disruption of petrol supply. The guilt rested with the locals of the rural settlement of Khatanga, who sometimes could not even go hunting or fishing. During 2012 the public representative of the Commissioner, S.S. Chuprin, was repeatedly addressed by the residents of the Northern settlements of the rural settlement of Khatanga –Popigay, Syndassko, Novorybnaya, who asked how they can separate from Taimyr and join Anabarskiy districts of the Sakha (Yakutia) Republic. This signal should not just alert local authorities, but also make them actively improve social-economic conditions of people. The demographic situation should be supplemented by data on suicides for 2009-2011. The total number of people who committed suicides is 124; 54 of whom are representatives of indigenous peoples. It is 45 % from the total number of suicides, although the ratio of indigenous peoples to non-indigenous is 30 %. Suicides are mainly committed by the indigenous peoples of Taimyr, who moved to the town. It is connected with the difficulties of adaptation, loss of traditional values, meaning of life. For # 919 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Semen Ya. Palchin. The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North… example, in the rural settlement Karaul, 12 Nenets committed suicide because of these reasons is. (The total number of people living in rural settlements is 2,963). 16 people committed suicide in the town, while the total number of the Nenets in Dudinka, according to the Russian Census of 2010, is 531. There is an opposite tendency with the Dolgans. The number of people living in rural settlements is 4,325 people; the number of suicides for 2009-2011 is prevalent in rural areas. In the rural settlement of Khatanga there were 13 people who committed suicide; while in the urban settlement of Dudinka, including settlements, --15. It bespeaks of the unsatisfactory socialeconomic conditions of the Dolgans living in rural areas. This very fact was pointed out by G.A. Grigorieva from Volochanka, where the Nganasans and the Dolgans live. Among the Nenets and the Dolgans suicides are predominantly committed by males under 30. Suicides are often committed by children. So, in February 2012 in the rural settlement of Khatanga suicide was committed by a boy born in 1997. Notably, the characteristics of the family from the special report of the Chief Internal Affairs Directorate stated: “Full family, parents: mother…born in 1976, resident of the settlement….unemployed, father….born in 1969, employed as hunter-fisherman…”. The boy was 15 when he committed suicide. What perspectives awaited the boy if his mother is unemployed, his father is a bread-winner, but his income is lower than minimum subsistence level? These are not just words, they are evidenced by the report of the administration of Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky municipal district for nine months of 2012. In the table “Standard of living of population” in the column “Average monthly wage of a worker” in agriculture, hunting, fishing, forestry is 9,064 rubles. The minimum subsistence level in the rural settlement of Khatanga, according to the decree of the Government of Krasnoyarsk Krai from 16 October 2012 № 540-П, is 14,608 rubles. It should be noted that income of professional hunters and fishermen in Khatanga is much lower than income of their colleagues in the rural settlement of Karaul and the urban settlement of Dudinka. The reasons for this are the peculiarities of the preservation methods of produce of hunting and fishing, low purchase prices, unreasonably expensive petrol, complicated transportation scheme. The authorities of Taimyr can parry in their characteristic manner that things are not so bad on Taimyr, the average wage of workers on Taimyr is 44, 758 rubles. But their arguments are in line with the Russian proverb: “A man with a full belly thinks no one is hungry”; moreover, according to their own report for nine months of 2012, an average monthly income of municipal officials, municipal employees, paid from district budget, is 75, 080 rubles. The description of the demographic situation can be completed with the data on the birth rate of indigenous peoples for the last three years. The data were collected mainly from the maternity hospitals on Taimyr–Dudunka and Khatanga maternity hospitals. They reflect the general situation with the birth rate. 464 babies were born in Dudinka maternity hospital in 2010, 208 of whom are babies of indigenous peoples (45 % of new-born). In 2011–467 babies were born –233 of whom are indigenous (50 % of new-born). For eleven months of 2012-- 386 babies were born, 184 of whom are the indigenous small-numbered peoples of Taimyr (47.7 % of new-born). In Khatanga maternity hospital 90 babies were born in 2010, 66 of whom are indigenous (66 % of new-born. 72 babies were born in 2011, 54 of whom are in indigenous (75 % of newborn). 76 babies were born in 2012, 57 of whom are indigenous (75 % of new-born). # 920 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Semen Ya. Palchin. The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North… Thus, 50 % of the total number of the babies born is the indigenous small-numbered peoples of Taimyr. Indigenous people account for no more than 30 % of the population of Taimyr. It is a reflection of the fact that birth rate of the local indigenous population is still high. Against this background the negative figures in the Russian Census of 2010 look disastrous. It is with great regret that the Commissioner states the fact that the administration of Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky municipal district is not trying to change the situation with the project of the scheme of territorial planning until the year 2030. In this matter the Commissioner finds support in the Ministry of Economy and Regional Development of Krasnoyarsk Krai, which considers the proposed approach to transformation of the system of settlement to be wrong in essence. This approach presupposes decrease in the number of inhabitants in all settlements. The concentration of indigenous population in Dudinka with the simultaneous decrease in its numbers in other settlements. The proposed decrease in numbers of inhabitants in all settlements does not take into account perspectives of economic development of the district. General analysis of the social-economic situation on the basis f demographic data for Evenkiysky municipal district According to the statistical data of the Russian Census of 2010, the number of the Evenks in Evenkiysky municipal district decreased by 219 people. The decrease is almost 6 %. Perhaps, one of the reasons for this is migration to other regions of the country, but the Commissioner considers that the main reason for the decrease is unfavourable conditions of living of this small-numbered ethnic group in its historical territory. This conclusion is based on the collective petitions of public figures, sent to different state institutions. In one of them, addressed to the Governor of Krasnoyarsk Krai, L.V. Kuznetsov, it is directly stated: “During the seven years following the Referendum about the union of Taimyrsky (Dolgano-Nenetsky) municipal district and Krasnoyarsk Krai, in Evenkiysky municipal district there appeared and aggravated a number of socio-economical and political problems, connected with ensuring and realizing the rights of the indigenous peoples of the North, namely: there is the biggest number of unemployed, some of whom are not registered, low or no income, low life expectancy and high death rate among the indigenous peoples of the North, and also absence of living standard and developed infrastructure in the areas of traditional settlement of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples of the North.” Public figures, even without being acquainted with the statistical data, noted the deterioration of social-economic conditions of their fellow district men, which was the reason for their petition to the Governor. The leaders of public associations point to inaction of authorities, non fulfillment of delegated state powers for ensuring and realizing the rights of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North in accordance with the current laws by the officials of the state institutions of Krasnouarsk Krai and local authorities. In its report from 14 September, 2012, on the results of the control audit of Evenkiysky municipal district, The Auditing Chamber of Krasnoyarsk Krai made the following conclusion: “normative legal regulation of delegated state powers has a number of fundamental drawbacks and is in need of follow-up revision.” The auditors of the Auditing Chamber of Krasnoyarsk Krai also paid their attention to absence of the system of quality evaluation of state powers executing # 921 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Semen Ya. Palchin. The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North… and multiple breaches of duty, discovered in the audit, which are indicative of inefficient realization of state powers by the local authorities of Evenkiysky municipal