In the wake of Columbus Native population biology in the postcontact Americas.код для вставкиСкачать
YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY 37:109-154 (1994) In the Wake of Columbus: Native Population Biology in the Postcontact Americas CLARK SPENCER LARSEN Department of Anthropology and Research Laboratories of Anthropology, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, North Carolina 27599-3120;and Department of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History, New York, New York 10024-5192 KEY WORDS European contact, Bioarchaeology, Health, Disease, Lifestyle ABSTRACT The commemoration of the Columbian quincentenary played a n important role in stimulating new research on the biological effects of the arrival of Europeans on Native American groups throughout the New World. Although these discussions have involved many disciplines, physical anthropology has been underrepresented until recently. This article reviews a range of studies on the biological impact of European colonization of the Americas on native populations. Historical sources, mission and civil records, archaeological information, and human skeletal remains have provided a fund of data t h a t are being used to document and interpret native health and well-being after 1492. Osteological investigations reveal that before contact, native populations were not living in a pristine, diseasefree environment. Moreover, prehistoric populations experienced occasional eruptions of social conflict and violence, patterns of which are similar to what has been documented in contemporary small-scale societies. Archaeological, historical, and bioarchaeological studies provide compelling evidence that the arrival of Europeans did not occasion a sudden pandemic of smallpox in the early sixteenth century. Rather, epidemic disease in the contact era was a patchwork affair, striking some populations and not others a t various times. Regionally based bioarchaeological investigations have disclosed new details about the contact period in the Americas and elsewhere (e.g., Polynesia), particularly in regard to variability in physiological stress, health status, diet and nutritional quality, and activity patterns. These studies show that although rapid population loss and extinction occurred in some areas, many groups survived and accommodated new and challenging circumstances. These findings also indicate that there are common elements to native response to contact with Europeans, but population and regional changes were shaped by localized factors. The demographic resurgence and population recovery during the twentieth century illustrates that Native Americans are a vital part of today’s human biological landscape in the western hemisphere. o 1994 Wiley-Liss, Inc. The five-hundredth anniversary of Columbus’s first voyage to the Americas was marked around the world by a n avalanche of public and scholarly events, including conferences, museum exhibits, and symposia (reviewed in Axtell, 1992). In striking contrast to the fourth Columbian centenary, the subject of native peoples of the Americas dominated the discussions, especially with regard to the impact of the 0 1994 Wiley-Liss, Inc. 110 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Vol. 37, 1994 arrival of Europeans on Native American culture, society, and biology. Physical anthropologists have provided essential, new data on the biocultural implications of contact. With the passing of the quincentenary, I believe that it is important that we take a look back and review some of the important research that was stimulated in large part by this important commemoration. The study of postcontact biological change is a deceptively simple and straightforward task. That is, didn’t native populations simply undergo remarkable decline in health and numbers once Europeans arrived? As a result of the introduction of so-called virgin soil epidemics, didn’t these populations basically evaporate virtually overnight (or at least within the course of a generation or two)? Therefore, should not the biological record simply show lots of evidence of disease, dying, and death as reflected in various indicators of health drawn from sources such as historical narratives and human remains from archaeological sites? As my own research unfolded over the course of the last decade or so, it became abundantly clear that the scope of the problem was of far greater complexity than is oftentimes presented in popular and some scholarly literature. Indeed, a rapidly growing body of biological, archaeological, and historical evidence has begun to emerge strongly suggesting that the postcontact biological change in native populations is multifactorial and complex. Perusal of a gargantuan literature on contact indicates that biological topics have largely focussed on rapid population decline in response to the introduction of Old World infectious diseases (e.g., Alchon, 1991; Black, 1992; Cook, 1976a; Cook and Lovell, 1991a; Crosby, 1972,1986; Diamond, 1992; Dobyns, 1983,1993; Hemming, 1978; Jackson, 1991; Lovell, 1992; Newsom, 1986; Perttula, 1992; Ramenofsky, 1987; Reff, 1991; Thornton, 1987; and many others). A consensus has emerged emphasizing disease as the cause of the decline of native populations (e.g., Crosby, 1986). Although disease is certainly a n important consideration in interpreting biological disruption, its emphasis has overshadowed a host of other important consequences of contact such a s population relocation, forced labor, dietary change, and other areas discussed below that have influenced health and well-being in native groups during the last five centuries. The purpose of this article is to survey the contributions of physical anthropologists and, where appropriate, allied specialists in developing a broader understanding of biological changes in Native American populations that resulted from European contact. Specifically, the primary goals of this article are fourfold: 1)to review the various data sources used to reconstruct or draw inferences about native population biology; 2) to examine the record of health and well-being before contact; 3) to discuss various perspectives on native population size and evidence for disease spread at the time of initial contact; and 4)to highlight current bioarchaeological research and its role in elucidating contact period human biology. DATA SOURCES An understanding of the effects of European contact on native groups in the Americas requires the use of diverse kinds of data. Data sources include narrative accounts, mission and municipal records, archaeological documentation, and human remains. All of these sources have strengths and weaknesses, but each have the potential for providing important perspectives on contact-period population biology, including areas such as demographic reconstruction, dietary history, health status, and activity patterns. Narratives Numerous narrative accounts written by early explorers, colonizers, missionaries, and government officials document directly or infer indirectly issues related to health status, diet and nutritional adequacy, disease, physical appearance, and population size of specific native groups. In areas that saw dramatic population losses early in the contact period, this information-frequently anecdotal-provides the only information on initial contacts and their effects on native groups. Larsen] POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 111 Unfortunately, these early sources are often misleading or are otherwise difficult to interpret, leading to unsubstantiated conclusions about the nature of early contact-period groups. In this regard, perhaps the most outstanding example is the debate about population size in the New World a t the time of first encounters between Europeans and Indians (Denevan, 1992a; Ubelaker, 1992a; and see below). The quality of census data from the period of initial contact is highly variable and reflects each individual’s reputation for accurately reporting data, the person’s knowledge of the population being described, and the political context of the observation (Ubelaker, 1992a). Knowledge of the historical context of population estimates can provide important perspective. For example, in the American Southwest, upon visitation by Spaniards, Pueblos would apparently band together to demonstrate tribal strength (Upham, 1992). Temporary population conflation during the Coronado’s visitations is a n obvious characteristic leading to inaccurate depictions of population size and demographic change. Diet composition, a critical component of human health and survival (see Buikstra and Mielke, 19851, has also been described for many native groups in historical narratives, but these accounts are often fraught with problems. For example, a consensus developed that the Guale, one of the earliest groups to be contacted by Europeans north of Mexico, based their subsistence regime on hunting, gathering, fishing, and shifting cultivation of maize, which, however, was thought to play a minor role in subsistence (Larson, 1980). Jones (1978) systematically reexamined early documentary sources and has argued that they are distorted accounts of missionaries who poorly understood Guale foodways. He argues that maize played a central role in diets of Guale, a finding that is consistent with isotopic analysis of human bone samples from Georgia and Florida (Larsen et al., 1992b; and see Regional Studies). Mission and municipal records Within a short time following Columbus’s landfall, Roman Catholic missions were established throughout vast regions of the New World coming under Spain’s control. Records kept by priests at Catholic missions and by civil servants in other settings are a n important resource that have facilitated the reconstruction of social and demographic results of contact. Many of these records have survived and are being analyzed by historians, anthropologists, and others for demographically relevant information, including births, baptisms, marriages, deaths, and burials (e.g., Reff, 1991, 1992; Schuetz, 1980; Walker and Johnson, 1992, 1994). For some regions, these and other documents (e.g., diaries and letters) make i t possible to track the spread of disease with some degree of accuracy (e.g., Johnson, 1993a, 1994; Palkovich, 1994; Reff, 1992; Walker and Johnson, 1994). The availability of church or municipal records is not restricted to New Spain. For example, during the nineteenth century, the Alaska Russian Church kept detailed population information on births, deaths, and related data for a number of native groups coming under the control of Russia (Dumond, 1986). In the Nushagak region of southwestern Alaska, these records give details on population decline in relation to the effects of a variety of stressors, including increasing exposure to epidemic disease and its effects on fertility and mortality. Archaeological data Archaeological data, particularly a s they relate to population distribution, size, and density, have become a n increasingly utilized source of information. Archaeological studies emphasize the importance of understanding the underlying dynamics of postcontact-era population change in response to a variety of circumstances, such as epidemic disease (e.g., Davis and Ward, 1991; Kowalewski and Hatch, 1991; Milner et al., 1992; Perttula, 1991, 1992; Ramenofsky, 1987; Smith, 1987; Upham, 1992; Ward and Davis, 1991, 1993). Archaeological data are useful for developing trends of population change in a diachronic perspective (see Ramenofsky, 1991). Unlike narrative accounts and other historical sources that pro- 112 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Vol. 37, 1994 vide actual dates for specific events, archaeological data require accurate chronologies. In the absence of precise chronological frameworks, timing of population change-such as decline-is difficult to document. Other limitations of archaeological data involve sampling biases-that is, the representativeness of a region or area being analyzed-and site identification (see Ramenofsky, 1987; Smith, 1987). Archaeological assessment of mortuary context can reveal the impact of epidemics and other factors affecting population size (Hutchinson, 1991; Milner, 1980; Smith, 1987; Ward and Davis, 1991, 1993). For example, rapid loss of life might result in burial of multiple individuals, such as that involving several or more corpses (Milner, 1980; Smith, 1987; Wray et al., 1987; Blakely and DetweilerBlakely, 1989). In archaeological settings, if it can be ruled out that multipleindividual burials simply do not represent a culturally preferred mode of interment (e.g., Pfeiffer and Fairgrieve, 1994; Stephenson and Ferguson, 1963; Stewart, 1992; Ubelaker, 1974), then postepidemic burial might be a possible explanation. In the eastern US., there is some evidence for postepidemic interment, but much of these data are inconclusive (see Smith, 1987; Wray et al., 1987; Blakely and Detweiler-Blakely, 1989). Thus, when a large, multiple-style ossuary containing the skeletal remains of 59 individuals was encountered at the site of a seventeenthcentury Spanish mission on Amelia Island, Florida, initial interpretations suggested postepidemic burial (Simmons et al., 1989). However, analysis of ratios of disarticulated to articulated articular joints indicated that the deaths were likely accretional rather than catastrophic (cf. Ubelaker, 1974). Several recently excavated archaeological mortuary sites have provided fairly good evidence for very rapid, possibly postepidemic, mortality. The Tatham Mound site in gulf-coast Florida includes early contact-period human remains dating from the early to middle sixteenth century. A group of articulated skeletons located within a single pit suggests a large number of contemporaneous deaths, possibly from a n epidemic (Hutchinson, 1991). In piedmont North Carolina, Ward and Davis (1991, 1993) archaeologically document a dramatic increase in burial density in relation to estimated population size. They surmise that the beginning of intensive mortuary activity signals the introduction and rapid spread of European diseases during the period of trade with British colonists after 1650. Osteological human remains A largely untapped source of information about effects of contact in native groups are human skeletal remains. The human skeleton is a highly sensitive indicator of past life experiences occurring during the years of growth and development and adulthood, offering information on dietary composition and nutritional adequacy, disease, lifestyle, behavior, and workload. Bioarchaeologists frequently deal with areas of concern that can provide insight into the history of the human condition (Goodman, 1984b; Iecan and Kennedy, 1989; Larsen, 1987; Saunders and Katzenberg, 1992). In reviewing the vast body of data on contact-much of i t generated around the time of and since the Columbian quincentenary-I am struck by the underrepresented nature of physical anthropology. This is especially surprising since the study of human remains has contributed to a n understanding of other biocultural aspects of human population history, such a s the transition from food collection to food production (e.g., various authors in Cohen and Armelagos, 1984; and see Cohen, 1989). While preparing a volume (Larsen, 1991) reprinting works on the biological consequences of contact and demography for native populations in the Spanish borderlands-a vast region covering northern Mesoamerica and what is now the southern United States from the Pacific to Atlantic coasts-I was unable to locate a single article, book chapter, or unpublished manuscript using human remains a s a key source of information. The underrepresentation of skeletal studies in the body of literature dealing with the contact period is especially puzzling as so much of the discussion revolves directly around disease and population collapse (see also Larsen and Milner, 1994). Larsen] POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 113 An examination of factors contributing to this shortfall, however, explains why bioarchaeologists have not participated more fully in discussions about contact. First, historically, skeletal studies have been dominated by particularistic approaches to population history and racial identification with very little concern for life experience and issues of relevance to a broader audience of anthropologists (Armelagos et al., 1980; Larsen, 1987; Larsen and Milner, 1994). Second, until the last couple of decades or so, there were relatively few trained osteologists who were able to address many of the