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Mammalian thermogenesis. Edited by L. Girardier and M.J. Stock. New York Chapman & Hall. 1983. viii + 359 pp. figures tables references index. $80

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74
BOOK REVIEWS
self praise that occurs seems to have affected
the objectivity of the papers and in turn of
the book.
What is the best part of the book? The
volume shows that forensic anthropologists
are patient and careful scientists (e.g., articles by Kerley, Snow and Luke, Buikstra et
al.). The articles on cause of death (e.g., by
Angel and Caldwell, and Sauer) and identification by means of antemortem health assessment (by Maples) show in-depth knowledge of osteological variation. Historically
significant cases (the work by Snow and Reyman) further support the patience and endurance anthropologists have. Of all the sections.
Section 11is the best.
Technical problems associated with the
production of the book are few and do not
distract the reader. Figures and tables are,
however, clear and neatly produced. Unfortunately the book is prohibitively expensive.
Its most likely purchasers will be libraries,
and pathologists, dentists, and lawyers who
not only can afford it but can also use the
knowledge it provides.
MAMMALIAN
THERMOGENESIS.
Edited by L.
Girardier and M.J. Stock. New York: Chapman & Hall. 1983. viii + 359 pp., figures,
tables, references, index. $80.00 (cloth).
defect in heat production as much as a n eating disorder. Rather than being dissipated as
heat, excess energy is deposited as lipid
within adipose cells of susceptible individuals.
The evidence assembled by the authors is
impressive, and various chapters cover the
anatomy and physiology of brown fat, the
effect on NST of the autonomic nervous system (essential) and the thyroid (permissive),
and relationships to trauma and fever. Most
of the evidence on brown fat is based upon
animal studies, since this tissue is virtually
impossible at present to recognize in adult
humans. However, a wealth of supportive indirect evidence does exist. For example, as is
found in obesity-susceptible strains of animals such as the oblob mouse, obese humans
are metabolically more efficient following the
ingestion of a meal (i.e., they produce less
heat).
Because of their background and training,
physical anthropologists have focused upon
the morphological adaptations to temperature. This book emphasizes the importance
of NST, not as a substitute for Bergman’s
Rule, but as a n alternate of it. For those
interested in nutrition, the role of excessive
energy intake in obesity is not rejected. Instead, obesity is seen as etiologically complex, with a strong individual component that
may have a genetic aspect.
Girardier and Stock have produced a book
which is worth reading by physical anthropologists. The evidence is complex and the
This is a n excellent book, authoritative and
up-to-date, comprehensive and well written.
It is a n important book for those physical
anthropologists who are concerned with human adaptability and nutrition. Girardier
and Stock have edited a volume which deals
with heat production in mammals. However,
the thermogenesis upon which they focus
does not result from shivering. Rather, the
authors review the evidence for non-shivering thermogenesis (NST). NST in response to
cold stress has been recognized for more than
20 years and attributed to the unique metabolic properties of brown adipose tissue
(BAT).By and large, BAT has been presented
as a property of immature mammals and of
little importance in adults. However, the authors of the 11 chapters comprising the volume summarize a n impressive body of
evidence indicating that BAT is distributed
more widely in the body than previously supposed, and, more importantly, is the crucial
variable in acclimatization to cold in adults
as well as the young.
Of great interest is the linkage of NST to
diet induced thermogenesis (DIT), the heat
produced in response to a meal. A number of
chapters, but especially the one by Trayhurn
and James, point to impaired DIT in obese
animals and humans. Obesity is seen a s a
M.YASAR I ~ C A N
Department of Anthropology
Florida Atluntic Uniuersity
Boca Raton, Florida
BOOK REVIEWS
authors have not chosen the route of over
simplification. However, the payoff is well
worth the effort.
NAVAJOINFANCY.By J.S. Chisholm. Hawthorne, NY: Aldine Publishing. 1983. xii +
267 pp., figures, tables, references, index.
$29.95 (cloth).
James Chisholm’s book Navajo Infancy is
the first in a promising Aldine series entitled
“Biological Foundations of Human Behavior,” edited by Me1 Konner and Richard
Wrangham. Two contributions in this book
are of potential interest to biological anthropologists. One is Chisholm’s description of
the newly emerging discipline of human ethology, demonstrating its potential contributions to the broader field of anthropology,
and its limitations. The second is his ethological study of Navajo infancy that demonstrates how infant development proceeds in
the context of both the evolutionary history
of the human species and the socio-cultural
milieu of the individual.
According to Chisholm, human ethology
represents a n integration of the methods and
theories of classical ethology, developmental
psychology, evolutionary biology, and social
anthropology. It is none of these and it is all
of these, a fact which results in misunderstandings of the discipline similar to those
that have plagued biological anthropology in
general.
Although the human ethologist begins with
hypotheses to test in his or her research,
these are not usually given much attention
during data collection or interpretation.
Rather, according to Chisholm, the human
ethologist casts a “wider research net’’ and
looks for hypotheses to generate themselves.
This is based on a conviction that behavior,
particularly in humans, has many “causes,”
(e.g., proximate, ontogenetic, and phylogenetic) and that most of them will be missed
if the focus of research is narrowly defined
by a rigid hypothetico-deductive approach. In
this way, the methods of human ethology are
more like those of social anthropology than
of developmental or experimental psychology.
But in its insistence that initial categories
of behavior be derived strictly from observa-
75
F.E. JOHNSTON
Department of Anthropology
University of Pennsylvania
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
tion devoid of meaning, human ethology
stands to the “hard science” side of most of
social anthropology. Chisholm points out that
in most anthropological studies of child development (e.g., those by the Whitings) behaviors are interpreted in the context of the
social environment in which they occur.
Thus, they are given “meaning” by observers who are usually aware of the social context from having spent years and months as
participating observers in the group being
studied. By avoiding attribution of meaning
to behaviors during data collection, human
ethologists claim greater objectivity in methodology and a more “etic” approach to interpretation. As Chisholm says “The goal of the
ethological method is . . . to . . . strive for as
high a degree of etic ‘purity’ as possible.”
According to most ethologists, this is valid in
that behaviors must be objectively described
for human beings as a species before any
particular theory can be developed. This
seems equivalent to the Boasian stage in the
evolution of method and theory in social
anthropology.
The major theme of the book is that child
development can be studied in a n evolutionary context, thus avoiding the nature-nurture dichotomy that has plagued anthropology and psychology in recent years. The
aspect of child development that Chisholm
chooses to examine is mother-infant attachment. The population he studies is primarily
Navajo and the environmental factor that he
focuses on is the cradleboard.
It has been assumed in past studies that
since the cradleboard restricts movement and
body contact, the full range of behaviors used
in the development of mother-infant attachment is also limited. Furthermore, assuming
that reciprocal interaction is important in
the attachment process, restriction of that
should lead to a mother-infant bond characterized by anxiety, resistance, and avoidance.
Finally, for those who believe that early experience affects later behavior, the use of the
cradleboard in infancy “explains” adult Navajo characteristics of anxiety, melancholia,
and uneasiness in the presence of strangers.
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