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Book Reviews
HISTORY OF PROCONSUL. By Alan Walker and Pat
Shipman. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. 2005. 288
pp. ISBN 0-674-01675-0. $26.95 (cloth).
In this well written and insightful book, Alan Walker
and Pat Shipman provide an expansive and detailed history of discoveries and analyses of the Miocene primate
genus Proconsul. In their review of Miocene hominoid
research, the authors cover a wide range of topics but do
so in a coherent and engaging fashion. This is in large
part due to Walker’s breadth of scholarship on this subject
and Shipman’s clear and concise writing. This is a book
that will be of interest both to students of primate evolution and to others curious about primate natural history.
It was fun to read about the interesting characters,
including D.B. Pigott and Edward James Wayland,
involved in the search for fossils in East Africa early in
the twentieth century. Their work yielded the first specimens of Proconsul which were the basis of the 1933
description of Proconsul africanus by Arthur Hopwood of
the British Museum. In the early section of this book,
Walker and Shipman provide an insightful discussion of
the early career of L.S.B. Leakey and Leakey’s luck—
both good and bad. They also introduce the reader to
Mary Nicol Leakey and highlight her important contributions to paleoanthropology.
In Chapter 4, ‘‘The Lost and Found,’’ readers are treated
to a fascinating account of the rediscovery in the early
1980s of portions of a Proconsul skeleton that had been
described more than twenty years earlier. Walker, working
with archival documents in the National Museums of
Kenya, pieced together a much more complete skeleton by
sifting through the museum’s collections and returning to
the original field site. Accounts of the fieldwork at
Rusinga are a joy to read, particularly for those with field
experience. Walker and Shipman do a good job of sharing
the complexities of cultures, geologic structures, climatic
conditions, and personalities that make fieldwork the wonderful adventure that it is. In addition, they provide an
exciting account of the discovery of a number of partial
skeletons of Proconsul, a collection they aptly describe as
‘‘an embarrassment of riches’’ (p. 112).
I am also impressed with how graciously Walker
shares credit with many others, particularly his own students, as he works his way up to our present understanding of the phylogenetic placement of Proconsul and
of its natural history. It is also nice to read about his sincere respect for and friendship with the Kenyan colleagues who have been so important in recovering fossils
that bear on hominoid evolution. These accounts allow
Walker and Shipman to highlight the importance of
teamwork in contemporary primate biology.
The authors provide easy to understand yet intellectually rigorous descriptions of a number of important
topics for primate evolutionary biology, including mechanisms of speciation (p. 47), relative brain size (p. 84),
estimation of body mass (p. 160), and the function of the
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semicircular canals (p. 242). Such discussions make this
book an excellent choice to assign to an undergraduate
biological anthropology course.
In the author’s notes, Walker states that he does not
attempt to cover all the research pertinent to the book’s
subject. This is understandable given the volume of
material that has been published on Miocene hominoids
during the past 50 years; still, I think a few scholars
who should have been acknowledged were left out of the
text. For example, while the excellent work of Carol
Ward in reconstructing the positional behavior of Proconsul is given its due, some reference to Mary Ellen Morbeck’s research is warranted. Her work, on much more
limited material, challenged the idea that brachiation
was an important part of the locomotor repertoire of Proconsul, and certainly anticipated some of Ward’s important contributions. Similarly, an insightful discussion of
the state of molecular clocks is presented in Chapter 11,
but missing is reference to the work in the 1960s of Morris Goodman, Vincent Sarich, and colleagues; Goodman’s
ongoing efforts in this arena; or the more recent work of
Todd Disotell and Caro-Beth Stewart. The naive reader
will be given the impression that analysis of genetic
material for phylogenetic purposes is just now emerging.
Also, along these lines, Walker and Shipman provide an
excellent account of the possibility that apes have
migrated out of and then back into Africa during the
past 18 million years and refer to some of the interesting
work that David Begun has done on this topic. But certainly this discussion would have been improved by noting the arguments put forth on this matter by Stewart
and Disotell in the late 1990s.
Finally, I must reiterate that this is an extremely well
written book. The only factual error that I can recall is
on page 228, where the authors state, ‘‘This evidence
support the idea that Victoriapithecus, a species believed
to be ancestral to Old World monkeys and apes, had a
slower life-history strategy than would be expected for a
monkey of its size.’’ This statement on the phylogenetic
placement of Victoriapithecus is incorrect but the reader
will already know this because, earlier in the text, this
early Miocene creature is identified as a suitable model
for an ancestor to all Old World monkeys—a statement
consistent with the views of most students of catarrhine
In sum, I recommend this book both to scholars of primate evolutionary biology and to anyone interested in
the natural history of primates. All will find this book to
be insightful, pleasurable, and thought provoking.