problems discussed in this article. Third, aside from issues about the history of skeletal studies, many of the best documented early contact-period osteological collections were excavated only within the last decade or so (e.g., various studies in Verano and Ubelaker, 1992; Larsen and Milner, 1994). Fourth, even in those settings where historic-era skeletal samples were available for analysis, precontact-era remains might not be, thus limiting meaningful diachronic comparisons. Fifth, a number of technological and methodological advances that are currently being used to document health and lifeway changes, such as dietary reconstruction via chemical analysis of human bone (e.g., Katzenberg, 1992; Sandford, 1993; Schwarcz and Schoeninger, 1991) and biomechanical analysis (Ruff, 19921, are quite recent. I hasten to point out, however, that like any other data set involving archaeological settings, human remains are subject to a number of cultural and natural processes that can produce spurious results. These processes require careful consideration prior to interpretation of skeletal data. For example, demographic interpretation based on age estimates from skeletal remains is hampered by various cultural and other factors, such as differential treatment by social rank, age, or gender, that potentially influence who is included in any single death assemblage. Moreover, differential preservation of remains can bias population profiles; age estimation from human remains is often inaccurate, especially in older adults; mortality bias may be problematic for health assessment of juveniles; and recognition, quantification, and diagnosis of pathological lesions in relation to disease experience frequently is problematic (Buikstra and Mielke, 1985; Gordon and Buikstra, 1981; Jackes, 1992; Larsen, 1987; Larsen and Milner, 1994; Saunders and Hoppa, 1993; Walker et al., 1988; Wood et al., 1992). Although important advances have been made in paleopathology and disease diagnosis (see Ortner and Putschar, 1985), the precise documentation and differentiation of acute versus epidemic conditions remain elusive simply because death resulting from acute disease usually occurs soon after a microbial attack, leaving little or no discernible skeletal imprint. Thus, the epidemics so frequently documented in narrative accounts are almost never identifiable in skeletal series. The potential limitations of osteological data should not be construed as outright justification for not using human remains to address issues about the history of contact between Europeans and Native Americans (contra Stannard, 1991). For example, Cook (1981) and Borah (1991) give the incorrect impression that skeletal studies are inadequate and provide little meaning in these discussions. For Mexico, Borah (1991:18)remarked that “the entire adult population would have to train as archaeologists for adequate exploration (of cemeteries) to be mounted.” This is a naive understanding of human skeletal analysis. In the last several years, a number of efforts have greatly increased our knowledge about the health and biology of contact-period Native Americans. A significant body of this work is presented in two volumes edited by physical anthropologists comparing precontact and postcontact skeletal series from various areas of the New World (Larsen and Milner, 1994; Verano and Ubelaker, 1992). Case studies from specific regions of the New World will be reviewed later in this article (see Regional Studies). Despite the problems with the above data sources, the integration of these approaches has important potential for a number of topics that have emerged in discussions about the biological effects of contact. In addition to change in health status and population size, the topic of quality of life before Europeans arrived in 114 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Vol. 37, 1994 the New World is being discussed. That is, what is known about Native American health status before contact? BEFORE CONQUEST: DISEASE, DYING, AND DEATH Paradise lost? The myth persists that before the arrival of Columbus prehistoric Native Americans led idyllic lives: they occupied a pristine landscape (see Denevan, 1992b; Butzer, 1993; O’Hara et al., 1993)’ and they experienced little or no disease (e.g., Sale, 1990). Dobyns (1983:34), for example, indicates that “[blefore the invasion of peoples of the New World by pathogens that evolved among inhabitants of the Old World, Native Americans lived in a relatively disease-free environment. . . . Before Europeans initiated the Columbian Exchange of germs and viruses, the peoples of the Americas suffered no smallpox, no measles, no chickenpox, no influenza, no typhus, no typhoid or parathyroid fever, no diphtheria, no cholera, no bubonic plague, no scarlet fever, no whooping cough, and no malaria.” Certainly, none in this cacophonous inventory of diseases was present in the New World prior to contact (see Merbs, 1992). On the other hand, i t leaves the impression that native populations experienced no disease. This point of view is echoed by Thornton in his statement that “[tlhere are overwhelming indications that the peoples of North America and the entire Western Hemisphere were remarkably free of serious diseases before the Europeans and Africans arrived” (1987:39; see also Cook and Lovell, 1991a). The perception of a disease-free New World is reinforced by early narratives recounting a n apparent absence of disease before the arrival of Europeans. For example, one Maya native recalled that “[tlhere was then no sickness. The foreigners made i t otherwise when they arrived here. They brought shameful things when they came” (quoted in Cook and Lovell, 1991b:242). In New England, colonist William Wood remarked that native peoples were “of lusty and healthful bodies, not experimentally knowing the catalogue of those health-wasting diseases which are incident to other countries” (cited in Cronon, 1983:85). Moreover, Europeans living in the New World seemed to be enjoying better health than their contemporaries living back home in Europe (Cronon, 1983). Skeletal evidence of infectious disease Studies of numerous archaeological human skeletal series have shown that the “disease-free’’ perception is completely unfounded. Moreover, the social and populational changes that predate the arrival of Europeans may have already contributed to the presence of acute crowd infections, at least in some regions where native populations were living in densely settled circumstances (see Saunders et al., 1992). At the center of this discussion has been the consideration of the presence of two chronic infectious diseases, treponematosis and tuberculosis. Treponematosis comprises a group of bacterial spirochete (genus Treponerna) infections, the skeletal manifestations of which are present in venereal syphilis, endemic (nonvenereal) syphilis, and yaws (Ortner and Putschar, 1985; Ortner et al., 1992). Tuberculosis is caused by Mycobacterium tuberculosis or closely related species (Thijn and Steensma, 1990). Both diseases leave characteristic skeletal modifications that are distinctive from each other. Treponematosis involves pathological proliferation and enlargement of bone tissue, mostly skeletal elements with little overlying soft tissue such as the tibia diaphysis and calvarium (Hackett, 1976; Hudson, 1958; Jaffe, 1972; Ortner and Putschar, 1985; Ortner et al., 1992; Steinbock, 1976), whereas tuberculosis causes a loss of bone mass, especially affecting lower thoracic and lumbar vertebral bodies (Ortner and Putschar, 1985; Thijn and Steensma, 1990). Analysis of human skeletal series in the 1970s and 1980s as well as ongoing research by various workers in the present decade have provided abundant data indicating the presence of both diseases in the New World before contact (contra Larsen] POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 115 Stannard, 1991; see comprehensive review by Merbs, 1992). The identification of M . tuberculosis DNA in mummified lung tissue from Peru provides complementary evidence for the presence of tuberculosis well before European contact (Salo et al., 1994). Similarly, Rogan and Lentz (1994) have tentatively identified Treponema DNA in prehistoric Chilean mummies. Although skeletal remains from a number of regions have now been examined showing the existence of isolated and multiple cases of tuberculosis and treponematosis in specific settings (see Buikstra and Williams, 1991; Merbs, 19921, three regions of North America have received the most attention-the American Midwest (e.g., Buikstra, 1981; Cook, 1976; Milner and Smith, 1990; Milner, 1992; Morse, 1967; Sullivan, 1985; West, 19931, Southeast (e.g., Bogdan and Weaver, 1992; Bullen, 1972; Dailey and Morse, 1984; Eisenberg, 1986; Hutchinson, 1993a,b; Lewis, 1994; Murray, 1989; Ortner et al., 1992; Powell, 1989,1990,1991, 1992), and, to a lesser extent, Southwest (e.g., Coyne, 1981; Fink, 1985; Merbs, 1989a, 1992; Stodder, 1994; Stodder and Martin, 1992; Sumner, 1985). Examples of treponematosis and tuberculosis have been documented in diverse circumstances over thousands of years prior to contact (e.g., Bullen, 1972; and discussion by Hutchinson, 1993a). Osteological cases of treponematosis and tuberculosis identified by physical anthropologists are typically from prehistoric settings predating Columbus’s landfall by only a few centuries. Moreover, they tend to be associated with native societies living in settled and crowded communities whose diets focus in varying degrees on agriculture. These general characteristics support the contention that the diseases are essentially density-dependent (e.g., see discussion of mycobacterial infections by Merbs, 1992). With regard to the endemic (nonvenereal) form of treponematosis, Merbs indicated that “its present distribution, limited almost entirely to the Old World, argues against any precontact presence in the Americas” (1992:21). However, close examination of the skeletal pattern of lesions as well as its widespread distribution prior to contact argues that the disease was endemic in the Americas before contact (e.g., Bogdan and Weaver, 1992; Bullen, 1972; Elting and Starna, 1984; Hutchinson, 1993a,b; Powell, 1990, 1992; Reichs, 1989; Ross-Stallings, 1989; Snow, 1962). Cranial lesions such as caries sicca and areas of gummatous remodeling-classic indicators of venereal syphilis-are usually not present in precontact skeletal series. Moreover, precontact skeletons typically lack congenital and neonatal skeletal and dental modifications associated with venereal syphilis (e.g., Bogdan and Weaver, 1992; Hutchinson, 1993a,b). The detailed study of treponematosis and tuberculosis in archaeological human remains serves to remind us that, like all human populations, native New World groups lived in circumstances involving infectious disease as a potential selective force (Armelagos et al., 1978). J u s t how life-threatening or debilitating these diseases were in the prehistoric past is unknown. However, because treponematosis in particular was endemic, it was likely not a primary cause of mortality (see also Bogdan and Weaver, 1992; Powell, 1992). Historical narratives indicate, however, that it resulted in great discomfort. In his description of native populations in North Carolina in the early eighteenth century, John Lawson noted that the Santee “. . . have a sort of Rheumatism or Burning of the Limbs, which tortures them grievously, at which times their Legs are so hot, that they employ the young People continually to pour water down them. . . . This not seldom bereaves them of their Nose. I have seen three or four of them render’d most miserable Spectacles by this Distemper . . .” (Lawson, 1967:231). Other factors contributing to reduced quality of life prior to contact have also been examined. This is especially apparent in a number of bioarchaeological studies t h a t have examined the prevalence of nonspecific infectious skeletal lesions. Although the etiological underpinnings are only poorly understood, the study of these pathological conditions lends important insights into the general characteristics of human health prior to European contact. Variously called periosteal re- 116 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Val. 37, 1994 Fig. 1. Adult tibia showing periosteal reaction on mid-diaphysis (Amelia Island, Florida, mission ossuary, no. 40; photograph by Mark C . Griffin). actions or periostitis, these lesions are restricted to the outer bone surface and develop a s a response to skin infection, systemic bacterial infection, other soft tissue infections, or trauma, such as a blow to the leg (Ortner and Putschar, 1985). Periosteal reactions usually involve proliferation of bone tissue forming on the external cortical bone surface, often resulting in a n irregular expansion of the periosteum (Fig. 1). In the healed form, the periosteum has a smooth, undulating appearance that is frequently accompanied by a localized swelling, usually on long bone diaphyses (especially the tibia). Osteomyelitis, a more extensive form of infection affecting the bone cortex and medullary cavity, involves the introduction of pyogenic (pus-producing) bacteria (e.g., Staphylococcus, Streptococcus). Osteological samples typically show a much lower frequency of osteomyelitis than periosteal reactions. A large number of studies have reported on the prevalence of periosteal reactions in archaeological skeletal samples, mostly from North America (but see Ubelaker, 1984, 1994). Like the aforementioned specific infectious diseases, most of the systematically collected data are from the American Midwest (e.g., Cook, 1984; Lallo et al., 1978; Lallo and Rose, 1979; Milner, 1991; Milner and Smith, 1990; Perzigian et al., 1984) and Southeast (e.g., Boyd, 1986; Eisenberg, 1986; Hutchinson, 1991; Larsen, 1982,1984; Larsen and Harn, 1994; Powell, 1988, 1991; Rose et al., 1984). In these regions, researchers have reported a considerable range in frequency of periosteal reactions. For example, in skeletal remains analyzed by Milner (1991) from the American Bottom of the Mississippi River valley, nearly 30% of tibiae observed from late prehistoric sites displayed lesions. In the late prehistoric intensive maize agriculturalists from the Dickson Mounds series, 67% of tibiae were affected (Goodman et al., 1984a). In the Averbuch series-also late prehistoricthe prevalence is approximately 80% in adult males and 70% in adult females for all tibia1 lesions (periosteal reactions and osteomyelitis combined; Eisenberg, 1986). These figures are well above those reported from the Georgia coast by Larsen (1982))where only about 15% of tibiae show evidence of periosteal reactions in late prehistory. Some of this variability might point to different means of identifying and recording skeletal pathology by various researchers. Nevertheless, it clearly indicates the presence of infectious pathology prior to contact. Like the specific diseases discussed above, the highest frequencies tend to be associated with large, late prehistoric, sedentary populations. Finally, studies of late prehistoric populations show that before contact numer- Larsenl POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 117 ous groups had experienced a decline in health status that may be related to nutritional insufficiencies associated with maize consumption. For example, in some regions of North America (but not all), a number of researchers have documented increase in iron deficiency anemia (e.g., Cook, 1984; El-Najjar et al., 1975). Other factors contributing to anemia, such as parasitism and other infectious states, may be involved (see Stuart-Macadam and Kent, 1992). Moreover, the increasing prevalence of dental defects (e.g., hypoplasias) and other nonspecific indicators of health status tied to nutritional deprivation or infectious disease or both are also well documented in many settings (e.g., various studies in Cohen and Armelagos, 1984). Because of the synergistic interaction between malnutrition and infectious disease, it is usually not possible to tease apart the role of both in the etiology of nonspecific indicators of health in skeletal series (see Larsen, 1987; Saunders and Hoppa, 1993). Nevertheless, the presence of hard tissue evidence-in high frequencies in some settings in the New World-attests to the poor health in some populations well before European contact (also see various authors in Larsen and Milner, 1994; Verano and Ubelaker, 1992). Social conflict and violence That precontact populations did not live in a bucolic setting with little or no conflict is well illustrated by