district. Similar conclusions were made by the auditors in Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky municipal district: “Integrated institutions, responsible for realization of delegated powers were not identified, which result in the absence of general analysis, estimation of efficiency and control for the realized state powers.” Behind these terse lines there are lives of people of Evenkia, their unsolved problems, which result in premature death and migration to more prosperous regions of the country. It is proved by the existing tendency of decrease of able-bodied population. For 2008-2010 the number of people of working age decreased by 748 people, with the total decrease of number of the resident population decreasing by 472 people. The number of pensioners rose by 24.6 %. The general decrease of the population of Evenkia is 8.2 %, decrease in the number of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North (the Evenks, the Kets, the Dolgans, the Nenets, the Nganasans) in this municipal district is 3.1 %. Positive dynamics of the citizens, whose income is lower than minimal subsistence rate, is indicative of the problems of the territory. From 2009 to 2011 the number of such people increased from 1,283 to 4,668 people. General analysis of the social-economic situation on the basis of demographic data for Krasnoyarsk Krai except Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky and Evenkiysky municipal districts The demographic situation in the Krai except Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky and Evenkiysky municipal districts is the following. Three indigenous peoples from eight have positive demographic tendency. The number of the Dolgans rose from 288 people in 2002 to 369 people. On Taimyr there is negative dynamics for this ethnic group, but in the rest of the Krai the dynamics is positive. The Commissioner connects the increase by 81 people with migration in Noril’sk industrial district, which is administratively not part of Taimyrsky Dolgano-Nenetsky municipal district. It is confirmed by the information, shared with the Commissioner by the citizens who left for permanence residence to Noril’sk and its satellite towns–Talnakh, Kajerkan, Oganer. This fact is borne out by the elders of Noril’sk, for example, E.S. Bettu. According to her words, there are dozens of families who moved for permanent residence to Noril’sk industrial district from settlements of the rural settlement Khatanga. The indigenous peoples of Taimyr, who settled in the new place, try to preserve their culture, language, they cannot do without hunting and fishing–traditional occupations of indigenous peoples, they also cannot do without traditional food–reindeer meat, local fish. This need is determined by constitutional peculiarities of the northern people. The second reason, as seen by the Commissioner, is the increase in the number of students, who study in institutions of higher and vocational education in Krasnoyarsk. The number of the Ngasans increased insignificantly (by 9 people) and the Enets (for 1 person). The increase is connected with the above mentioned reasons. The last census registered the decrease in the number of the Selkups by 141 people, a considerable reduction in the number of the Kets–by 458 people, the Chulyms–by 14 people, there is considerable negative dynamics for the Evenks–307 people. Considerate demographic losses demand profound scientific substantiation, painstaking analysis of social-economic conditions of the named peoples and elaboration of measures for their support and development. # 922 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Semen Ya. Palchin. The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North… The Census of 2010 registered reduction in the number of indigenous small-numbered peoples in rural areas practically for all ethnic groups. It suggests that rural conditions are no longer attractive for indigenous small-numbered peoples, that social infrastructure of rural areas needs modernizing. This conclusion of the Commissioner is the same as the conclusions made by the deputies of the Legislative Assembly of Krasnoyarsk Krai and proposals of the Government of Krasnoyarsk Krai for development and adopting of conception of sustainable development of rural areas of Krasnoyarsk Krai. The fact of increasing migration of indigenous small-numbered peoples to urban areas creates new problems and sets new tasks. The Commissioner considers that the Agency for Affairs of the North of Krasnoyarsk Krai should develop and propose to the authorities of the Krai and general public the package of measures for adaptation of aborigines of the North to urban conditions. It is no secret that people who move to towns have low level of education, no professions, no permanent home, and no jobs. A lot of them do not even have temporary registration, which is the reason for infringement of their social rights. Detachment from customary way of life and environment and social uprooting leads to loss of life orientation and results in antisocial lifestyle, crimes and suicides. According to Taimyr police, the proportion of “drunken crimes” is 53.5 % from the total number of crimes, which is much higher than that of the previous year and average Krai figures. A considerable number of these crimes are committed by the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North. The similar situation can be observed in other regions of the Krai. General analysis of demographic data for Krasnoyarsk Krai on the data of the censuses of 1989, 2002, 2010 * In the census of 1989 the Chulyms were written to the Khakas. The total number of indigenous smallnumbered peoples in Krasnoyarsk Krai in 1989 (without the Chulyms) was 14,907 people. By 2002 their number rose to 16,409 people. But by 2010 the number of indigenous small-numbered peoples declined to 16, 226 people. The general analysis of the social-economic conditions of indigenous small-numbered peoples in Krasnoyarsk Krai , based on the demographic data of the Russian Census of 2002 and the Russian Census of 2010 impels the Commissioner to appeal to the authorities of Krasnoyarsk Krai with the recommendation to make a complex review of the national policy concerning the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North; to use the experience of such northern regions as the Sakha (Yakutia) Republic, Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug, Nenets Autonomous Okrug, Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug; to create the conditions for their effective social-economic development; to help small-numbered peoples in establishing good-neighbourly relations with industrial companies, working on their territories; to encourage fair distribution of profit from activity of this industrial companies with due consideration for the interests of indigenous small -numbered peoples. It is worth noting that among the reasons for the decline in the number of indigenous small -numbered peoples in Evenkia and on Taimyr is the unrealized special status of the former Autonomous Okrugs. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Semen Ya. Palchin. The Current Social and Economic Data on the Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the North… Нынешние социальные и экономические данные о коренных малочисленных народах Севера с 2012 года С.Я. Пальчин Аппарат Уполномоченного по правам человека в Красноярском крае Россия 660021, Красноярск, ул. Карла Маркса, 122, каб. 207 Настоящая статья является первой частью материала на основе Доклада Уполномоченного по правам коренных малочисленных народов в Красноярском крае (омбудсмена) «О проблемах реализации конституционных прав и свобод коренных малочисленных народов в Красноярском крае в 2012 году ». Статья содержит актуальную информацию о коренных малочисленных народах Севера Красноярского края и общий анализ демографических данных Красноярского края на основе данных последних трех переписей. Текущая информация о коренных малочисленных народах Севера дается отдельно для трех территориальных единиц: Таймырского, Долгано-Ненецкого и Эвенкийского муниципальных районов, а также в Красноярском крае, за исключением вышеназванных районов. Ключевые слова: коренные малочисленные народы Севера, этнос, Уполномоченный по правам коренных малочисленных народов, конституционные права, Таймыр, Эвенкия, Туруханский район. Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации. Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 6 (2013 6) 925-939 ~~~ УДК 392 (571.512) Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life of the Indigenous and Small-Numbered Peoples of the North, Living in the Settlements (Posyolki) of Turukhansk and Farkovo Kseniya V. Reznikova* Siberian Federal University 79 Svobodny, Krasnoyarsk, 660041 Russia Received 18.11.2012, received in revised form 16.12.2012, accepted 18.02.2013 In July, 2010 the field research was conducted on the territory of Turukhansk district of Krasnoyarsk Krai by the postgraduate and undergraduate students of Siberian Federal University within the framework of realization of the project “Krasnoyarsk Krai as multicultural space, native land of the indigenous and small-numbered peoples of the North” and “Culture of the indigenous and smallnumbered peoples of the North under conditions of global transformations”. The aim of the field research was to collect the material on the traditional culture of the indigenous small numbered peoples, living in settlements Turukhansk and Farkovo, in particular – the Selkups, the Kets and the Evenks. The tasks of the research included studying the peculiarities of modern conditions of housekeeping, material and spiritual culture, customs and ceremonies. The following methods were used: interrogations, observations, interviews, photographic fixation of material things, architecture, and photographs from family archives. Keywords: Turukhansky region, Indigenous peoples of the North, Evenks, Selkups, Kets, global transformations. The work was fulfilled within the framework of the research financed by the Krasnoyarsk Regional Foundation of Research and Technology Development Support and in accordance with the course schedule of Siberian Federal University as assigned by the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. In the process of research two facts attracted the researchers’ attention. Firstly, different aspects of traditional way of life of the ISPN have different degrees of resistance to transformations. For example, traditional cuisine is preserved best of all, at the same time traditional clothes are practically not used in everyday life. Secondly, * living in comparatively better conditions, most of the inhabitants of Turukhansk are ready to leave for another place of residence with more comfortable conditions of life. The inhabitants of Farkovo, on the contrary, do not want to leave their traditional place of living. In this connection, the present article consists of the two main parts: © Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved Corresponding author E-mail address: firstname.lastname@example.org # 925 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Kseniya V. Reznikova. Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life… the first part is the study of the components of the way of life of the indigenous and small-numbered peoples, estimation of susceptibility to change; the second part is a brief comparison of conditions of life in in settlements Turukhansk and Farkovo, on the basis of which an attempt is made to explain the reasons for the attitudes, dominating among the inhabitants of the settlements: why the inhabitants of Turukhansk are ready to leave their place of residence, while the residents of Farkovo do not want to leave their settlement. The degree of susceptibility to change of separate components of the traditional way of life of the indigenous and small-numbered peoples of the North, living in settlements Turukhansk and Farkovo Studying separate components of traditional way of life of peoples, on the basis of research conducted in Khanty-Mansiysk region, A.P. Zen’ko comes to a conclusion that language and culture are lost most of all, while traditional occupations, such as fishing, hunting etc. are very popular. V.P. Krivonogov noted in his works that national cuisine is the best preserved layer of indigenous culture. The research conducted in summer 2010 confirmed this fact. While few of the questioned representatives of the ISPN expressed their interest to national folklore, traditions and clothes, almost all of them could name one or more dishes of traditional cuisine, most of the informants shared recipes. National cuisine Among the most often cooked dishes of the Kets the following were named: fish on stick, fish soup, slices of frozen fish or meat, fish pie (“isanyan’”: “is’”-fish, “njan’” bread), “ug” (meat broth) and “sugudaj”. The most popular, though, are fish dishes, especially after reindeer-breeding ceased to be one of the most important trades of the Kets. That is why the Kets speak more about fish dishes than about meat dishes. Among the most wide-spread national dishes the Selkups name Sulkup bread, sun-cured Pacific salmon (jukola), horn and original sweets. The Selkup bread was made in hot sand, which was dug up, a round cake was put into the sand and then covered by sand. Originally, the dough was made of flour and water, sometimes salt was added, because it was difficult to get. In spring pike or ide caviar was added to the dough to make it more nourishing. When the stores of flour ran out, the Selkups took minced fish, which was always at hand, floured an even surface, put a flat cake from minced fish on it and left it for some time till the minced fish absorbed the flour, then turned the cake upside down and repeated the procedure. After that the cake was also roasted in hot sand, so they got fish-flour bread. When a lot of imported products appeared in the shops, the ingredients for the dough for the Selkup bread changed, so, nowadays, besides water and flour, salt and soda are the obligatory components of the bread. Among fish dishes horn and jukola are still the most popular popular among the Selkups, it is also customary to roast fish on stick. Jukola is dried fish. Originally it was prepared without salt, because there was a shortage of salt. Nowadays, when the Selkups dry jukola, they use salt. Jukola was eaten on its own and was also used as an ingredient for other products. Well-dried jukola was ground into flour, which was mixed with jam or powdered sugar to make sweets. When there was a deficit of sugar, to preserve berries, picked in the forest, such as cloudberry, blueberry, blackberry, the Selkups put them into vessels and covered them with animal fat, most often with reindeer fat, thus, conserving the berries. Being conserved in this way the berries preserved their original freshness, but some Selkups complained that it was impossible to remove all the fat and it was unpleasant to eat berries with frozen fat. # 926 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Kseniya V. Reznikova. Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life… According to the questioned Selkups, their previous name was “ostjaki-samoedy”, in fact, it should have sounded as “syroedy”, because they ate products which were not cooked, for example jukola, sliced frozen fish or meat, berries conserved in oil. In general, a good degree of preservation of ethnic cuisine can be observed, manifesting itself in 100% knowledge by adult population of traditional recipes and ways of cooking of traditional dishes. But it should be noted that traditional cuisine underwent some changes, such as changes in recipes, for example, Selkup bread has now salt and soda, which simplify the process of cooking and improve the taste, salt is also added in the process of preparing jukola. Folk-medicine Folk medicine is preserved somewhat worse than national cuisine, but it still is used. Nowadays, mostly herbal treatment is used: people gather medicinal herbs and either make herbal potion (nastoyka) or brew them. The Kets say that if you have a cold you need to brew marsh cinquefoil and drink it with tea; stomach deceases are cured by brewed tansy. To cure a furuncle the Kets took brimstone or soft resin from a tree, put it in the boil and covered with a birch tree leaf. A potion from nettle and plantain is used to cure a headache, dandelion juice – to cure mosquito bites, birch tree shelf fungus –for strengthening of health and as diuretic etc. Both the Kets and the Selkups used components of animal-origin as medicine. So, according to the Kets, if you have a stomach ache, you need to take a stomach of a wood-grouse, take away the film, dry it, then brew and drink. The Selkups used bile, in particular, bear bile, as medicine. One of the strongest and most effective medicines of vegetable origin is maromchanka (aconite). According to a representative of the ISPN, it helped to cure all diseases, the main thing was to know the dosage, because it is very poisonous. This plant was used as a powerful drug, shamans also used it. The preservation of folk medicine can be explained by the fact that public health care is not developed very well because of transport inaccessibility. So, the local population has to use traditional medicines, but if there is possibility to avoid the most doubtful and dangerous (for example, maromchanka, the dosage of which is extremely difficult to calculate) of traditional medicines, they are replaced by manufactured medicines. The trust of local people to traditional medicines is based on their attitude to nature, which is expressed by a formula: “If you are honest with nature, it is honest with you too”, that is why vegetable and animal medicines, but not manufactured ones, are most trusted. Traditional occupations The traditional occupations of the ISPN, living in Turukhansk and Farkovo, in particular of the Selkups, the Kets and the Evenks, are hunting, fishing and reindeer breeding. While the first two are well developed nowadays, reindeer breeding ceased to exist in the named settlements several decades ago – in the 1960-1970s when the last reindeer were killed. The Kets said that they mainly hunt fur-bearing animals and sell their skins in Turukhansk, but the prices, that second hand dealers offer, are so low, that they have to live from hand to mouth. They “do not live, they survive”. Besides fur-bearing animals the Kets hunt geese, ducks and other wildfowl. The Selkups living in Farkovo told a lot more about hunting than those living in Turukhansk, which is connected with the fact that in Farkovo there are no work places (jobs), that is why many Selkups hunt and fish, spending nine months a year in the forest and on the lakes. According to their own words, their life-style differs cardinally depending on the season and type of occupation. # 927 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Kseniya V. Reznikova. Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life… So, from autumn to spring, hunters practically do not leave the forest, living in winter huts and setting up tents during long passages. While hunting the hunters do not drink alcohol at all and say that they have cosy, clean forest habitations, whereas their dwellings in settlement leave much to be desired (in some houses people even do not take off their shoes). When they live in the forest, hunters have a strict schedule, they get up at 6 a.m. and return home from hunting at 1-3 a.m.; during this time they “drive sables” and have to cover up to 25 km a day by snow. Returning from the forest to settlement at the beginning of summer, hunters sell skins (they say, usually 2070 skins). Hunting as the traditional occupation has changed in the course of time. For example, before fire-arms, spears and bows with arrows were used. The Soviet authorities gave hunters free cartridges, but their cost was taken from hunters’ wages, which they received in kolkhozy and sovkhozy, where they were on the staff. Serious problems started with the beginning of perestroika, nowadays, too, hunters have to be economical with cartridges. A story was told when a hunter who had missed twice was told by his workmate that he missed his dinner. Although it was just a joke, the idea of thrifty attitude to ammunition is evident. In contrast to hunting, both the Selkups and the Kets told about fishing. It turned out that while in Turukhansk practically no one of the informants is a professional fisherman, almost all them are amateur fishermen. The indigenous people use both muzzles, which they plait from osier-bed and nets for fishing. Some Kets told that in earlier times, when they still lived in chums (tents of skins), while adults were fishing, children gathered osier-bed for the fi re on which the catch was cooked. Traditionally, men were the fi rst to eat, they ate fish heads, then women and children ate. In the past, hunters and fishermen used to make their tools by themselves. At the present time, most representatives of the ISPN, occupied with fishing, continues to make their own tools from the special netlike cloth, which they buy, but very few can make vetki – traditional boats. The Evenks still make hunting skis – narty. So, it was found out that, firstly, reindeer breeding was completely destroyed back in the 1960s and was not revived as, for example, in Evenkiya; secondly, the traditional occupations are more wide-spread among the inhabitants of Farkovo, which is probably connected with the fact that the settlement is isolated due to its transport inaccessibility. In Farkovo, there are jobs only in energy sphere, in school and preschool education, in administration of the settlement, at the post office department and in trade. As only a small number of the local population is engaged in these spheres, the most part continues to exercise the traditional occupations, which provide them with money and food. It should be noted that traditional occupations have undergone some changes, which are most evident in the use of non-traditional tools. For example, fishermen use nets from artificial materials, hunters use fire-arms, tourist tents and sleeping bags, which replace traditional tents from skins (chums) and fur clothes. Customs, ceremonies Customs and ceremonies of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North are primarily connected with their traditional occupations: hunting and fishing. To start with, there are ceremonies which are connected with deliberate change of weather, which were therefore used by hunters and as well as fishermen. Both the Kets and the Selkups told that to have frosty weather you should throw some salt into the fire, or you can make a hare from snow and beat it with a twig. # 928 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Kseniya V. Reznikova. Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life… Among the ceremonies, customs and signs, concerning hunting those connected with sacrifices for successful hunting and hunting bears are most often told. The Evenks said that if a hunter killed a bear, its flesh should be buried so that the bear would not come to people, would not disturb them. It is believed that if a bear killed at least two people, he is no longer afraid of man. Having killed a man, a bear buries him and waits for his meat to decompose. Before the hunt, on coming to the forest, the Kets tried to gain the favour of the spirits: for this they threw food into the fire, poured vodka. Those who had a hut in the forest did not lock it, left firewood and food for other hunters to be able to get warm, have a rest and eat. The opinions of the Kets about bears differ: one representative of this ethnic group told that you must not kill bears at all, because they are masters of the taiga. Others say that bear’s meat mustn’t be sold. It is thought that souls of dead people live in bears. There is a way to know if a male or female soul lived in a bear: you should throw a bear’s paw behind your back. If it falls with a palm down –it was a male soul, palm up – female. The Kets say that a bear without skin looks like a human being. On man’s granddaughter died, he killed a bear when he hunted, took off its skin and saw that it had a hump, like his granddaughter, that means his granddaughter’s soul lived in this bear. The Kets think that you must not take from nature more than you need for your living, which is why if they find hare on a drifting block of ice, they let them go for them to be able to breed. The Selkups said that gain the favour of the spirits of the forest and the spirits of fire you can hide matches, cigarettes a food in the hollows of tree trunks, under trees, in the water. There is a belief connected with bear hunting: if you killed 39 bears, you should take care to avoid the 40th because it will kill you; you must not give away the paws of killed bears, you must keep them. Fishermen had specific customs and ceremonies at the beginning of spring: when ice broke up on the river they, threw bread with salt to greet the source of their food (kormilitsa). According to fishermen’s customs, if a guest came to the chum and went fishing with the host, he was given the fish that he had caught as a present. The food was prepared from the fish that the host had caught. The food was cooked on the fire made from osier-bed. A pot was put on the fire, small fish and wildfowl were put into it and boiled. The broth was poured into the river to thank it for giving fish, air – for game birds, fire – for the fire and land – for the right to live on it. After that a soup for eating was cooked. In everyday life, not connected with hunting and fishing, some ceremonies are also preserved, for example, the Selkups still put a knife or an axe under the threshold if a lot of people died the previous year. It is done to keep the spirits out, for them not to disturb the household. Making a conclusion about the degree of preservation of customs and traditions in everyday live, it can be noted that this layer of the traditional culture is rather well preserved: all adult population of the indigenous smallnumbered peoples can tell about some customs, which they might not use themselves, for example, about hunting traditions which are observed by hunters; there are some customs which are preserved in everyday life of people who are not connected with traditional occupations too. Besides, it should be noted that the layer of the traditional culture which includes customs and traditions is least of all susceptible to change. Religious views According to their own words, the indigenous small-numbered peoples of Turukhansk and Farkovo profess Orthodox Christianity. A number of its peculiarities should be noted. First of all, people rarely go to # 929 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Kseniya V. Reznikova. Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life… Orthodox services or make their communion, and they never fast, some people say that God is in the soul. Secondly, mostly middle-aged people are baptized, few people baptize their children – neither do children have the initiative, nor adults consider it necessary. Thirdly, Christianity is combined with some superstitions; a syncretism of the features of shamanism and Christianity can be observed. Having an ancestor who was shaman is a reason for special pride for the representatives of the ISPN; they are sure to mention it in the conversation, telling that there are no genuine shamans left nowadays. Both the Kets and the Selkups say that genuine shamans can only be found far in the North, but nobody is sure about that because, as one Selkup woman explained, a person will never boast that he is a shaman and has the power. The indigenous small-numbered peoples claim that the people who call themselves shamans are liars. The opinions about the number of shamans before their disappearing in the 19601970s differ because those who had shamans in their family, whether a parent, an uncle, a grandfather or a great-grandmother, claim that he/ she was the last genuine shaman. A Selkup from Farkovo remarked that religion is by definition – shamanism, he believes in the spirits of the forest, but said that there are no shamans left nowadays. A Ket man said that shamanism is evil because spirits of dead people are summoned, which is terrible. The Selkups from Turukhansk told that shamans lived separately, they did not let a stranger approach them, “you will wander, but you won’t find”, because a shaman sees and knows everything, he turns into an owl and sees everything. People’s opinions about the question of how shamans appeared were different. Some Selkups say that the power was not given in a ceremony but was passed down ancestral channels to the second next generation; others say that shaman’s power was not passed. The shaman chose a person in whom he saw strength and gradually passed his knowledge, experience. To start with, an adept had to visit the lower world, for this he was given to drink maromchanka. The longest-preserved remnants of shamanism are dolls (kukolki), which protected and fulfilled wishes. According to the stories of the indigenous small-numbered peoples, there were dolls in many families, some people call them now “dolls-idols” or “idols”, they were passed down the generations on the maternal line, some specified that they were given to the youngest in the family. It is a big sin to leave such dolls when moving house. An Evenk woman told that there are idols in the sack which hang on the roof of her mother’s house, she puts rags near the idols, they have been hanging there since the times when their ancestors lived in the house. According to another story, dolls which belonged to an elderly woman were buried by her grandchildren when she died. Dolls were made from different materials, for example, they could be rag-dolls with painted faces. The Selkups tell that dolls are closely connected with offerings to the elements for success in hunting or in travelling. In the old times there were sacred clearings in the forest, where shamans brought the dolls, to which people attached their pleads for wellbeing. These places with idols are still preserved in the forests. It is forbidden to go there and moreover, to take things from these places. There are also sacred trees in the forests, where people tie up rags and leave other small objects. According to the Kets stories, there is a sacred tree on the Pakulikha River where people hang rings, ear-rings, rags. You must not take anything from this tree. A story was told about one woman who took a ring from it, her hand swelled before she reached the end of the river, as soon as she returned the ring the swelling disappeared. # 930 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Kseniya V. Reznikova. Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life… So, the religious views of the population of settlements Turukhansk and Farkovo can be defined as a syncretism of Christianity and shamanism. The specific features of this syncretism are the following: Christianity is recognized as the official religion but adherence to it is formal; belonging to a shaman’s family is a reason for pride; there are still survivals of shamanism in people’s everyday live, though it is said that real shamans disappeared a long time ago. The phenomenon of religious syncretism was defined by A.G. Seleznev as a folk form of world religions, which appears on the border of two types of cultures “on the one hand, there is a traditional, agricultural, oral, collective culture, existing in the form of local complexes or dialects; on the other hand – a written, ideologized, ethically or super-ethnically oriented culture. This cultural phenomenon can be exemplified by the folk forms of world religions, which practically always exist within an integral religious ideology and, at the same time, as a syncretic complex of beliefs, cults and practices”1. Attitude to death, funeral rites It is said in Farkovo that few people die of old age. People die young; some burn in izbushka (a hut), some people drown. The ISPN’s attitude to death differs from that of Russian people: on the North death is not considered global grief; it is rather a life stage. In our days the ISPN are buried according to Russian traditions on the cemeteries not far from the settlements (Farkovo) and inside the settlements (Turukhansk). There is a lot of unkempt vegetation on the cemeteries, graveyards look neglected, they are planned rather chaotically. It is explained by the fact that it is not customary with the Selkups and the Kets to look after the graves. People come to the cemeteries only during funerals. They do not come after that to clean and fix graves. The question why they do not do that even puzzles people a bit: why? They are already dead. Some of the Selkups explained that the world of the dead and the world of living people are two different words – there is no need to connect them too often. In the old times graves were arranged in a different way. Most respondents know how babies and shamans were buried: a big tree was found, a hollow space was made in it, where they sat a baby or a shaman and then covered them with bark. As the time went the tree grew and became higher. It is said that you can still find trees in the forest with bones at the top of it. Talking about graves of adult people the Selkups told about two types. Firstly, graves were made in the ground: the bark was torn off, the ground was dug (but not very deep), the bark was soaked in the substance from boiling fish or animals: the grave was covered with the bark and the dead person was covered with this bark too. It was some kind of a capsule. The dead people were buried with their things, including overcoats (“Why?” – “Because it is cold there”.) On the grave narty were put, on which people put things. Secondly, adult people were buried in vetkakh (boats), which were bound to tops of trees. As time went, vetky decayed, the dead bodies were most probably eaten by birds and other animals. Both of these types of burying, as well as burying in the trunks of trees were made in special uninhabited places. They were called the Devil’s lake, where according to some information, dead people are still buried. Another place is Dead peoples’ cape, where dead people from nomad camps were brought. The fact that burial places were situated far from nomad camps also guaranteed that dead people were seldom disturbed. Besides graves outside the settlements, nowadays burial places are found inside the settlement Farkovo, notably, in the cellars of houses. Most often they are remnants of babies, but skulls and bones of grown up people were found too. It is considered that they should not be disturbed, shown, touched. # 931 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Kseniya V. Reznikova. Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life… That is, speaking about attitude to death and funeral rites it can be noted that despite almost complete disappearance of the traditions which existed in old times (for example, burying in trees), the old attitude to death as an ordinary event still exists, which is expressed in the absence of great tragedy accompanying perception of death and neglect of the burial places. Festivals, folklore The representatives of the ISPN named three main festivals, which are celebrated in the North; different of these festivals are more important in different settlements. They are: The Day of the Reindeer Breeder, The Day of the River and the Day of the Fisherman. As reindeer farming ceased to exist in both Turukhansk and Farkovo, the Kets and the Selkups celebrate only the Day of the River and the Day of the Fisherman. According to the information from the questionnaires, the Day of the River falls on the time of break- up of ice and resembles the festival of Seeing off Winter in some cultures. At the Day of the River bread is thrown into the river for good catch; competition of self-written verses about the river is held. Children in traditional (or rather stylized as traditional) clothes perform traditional dances, which are most often stylized too, because few people remember national dances nowadays. During this festival a competition in jumping over narty is held. The day of the Fisherman is in July. On this day competitions in fishing are arranged: for the biggest catch, the biggest fish. Besides fishing competition, racing on vetki