Department of Anthropology
University of Colorado at Boulder
Boulder, Colorado
DOI 10.1002/ajpa.20540
Published online 18 December 2006 in Wiley InterScience
Klepinger. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Liss. 2006. 185 pp. ISBN
0-471-21006-4 (hardcover).
This book provides a much needed update to this
ever expanding, applied specialty of biological anthropology. Reminiscent of the succinct chapters and practical
approach of T. Dale Stewart’s classic Essentials of Forensic Anthropology (1979), Klepinger’s work brings the
reader into the 21st century with all of its new developments and issues. Throughout the volume, information
is imparted to the reader in a refreshing, straightforward,
and, at times, tongue-in-cheek style. Klepinger tackles a
dense subject head-on.
The author provides the background and history of forensic anthropology in Part I, and moves on to the methodological nuts and bolts in Part II. The latter includes
the major categories considered by forensic anthropologists when developing a biological profile: initial assessment, sex, age at death, ancestry, stature, and markers
of activity, occupation, and life history. Klepinger handles the voluminous literature and vast data supporting
these chapters admirably. Part III addresses the medicolegal investigative responsibilities of the forensic anthropologist: identification of trauma, estimation of time of
death, and expert witnessing. A final chapter recognizes
the increasingly important role of DNA in forensic
anthropological work; yet Klepinger rightly warns that
this well-tested method also has its limitations.
The shortcomings of this volume are few. The historical information provided in Chapter 2 is not new and
rehashes Stewart (1979) and Steven Byers’ Forensic
Anthropology (2005). The details of the Luetgert murder
case are intriguing and well told, however. Also in Chapter 2, Klepinger glosses over the term ‘‘positive identification’’ in reference to DNA. It should be clarified, when
discussing DNA and its application to individual identification, that mitochondrial DNA does not provide the specificity required in many cases to establish a positive
identification. Chapter 3 begins with a discussion of how
forensic anthropologists sort human versus nonhuman
remains. In my experience, the initial sort is bone versus
nonbone; then one may move on to differentiating species. Items such as stone, plastic (for example, from aircraft crashes), and the like can be confused with bone in
the field and even in the laboratory until a microscope is
employed. Later in Chapter 3, Klepinger mentions nonbone items and the need to sort them from actual
remains, but this step should be detailed more thoroughly and in sequence.
My main criticism—which may be more of a compliment—is that I desired more from this author. The brev-
EVOLUTION. By Donna Hart and Robert W. Sussman.
New York: Westview Press. 2005. 312 pp. ISBN 0-81333936-7. $27.50 (paper).
The influence of predation on primate behavior and
sociality has generated significant controversy among
physical anthropologists, fueled principally by a want of
satisfactory empirical data. However, recent studies
focusing on predators, rather than prey, have confirmed
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ity of the volume leaves questions in the reader’s mind.
The knowledgeable reader may wonder why more was
not mentioned on particular topics (e.g., distinguishing
bone versus nonbone material or the truncated discussion of sharp force trauma in Chapter 9). Novices will
not get details that perhaps they might need. The lack of
a concluding chapter was disappointing to me as well.
With the last chapter entitled ‘‘DNA,’’ one would hope
that there would be a further final word from the author
regarding the state of forensic anthropology today, its
future directions, and potential contributions. The succinctness can be seen as a positive but also left me feeling a bit cheated.
The need for this volume is great, since there has
been no such summary of the state of affairs in forensic anthropology since Stewart’s 1979 volume was published. There will clearly be much interest in the book
from students (graduate, upper division undergraduate) and the general public. The latter may be bamboozled by CSI-esque knowledge, or purported
knowledge, and want to know more. Fundamentals
will assist in this regard, since the author repeatedly
mentions how misinformation and amateur practitioners plague forensic anthropology at this time. The
current information in this volume makes it a work
that the practicing forensic anthropologist will want to
have on his or her own shelf. DNA and the changing
legal precedents and perspectives of the courts are just
two such topics.
The impact that Fundamentals of Forensic Anthropology will have will be multifaceted. It will be a core text
for graduate students who are specializing in forensic
anthropology, or biological anthropology graduate students who desire or require an exposure to the specialty.