evidence of violent encounters observed in human remains. In the central Illinois River valley, for example, Milner and coworkers (Milner, 1992; Milner and Smith, 1990; Milner et al., 1991) have analyzed human remains from the Norris Farms #36 site, representative of the late prehistoric (ca. A.D. 1300) Oneota cultural tradition. The Oneota were a population influx into a region already occupied by a Mississippian culture. Some 16%(43/264)of skeletons show damage-trauma, mutilation, and cranial damage-indicative of violent death (Fig. 2). Five wounded victims, all adult women, appear to have survived because they show extensive posttraumatic bone remodeling. However, most injuries were lethal. Three of these individuals had been scalped. In total, some one-third of the adults died from violent means. In the late prehistoric Koger’s Island site in the middle Tennessee River valley in northwestern Alabama, Bridges (1993) has analyzed human remains from several mass burials, each containing a minimum of five individuals, mostly adult males. Some individuals-all males-have scalping marks on the cranial vaults. About 20% (22/107) of the skeletons from the site are from multiple-individual graves. Comparison of adult male and female mortality profiles from Koger’s Island reveals clear sex differences. In females, there is a peak age-at-death in the late teens and twenties, and in males, the peak occurs in the thirties. Comparison of the multiple burials (25 skeletons) with smaller burials (<5 individuals) shows that the latter have mortality profiles commonly observed in archaeological skeletal series-namely, there is a relatively high peak age-at-death affecting young juveniles. In contrast, the peak mortality in the multiple burials occurs during the fourth decade. In addition, the multiple burials are overwhelmingly male. Based on these observations-presence of traumatic injury, differing mortality profile patterns, and adult sex composition-Bridges (1993) argues that the multipleburial deaths were due to violence. Moreover, these violent deaths contributed to alteration in demographic patterns of death, accounting for a higher proportion of deaths (20%)than exhibited in the Norris Farms series. The mortality data based on observations of human remains greatly underestimates the total loss of life from violence, because many deaths did not involve skeletal trauma. High frequency of violent deaths in these prehistoric small-scale societies would likely have had important consequences for the maintenance of social cohesion. On the one hand, the deaths at both Norris Farms and Koger’s Island sites appear to have occurred over a period of time, suggesting that these groups were able to sustain themselves over a span of time, thus allowing for the growth of the cemetery (see also Milner et al., 1991). Nevertheless, these findings also point to high 118 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Val. 37, 1994 Fig. 2. Scalping cut marks on frontal bone (Norris Farms #36, Illinois, individual 72; from GR Milner and VG Smith, Oneota human skeletal remains. In SK Santure, AD Harn, and D Esarey (eds.): Archaeological Investigations at the Morton Village and Norris Farms 36 Cemetary, Ill. State Mus. Rep. Invest. No. 45, 1990; photograph by George R. Milner; reproduced with permission of authors and the Illinois State Museum). levels of social conflict whereby a smaller-scale society suffered population loss from malevolent encounters, presumably while subdominant and dominant groups were competing for the same or highly overlapping resources. The presence of social conflict leading to violent death has been documented in a number of other regions. In the Missouri River valley of the northern Great Plains, human remains from the proto-Arikara Crow Creek site (ca. A.D. 1325) show a suite of traumatic lesions similar to those observed in the Norris Farms and Koger’s Island samples. These lesions denote evidence of traumatic injury, including fractures, tooth evulsions, cranial depression fractures, scalping, and decapitation (Willey, 1990; Willey and Emerson, 1993). In addition, several Crow Creek skeletons possess cut marks on nasal bones and mandibular rami indicating nose and tongue removal, respectively. In contrast to the Koger’s Island and Norris Farms series, however, the extraordinarily high frequency of scalping marksnearly 90% of the Crow Creek crania display cut marks-indicates that all deaths occurred during a single raid or massacre. In the American Southwest, a number of late prehistoric human skeletal assemblages have cut marks, breakage, and other modifications suggesting that deceased individuals were processed for food (e.g., Fagan, 1994; Turner, 1983, 1993; Turner et al., 1993; White, 1992). Violence such as that associated with warfare may have caused the deaths of individuals in these samples. However, most of the skeletal elements are highly fragmentary, thus preventing identification of mutilation and wounding patterns that could have caused death (Turner, 1993). For example, none of the skeletal remains examined by White (e.g., Mancos Canyon) Larsenl POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 119 had imbedded stone projectile points indicating violent death. Alternatively, starvation during periods of drought and poor resource availability may have been a n incentive for cannibalism. Unfortunately, evidence of starvation is difficult, if not impossible, to identify in human skeletal remains. Therefore, the reasons for cannibalism in this region are unknown. Whatever the cause, however, cannibalism may have been a contributing factor to precontact mortality in the American Southwest: as many as 40 skeletal assemblages exhibit processing characteristics consistent with anthropophagous behavior (Turner, 1993). It is likely that interpersonal violence in prehistoric societies was intended to have a lethal outcome (e.g., Jurmain, 1991; Milner e t al., 1991; Powell and Rogers, 1980; Turner et al., 1993; various chapters in Owsley and Jantz, 1994). Apparently, however, not all violent interactions were meant to result in the death. In the Santa Barbara Channel Island area, Walker (1989) has documented the high prevalence (19.3%) of well-healed cranial depression fractures (Fig. 3). The presence of bone remodeling in all but one cranium indicates that the trauma was rarely lethal. Like the Crow Creek sample from South Dakota, cranial injuries were commonplace. However, the virtual lack of healing in the Crow Creek victims indicates that homicide was the intent. The underlying circumstances for violence in both societies, however, may have been similar. In this regard, the majority of victims in the Channel Islands group are late prehistoric, a time when population was at its highest numbers and density. In circumscribed land masses like islands, i t would have been difficult to avoid conflict by population movement (Walker, 1989). The problem may have been worsened by the reduction in important marine and terrestrial resources brought about by a general warming trend during later prehistory. The reduction in food availability would likely have resulted in a n increase in competition and, hence, violent behavior (Lambert, 1994; Walker, 1989). Most of the documented cases of interpersonal violence in skeletal series are males (e.g., Walker, 1989; Turner et al., 19931, which reflects the central role of men in the violent resolution of conflicts. However, study of crania from the Riviere aux Vase site dating from the late prehistoric period (ca. A.D. 1000-1300) in Michigan indicates a much higher frequency of cranial trauma in adult females (N = 16) than adult males (N = 4)(Wilkinson and Van Wagenen, 1993). Of the individuals with cranial trauma, most males are relatively old (>50 years) and most females are young (21-25 years). This sex and age pattern of violent behavior suggests that young women were preferentially selected victims of attack. The lack of indicators of trauma resulting from warfare (e.g., projectile wounds, scalping; Milner et al., 1991) suggests that violence may have been associated with either capture of reproductive-age women from another group or these women were victims of spouse abuse within the natal group (Wilkinson and Van Wagenen, 1993). The variability in the pattern and probable social context for violence in prehistoric societies is similar to what has been observed in some living small-scale societies (Chagnon, 1983). Regardless of cause, however, skeletal series from diverse settings reflect evidence of chronic intergroup (and perhaps intragroup) conflict occurring well before European contact. Traumatic injury sometimes resulting in death was not unusual before contact, especially during later prehistory in eastern North America (see Milner et al., 1991). If the ethnographic and ethnohistorical literature can be taken as a n accurate representation of conflict and warfare in small-scale groups, mortality and morbidity resulting from interpersonal violence likely varied in space and time and should not be construed as commonplace behavior (Milner et al., 1991). For example, trauma in many series is predominantly accidental in origin (e.g., Lovejoy and Heiple, 1981; Smith, 1990). Whatever its cause, violence was a n aspect of the precontact social landscape that indicates a picture of human interaction that at times was decidedly nonidyllic before the arrival of Europeans (see also discussions by Smith, 1994; White, 1992). 120 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Val. 37, 1994 Fig. 3. Depression fractures in adult crania from Santa Barbara Channel area, California. A: Ellipsoidal parietal injury, BMNH SK10068, Santa Cruz Island. B: Deep circular injury, BMNH SK10047, Santa Cruz Island. C: Multiple circular injuries, SBa-60, mainland coast. D: Ellipsoidal occipital injury, BMNH SK10012, Santa Cruz Island. E: Circular parietal injury, SBa-60, mainland coast; arrow points to residual fracture line (from PL Walker, Cranial injuries as evidence of violence in prehistoric southern California, Am. J . Phys. Anthropol. 80:313-323. Copyright 0 1989 Wiley-Liss, lnc.; reproduced with permission of author and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.). DURING CONQUEST: DISEASE, DYING, AND DEATH Population size One of the most discussed issues about the post-Columbian period is the estimation of the total size of the native population a t the time of or shortly before initial contact. At times, the debates surrounding these discussions have appeared to Larsenl POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 121 emphasize numbers without broader context for their meaning. Or, as noted by Johansson (1982:137),discussions “over the size of the population at contact have the appearance of a game in which numbers rather than balls are batted about.” However, estimation of population size at contact is not a trivial issue. Rather, knowledge of the size of native population at the time of contact engenders a better understanding of the magnitude and variability of population decline throughout the Americas after 1492; it allows us to examine adaptations and history of native groups that inhabited the New World a t the time of contact (see Ubelaker, 1992a); it sheds light on the rate and timing of the spread of Old World pathogens; and overall, population size changes provide a rough measure of health status alterations. Controversies over aboriginal population size have continued unabated since the first estimates were made (see reviews in Daniels, 1992; Denevan, 1992a; Johannson, 1982; Thornton, 1987; Ubelaker, 1988,1992a). The sixteenth-century Spanish historian Bartolome de Las Casas estimated the native population size on the Caribbean island of Hispaniola (Haiti and Dominican Republic) in 1492 at approximately three million (see Borah, 1992; Rosenblat, 1992). During the first several decades of the sixteenth century, he argued that some 15 million natives died in the West Indies. This is the estimate projected by Steward (1949) for the entire western hemisphere! The most careful work on population estimates has been done for North America, the continent for which there are the most accurate data. Ubelaker (1988, 1992a,b) has reviewed the history of estimating population size in North America north of Mexico since Mooney (1928) completed his pioneering study nearly a century ago (see also Daniels, 1992:Table 11). There is a considerable degree of variability in the estimates cited in these studies, ranging from under one million (e.g., Kroeber, 1939) to 18 million (Dobyns, 1983). Especially controversial are Dobyns’s estimates extrapolated from the northern Florida Timucua (see, for example, critique by Henige, 1986a,b, 1990). Based on the resource potential of various natural habitats, Dobyns (1983) estimates that the Timucua numbered 722,000 in 1517. Extrapolating from this tribe, he argues that there were about 18 million “living north of civilized Mesoamerica” immediately prior to European contact. Ubelaker (1988, 1992a) has analyzed individual tribal estimates presented by specialists contributing to the Handbook of North American Indians (Sturtevant, 1978). His estimates reflect a range of carefully considered archaeological and ethnohistorical data, the impacts of early epidemics, and ecology (see also Daniels, 1992, for a detailed review of the methodological approaches of this and other estimate studies). From these data, an estimate of 1,894,350 is derived for native population size of North America at the time of contact. Considerably less than Dobyns’s estimates, Ubelaker’s more conservative numbers may be closer to reality, although the variability in quality of data and different methodologies employed by the myriad of contributors to the Handbook suggests that this figure is imprecise (see Ubelaker, 1988). Ubelaker (1992a) has also examined population size of ten major regions at different time intervals beginning with A.D. 1500 and concluding with 1985, drawing several important conclusions. First, there is a remarkable range of variability in the magnitude of native population size reduction in North America after A.D. 1500: the decline in population appears to have been greatest in California (95%), whereas arctic and subarctic populations experienced the least amount of decrease (53%and 56%,respectively). These findings suggest that population reduction was not uniform across the Americas, but rather was likely dependent on local circumstances, such as those related to the size and distribution of different aboriginal societies as well as other predisposing circumstances that might have led to relatively more (or less) population loss. Second, the nadir size of North American native populations for all areas combined was about 530,000 (72% reduction) in 1900. Finally, although native groups experienced astonishing reductions, both 122 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Vol. 37, 1994 regionally and overall, the recovery in the present century indicates a remarkable resiliency. Ubelaker (1988) estimates that population size in 1985 was about 2.5 million, a figure suggesting that population has actually increased in relation to that present when Europeans first made landfall in the New World. By all accounts, this demographic resurgence will continue for the foreseeable future (see Johannson, 1982; Ubelaker, 1992a). How population size in the New World may have responded to disease and other stressors has recently been investigated via computer simulation models. For example, in colonial Mexico, Whitmore (1992) has simulated mortality, fertility, and migration figures for the Basin of Mexico using documentary information on disease epidemics and other stressors (e.g., forced relocation, violent death). Matching his simulation with several alternative historical reconstructions demonstrates a close fit with previous reconstructions showing “moderate” collapse in population size in the region (from 1,304,390 to 343,018 in 1569). The importance of this simulation is that it provides a n independent test of different reconstructions of population size using historical sources. Disease spread An assumption that native population distribution was uniform underlies most discussions about population size in the New World, either with regard to specific regions or with regard to major land masses. Based on a high degree of saturation of the many landscapes making up the Americas, Dobyns (1983:324) argues that there were a series of frequent and uniform pandemics that spread rapidly throughout a single, vast “epidemic region.” A “widespread