is also traditional for this festival. As for the folklore, the Kets told that the main tellers of tales and legends were grandfathers and grandmothers, who spoke the Ket language fluently and did not understand Russian well. Among the genres of traditional folklore both the Kets and Selkups named improvised songs, where a singer was the author of the song he/she sang. They sang about the things they saw: how the kettle was boiling on the stove or about the things that were going on behind the window or about changes in the weather. The local population said that there were some tales and legends, too, but they could not remember any of them. While nowadays there are migration processes between Farkovo and Turukhansk, Farkovo, Turukhansk and Krasnoyarsk, one of the most important waves of migration, which influenced the life of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North of the Krasnoyarsk Krai, according to their own words, was the migration of the Sulkups to the North at the beginning of the 20th century. It was not a peaceful migration. Almost all representatives of the indigenous small-numbered peoples, who were questioned, told about a big battle which happened between the peoples more than a century ago. While the date and the place of the battle are the same in different stories, the participants, the victors and vanquished are different. The most part of the Selkups said that the reason for the war was that the Russians started to force out the Sulkups who lived in the South. The Selkups then moved to the North, reached Turukhansk district and started the battle, in the opinion if most Selkups, with the Evenks. That means that the local war was a war for the territory. By the way, not only the questioned Selkups agreed about that, but the Kets too. According to the Selkups, who said that the war was between the Selkups and the Evenks, the Selkups defeated the Evenks and the Evenks were forced out of their territories. One Selkup woman even said that, despite the war is dated by 1901-1902, there are still the remnants of this war: some parents, in her opinion, are against marriages between a Selkup and an Evenk. But the respondents also gave other versions of those events. For example, one Selkup family said that the Selkups fought with the Kets, not with the Evenks: “We won, – said she – We drove # 932 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Kseniya V. Reznikova. Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life… them to Kellog”. In the family of the Kets it was said that the battle was between the Kets and the Evenks, with the Selkups helping the Kets. The Evenks were forced to the North, the way it was said was: “We drove the Evenks away. We didn’t fight with the Selkups, the Selkups helped us”. According to the words of the representatives of this family, there were some legends about the battle, but they could tell them, because, as they said, they did not remember them. The situation with the festivals and folklore is ambiguous. On the one hand, folklore is disappearing irreversibly from everyday life, the adult population can only state the fact that tales and legends tellers were the people of older generation and the folklore is disappearing with them. Of course, there are collections of tales, where the works of the Selkups and the Kets are represented, but the ethnic peoples are not interested in them. So, there exists a situation of conservation, when the material, as far as possible, is written down and preserved, but it is not used. On the other hand, the situation with quasi-traditional festivals can be observed, when, in fact, there is modern content in the traditional shell. The national language In general, it can be said that the language loss is typical for all the three ISPN, which were contacted in Turukhansk and Farkovo. While parents of middle-aged respondents spoke their native language fluently, moreover, they used it at home and while hunting or fishing, the respondents themselves can be divided into three groups: some of them know only separate words (everyone knows the word “ul’”- vodka); others know the language, but practically do not use it, speaking Russian at home, with friends and at work; the third group is the people who are engaged in the traditional occupations – not only do they speak their native language fluently, they also use it actively both during hunting or fishing and in the posyolok. The representatives of the ISPN say that it is customary to speak native languages in the forest and in the village; they say “it just comes to the tongue”. Some part of the younger generation knows the words of the native language and its grammar, because it is taught at school, but school teaching does not succeed in reviving the language use among the children and teenagers. They practically do not use it (except those who are actively involved into the traditional occupations together with their parents). Besides, the Selkups complain that instead of the local dialect, their children are taught some other dialect. According to a local from Farkovo, there are three dialects of the Selkup language: Turukhamskiy, Tazovskiy and Baishinskiy. At school the children are taught not their local dialect, which is Turukhanskiy, but Tazovskiy, which is the dialect of the Selkups, living on the river Taz in other parts of Siberia. That is why many adults do not want their children to learn the native language at school because besides being very difficult because of the clusters of consonants, it is not really their native language. The similar problems with studying minority languages are observed not only on the territory of Krasnoyarsk Krai. V.V. Baranova remarks that “in many societies of the indigenous peoples of the Russian Federation teaching native languages does not help to reverse the language shift, and school-leavers do not use the title idiom or even cannot speak it… different reasons for the failure of school teaching of native languages are suggested in the literature (insufficient qualification of teachers, disperse settlement of the indigenous population or the incorrect choice of the codified variant, which is not understood or recognized in a particular society)….The research in the sphere of revitalization of languages connect success or failure of educational policy not only with # 933 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Kseniya V. Reznikova. Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life… the effectiveness of language planning, but also with self-consciousness of the society”2. It is the certain level of self-consciousness of the society that makes the representatives of ethnic groups believe that it is more important to know Russian, English or some other foreign language, because it is perspective. Among the reasons why middle-aged people, except those in traditional occupations, do not know the native language, the overwhelming majority of the ISPN mentioned studying in boarding schools (internats), which existed in Soviet times, where children from all the settlements were brought. Not only were the children torn out of their national language environment , they were also forbidden to speak their native languages, instead, all of them were taught Russian, because some of the children, who spent their early years in chums with their parents, did not speak it at all. According to the stories of some Selkups, who studied at the internat, the ban on the native language was accompanied by beating, so the children had to gather in the basement, under the table or went as far away from the internat as they could to speak their native language, but if it became known to the teachers, the offenders could be beaten. Summing up the research on the language component of the lifestyle of the ISPN, some points can be made. Firstly, the degree of language preservation varies greatly; it ranges from complete disappearance of even single words in everyday life to complete knowledge of the language and its constant use. Secondly, the stableness of the language depends on the kind of occupation of its speakers, so it is best preserved among hunters and fishermen, whereas a complete disappearance of the language can be registered among the urban population. Thirdly, the language is a component of a lifestyle, which is considered to be of primary importance for ethnical renaissance, but practice shows that nowadays studying minority languages has some problems which need to be solved in future. Clothes According to the observations of the research group, in Turukhansk as well as in Farkovo the locals wear European- style clothes. The only difference is that comfort is more important in Farkovo, which is why in slush people wear rubber boots, entsefalitki (protective clothes), jakets and other practical clothes and footwear. In Turukhansk it is customary to wear the same clothes as in cities, even despite rains and slush. All the jewelry worn by the local people is manufactured, no traditional decorations were noticed. Whereas some Evenk respondents told that in the Settlement Severnaya Rechka (Northern River) they often wear national clothes, which they make from reindeer skins. All the inhabitants of this settlement wear such clothes, but women’s clothes are a designed a bit differently. The Selkups in the Settlement Farkovo, which is the area of their compact settlement, do not wear national clothes but can still remember them, because their parents, people of older generation, lived in chums and wore such clothes. According to Selkup stories, national clothes are very beautiful; they were made from softly dressed reindeer fur skins and decorated with fur and beads. The clothes had two layers: inside were fur skins of reindeer or sables, the outside layer was from cloth, decorated with beads. When there were no beads or they were difficult to get, clothes were decorated with pieces of fur of different colours. According to the Selkups’ words, among their traditional clothes are malitsy (deerskin overcoats worn with fur inside, put on as pullover, with hood and mittens attached to it, used by people of the Far North) and parkas; notably, the parkas were so warm that if you wrapped yourself in a parka, you could sleep on # 934 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Kseniya V. Reznikova. Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life… the snow in the taiga. Talking about the national footwear, the Selkups name bakary (boots from reindeer skin), unty (high fur boots), and boots. Footwear was usually made from reindeer kamus (stripes of skin from a lower part of the leg of a reindeer), which if processed correctly, did not fade and wear out with time. The Selkups made boots from skins of burbot dressed in a special way. Dwellings The houses in Turukhansk are predominantly one or two-storeyed . The most part of the houses are wooden, brick houses are rare. Block houses are wide-spread, built from wooden or metal carcass and concrete filling. The houses are actively going to ruin. Near the houses there are a lot of wooden sheds, metal trailers and garages. The houses in Farkovo are standard-type. They are either houses for 2-3 families or balki (temporary sheds on sledge), which were built in Soviet times. About their traditional dwellings the Kets said that they were chums, in summer they were from birch tree bark, in winter – from skins (but only well-off Kets could afford them), the floor was covered with silver fir branches and there was a fire in the middle of the chum. The Selkups living in Farkovo not only named chums as traditional dwellings, but also said that in the 1960s, when standard-type houses already started to be build in the settlement, there still were lots of chums in the neighborhood at the confluence of the rivers Farkovka and Turukhan, where now wooden houses and balkis are built . Nowadays the Selkups practically do not leave in chums, they even do not use them during hunting in the forest where winter huts are used as stationary dwellings and tourist tents with sleeping bags – as potable dwellings. In Soviet times, when there was a kolkhoz in Farkovo, the authorities bought balki for its workers and built standard-type houses, and gradually people ceased to leave in chums. Nowadays the shells of balki are in a very poor state of repair. The comparative analysis of living conditions in the settlements Turukhansk and Farkovo The comparison of the geographical position and transport accessibility of Turukhansk and Farkovo shows that although both settlements are rather difficult of access, which limits the possibilities of the local population to get out to the “big land” and results in high prices for products and goods, which are higher than average both in the Krai and in the country. Farkovo is more difficult to reach. The main, and practically, the only means of connection with the outside world is the helicopter, which the help of which passenger and goods transportation is conducted, medical help and information are provided, because most part of news gets into posyolok with the arriving people. The goods – money relations in the settlement can be characterized as trust-based, which is not characteristic of market economy in general and can be accounted for by the territorial closeness of the posyolok. The goods can be given on one’s word of honor (pod chestnoe slovo). It should be mentioned that in Farkovo imported goods are not in such demand as they are in Turukhansk. This tendency is directly proportional to eating dishes of national cuisine, which are more popular in Farkovo that in Turukhansk. Demographic characteristics are the following. Firstly, comparison of the demographic situations in Turukhansk and Farkovo shows the tendency of dissolution of ethnic groups, in the first place, because of marriages between representatives of different ethnic groups, in the second place, because of endogamy, which, on the one hand, helps to preserve the ethnic group, but on the other hand, might cause genetic problems. Secondly, the studied territories differ # 935 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Kseniya V. Reznikova. Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life… in the quantity characteristics of families: while in Turukhansk a family consists of 3-5 people, registered at the same address, in Farkovo a family consists of 3-4 of the registered people and children of relatives, who are engaged in hunting and permanently live in the forest, which explains the absence of registration, so a family in Farkovo consists of 10-12 people. Thirdly, migration is more active in Turukhansk than in Farkovo, both real (when people either move to Turukhansk from remote settlements, or go to the mainland) and potential (the locals of Turukhansk are actively talking about their desire to leave Turukhansk, while the inhabitants of Farkovo not only lack the desire to leave, but also say that their attempts to change the place of residence were unsuccessful and they had to come back). Comparing living conditions in Turukhansk and Farkovo, it can be noted that despite their being worse than that in cities, the living conditions in Farkovo are even worse than in Turukhansk: from the centralized community facilities there is only electricity, while heating of houses, supply of water and waste water disposal is provided by the people themselves, based on the traditional use of environment. In many houses there are no household appliances; often there is only the minimum of necessary furniture in the house. Both settlements suffer from alcoholism, beside in Turukhansk there is also the problem of drug abuse, which, according to the locals of Farkovo, does not exist in their comparatively remote and difficult of access settlement. Difficulty of access has a negative influence on public health care: there is no hospital first aid – obstetric station, doctors get to the posyolok with air medical service, which is not conducted regularly because of, for example, weather conditions. A part of women in labour who fail to get to the regional centre in time lose their newlyborn babies or their own life. The social problems that exist in both settlements are different. While in Turukhansk they are connected with big financial expenditure on housing and community amenities, in Farkovo, where the only community amenity is electricity, they are problems of social subsidies, given by the government. Social security allowances to the ISPN divide the posyolok into two camps: despite the fact that almost the whole population belongs to the title ethnic group, which is registered as indigenous small-numbered. The gist of the problem is that only the representatives of the ISPN who engage in traditional occupations are entitled to the allowance, while the settled population, who are engaged in upbringing not only their children but also the children of their relatives, have to pay for communal services, coal or wood for heating their houses and buying products, do not get any subsidies. Conclusion In the present article on the basis of the field research carried out in Turukhank district, firstly, the different components of the traditional way of life of the indigenous small numbered peoples were studied with the aim of estimating the degree of resistance to transformation. Secondly, a comparison of the settlements Turukhansk and Farkovo was carried out by different criteria to find out the reasons for the willingness of the population of Turukhans to move to another place of residence and the absence of desire of the inhabitant of Farkovo to leave their posyolok; and also the reasons why traditional life-style is better preserved in Farkovo than in Turkhansk. The components of the traditional lifestyle were divided into several groups according to the degree of their resistance to transformations. The first group consists of the traditional clothes and dwellings, which ceased to exist completely both in Turukhansk and in Farkovo and were replaced by more convenient analogues, which came from # 936 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Kseniya V. Reznikova. Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life… the sphere of mass consumption. The folklore, which has practically disappeared on the territory of the studied posyolki, can also be placed in this group. The attitude to death and funeral rites can be included into the second group, because, on the one hand, the traditional attitude to death as an ordinary event is preserved, but on the other hand, funeral rites have disappeared completely. The third group is the religious views of the local population of Turukhansk and Farkovo, which is a syncretism of shamanism and Christianity, a symbiosis of archaic and modern forms. The forth group is the traditional cuisine and folk medicine, the traditional occupations and everyday traditions – which are preserved in their maximum purity. It can be described as partial modification with the preservation of the “core” component. The national language was put into a separate, fifth group, because in different concretes cases it has different degree of preservation: alongside the complete loss of the national language there are examples of its constant use in everyday life. The conducted comparison of settlements Turukhansk and Farkovo allowed to point out several criteria, differentiating the ways of life of the local population and their word outlooks. First of all, the closeness of settlement Farkovo cannot but be mentioned, in which practically the only means of connection with the outer world is the helicopter, which conducts goods and passenger transportation, provides information and medical service. Secondly, in both settlements there are few jobs (work places). In Turukhansk it resulted in unemployment, but in Farkovo –in the engagement of the most part of population in traditional occupations. It turned out that the traditional way of life was best preserved among the people engaged in traditional occupations: they are the Selkups-hunters in Farkovo, who preserve the national language, the traditional cuisine, use traditional tools, have traditional beliefs, combining them with the features of Orthodox Christianity. Thirdly, territorial closeness of Farkovo, resulting from its difficult transport accessibility, influences goods-money relations, which are characterized by trust, which is not typical for market economy. The bigger degree of adherence of local population to the national cuisine resulted in less demand for imported products in Farkovo than in Turukhansk. Fourthly, in the studied poselki there are opposite tendencies in the sphere of preservation of ethnic groups. For example, in Turukhansk there is a danger of dissolution of ethnic groups by means of mixed marriages, metisation. In Farkovo the model of existence of the ethnic group is the opposite one, using monogam marriages for its preservation, but this model might lead to genetic problems. Fifthly, the studied territories differ in such demographic characteristics as the number of people in the family and migration processes. While in Turukhansk a family consists of 3-5 people, registered at one address, in Farkovo there are 10-12 people in the family, they include not only closely related people , but also children of relatives, who are engaged in traditional occupations and permanently live in the forest. Migration in Turukhansk are more active, than in Farkovo: the population of Turukhansk leaves for the mainland, comes from more remote settlements and expresses the desire to leave it. The inhabitants of Farkovo not only have no desire to move to another place, but say that their attempts to move to another place fail and they have to come back. Sixthly, living conditions in Farkovo, which are worse that in Turukhansk, with the only communal amenity being electricity, and the rest are being provided by the inhabitant themselves, does not result in the desire of the inhabitants of Farkovo to leave. On the other hand, the housing and communal amenities provided in Turukhansk besides being very expensive for the population, are of insufficient quality too, # 937 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Kseniya V. Reznikova. Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life… which makes the problems connected with housing and communal services to be among the most important social- economic problems of Turukhansk. Although the inhabitants of Farkhovo do not have to pay a lot of money for communal services, they have problems with social allowances for the ISPN, which are irrelevant for the inhabitants of Turukhansk, who are practically not engaged in traditional occupations, which is the necessary condition for state subsidies. In Farkovo, despite the fact that almost the whole population belongs to 1 2 the title ethnic group which is registered as the ISPN, the payment of social allowances divide the settlement into two camps: in one camp there are representatives of the ISPN who are involved in traditional occupations and spend nine months a year in the forest, who receive state subsidies, in the other – the settled population, engaged in upbringing not only their own children but also the children of relatives-hunters, who have to pay for communal services, buy coal or fi rewood for heating their houses, spend money for buying products and who receive no subsidies. Seleznev A.G. (2005). The special issue to the VI Congress of ethnologists and anthropologists. Anthropological forum, special release, 131. Baranova V.V. (2009) “It should go on like this forever…” (About the functions of school teaching of the native language). Anthropological forum, 9, 186-187.. References 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Baranova V.V. (2009). “It should go on like this forever…” (About the functions of school teaching of the native language). Anthropological forum. 9, 186-187. Gabysheva L.L. Slovo v kontekste mifologicheskoy kartiny mira (na material yazyka yakutov) [Word in the context of myphological view of the world (on the material of the Yakut language)]. Мoscow, Russian State Humanitarian Unicversity, 2003. 192 p. Ivanova-Unarova Z.I. Traditsionnoe iskusstvo narodov Severo-Vostoka Sibiri (evenki, eveny, yukagiry, dolgany, chukchi, koryaki) [ The traditional art of the peoples of the North-West of Siberia (the Evenks, the Evens, the Yukahirs, the Dolgans, the Chukchis, the Koryaks)]. Yakutsk, Publishing House of Yakutsk University, 2005. 192 p. Krivonogov V.P. (2005). Etnicheskaya situatsia u korennykh malochuslennykh narodov Krasnoyarskogo kraya [The ethnic situation with the indigenous small-numbered peoples of Krasnoyarsk Krai]. The Yenissey province, 1. Krasnoyarsk, KSPU named after V.P. Astafyev, 34-41. Seleznev A.G. (2005). The special issue to the VI Congress of ethnologists and anthropologists. Anthropological forum, special release. 131. V poiskakh sebya: Narody Severa i v postsovetskikh transformatsiyakh. [SibiriIn search for themselves: The peoples of the North and Siberia in post-Soviet transformations]. Execut. edit. E.A. Pivneva, D.A. Funk. Inst. Of Ethnology and Anthropology named after N.N. MiklukhoMaklay RAS. Мoscow, Nauka, 2005. 216 p. Varlamova G.I. Skazanija vostochnykh evenkov [The legends of the Western Evenks]. Yakutsk, 2003. 210 p. Zen’ko M.A. (1997) Sovremennaya etnicheskaya situatsia v Khanty-Mansijskom rajone KhantyMansijskogo Okruga (po dannym polevykh issledovanij) [Current/ ethnic situation in Khanty Mansi district of Khanty Mansi Autonomous Okrug (on the data of field research)] Vestnik arkheologii, antropologii i etnografii, 1. # 938 # Copyright ОАО «ЦКБ «БИБКОМ» & ООО «Aгентство Kнига-Cервис» Kseniya V. Reznikova. Preservation and Transformation of Certain Aspects of the Traditional Way of Life… Сохранение и трансформация некоторых аспектов традиционного образа жизни коренных и малочисленных народов Севера, проживающих в населенных пунктах (поселках) Туруханск и Фарково К.В. Резникова Сибирский федеральный университет Россия 660014, Красноярск, пр. Свободный, 79 Настоящая статья написана по материалам экспедиции, осуществленной в 2010 году в Туруханский район Красноярского края с целью исследования традиционной культуры коренных малочисленных народов, проживающих в Туруханске и Фарково. Экспедиция показала, что разные составляющие традиционного жизненного уклада КМНС обладают разной степенью стойкости к трансформациям. Также при сравнительно более хороших для жизни условиях в Туруханске население этого поселка большей частью не против переехать на другое место жительства, где условия были бы более комфортными. Жители Фарково, напротив, не хотят покидать исконное место обитания. В настоящей статье приводится как оценка степени их подверженности/устойчивости к изменениям различных составляющих жизненного уклада коренных малочисленных народов, так и делается попытка объяснить причины доминирующих среди населения поселков настроений: остаться или сменить место жительства. Ключевые слова: Туруханский район, коренные малочисленные народы Севера (КМНС), эвенки, селькупы, кеты, глобальные трансформации. Работа выполнена в рамках исследований, финансируемых Красноярским краевым фондом поддержки научной и научно-технической деятельности, а также в рамках тематического плана СФУ по заданию Министерства образования и науки Российской Федерации.