For the general public, undergraduate student, or medicolegal nonspecialist, this book sets the record straight
regarding amateur practitioners and their future (or lack
thereof) in forensic anthropology. This is an important
contribution from a well versed and experienced forensic
anthropologist, and will serve as a useful summary of
the state of the science today.
Department of Anthropology
State University of New York at Oswego
Oswego, NY
DOI 10.1002/ajpa.20539
Published online 18 December 2006 in Wiley InterScience
that for some primates predation represents a significant
source of mortality. Additionally, new experimental approaches have permitted field researchers to manipulate
the perceived risk of predation and to examine behavioral responses to such risk in detail. Hart and Sussman’s book ostensibly represents a timely contribution,
purporting to summarize for a popular audience the influence of predation on primate, and specifically human,
evolution. Sadly, this engaging premise rapidly deteriorates into a recycled critique of ‘‘Man the Hunter’’ that
mires itself in a simplistic dichotomy between predator
species and prey species and all but completely ignores
the modern anthropological literature on hunting and
meat eating.
A single question pervades Hart and Sussman’s book:
‘‘Were early humans bold hunters or were they fearful
prey?’’ (p. 5). And early on the authors invest the answer
with grave moral significance. Viewing humans as a predatory species descended from an ‘‘oppressive killer ape’’
(p. xv), they argue, inevitably leads to a belief that
‘‘humans are slaughter prone assassins by nature’’ (p.
xviii) and that violence is unavoidable. Seeing humans as
a prey species, on the other hand, is morally instructive,
because it highlights our cooperative instincts and suggests that we ‘‘are just one of many, many species that
had to be careful, had to depend on other group members, had to communicate danger, and had to come to
terms with being merely one cog in the complex cycle of
life’’ (p. xvi). ‘‘Let’s quit accepting our spurious heritage
as Man the Hunter,’’ they urge, ‘‘to excuse why we start
wars, torture others, and scorch the earth’’ (p. xviii).
Feet firmly planted in the naturalistic fallacy, the
authors proceed to present evidence from both living primates and the fossil record that our ancestors were frequent meals for a variety of predators and thus a prey
species. Their data comprise an exhaustive catalog of
predation on humans and nonhuman primates by lions,
tigers, bears, hyenas, wolves, pythons, crocodiles, sharks,
Komodo dragons, and crowned hawk eagles, as well as a
profusion of anecdotes from the popular media on everything from African schoolchildren savaged by raptors to
American cyclists carried away by mountain lions. Occasionally this exercise produces fascinating nuggets, such
as a discussion of why European wolves prey on humans
but North American wolves do not. The authors are too
polite to play these grisly episodes for their full tabloid
potential, however, so the overall result is weirdly monotonous: Teacher mauled by crocodile? Check. Cattle herder smothered by python? Check.
This litany of human carnage is interspersed with fossil evidence for carnivore wear on the remains of various
human ancestors. Here the biases of the authors are
apparent as they uncritically accept any indication of
carnivore damage as proof of predation. For example,
signs that Homo erectus remains at Zhoukoudian were
processed by the extinct hyena Pachycrocuta are taken
to show unambiguously that ‘‘Pachycrocuta preyed on
hominids in the area, and then brought pieces of their
prey home to the cave’’ (p. 102). That Pachycrocuta may
have scavenged hominids that died in some other fashion is never considered. Similarly, carnivore tooth marks
on a jaw at Dmanisi generate the conclusion that the
hominid there ‘‘wasn’t a powerful hunter, and wasn’t a
competitor with the indigenous wolves for grazing animals . . . The little Dmanisi hominid acted like prey and
was viewed as such’’ (p. 95).
One might well question why Hart and Sussman do not
similarly consider the abundant evidence of cut marks
from stone tools on faunal remains from various African
assemblages as evidence of predation by hominids; however, on this issue they remain silent. This aspect of the
archaeological record is omitted entirely, and it is left to
poor Raymond Dart to present the case for hunting by
hominids. One searches the bibliography in vain for references to Isaac, Bunn, Blumenschine, Kroll, Potts, Plummer,
and many others who have documented signs of hominid
butchery in the fossil record.
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The authors’ deafness to the issue of hunting by hominids seems largely a result of their curious and rigid
dichotomy between prey animals and predator species.