biological invasion” (smallpox) in the years 1520-1524 is believed to have resulted in massive depopulation, especially in regions of the Americas that were most densely populated “at least from Chile across (the) present United States” (Dobyns, 1983:15). In order to clarify the postcontact transformations in population size and distribution in the Americas, Milner and coworkers (1992) have focussed on archaeological evidence of population size and distribution in the Eastern Woodlands region of North America-the area east of the Mississippi River-extending from the southern tip of Florida to southern Canada. This area is appropriate for this kind of study owing to the availability of a tremendous archaeological data base from which population size and distribution may be assessed, in contrast to most other areas of the Americas where data are much less complete. Based on a n extensive archaeological literature and unpublished data, they have developed a series of maps showing population concentrations and phase boundaries for specific time intervals, including late precontact (A.D. 1400-1450), initial contact (15001550), and full-scale, sustained contact (1600-1650) periods. Although spotty in many areas, these data provide a new avenue for investigating the distribution of native population size during late prehistory and the initial period of contact and after. Their findings show that Native Americans were, of course, living in many areas of eastern North America, but large regions were either unoccupied or sparsely occupied in the period immediately preceding and during initial contact by Europeans. All environments that were economically productive (e.g., river valleys) were not uniformly settled, and only a fraction of potentially habitable areas were actually populated. The upper Oconee watershed of Georgia is one of the best archaeologically documented regions in the Eastern Woodlands. Kowalewski and Hatch (1991) report that the valleys and nearby uplands in the region were occupied by populations living in small communities and farmsteads throughout the late prehistoric period. These populations appear to have increased in size during the early contact period (through the sixteenth century), well after the first Spanish explorations (e.g., the de Soto entrada). Population decline does not occur until the early seventeenth century, Similar patterns of continuous occupation are reported in other areas. For example, piedmont North Carolina is characterized by population stability prior to European contact, and there is no evidence of decline until intensive trade begins Larsenl POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 123 with British colonists in the mid-seventeenth century (Davis and Ward, 1991; Ward and Davis, 1991, 1993). On the other hand, some regions in the Eastern Woodlands show complete or near complete depopulation, well before European contact. In the Savannah River basin of Georgia and South Carolina from ca. A.D. 1000 to 1450, local chiefdoms appeared, flourished, and declined in a relatively uniform fashion prior to European contact (Anderson, 1994). Archaeological evidence indicates that most of the lower and central area of the Savannah basin was completely abandoned after A.D. 1450 (Anderson, 1994). The period of abandonment lasted for a t least a century a s evidence by eyewitness accounts from the 1540 de Soto exploration of the region indicates that the area was completely devoid of humans (see Anderson, 1994; Hudson e t al., 1984). In summary, the Eastern Woodlands region was a populous landscape but by no means uniformly occupied either spatially or temporally by native groups. The apparent gaps in population distribution-a consequence of both physical and social barriers-argue that many prime resource zones did not support human groups to the same extent. Indeed, a number of these zones were unoccupied for various regions (see Anderson, 1994). Based on this new information, Milner and coworkers (1992) make two key observations that contradict some of Dobyns’s (1983) assumptions. First, the archaeological record gives compelling evidence for population size well below the level projected by Dobyns. Second, the unoccupied regions separating different aboriginal groups represented buffer zones separating hostile polities. These buffers, some of which were likely quite large, would have impeded to varying degrees the spread of European-introduced infectious diseases. Thus, some populations would have been affected by the introduction of new diseases, but others would have been left untouched at various times. This factor, along with evidence for populous landscapes well after the initial European explorations (e.g., Kowalewski and Hatch, 1991; Ward and Davis, 1991, 1993), argues against pandemic models of rapid and uniform disease spread. Although Cook and Love11 (1991b:240) argue “[tlhat the first diseases introduced from the Old World to the New World found ideal conditions for the rapid transmission of sickness across vast distances,” the conditions for rapid disease spread were not “ideal,” nor were the “conditions” for transmission of disease “indisputable.” On the other hand, some New World societies maintained strong social ties that involved large areas. With regard to the Coosa paramount chiefdom, for example, Milner and coworkers (1992) remark that these ties would have facilitated the spread of disease across sparsely occupied regions. Moreover, the very dense population concentrations in the lower and middle Mississippi River valleys might well have facilitated rapid disease transfer in those areas (see also Ramenofsky, 1987). Therefore, more complex societies characterized by strong social ties across different communities may have been relatively more susceptible to disease spread than smaller and more geographically isolated societies where contacts were less frequent. REGIONAL STUDIES The motives of different European nations involved in the exploration and conquest of the Americas were quite varied. In northeastern North America, early European-especially British and French-contacts with native groups tended to be entrepreneurial-oriented trade exchanges involving minimal government control (Earle, 1992; Fitzhugh, 1985). On the other hand, in the vast territories of New Spain-encompassing southern North America, Central America, and most of South America-contacts between Europeans and natives were closely monitored by the Spanish Crown and the Roman Catholic Church. Both the government and religious institutions exerted a strong influence over native groups in the form of population resettlement in villages, towns, and missions. Resettlement policies followed by Imperial Spain in the Americas promoted effective civil administration, facilitated religious conversion to Christianity, and created more readily 124 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Vol. 37, 1994 accessible labor pools (see Jones, 1978; Lovell, 1988; Weber, 1992). Therefore, the nature of contact between Native Americans and Europeans varied greatly. Archaeologically, these differences are manifested in a variety of ways. For example, in eastern North America, native populations living in areas not dominated by Spain continued to follow traditional forms of settlement pattern, house structure, and other native patterns of behavior. Moreover, mortuary behavior and disposal of the dead, a n important indicator of belief systems, remained essentially unchanged, albeit with some modification reflecting European-Native American interaction (e.g., Axtell, 1981; Baker, 1994; Brain, 1988; Gibson, 1980; Greenman, 1951; Hedman, 1993; Morrell, 1965; Simmons, 1970; Smith, 1987; Turnbaugh, 1993; Ward and Davis, 1993; Waselkov et al., 1990; Wray et al., 1987). In contrast, native patterns of behavior in New Spain were dramatically altered, especially with regard to mortuary activity and use of Christian-style interment (e.g., Larsen, 1993). It seems possible, then, that greater social and cultural involvement by some European powers may also have resulted in relatively greater biological disruption in native societies. Variability in the biological response to contact with Europeans should also be influenced by preexisting characteristics of individual native groups. Habitats occupied, population size and distribution, social complexity, dietary composition, and many other parameters show a tremendous range of variation in the New World. Even within relatively limited areas where populations share strong cultural identities, there is a high degree of variability in foods consumed and habitats exploited. For example, Pendergast (1991) has observed marked differences between lowland Maya communities of Lamanai and Tipu, located within two hundred kilometers of each other. In sum, these differences remind us that the period of conquest and resulting biological changes should not be viewed as a uniform process with necessarily predictable outcomes, but rather as a patchwork of varying responses that were dependent both on the nature of European exploitative strategies and the specific native groups participating in a wide range of contact interactions. In the following discussion, six regional studies involving the analysis of human remains and other relevant data by physical anthropologists are presented. These studies are a representative sample of a growing number of investigations (see Larsen, 1990; Larsen and Milner, 1994; Verano and Ubelaker, 1992) that use human remains a s a data source in assessing the biological impact of European contact on native societies. Given the long and extensive tradition of bioarchaeological research by physical anthropologists in the United States and Canada, the regional investigations discussed here are biased toward North America. Nevertheless, they serve to show variability in native response to conquest as well as some important similarities and differences between regions. European expansion was of course not limited to the Americas. Although the focus of this article is on biological change and adaptation in the Americas, I have chosen to discuss a parallel comparison of precontact and contact skeletons from Hawai'i in order to underscore the global nature of biological alterations for previously isolated populations. La Florida Guale Within a century following the founding and naming of La Florida by the Spanish explorer Ponce de Leon in 1513, a n extensive network of Christian missions had been established in what is now coastal Georgia and northern Florida (McEwan, 1993; Thomas, 1987). Within a relatively short amount of time after the initial founding of these outposts, native belief systems throughout much of the region were greatly altered, especially with regard to treatment and disposition of the deceased (Larsen, 1993). Study of mortuary patterns in contact-era sites shows that with very few exceptions natives were buried in Christian-style postures in close approximation to churches, thus reflecting the successes of a t least this aspect of the efforts by priests to Christianize natives. Larsenl POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 125 Beginning in the 1930s, archaeologists and physical anthropologists have been involved in the excavation and study of mortuary localities throughout Spanish Florida, particularly in those tribal regions where Spain achieved its greatest success in implementing these new belief systems, namely among the Guale, Timucua, and Apalachee (Hann, 1990). Because these groups were some of the earliest to be contacted north of Mexico, the study of hundreds of skeletons from a dozen or so mission sites offers an opportunity to understand the biological underpinnings of sustained, long-term contact with Europeans, including responses to European-introduced and already existing diseases, dietary change, malnutrition, and increased labor demands (Larsen, 1993). Narrative and other historical documents indicate that like most other areas of the New World, population losses from epidemic disease were a t times horrific. Moreover, this region sustained some of the earliest and most severe losses (see Wood, 1989). In 1659, for example, the governor of La Florida remarked that some 10,000 natives had succumbed to a recent outbreak of measles (Hann, 1988). The decreased number of villages during the seventeenth century attests to the dramatic shrinkage of population (see Jones, 1978). Analysis of human remains by Larsen and coworkers from prehistoric (pre-A.D. 1450) and mission-period (A.D. 1566-1702) sites in coastal Georgia and Florida, the region occupied by the Guale, has focused on two broad areas of inquiry regarding biocultural stress and adaptation in contact-era natives: 1)assessment of quality of life and 2) characterization of physical behavior and activity patterns. The first area deals primarily with the negative impact of missionization, including decline in nutritional quality, reduction in resource diversity, population nucleation resulting from the Spanish practice of reduccidn (concentration of native population within limited areas), and infectious diseases. The second area presents details about increasing work loads resulting from Spanish labor practices and the effects of sedentism on mobility patterns. Analysis of stable isotope ratios of carbon and nitrogen from bone collagen indicates a concurrent increase in reliance on maize and a decrease in emphasis on marine foods (e.g., fish and shellfish) in mission-era natives in comparison with prehistoric groups (Larsen et al., 1992b; Schoeninger et al., 1990). Moreover, an increase in prevalence of dental caries, an indicator of carbohydrate consumption (maize has a high sucrose component) in late mission-era populations especially provides additional evidence for an increased reliance on maize (Larsen et al., 1991). Analysis of microwear patterns on molars suggests an increase in consumption of soft foods (e.g., maize prepared into mushes; Teaford, 1991; Fig. 4).These findings are generally consistent with the archaeological record of food remains recovered in the region, especially in regard t o increase in reliance on maize and decrease in use of marine foods during the mission period (Dukes, 1993; Reitz, 1990; Ruhl, 1993). European-introduced domesticated animals (especially pigs and chickens) are present in these contexts, but they appear to be of very minor dietary importance (Reitz, 1990; Reitz and Duncan, n.d.). Analysis of enamel defects known as hypoplasias provides additional insight into physiological stress (Hutchinson and Larsen, 1988,1990; Larsen and Hutchinson, 1992; Simpson et al., 1990; Fig. 5). Study of prehistoric and mission dentitions indicates that these defects tend to be relatively narrower in the precontact natives than in the contact-era natives, suggesting a generally shorter stress duration or lesser severity or both prior to contact. These observations are consistent with ethnohistoric records describing an increase in infectious disease, starvation, and warfare in the contact period (see Jones, 1978). Hypoplasias are nonspecific indicators of stress; therefore it is not possible to identify the particular stressors responsible for the insult resulting in an enamel deficiency. Interestingly, the enamel hypoplasias are generally narrower in nonmission natives than in mission natives during the contact period, thus highlighting the ill effects of mission life (e.g., declining nutrition, crowded living conditions; see Hutchinson and Larsen, 1988; Larsen and Hutchinson, 1992). 126 YEARBOOK OF PHYSZCAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Val. 37, 1994 Fig. 4. Scanning electron micrographs of molar occlusal surfaces ( x 500). Top: Deep pits and wide grooves (precontact Georgia: Marys Mound, individual 2). Bottom: Slight pits and narrow grooves (contact Florida: Santa Catalina de Guale de Santa Maria, individual 36B) (from MF Teaford, Dental microwear: What can it tell us about diet and dental functions? In MA Kelley and CS Larsen (eds.): Advances in Dental Anthropology. Copyright 0 1991 Wiley-Liss, Inc.; reproduced with permission of author and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.). Larsenl POSTCONTACT N A T N E AMERZCAN BZOLOGY 127 Fig. 5. Juvenile anterior dentition showing hypoplasias on central maxillary incisors (anatomical specimen; photograph by Barry Stark). The concentration of Native Americans around missions undoubtedly promoted the spread of infectious disease due to reduced sanitary conditions and closer proximity of individuals. Investigation of periosteal reactions shows a striking increase in frequency in contact-period natives (Larsen and Harn, 1994). In adult males, the prevalence rises from 15.8% before contact to 52.2% in mission natives; in adult females the change in prevalence is lower but still significant, from 16.0% to 27.7%. The increase is high in comparison with other documented temporal changes in eastern North America (cf. Goodman et al., 1984a; Milner, 1991), and may be interpreted as reflecting the deplorable living conditions often associated with mission life in New Spain (Larsen and Harn, 1994). Moreover, the wellknown synergy between infectious disease and malnutrition likely exacerbated the decline in health in these populations. Skeletal modifications arising from reduced iron bioavailability are another important indication of health status used by biological anthropologists. Typically, these modifications develop during the early childhood years and appear as sievelike bone lesions on the outer compact bone of the cranial vault (called porotic hyperostosis) or the roof areas of the eye orbits (called cribra orbitalia; Fig. 6). These changes are generally viewed as representing responses to iron deficiency anemia during childhood (Stuart-Macadam, 1985, 1989). In this region of Spanish Florida, the prehistoric populations have a very low prevalence of skeletal evidence for iron deficiency anemia (<8%)whereas the contact-period populations have a relatively high prevalence (27% for Mission Santa Catalina de Guale). Although the increase may be related to greater consumption of maize, it also reflects a general decline in living conditions, such as presence of parasitism, water contamination, and other factors influencing iron metabolism and bioavailability (see Larsen et al., 1992a; Stuart-Macadam and Kent, 1992). Study of human remains from Guale has also provided considerable information about the effects of increased labor demands on native populations. Native labor played a n important-if not critical-role in the economic success of the Spanish in the region. A variety of accounts describe the role of Indians in food production, construction projects, cargo-bearing over long distances, and other activities 128 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Vol. 37, 1994 Fig. 6. Cribra orbitalia in juvenile cranium from Florida coast (Santa Catalina de Guale de Santa Maria, no. 41;photograph by Mark C. Griffin). (Hann, 1988; Jones, 1978). One priest remarked that “All of the natives of these provinces suffer great servitude, injuries, and vexations from the fact that the governors, lieutenants, and soldiers oblige them to carry loads on their shoulders to the Province of Apalachee. . . . [Mlore than three hundred [natives] are brought to the fort at the time of the planting of corn, carrying their food and the merchandise of the soldiers on their shoulders for more than eighty leagues with the result that some of them die and those who survive do not return to their homes because the governor and the other officials detain them in the fort so they may serve them. . . . This is the reason according to the commonly held opinion that they are being annihilated at such a rate” (quoted in Hann, 1988:140-141). Analysis of osteoarthritis, a skeletal disorder involving the degenerative changes of articular joints due to physical wear and tear (Fig. 7), and the application of biomechanical analysis to long bone cross-sections reveal a consistent pattern of increasing mechanical demands on native populations in Guale (Fresia et al., 1990; Larsen and Ruff, 1994; Ruff and Larsen, 1990). For example, there is an increase in osteoarthritis prevalence in contact-period natives, which is likely related to an increase in work demands (see Larsen and Ruff, 1994). Moreover, a number of late contact natives had spondylolysis, a pathological condition whereby the neural arches are separated from the vertebral bodies, typically in lower thoracic and lumbar vertebrae. This condition is frequently associated with individuals experiencing elevated levels of mechanical stress on the lower back (Bridges, 1989; Merbs, 1989b). Biomechanical analysis of the cross-sections of diaphyses of femora and humeri corroborates findings based on the study of diachronic patterns of osteoarthritis prevalence. In this regard, cross-sectional geometric properties (areas and second moments of area) increased in the contact period. These changes generally reflect an increase in mechanical demand on these groups. Moreover, the higher second moments of area may reflect weight gain due to increased consumption of carbohydrates and more sedentary lifeways in mission settings (Larsen and Ruff, 1994; Larsen] POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 129 Fig. 7. Skeletal manifestations of osteoarthritis. Top: Distal humerus showing polishing (eburnation) and loss of bone on articular surface and marginal lipping. Bottom: Lumbar vertebra with extensive marginal lipping (anatomical specimens; photographs by Barry Stark). Ruff and Larsen, 1990). In at least two accounts, Spaniards remarked on native body morphology in La Florida. In the 1630 Memorial of Fray Francisco Alonso de Jesus, the natives were characterized as “corpulent” (Hann, 1992). Bishop Calderon observed in 1675 that they “are fleshy, and rarely is there a small one” (cited in Hann, 1988:158). It is likely that these depictions of native body size and morphology reflect alterations in diet and mobility during the contact period (Larsen and Ruff, 1994). Thus, the natives in the region were working harder, albeit in a sedentary context. Analysis of cross-sectional shape of the femoral midshaft provides information 130 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Vol. 37, 1994 about mobility patterns (Ruff, 1987; Ruff et al., 1993). Generally speaking, higher values of IJI,, (the ratio of bone strength in the anterior-posterior direction relative to the medial-lateral direction in the midshaft cross-section) reflect behavioral changes involving greater mobility, such as long-distance travel. In the contactperiod mission samples, males on average appear to have been less mobile than their prehistoric predecessors (Larsen and Ruff, 1994). This finding is consistent with the observation that mission populations were sedentary. On the other hand, there were some males in the series that showed a high degree of mobility by this measure. This finding is consistent with accounts during the mission period of males being conscripted by the Spanish for labor projects involving long-distance travel to distant localities (e.g., Hann, 1988). The Spanish presence in the New World is oftentimes associated with what has become known as the Black Legend, whereby Spaniards are viewed as cruel, avaricious, violent, treacherous authoritarians whose chief interest were “glory, God, and gold” (Thomas, 1989; Weber, 1992). Because of the availability of hundreds of human skeletons from Spanish missions and other contact period sites in La Florida, we now have abundant information on morbidity. Contrary to the myths associated with the Black Legend, detailed studies by physical anthropologists show remarkably little evidence for traumatic injury resulting from swordyielding, gun-toting Spaniards. At the Tatham Mound site in gulf-coast Florida, Hutchinson (1989, 1991; Hutchinson and Norr, 1994) has described postcranial elements that exhibit cut marks caused by metal-edged weapons. The site is a likely location for de Soto’s exploration through the region in 1539. At San Luis de Talimali, the primary Christian mission established among the Apalachee, a n elite adult male died from a gunshot wound (Larsen and Huynh, 1993). These are the only two archaeological localities in Spanish Florida showing clear evidence of violent death. Therefore, based on the study of hundreds of skeletal individuals, osseous documentation for trauma resulting from violent encounters with Europeans is virtually nonexistent in a t least this area of New Spain. Southwestern Pueblos One of the most extensively documented regions of the New World is the American Southwest, especially regarding the wealth of archaeological, historical, and ethnographic information for the Pueblo groups from the modern states of New Mexico and Arizona. From about A.D. 1 to the mid-sixteenth century, the region was occupied by sedentary and semisedentary groups who were dependent to varying degrees on maize and several other crops (especially beans and squash). At the time of the first Spanish entrudus in the middle to late sixteenth century, Pueblo groups were living in distinctive multifamily structures. In the eastern Pueblo region of the Rio Grande Valley and its tributaries, population had increased markedly during the last several centuries prior to European contact. Some of the pueblos housed very large, complex societies (see Upham, 1992). Inspired by Cabeza de Vaca, a 1539 expedition led by Fray Marcos de Niza initiated sustained contact with native groups in the American Southwest. Eventually, a series of some 40 missions were established in New Mexico and Arizona (Cordell, 1989). The mission era, the period of greatest interaction between Europeans and Native Americans, lasted from 1598 well into the nineteenth century. During the period of rapid missionization of native populations, dramatic cultural and social transformations took place. However, given the isolation of the region, owing to its great distances from population centers in Mexico and on the East Coast, low environmental productivity, and lack of valuable mineral resources, the region did not experience the intensive settlement and exploitation by Euroamericans that was seen in many other areas of the Americas (Cordell, 1989). Despite the relative degree of isolation, the effects of contact in this region were profound (Upham, 1992). Because records are incomplete during the period prior to missionization, the size of population a t the time of first contact is not known. Upham (1992) has given a n estimate for native population size of somewhat Larsenl POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 131 greater than 130,000 based on the number of rooms occupied in Rio Grande pueblos in A.D. 1500. This figure is likely high, and the true size may have been closer to 60,000 (see Palkovich, 1985, 1994). Based on his estimates, Upham (1992; see also Palkovich, 1985) suggests that the depopulation of the region may have been about 50% in the first 100 years of contact, which is relatively low compared to most other regions (see Ubelaker, 1992a,b). The most complete documentation for the contact era in the Southwest is from the mission period. Mission records from this period are incomplete, but nevertheless provide important insights into population distribution and change in response to introduced epidemic diseases a s well as other stressors. Epidemic disease, along with the excessive demands from construction of missions, mining, farming, and food tribute, took a heavy toll in lives and quality of life overall (e.g., Cordell, 1989; Spielmann, 1989; Spielmann et al., 1990). Palkovich (1994) has considered the effects of introduced disease on Pueblo populations and other nearby groups. Her findings confirm those of others (e.g., Reff, 1991; Walker and Johnson, 1994) that specific epidemics were especially deadly for some population centers while being virtually unknown in others. For example, analysis of burial records for San J u a n Pueblo for the period of 1726 to 1781 indicates no major epidemic outbreaks; for the same period, Pecos Pueblo was devastated. The demands placed on native populations for food and other forms of tribute by government and religious authorities led to extreme dietary shortfalls and famine by the 1600s (Spielmann, 1989). In exchange for their efforts, native populations gained very little. General resentment on the part of the native population in response to these demands and increased missionary activity led to a major revolt in 1680, resulting in the deaths of missionaries and Spanish settlers (Palkovich, 1985). The Spanish military returned to the region in 1692 commencing a series of raids on native settlements resulting in the deaths of many natives, abandonment of pueblos, and general disruption. Study of precontact and contact-period human remains provides essential information about the effects of contact in this region. Analysis of stable carbon isotope ratios from a number of southwestern localities indicates a high degree of dependence on maize in late prehistoric societies (Stodder and Martin, 1992). At Pecos Pueblo, there is a shift in 613C values suggesting a decline in maize consumption and its replacement by wild sources of plant foods during the contact period, for at least this locality (Spielmann et al., 1990). Spielmann and coworkers suggest the possibility t h a t the native dietary change resulted from demands for maize by the Spanish and that any shortfalls for natives were made up by increased use of wild plants. Stodder (1994) and Stodder and Martin (1992) have reviewed bioarchaeological studies on previously analyzed skeletal series as well a s their own research on precontact and contact-period skeletons. Their findings show a remarkable degree of variability in various measures of health and well-being. Prior to contact, the high degree of dependence on maize in the Pueblo groups is reflected in their poor dental health, especially with regard to high rates of dental caries and periodontal disease (Stodder and Martin, 1992). It is unclear whether or not the decline in maize consumption for Pecos Pueblo is present in other southwestern populations because they exhibit some of the highest caries rates that have been reported for the contact period in the American Southwest (e.g., Stodder and Martin, 1992). There is a high prevalence of iron deficiency anemia in southwestern prehistoric skeletal series (reviewed in Stodder and Martin, 1992). In the predominantly contact-period human remains studied from San Cristobal and Hawikku, Stodder (1994) reports extremely high frequencies of cranial lesions indicative of anemia (90% and 84%, respectively). These findings reflect high levels of anemia endemicity before and after contact. Although initially reported as reflecting a dietary focus on maize (e.g., El-Najjar et al., 1975), the pattern is more likely a product of a combination of circumstances that influence iron absorption, such as parasitism and the well-known synergy between infection and poor nutrition. 