Hart and Sussman’s basic premise is that any indication
of predation can be taken as prima facie evidence that a
species is a prey animal and, thus, not a predator species. Consequently, once it is established that early hominids were occasional prey items, it becomes unnecessary
to even consider the evidence that they may have been
hunters. However, this assumption is clearly at odds
with observations of modern carnivore behavior. Interspecific killing is frequent and well documented among
carnivores, accounting for 40–60% of mortality in several
species and 68% in one cheetah study. Hyenas kill wild
dogs, coyotes kill ferrets, mountain lions kill coyotes,
foxes kill badgers, and lions kill hyenas, to list but a few
examples. Sometimes the victims are consumed; sometimes they are not. But the fact that a coyote in Yellowstone shows all the fearful vigilance of a prey species
when wolves are about, and may even end up as a wolf ’s
dinner, says absolutely nothing about that coyote’s effectiveness as a predator. Presumably this was true for human
ancestors as well.
Hart and Sussman cling tenaciously to their predator
species-prey species distinction, however, even as it leads
down some bizarre paths. One might expect, for example, that the massive data set on chimpanzee hunting
would be welcomed as verification that predation is an
important source of mortality for a primate species (red
colobus monkeys). However, viewing chimpanzees as
effective predators conflicts with the authors’ general
notion of primates as prey species and their specific view
of chimpanzees as prey items for leopards and lions.
Thus, Hart and Sussman deny that chimpanzees are
naturally predators, citing—oddly enough—Craig Stanford’s data that in some years Gombe colobus suffer 30%
mortality from chimpanzee predation. ‘‘How can such
high rates of chimpanzee predation . . . be anything other
than an aberrant situation?’’ they ask. ‘‘It is obvious that
this chimpanzee predation on monkeys is a recent and
unnatural phenomenon’’ (p. 54). What the authors omit
here is the fact that Stanford’s work shows significant
variation in colobus mortality from year to year, with
high mortality years followed by low mortality ones.
Furthermore, the 30% figure that Hart and Sussman
quote is not for Gombe colobus, but for colobus groups in
the center of the Kasakela chimpanzees’ territory. Stanford’s data suggest a distinct source-sink dynamic in
which colobus groups in the border zones between chimpanzee communities suffer less predation and enjoy larger group sizes than those more centrally located.
Similar temporal and spatial variation in colobus predation rates has been reported from other long-term study
sites, and it is anything but obvious that chimpanzee predation on monkeys is a ‘‘recent and unnatural phenomenon.’’
Unfortunately, this casual approach to the scientific
literature extends to a range of issues. An entire chapter
is devoted to debunking the idea that lethal intergroup
aggression by male chimpanzees is part of an evolved
behavioral strategy. Hart and Sussman are concerned
that chimpanzee aggression might offer support for the
killer ape hypothesis, so they maintain that escalated
aggression in chimpanzees is: (1) much rarer than suggested by chimpanzee fieldworkers, and (2) the result of
human provisioning. Sussman has produced these arguments in previous publications, and it is telling that he
chooses here to overlook recent reviews by Richard
Wrangham and Michael Wilson that provide patient,
detailed, and persuasive refutations of his claims.
Instead, the authors refer only to Wrangham’s ten-yearold popular book, Demonic Males, as though it provides
the sole evidence for lethal intergroup aggression in
Exasperating omissions of this kind are so frequent in
Man the Hunted that portions of the book almost seem
to exist behind glass. The penultimate chapter offers a
lengthy critique of sociobiology that could have been
written in 1976. Modern students of behavioral ecology
will find this section almost embarrassing to read, so
grossly anachronistic is the authors’ apparent understanding of the field. And it’s hard to know what to make of
statements like: ‘‘many scientists, scholars, and members
of the general public have a view of our ancestors as
bloodthirsty brutes, not just defending themselves but
aggressively entering into combat with every living creature’’ (p. 190). Do they really? Or was this just true in
1965? Never mind. What’s the point in actually engaging
with the modern anthropological literature when one
can kick around Raymond Dart and Robert Ardrey?
Regardless of one’s sympathies toward Hart and Sussman’s general approach, it may ultimately prove irrelevant
to the underlying question of what effects a history of
EVOLUTION. By Peter M. Kappeler and Carel P. van
Schaik. New York: Springer. 2006. 349 pp. ISBN
3-540-28269-6. $149.00 (hardcover).
Cooperation is a topic that has long been of interest to
biologists, anthropologists, and economists. Such interdisciplinary attention prompted Peter Kappeler and
Carel van Schaik to organize the Fourth Göttinger Freilandtage (German Primate Center, December, 2003),
which brought together theoreticians, primatologists,
and students of human behavior to discuss recent developments in the complex field of primate cooperation.