132 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Vol. 37, 1994 Documentation of skeletal infections, nonspecific and specific, shows some important temporal trends as revealed in the study of southwestern human remains. In the Mogollon region, there is a n increase in skeletal infection prior to contact. This trend appears to continue into the contact period as some of the highest reported frequencies of periosteal reactions are from San Cristobal and Hawikku (Stodder, 1994; Stodder and Martin, 1992). Proliferative lesions attributed to treponematosis and osteolytic lesions attributed to tuberculosis are present at both localities. The presence of these infections in the skeletal series likely reflects the close, crowded living conditions associated with pueblo habitation. Susceptibility to disease was almost certainly exacerbated by the famine situations and decaying living circumstances generally present during the contact period in the American Southwest. The possible presence of a tuberculosis epidemic is suggested by a cluster of five adults with tubercular lesions in one interment at San Cristobal (Stodder, 1994). This single instance probably grossly underestimates the true decline in health in these groups during the mission period. Study of enamel defects in deciduous and permanent teeth in precontact and contact skeletal series in southwestern groups indicates evidence for considerable stress before and after the arrival of Europeans (Stodder, 1994). In deciduous teeth, a high frequency of hypoplasias attests to the presence of maternal stress during the fetal period. The two primary historic skeletal series studied thus far-San Cristobal and Hawikku-show different patterns of physiological stress. That is, Hawikku children have a tenfold greater frequency of deciduous incisor enamel hypoplasias than San Cristobal children. Moreover, 94% and 85% of permanent incisors in the Hawikku and San Cristobal dental samples are hypoplastic, respectively. These differences emphasize the differential population responses as well as timing of stress during growth to the variety of stressors present both before and after contact in the Southwest. As noted above, interpersonal violence has been well documented in the Southwest. Woodbury (1959) asserts that warfare in this region was commonplace, and recent archaeological analyses of stress and warfare in late prehistoric societies is consistent with this assessment (cf. Haas and Creamer, 1992, 1993). Traumatic injury due to both accidental and violence-related phenomena has been analyzed in a variety of southwestern skeletal series. Compared to precontact skeletons, evidence of violent behavior evinces a slight tendency for a n increase in trauma in contact skeletons (see Stodder and Martin, 1992). A significant proportion of traumatic injury may be related to inter-Pueblo feuding that is well documented for the contact period. Over 40% of skeletons from the Gallina region have some type of traumatic injury. Archaeological work a t Gallina sites has also demonstrated the presence of fortifications and other evidence of hostile interactions (see Stodder and Martin, 1992). Analysis of cranial injury-mostly resulting from violent encounters-shows a n increase from the late prehistoric to the contact periods in Rio Grande Pueblos. Hawikku, San Cristobal, and Pecos crania have injury frequencies of 12%, 15%, and 16%, respectively. These frequencies are very high for skeletal populations generally. At Hawikku and San Cristobal, male crania are more affected than female crania, which likely reflects the greater role of males than females in warfare and intergroup violence, both with regard to inter-Pueblo warfare, which was heightened during the contact period, as well as between natives and Spaniards. Alta California Chumash The settlement of Las Californias was the final large-scale colonial enterprise initiated by Spain in the Americas (Costello and Hornbeck, 1989). Alta California, the area north of Baja California, was first explored in the sixteenth century, but full-scale colonization did not begin until the establishment of a series of 21 Christian missions on the Pacific coast extending from San Diego to San Francisco Larsenl POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 133 between 1769 and 1823. The area lying within the modern boundaries of the present state of California contained some 220,000 to 310,000 native peoples representing perhaps the highest population density in North America prior to European contact (Cook, 197613; Ubelaker, 1992a; Walker and Johnson, 1992). Ubelaker (1988, 1992a) has argued that its losses were among the most severe in North America, representing a 95% reduction to less than 11,000 at population size nadir in 1950. Reflecting the extreme diversity in environmental settings-from harsh deserts to ecologically rich valleys-there is great variability in population density, ranging from large, densely settled areas in highly productive environments (e.g., Central Valley, Santa Barbara Channel), to sparsely inhabited regions in the vast deserts (Kroeber, 1925; Walker e t al., 1989). Some of the first modern scholarship on the biological effects of contact on native New World populations generally, and California populations (Alta and Baja) particularly, began with the work of historian Peveril Meigs I11 and physiologist Sherburne Cook in the 1930s (e.g., Aschmann, 1959; Cook, 1935,1937,1940, 1943, 1947, 1955, 1976a,b; Cook and Borah, 1971-1979; Meigs, 1935). More recently, Jackson and coworkers (Jackson, 1981a,b,c, 1983a,b, 1984,1985,1986,1987,1991, 1994; Langer and Jackson, 1988) and Johnson and coworkers (e.g., Johnson, 1989, 1993a,b, 1994; Larson et al., 1994; Walker and Johnson, 1994) have reported on population characteristics, demography, and health of California Native Americans. These studies provide important historically based assessments of population declines in this region of North America. Studies of health and quality of life in the Chumash tribal group have recently been undertaken by Walker and coworkers (Johnson, 1994; Walker et al., 1989; Walker and Hudson, 1993; Walker and Johnson, 1992, 1994). Analysis of mission records-some of the most complete for any region of the Americas-and examination of human remains from mission cemeteries have provided a n unusually rich record of Native American health changes in the contact period. The biological collapse of the Chumash-who occupied the islands and the adjacent mainland of the Santa Barbara Channel region of Alta California-is well documented. At the time of contact by Europeans, the Chumash were a chiefdom, exploiting a range of marine (e.g., fish, shellfish, sea mammals) and terrestrial (acorns, grass seeds, root crops) resources. Within a period of 50 years, most of the Chumash were associated with missions (Johnson, 1989). Like many of the other areas of New Spain, reduccion led to the removal of the Chumash from traditional home villages to mission centers. Once entering the mission, either by birth or by migration, a n individual’s name, age, and village of origin were recorded by the priest. Many of these records have survived. Other records, including deaths, marriages, baptisms, and related information, fill out this enormously valuable profile of native population. In order to understand the underlying processes leading to population decline in the Chumash, Walker and Johnson (1992, 1994; Johnson, 1989) have cross-referenced baptism and burial entries for several Chumash missions (Santa Barbara, La Purisima, Santa Ines) for 8,476 individuals, representing 90% of all baptisms for these missions. These data have been studied in relation to population decline, population structure, epidemic history, and death and birth rates. They estimate that the population plummeted from a peak of 5,602 in five missions in 1805 to 1,182 in 1832, the last year of accurate records. By 1852, the population was reduced to fewer than 600 (Walker and Johnson, 1994). The differences between early (1782) and late (1822) population pyramids are striking (Fig. 8). Comparison of the pyramids shows a compressed base reflecting the combination of increased infant mortality and, also importantly, reduction in birth rate during a 40-year period. This interpretation is strongly supported by the marked decline in the number of births as well as the increased number of infant deaths during the mission period (Walker and Johnson, 1994). Walker and Johnson (1994) point out that although epidemic diseases certainly took a toll, this only partly explains the deaths of infants. Other factors contributing to young juvenile deaths include crowded, unsanitary living condi- YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY 134 [Val. 37, 1994 Native Village Population of 1782 Males 300 200 100 0 Females 100 200 300 Mission Population of 1822 f P 95-99 - .E 55-59 Q) m a 15-19 Number of People Fig. 8. Reconstructed population pyramids for Chumash populations. Top: Native villages in 1782. Bottom: Mission population in 1822. Note compression of base in the later population (from PL Walker and J R Johnson, The decline of the Chumash Indian-population. In CS Larsen and GR Milner (eds.):In the Wake of Contact Biological Responses of Conquest. Copyright 0 1994 Wiley-Liss, Inc.; 1994; reproduced with permission of author and John Wiley & Sons, Inc.). tions leading to water contamination and the debilitating effects of congenital syphilis (Walker et al., 1989). The records of where and when epidemics struck at individual missions in California provide us with compelling evidence refuting Dobyns’s (1983) assertion that pandemics swept throughout the Americas during the contact period (and see Palkovich, 1994). With regard to the Chumash, villages were closely spaced allowing for frequent contact between different villages. Despite close proximity between population concentrations, epidemics sometimes occurred a t one mission but not another. Moreover, no cases of smallpox were reported among the Chumash prior to 1844, despite a number of opportunities for its introduction. During the smallpox epidemic of 1844, population centers throughout California were affected, resulting in huge losses (Johnson, 1993a). The epidemic did not reach Santa Ines, but it ravaged San Luis Obispo and La Purisima as well as a number of other localities. These observations are inconsistent with a model of even and rapid spread of Old World pathogens as argued by Dobyns (1983). Mission records contain abundant information for diseases and other healthrelated circumstances affecting the Chumash. For specific components of the population, the spread of infectious diseases in crowded missions was especially problematic. For instance, unmarried individuals of both sexes were forced to live in cramped dormitories (Castillo, 1989), creating problems for sanitation and waste disposal and resulting in rapid spread of respiratory infections. Priests frequently commented in their reports on venereal syphilis, tuberculosis, and dysentery Larsenl POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 135 (Walker and Johnson, 1994). Syphilis, especially, resulted in increasing deaths. In addition, the disease lowered fertility and increased morbidity due to other stressors (e.g., poor diets and acute infections). At Mission Santa Barbara, one priest lamented that “the sicknesses found among these Indians are those common to all mankind but the most pernicious and the one that has afflicted them most here for some years is syphilis. All are infected with i t for they see no objection to marrying another infected with it. As a result births are few and deaths many so that their number of deaths exceed births by three to one” (quoted by Walker and Johnson, 1992:133 from Geiger and Meighan, 1976:74). With the secularization of the missions during the 1830s, the population losses continued due to greater number of deaths over births, epidemics, and out-migration (Johnson, 1993a). Moreover, continued conflicts between natives and European descendants and a variety of other factors contributed to a breakdown in social order and elevated death rates. Archaeological reconstructions of diet indicate that in precontact times, Chumash peoples enjoyed a remarkably diverse subsistence economy. However, in the mission period, this diversity was replaced by a narrow dietary focus that was decidedly European in flavor, including foods such as wheat, barley, beans, and beef (Walker and Johnson, 1992). Comparison of food remains recovered by archaeologists from contact-period mission and nonmission village middens indicates that individuals living away from the missions utilized domestic animals, but they continued to exploit a range of other resources (Glenn et al., 1988). Fauna at mission sites, however, are largely restricted to cattle and sheep (Walker and Davidson, 1989). Written documents indicate that in some years food was plentiful, and in other years-especially during crop failures-there were food shortages. These observations indicate a general deterioration in nutrition quality, involving a decline in diversity that was worsened by periodic food shortages. Bioarchaeological investigations of precontact and contact-period Chumash human remains by Walker and coworkers (1989) have added a n important dimension to their interpretations of the quality of life in the contact period based on their complementary study of written documentation and mission records. Carbon and nitrogen stable isotope analysis of human bone collagen in prehistoric natives from the Santa Barbara Channel Islands confirms the presence of great diversity in diet especially with regard to the heavy reliance on protein-rich marine foods during late prehistory (Walker and DeNiro, 1986). In sharp contrast, analysis of isotope ratios in a small sample of skeletons of Spanish settlers from the Santa Barbara Presidio chapel (Costello and Walker, 1987) and natives from the La Purisima mission cemetery indicates that marine foods contributed very little to diet during the contact period, which emphasized terrestrial resources. Comparisons of long bone dimensions (femoral midshaft anterior-posterior and medial-lateral diameters) of prehistoric and mission-period natives provide a rough indicator of nutritional adequacy (Walker et al., 1989). The skeletal measurements of mission natives are noticeably smaller than those of prehistoric natives, which may reflect growth retardation as a response to dietary stress. The presence of physiological stress is also indicated in the analysis of enamel hypoplasias and periosteal reactions. In precontact California populations, there is a tendency for a n increase in frequency of both enamel defects and periosteal reactions, culminating with the highest frequencies for these pathological conditions late in prehistory (Lambert, 1993; Walker and Lambert, 1989). The apparent increase in stress prior to contact is likely related a t least in part to periods of food shortages caused by droughts and reduced marine productivity. Greater frequency of periosteal reactions indicates that population crowding facilitated the spread of infectious conditions. In the Chumash region, the hypoplasia prevalence in the La Purisima neophytes is only slightly less than that seen in a protohistoric population in the densely populated Goleta Slough. These findings, therefore, provide corroborative evidence for stress in both the mission and prehistoric natives. 136 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Vol. 37, 1994 Central America Maya Within the 60 years following the arrival of Spaniards in 1519 in Central America and Mesoamerica generally, native population size reduced dramatically (Marquez Morfin, 1984, 1991; Prem, 1991; White et al., 1994). As in much of the New World, bioarchaeological research on the contact period has been limited in this region, in part due to lack of interest, but also due to generally poor bone preservation in tropical environments and the small amount of contact-period archaeology relative to other time periods. Unlike many other regions of Central America, the southern frontier of Yucatan, Belize, was characterized by a remarkable degree of cultural and social stability (Pendergast, 1986). However, analysis of at least two series of skeletons-from the communities of Lamanai (White et al., 1993, 1994) and Tipu (Cohen et al., 1994)-reveals that this stability is overlain by biological change. As in La Florida, Spaniards in the Maya lowlands achieved a high degree of success in supplanting native religious and belief systems. That is, historic graves are typically Christian-style, located within or in the immediate proximity of church structures. First contact at Lamanai was made by Spaniards in about 1544. In 1641, a native uprising against the Spanish resulted in the abandonment of the site. Unlike most southern lowland communities, Lamanai had continued to survive-if not flourish-following the collapse of most other population centers after about A.D. 900 (Pendergast, 1991). Excavation of precontact and contact-period human remains has resulted in one of the best documented skeletal series in Central America (White et al., 1994). Research on two areas of inquiry-dietary reconstructiodnutritional inference and physiological stress-has provided important information on the biological history of the population. The inhabitants of Lamanai had access to a range of foods from different ecological settings, including marine and terrestrial. Analysis of stable nitrogen and carbon ratios in human bone samples indicates that maize was extremely important in prehistoric and contact diets (White and Schwarcz, 1989). These findings are consistent with a very high prevalence of dental caries and extensive deposition of dental calculus both before and after contact (White, 1994; White et al., 1994); the dental caries prevalence for precontact and contact natives are virtually indistinguishable. Therefore, as opposed to what has been observed in La Florida or in southwestern U S . natives, a t Lamanai the Spanish presence apparently had little influence on native diets. There is a marked increase in cribra orbitalia/porotic hyperostosis a t Lamanai (White et al., 1994). Frequency of skeletal lesions increases from 9% (Postclassic) to 17% (mission). The lack of evidence for change in foods eaten argues for a nondietary cause of anemia, such as infectious disease and other factors commonly associated with the pathology (see Larsen, 1987; Stuart-Macadam and Kent, 1992). Parasitic infection is a strong candidate as a causative factor in iron deficiency anemia. A number of parasites leading to dysentery were introduced by Spaniards and African slaves, but hookworm and malaria were new pathological conditions with the greatest potential for causing anemia (White et al., 1994). Parasitism, in particular, continues to be a major health problem in Maya villages (e.g., Scrimshaw and Tejeda, 1970). The microscopic structure of teeth yields important information about physiological stress. Wilson bands are microscopically visible enamel defects that, like hypoplasias, represent growth disturbance (Goodman and Rose, 1990,1991). These bands reflect periods of acute stress in contrast to the hypoplasias, which represent periods of chronic stress (Goodman and Rose, 1990). Examination of tooth sections from Lamanai dentitions reveals a marked increase in physiological stress where mission natives have roughly three times the number of Wilson bands compared with the prehistoric natives (Wright, 1990). There are a variety of acute stresses that could likely explain the increase in microdefects. However, mission-period epidemics are well documented for the neighboring Yucatan, including smallpox, Larsen1 POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 137 measles, influenza, yellow fever, and possibly typhus (White et al., 1994). White and coworkers argue that these infectious diseases “could easily have produced the severe, acute stress signaled by Wilson bands” (1994:142). The Maya town of Tipu has a similar population history during the contact period as Lamanai. However, the town and its mission continued to be occupied by Maya until 1707 when the native inhabitants were forcibly moved to Peten. It is unclear, however, if the cemetery was used for burial until that date (Cohen e t al., 1994). Excavations of the mission church resulted in the recovery of a large sample of human remains. Some of these remains may be representative of Lamanai individuals in that following a rebellion in 1641 the Lamanai population fled to Tipu (White et al., 1994). Unlike the Lamanai sample, there are relatively few precontact skeletons from Tipu from which to compare different parameters of health and well-being (Cohen et al., 1994). Therefore, some of the diachronic comparisons were made with precontact Maya from other archaeological sites (e.g., Copan, Tikal, Barton Ramie, Seibal). Cohen and coworkers (1994) have examined a variety of skeletal indicators of health status at Tipu. Very low frequencies of skeletal trauma (fractures) and infection (periosteal reactions) are present. Only one individual in the series shows evidence of trauma reflecting interpersonal violence, which is represented by a healed sword cut on a skull (Cohen e t al., 1994). Thus, despite tensions with the Spanish, the evidence suggests that the Tipu Maya were insulated from direct conflict. In the Tipu series, there was no evidence of treponemal infection, such as proliferative remodeling in tibiae or dental stigmata commonly associated with congenital syphilis (see Jacobi et al., 1992). Moreover, there is no skeletal tuberculosis. On the other hand, cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis are present in high frequencies (18.2% and 25.3%, respectively), indicating, a s for the other mission settings-Lamanai and Guale-endemicity of iron deficiency anemia. Many of the Tipu Maya have enamel hypoplasias (95% have a t least one tooth affected). However, most of the enamel hypoplasias are relatively small, suggesting exposures to mild forms of chronic stress. There are low numbers of Wilson bands a t Tipu, suggesting that these inland Maya populations may not have been exposed to the epidemics that Lamanai was. The differences in health profiles between Lamanai and Tipu Mayans may reflect intensity of contact with Europeans. On the one hand, Lamanai served as a reduccidn center for most of its colonialera history, while Tipu was only minimally affected by this kind of population concentration (Pendergast, 1991). Tipu was also located further from the Spanish center of control at Bacalar than Lamanai (Graham, 1991). As noted by Graham (1991:333), this greater remoteness from Spanish presence in this region may have meant that “extended family networks so necessary to childrearing and to maintaining one’s diet and health would not have been as severely disrupted; husbands would not have had to flee from Spanish tribute collectors, women would not have had to raise children on their own, mothers would not have lacked sufficient breast milk for their babies.” Therefore, the picture of relatively less morbidity a t Tipu may reflect the reduced intensity of Spanish presence relative to Lamanai. Central Plains Omaha and Ponca After the first European incursion into this region by Coronado in 1541, the central Plains (modern Nebraska and Kansas) saw periods of intermittent contact with other Spanish explorers, followed by French traders and trappers, and in the late eighteenth century, by Euroamerican settlers (Bolton, 1949; Strong, 1935; Wedel, 1961). Well into the nineteenth century, the region was largely viewed as unfit or otherwise inappropriate for Euroamerican settlement (see Wedel, 1961). Among others, this view was shared by the American explorer Zebulon Pike (1810), who said that the United States should “. . . leave the prairies incapable of cultivation to the wandering and uncivilized aborigines . . .” (quoted in Wedel, 138 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Vol. 37, 1994 1961:278). Although considered unsuitable for Euroamerican habitation, the region nevertheless served as a n important source of furs and other trade items. Contacts between Europeans and natives were mostly commercial. Therefore, interaction was very different than in other regions, such as those controlled by Spain. To be sure, contact led to changes in native settlement and dietary practices in the central Plains, but the Spanish pattern of conquest, missionization, and colonization was not present. In the Missouri River valley of the central Plains, Reinhard and coworkers (1994) have undertaken a n interdisciplinary study of native health and well-being from a n area of northeastern Nebraska occupied by the Omaha and closely related Ponca tribes. Unlike many groups that resisted the encroachment of Europeans and the accompanying disruptions, these tribes aggressively pursued trade relations with Euroamericans, especially with regard to lucrative furs. In the beginning of the trade period in the early eighteenth century, contacts with native groups were primarily undertaken by individual entrepreneurs. By the late eighteenth century, trade was dominated by the far-reaching American Fur Company. Due to the highly exploitative nature of the more aggressive manner of trading pursued by large companies, destruction of environments and native populations was greatly accelerated. It is during this time that Omaha and Ponca populations began a downward t u r n in population size and health status. During the four-decades between 1780 and 1820, trade between native populations in northeastern Nebraska and the American Fur Company saw the emergence of the Omaha as a major economic and political force in this area of the central Plains (Reinhard et al., 1994). The rich ethnohistorical, archaeological, and human osteological records for the Great Plains generally provide a compelling picture of change in lifestyle and health in native populations in response to new social, cultural, and biological conditions arising from the fur trade and other interactions with Europeans and Euroamericans (see also Owsley, 1991, 1992; Owsley and Jantz, 1994; Palkovich, 1981; Ramenofsky, 1987; n i m b l e , 1992). Human skeletal analysis in northeastern Nebraska involves the study of remains recovered from Omaha and Ponca cemeteries. Two Omaha cemeteries are associated with the Tonwatonga village (ca. 1780-18331, first mentioned by Lewis and Clark in 1804. The Ponca are represented by a series of human remains from one cemetery dating to the same period. Comparisons between the Omaha-Ponca contact and prehistoric human remains confirm the ethnohistoric evidence for diet and activity. That is, carbon isotope analysis shows a shift from maize to nonmaize diets, which likely reflects a n alteration in traditional diets. That is, a s is characteristic of other native populations in the eastern Plains and Woodlands, maize played a n important role in native diets. With the increased emphasis on trade, there appears to have been a greater use of wild, gathered plants a s well as animal sources of protein (Reinhard et al., 1994). The increase in use of animal protein reflects the introduction of the horse and greater access to firearms acquired in trade relationships with Euroamericans and other native groups. Occlusal wear in the contact-period dentitions, especially in female anterior teeth, reflect these changes. Female anterior teeth show extensive wear arising from their use in animal hide preparation. In addition to animal hides and other trade items, the Omaha acquired lead from Missouri, which was used for manufacture of ornaments and musket balls (Reinhard and Ghazi, 1992). Measurement of lead concentrations in the Omaha skeletons indicates t h a t all skeletons have some amount of lead, with juveniles and adult males having the highest concentrations. Unusually high concentration values exceed clinically reported cases and are among the highest reported in historicera people in the Americas. Analysis of mortuary practices and other behaviors indicates that the Omaha applied lead-based pigments to the corpse prior to burial, which may account for some of the higher values of lead. However, lead was likely absorbed in life a s well, such a s during the manufacture of musket balls and maintenance of weaponry. Larsenl POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 139 Another potential source of lead absorption is a lead-based red pigment that was used as a cosmetic by the Omaha. Frequent use of this pigment would have resulted in lead exposure. Therefore, although some lead may have been derived from mortuary ritual activities, its biogenetic origin is likely, thereby leading to measurably toxic levels i n some individuals. The introduction of the horse and the attendant alterations in subsistence behavior influenced Omaha and Ponca workloads and activity patterns during the trade era. Study of osteoarthritis of the vertebral column indicated that although the prevalence was higher prior to contact, severity was greater during the trade period (Reinhard et al., 1994). Frequencies of other vertebral pathological conditions associated with mechanical demands-Schmorl’s nodes and spondylolysiswere decidedly greater in the contact Omaha and Ponca skeletons compared with prehistoric natives in the region. Moreover, females showed greater pathological involvement than males, suggesting that the alterations in lifestyle in the contact period were more profound for women than men. The impact of the shift to horse riding is especially clear. Skeletal pathology and nonpathological changes associated with horse riding are present in a number of skeletons. These skeletal modifications associated with habitual horse riding include elongation of the acetabulum, extension of the articular surface of the femoral head onto the femoral neck, and degenerative pathology of the first metatarsal (from use of toe stirrups). A number of male riders showed trauma-related fractures, possibly resulting from falls from horses. Polynesia: Native Hawai’i Biological change in native societies due directly or indirectly to the effects of European expansion was felt in many other areas of the world outside of the Americas (see Crosby, 1986). Biological change in Hawai’i has been assessed by Pietrusewsky and Douglas (1994) based on the analysis of human remains from precontact and contact-period cemeteries. First European contact by Captain James Cook in 1778 was considerably later than for other regions discussed in this article, but the consequences for native populations are comparable in many regards (Pietrusewsky and Douglas, 1994). The precontact history of human population in this area of Polynesia demonstrates a n unusually successful adaptation, having grown from a n original founding population of perhaps a few hundred people to about 250,000 individuals organized into a series of complex chiefdoms (Kirch, 1985). By the middle of the nineteenth century, the population had experienced many of the same epidemic diseases and negative influences documented in the Americas, resulting in a reduction to about 80,000 (see Stannard, 1989, 1992). Archaeological reconstructions of diet indicate that native Hawaiians exploited marine as well as some terrestrial resources (Kirch, 1985). Dental evidence for dietary change during the contact period is suggested by the marked rise in calculus deposits a s well a s reduction in severity of tooth wear. Dental caries prevalence was similar in the precontact and contact groups, although a slight frequency reduction in contact dental caries may reflect a decrease in use ofpoi, a sticky food that was a traditional dietary staple in native Hawaiians (Pietrusewsky and Douglas, 1994). A range of other health indicators such as porotic hyperostosis indicates that prehistoric and historic Hawaiians were subject to similar levels of physiological perturbation. On the other hand, a marked increase in enamel hypoplasias (from 7.7% to 23.8% in incisors and canines, respectively) argues for elevated stress levels due to disease, nutritional deficiency, or a combination of the two. The historic documentation of specific diseases that struck the Hawaiian Islands during the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries indicates that smallpox was especially devastating. In at least one contact-period cemetery, there is skeletal evidence of smallpox affecting one individual. The skeletal documentation of this infectious disease is especially important because it has been described in only one 140 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Vol. 37, 1994 other contact-period setting (cf. Jackes, 1983). Infectious lesions characteristic of tuberculosis and trepanematosis are also present. Although interpersonal violence and warfare are documented in this and other areas of Polynesia (e.g., see Owsley et al., 19941, there is a very low frequency of fractures or other forms of trauma affecting the skeleton in both the precontact and contact periods (1.0%and 1.6%,respectively, for all limb bones combined). Estimation of levels of mechanical stress on the articular joints shows that there is an overall tendency for contact-period skeletons to have more advanced levels of osteoarthritis than precontact skeletons. Analysis of individual articular joints shows that the sternoclavicular and humeral head articular surfaces and margins are more arthritic in contact skeletons than in precontact skeletons, suggesting significant alterations in use of the upper limb by native Hawaiians after contact (Pietrusewsky and Douglas, 1994). Comparison of regional studies Comparison of the six regions, five from the Americas and one from Polynesia, discloses a number of important similarities and differences in the contact experience. In all but Hawai’i, initial contacts between native populations and Europeans were made during the first half of the sixteenth century, which involved infrequent, sometimes violent, encounters. Later, long-term contact was established in the form of Catholic missions or in trade exchanges. Analysis of stable isotopes argues that dietary shifts occurred for most areas, but in different ways. The Guale of La Florida increased their maize consumption, while Mayans show no change and Pueblo and Plains tribes show a decrease in use of this plant. Coastal natives from La Florida and Alta California experienced a decrease in use of marine foods and overall decline in the diversity of the food base. All populations examined exhibit some evidence of increased physiological stress. Where data are available, contact-period populations generally have high frequencies of enamel hypoplasias, indicating elevated levels of physiological perturbation. The Maya samples from Tipu and Lamanai exhibit different frequencies of Wilson bands-Lamanai dentitions have a marked increase in these microdefects, while Tipu dentitions have a relatively low number. Other evidence of biological stress in these samples-iron deficiency anemia, skeletal infection, and dental caries-generally indicates reductions in health status, with some notable exceptions. For example, Tipu Maya have few periosteal lesions. Given the presence of generally