This book, a collection of chapters written by selected
conference attendees, has two stated goals: ‘‘It documents and summarizes the range of cooperative behavior
primates . . . [and] . . . identif[ies]
mechanisms of, and prerequisites for, cooperation that
are uniquely human’’ (pp. v–vi). Each chapter provides a
thorough review of a cooperative behavior or mechanism,
and some present new analyses. Several introduce novel
frameworks to guide future thinking. Laudably, most
authors emphasize the importance of proper tests of
alternative hypotheses and analytical rigor.
In Chapter 1, van Schaik and Kappeler begin with a
brief history of cooperation research, organized according
to the three classic explanatory models: kinship, reciprocity, and mutualism. This provides a framework for the
remainder of the volume. Next, chapters by Joan Silk
and Bernard Chapais evaluate the role of kin selection
in the evolution of cooperation. Silk argues that competition between relatives may counteract some of the positive effects of kin selection and points out that
mechanisms other than kin selection may generate kinbiased behavior. Similarly, Chapais cautions against the
temptation to explain all forms of kin-based interactions
in terms of inclusive fitness. He challenges the tradiC 2006
hunting might have had on human evolutionary psychology. For whether australopithecines and their immediate
successors were hunters or hunted, even Hart and Sussman concede that by 400,000 years ago there is ample evidence of hunting in the fossil record. And if 50,000 years is
sufficient for a new species to evolve, then surely 400,000
years represents adequate time for natural selection to
have shaped novel psychological and cognitive adaptations
in the human lineage. What these might be—and the
extent to which they were influenced by a hunting and
gathering lifestyle—is the focus of much current research.
But readers interested in these issues will find little to
draw them to the current volume. And those seeking a historical perspective on ‘‘Man the Hunter’’ will find an infinitely more nuanced and interesting treatment in Matt
Cartmill’s excellent A View to a Death in the Morning.
Department of Anthropology
Boston University
Boston, Massachusetts
DOI 10.1002/ajpa.20538
Published online 18 December 2006 in Wiley InterScience
tional assumption that kin and nonkin make equally
valuable cooperation partners by investigating the role
of competence in the evolution of cooperation.
A section on reciprocity is headlined by a chapter by
Robert Trivers, which provides a fitting, if somewhat wordy,
summary of the complex evolution of reciprocity theory
within and outside the prisoner’s dilemma. Some of these
complexities are subsequently addressed by Frans de Waal
and Sarah Brosnan, who argue that a reciprocal pattern
may arise from mechanisms that fall along a continuum
from simple symmetry-based to calculated reciprocity. They
emphasize the need to rule out simple mechanisms before
accepting more complex alternatives. This is a point of critical importance, yet in some cases the authors appear to disregard their own advice. In their studies of food sharing,
they effectively control for symmetry-based reciprocity but
rather hastily discount the importance of other alternative
mechanisms. Nevertheless, they provide a well written and
detailed description of two decades of research on reciprocity in coalition formation, grooming, and food sharing in
captive macaques, capuchins, and chimpanzees. Next, John
Mitani presents careful analyses of new data from the
Ngogo chimpanzee community at Kibale National Park,
Uganda. Here, Mitani builds on previous work, providing
solid evidence of a reciprocal pattern of exchange of grooming, coalitionary support, and meat sharing among adult
males. A chapter by Filippo Aureli and Colleen Schaffner
rounds out the section with a discussion of the role of cooperation in postconflict reconciliation.
The discussion of wild chimpanzees continues in a section on mutualism, where Christophe Boesch, Hedwige
Boesch, and Linda Vigilant focus on cooperative hunting
at Taı̈ National Park, Côte d’Ivoire. Using new analyses
of genetic data, they conclude that males do not make
kin-biased hunting decisions. Instead, they present previously published data supporting a mutualistic mechanism. They claim that group hunts are more energetically
profitable to an individual than are lone hunts, and that
hunters have greater net caloric intake than bystanders.
While there is little doubt that this is a crucial piece of
the puzzle, more discussion of the reliability of energy
expenditure estimates is warranted. Next, Carel van
Schaik, Sagar Pandit, and Erin Vogel distill two mathematical papers into a slightly more digestible presentation of a model explaining interspecies differences in the
formation of male-male coalitions. They argue that the
relationship between rank and fitness is the key factor
in determining whether or not there is selective pressure
for males to form coalitions. In the subsequent chapter,
Tim Clutton-Brock provides a succinct review of cooperative breeding in mammals. While there is not much data
from primates in this chapter, Clutton-Brock makes it
clear that our understanding of cooperative breeding in
other taxa is applicable to primates. In an elegant illustration of this point, Barbara König then presents data
from several of her experiments on communal nursing in
house mice. By measuring the fitness consequences of
communal rearing, König concludes that females gain
direct, mutualistic benefits from nonoffspring nursing.