negative circumstances under which these populations were living, this finding is difficult to interpret. Cohen and coworkers (1994) suggest the possibility of rapid death from acute illnesses rather than presence of chronic illnesses that affect bone. Three of the regional studies dealt with issues related to behavior and activity changes resulting from alterations in lifestyle during the contact period. In La Florida, increases in osteoarthritis prevalence and changes in bone strength indicate that native populations were more sedentary (with the exception of some males) but subjected to increased workloads. In Omahas and Poncas, increase in osteoarthritis severity also indicates a probable increase in mechanical demand during the trade era. In addition to increasing access to animal sources of protein (these populations also show a reduction in maize consumption), the introduction of the horse resulted in increased risk of injury (from falls) as well as skeletal adaptations reflecting horse riding, especially in males. As for these groups, there is a tendency for contact-period Hawaiians to have a greater prevalence of osteoarthritis than precontact Hawaiians, especially in the shoulder area. The change in the pattern of distribution of osteoarthritis in the skeleton may reflect significant alterations in behavior during the contact period. Skeletal evidence of violence shows variation across the different regions discussed in this article. In La Florida and Maya Spanish missions, there is little skeletal evidence to suggest an increase in violent encounters. Similarly in Hawai’i,trauma is notably infrequent. In the skeletal series from southwestern Pueb- Larsenl POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 141 los, however, there is an increase in cranial trauma, which reflects increased inter-Pueblo warfare during the contact period as well as violent encounters between Europeans and natives. In sum, these regional studies, which utilize human remains as an important data source, display important similarities and differences in temporal trends, especially with regard to health status during the contact period (and see other analyses by Baker, 1994; Barondess, 1992; Blakely, 1988; Blakely and DetweilerBlakely, 1989; Buikstra, 1976; Carlson et al., 1992; Cybulski, 1978, 1994; Drusini et al., 1987; Hanson, 1992; Hedman, 1993; Hoshower and Milanich, 1993; Humphreys, 1969; Hutchinson, 1991; Hutchinson and Norr, 1994; Marquez Morfin, 1984; Meer, 1985; Murray, 1989; Owsley, 1991, 1992; Owsley et al., 1994; Pfeiffer and Fairgrieve, 1994; Storey, 1992; Sullivan, 1989, 1990, 1994; Ubelaker, 1992c, 1994; Wilson, 1987; Wray et al., 1987). On the other hand, the variability is also closely tied to local conditions and circumstances that were in place well before the arrival of Europeans. CONTINUED CONSEQUENCES OF CONTACT Although most native groups had experienced the effects of contact with Europeans by the mid-nineteenth century, the consequences continue to the present day. At the turn of the century, HrdliEka (1908) collected data on health status in native populations living in the greater Southwest. Among other diseases, he observed that tuberculosis among native groups ranged from low to “appalling” levels. HrdliEka (1908) also remarked on the presence of obese individuals, relating the condition to more settled life on reservations. Physical anthropologists have continued to track the incidence of obesity in Native Americans. The global epidemic of obesity following World War I1 has been far more dramatic in Native American populations. In Pimas, the increase in body mass in men and women is especially striking in comparing pre- and post-1945 birth cohorts (Knowler et al., 1983; Price et al., 1993). Almost certainly, these trends can be tied directly to increased sedentary behavior as well as an increased consumption of foods with high fat content, a development brought about by increased exposure to Western diets (see also Johnston et al., 1978; Johnston and Schell, 1979; Neel, 1977; Rhoades et al., 198710). Obesity is a major risk factor for non-insulin-dependent (type 11) diabetes. Diabetes is another chronic disease that affects native populations a t epidemic levels in the twentieth century (Baker, 1988; Knowler et al., 1983; Mahoney et al., 1989; Rhoades et al., 1987b; Stinson, 1992; Young, 1993; Szathmary, 1993). The increases since the turn of the century, and especially after 1940, are profound: HrdliEka (1908) documented only one case of diabetes among the Pima, and by the 1970s, 50% of Pima adults over age 35 diabetic (Knowler et al., 1983). The prevalence of diabetes in native groups is well above the United States population as a whole. In New York State, for example, Mahoney and coworkers (1989) have documented significantly high mortality in members of the Seneca due to this disease. Native Americans, and Asian (or north Asian) populations, may have a genetic predisposition to diabetes, but the tremendous increase in rates during the twentieth century suggests environmental influence (see also Stinson, 1992). The shocking effects of infectious disease on native populations in the New World have been well documented in the twentieth century. The 1918 influenza pandemic resulted in the deaths of 21 million people worldwide, including a half million Americans (Wallechinsky and Wallace, 1975). Mortality rates among Native American populations were among some of the highest reported. For example, some areas of the Navajo reservation in Arizona saw as much as 15% mortality (Russell, 1985). For many areas of the Americas, native lives continue to be disrupted in ways that are disconcertingly similar to events of the early years of conquest in the sixteenth century. Since the late 1970s, many thousands of Mayans living in Gua- 142 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Vol. 37, 1994 temala have died as a result of state-sponsored terrorism, and some one million Maya have been displaced or fled from their homes due to military counterinsurgency tactics (Lovell, 1988). Moreover, chronic undernutrition continues to retard growth in every Maya population that has been studied (e.g., Crooks, 1994; Mata, 1978). This condition is especially pronounced in populations experiencing highly elevated infection and infectious disease loads (see discussion in Mata, 1978). The Amazon River basin of South America has been the focus of social, cultural, economic, and environmental disruptions over the course of the last 20 years as a result of rapid development (Hemming, 1985; Schmink and Wood, 1984). As the frontiers of this immense region are pushed back, colonization by miners, ranchers, and settlers into once-remote territories has resulted in the introduction of new diseases and deterioration in health. The ecological devastation brought about by unsound farming and mining practices has resulted in a loss in habitats, and hence, availability of foods and other essential resources. First contact for the Waorani of Ecuador began in the late 1950s with the arrival of Christian missionaries. By 1968, mortality resulting from epidemics began to rise precipitously (Alchon, 1991; Kaplan et al., 1984). Similarly, Neel and coworkers (Neel et al., 1970; Neel, 1977) observed elevated mortality and social disruption among the Yanomami by the 1970s. Since that time, poor nutrition and growth status have been observed (e.g., Holmes, 1985), and many thousands of this group continue to die from recently introduced diseases. The plight of the Yanomami was made internationally known after many were massacred by miners during the summer of 1993 (Wilford, 1994). Santos (1991, 1992) has completed a n investigation of several Brazilian TupiMonde groups (Gaviao, Surui, Zoro) in relation to frontier expansion and biological implications of disruption. The declines in health in these populations are obvious: in addition to marked increases in mortality due to measles and other newly introduced infectious diseases, there is widespread protein-calorie malnutrition, parasitic infection, poor sanitation, high levels of nutritional anemia, and general lack of health care. In a n innovative approach to assessing patterns of physiological disruption due to these factors, Santos (1991, 1992) compared enamel defects (hypoplasias) in living natives. Virtually all individuals (99.1%) and nearly all teeth examined (77.5%) were affected by this indicator of growth disruption. These values exceed or approach all other reported data from developed and virtually all underdeveloped nations (reviewed in Santos, 1991). Chronological assessment of age of defect appearance in half-year and one-year increments in Tupi-Monde individuals aged 7 to 65 years (based on matching of the defect with dental developmental standards [Massler et al., 19411) yielded diachronic data for four periods: 1930-1959,1960-1969,1970-1979, and 1980-1989 (Santos, 1991, 1992). The older and younger individuals yielded comparative data on the respective earlier and later decades. Interestingly, the peaks of hypoplasia occurrence match closely the period of initial contact and associated elevated levels of physiological stress in the three groups. That is, the earliest contacted Gaviao have peak frequencies for the 1930s-1950s decades, and the later contacted Surui and Zor6 have peak frequencies for the 1960s-1970s and the 1970s decades, respectively. The peak frequencies in these groups clearly point to the biologically disruptive nature of contact in recent times. CONCLUSIONS The Columbian quincentenary spurred a proliferation of research involving many different disciplines. Historians, geographers, demographers, anthropologists, and others embarked on programs of study devoted to the consequences of contact for native populations in the New World and elsewhere. Although many of these discussions deal with biological issues, until recently there has been a surprising dearth of research reported by physical anthropologists. A greatly underutilized source of information about the consequences of contact Larsen] POSTCONTACT NATIVE AMERICAN BIOLOGY 143 is human skeletal material recovered from archaeological sites. In the last 20 years or so, bioarchaeologists have developed a research protocol for the analysis of human remains that is directly applicable to the. comparative analysis of skeletons from pre- and postcontact archaeological sites (IScan and Kennedy, 1989; Larsen, 1987; Saunders and Katzenberg, 1992). In particular, study of various stress indicators, such as enamel defects, porotic hyperostosis, and periosteal reactions, has proven very useful in monitoring changes in health status; analysis of bone structure and osteoarthritis has provided important details about change in activity patterns; and the documentation of stable isotope ratios of carbon and nitrogen has given much more precise information about diet composition. The research begun by physical anthropologists-some of which has been reviewed here-attests to the importance of using osteological samples for assessing and documenting the history of the human condition. In addition to the specific points discussed in this article, several general findings emerging from these studies have been underplayed or ignored. That is, there are no clear-cut dichotomies between pre- and postcontact populations in relation to health and well-being. Certainly, there were widespread declines in population size. On the other hand, there is now substantial evidence showing that precontact populations were not free from debilitating, life-threatening diseases as has so often been assumed (e.g., Cook and Lovell, 1991a; Dobyns, 1983; Sale, 1990). Nor did prehistoric populations live in a conflict-free setting. Rather, various bioarchaeological studies establish that conflict existed in patterns similar to those of ethnographically and historically observed small-scale societies. Osteologically based analyses indicate that some of the native groups had already experienced declines in health prior to the arrival of Europeans. For example, in the American Southeast, Southwest, and California, there are appreciable increases in the prevalence of skeletal infections and other morbid conditions. Therefore, it may be the case that the health of some of the native groups contacted by Europeans was already compromised at the time of first encounters. One thing, however, is certain: none of the populations contacted were prepared for the onslaught of Old World infectious diseases and other new conditions brought to the New World as a result of European colonialism. However, the great variability in native responses to the introduction of diseases and other stressors must be kept in mind. Studies of archaeological human skeletal remains serve to show the finer details of health and activity that can be gleaned from osseous remains. Used in combination with other kinds of data (archaeological and historical), a n understanding of the biological consequences of the interaction between peoples from the New World and the Old is closer than a decade ago. This interdisciplinary, conjunctive approach has proven of enormous value in the study of the contact period, in at least some regions (e.g., Gannon, 1992). The research efforts outlined in this article contribute to larger discussions of issues related to human evolution and variation in general. In this regard, the osteological studies discussed provide data that have contributed to issues of interest to physical anthropologists in general, including the evolution of skeletal robusticity and activity patterns in Homo (Ruff et al., 1993; Trinkaus et al., 1994), evolution of diet and nutritional ecology in humans (Schwarcz and Schoeninger, 1991), and patterns of diet and tooth use in hominoids, including modern humans (Teaford, 1991). One important lesson to be learned from research on native New World populations is t h a t although rapid extinction within a generation or two following initial contact with Europeans characterizes some areas, many groups survived and accommodated new and biologically challenging circumstances. There has been a tendency to be singularly impressed with the declines in native populations during the last 500 years since initial contact with Europeans. On the other hand, we should be equally impressed with the truly remarkable resilience of native groups, despite unbelievable pressures-labor exploitation, displacement, disease, 144 YEARBOOK OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY [Vol. 37, 1994 crowding, dietary change and malnutrition-during the same time frame. The demographic resurgence brought about by declining mortality and increasing fertility, especially during the twentieth century, is resulting in a rebound in population numbers for many tribal groups (Johansson, 1982). Assessment of population recovery of native New World peoples (e.g., Ubelaker, 1992a,c) and evidence of improving life expectancy at birth for native populations generally in the last two decades (e.g., Rhoades et al., 1987a) illustrate that Native Americans continue to be a vital part of today’s human landscape of the Americas. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Thanks are extended to Ted Steegmanh for inviting me to write this article. Arthur Aufderheide, George Milner, Ricardo Santos, and Norman Sullivan provided unpublished information. A number of individuals read earlier drafts of the paper, which has greatly contributed to its clarity. I especially thank David Barondess, Patricia Bridges, Stephen Davis, James Hijiya, Dale Hutchinson, Christine Larsen, George Milner, Trawick Ward, Christine White, and two anonymous reviewers. Research on Spanish Florida mission period populations was completed under the auspices of the La Florida Bioarchaeology Project, supported by funding from the National Science Foundation (awards BNS-8406773, BNS-8703849, BNS8747309, SBR-9305391), the National Endowment for the Humanities (award RK20111-94), American Museum of Natural History, Edward John Noble Foundation, St. Catherines Island Foundation, the Florida Museum of Natural History and the Institute for Early Contact Period Studies at the University of Florida, Dr. and Mrs. George H. Dorion, Florida Bureau of Archaeological Research, and Sigma Xi. Other significant resources for this research came from my home institutions over the years since the inception of the project in 1982 (University of Massachusetts a t Dartmouth, Northern Illinois University, Purdue University, and the University of North Carolina a t Chapel Hill). 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