Next, in the first of two chapters on biological markets, Louise Barrett and Peter Henzi highlight the
importance of incorporating the broader utility of grooming into analyses of interchange of goods and services.
Then, Ronald Noë assesses whether mechanisms of cooperation and trading in modern humans can be traced
back to homologous mechanisms in our primate relatives. This leads nicely into the final section of the book,
which addresses the extraordinary sophistication of
human cooperation. Manfred Milinski reviews recent
findings on the impact of personal reputation on human
cooperation, and Simon Gächter and Benedikt Herr-
Brodie N, Kersel MM, Luke C, and Tubb KW (eds.)
(2006) Archaeology, Cultural Heritage, and the Antiquities Trade. Gainesville: University Press of Florida.
349 pp. $65.00 (cloth).
Byers AM (2006) Cahokia: A World Renewal Cult
Heterarchy. Gainesville: University Press of Florida.
599 pp. $69.95 (cloth).
Chamberlain A (2006) Demography in Archaeology.
New York: Cambridge University Press. 235 pp.
$29.99 (paper).
Dawkins R (2006) The Selfish Gene (30th Anniversary
Edition). New York: Oxford University Press. 360 pp.
$15.95 (cloth).
Frayer DW (2006) The Krapina Neandertals: A Comprehensive, Centennial, Illustrated Bibliography.
Zagreb: Croatian Natural History Museum. 219 pp.
49.00 (cloth).
Gibbons A (2006) The First Human: The Race to Discover Our Earliest Ancestors. New York: Doubleday.
306 pp. $26.00 (cloth).
Gowland R, and
Knüsel C (eds.) (2006) Social
Archaeology of Funerary Remains. Oxford: Oxbow
Books. 312 pp. $120.00 (hardcover).
C 2006
mann review the extent to which human cooperation can
be explained by traditional economic models.
Like many volumes emerging from a conference, this
book suffers from some discontinuity. For example, several chapters use different definitions of cooperation. It
would have been more informative (but admittedly challenging) for the authors to have approached each section
with a common definition in mind. However, this is
more a criticism of the field than of the editors or
authors. Additionally, there is some needless repetition
of detailed descriptions of certain terms and mechanisms (e.g., prisoner’s dilemma, indirect reciprocity, etc).
While this helps emphasize important points and allows
each chapter to stand alone, it disrupts the continuity of
the book as a whole. Nevertheless, the narrative style
contributes to its readability and, in most cases, helps
make an often confusing and complicated subject easier
to grasp. Finally, the relaxed tone appears to have
encouraged the authors to make bold and sometimes
controversial suggestions, which are wonderful for stimulating discussion. Without a doubt, this volume will
be of value to biological anthropologists and behavioral
ecologists with an interest in cooperation in primates
and other taxa.
Department of Anthropology
Harvard University, Cambridge
DOI 10.1002/ajpa.20523
Published online 28 November 2006 in Wiley InterScience
Grafen A, and Ridley M (eds.) (2006) Richard Dawkins: How a Scientist Changed the Way We Think.
New York: Oxford University Press. 283 pp. $25.00
Hann JH (2006) The Native American World Beyond
Apalachee: West Florida and the Chattahoochee
Valley. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. 253 pp.
$55.00 (cloth).
Lehman SM, and Fleagle JG (eds.) (2006) Primate
Biogeography: Progress and Prospects. New York:
Springer. 535 pp. $149.00 (hardcover).
Lipo CP, O’Brien MJ, Collard M, and Shennan SJ
(eds.) (2006) Mapping Our Ancestors: Phylogenetic
Approaches in Anthroplogy and Prehistory. Piscataway, NJ: Transaction. 353 pp. $29.95 (paper).
Nunn CL, and Altizer S (2006) Infectious Diseases in
Primates: Behavior, Ecology, and Evolution. New
York: Oxford University Press. 384 pp. $49.50 (paper).
Zaidi M (ed.) (2006) Skeletal Development and Remodeling in Health, Disease, and Aging. Boston: Blackwell. 572 pp. $145.00 (paper).
DOI 10.1002/ajpa.20526
Published online 28 November 2006 in Wiley InterScience
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