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Migration and mobility. Edited by A.J. Boyce. Philadelphia Taylor & Francis. 1984. 378 pp. figures tables index. $36

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the appearance of abstract thought and fine
nuances of subjective feelings interesting and
plausible. Part Two addresses social interactions and altruism as they appear from corals to humans, including the rise of
conscience, sympathy, and sense of justice.
Maxwell relies on sociobiologicaltheory here
to show how mind and society could come to
exist biologically without the knowing or rational help of humans. It would have
strengthened her argument to have first discussed the basic tenets of sociobiology rather
than assuming they must apply. The same
could be said of the neo-Darwinian foundation on which her entire argument rests.
Maxwell does not initially make a strong
case for evolution per se (though her book as
a whole could be considered so) and alternatives are almost unacknowledged. Punctuated equilibrium is discarded in a couple of
lines with “there is little evidence for this so
far,” prompting the reply that there is as
little for macroevolution by Darwinian
means. Punctuated equilibrium could in fact
support her case for how the human brain
evolved to do what it can do.
The culmination of the book, and of evolution thus far, is the appearance of language
and culture (Part Three) which, Maxwell suggests, must almost inevitably result from the
joining of high individual intelligence and
social organization. This is the most speculative part of her book; for example, her suggestion that words for relations between
objects were probably invented before naming of objects themselves can be read simply
as her opinion. I am, however, inclined to
agree that “just because language, like morality or marital love, is uniquely human,
does not mean it is above Nature.” Lastly, it
should be noted that Maxwell states clearly
that while supporting the evidence for a n
evolutionary basis for development of
uniquely human qualities, she does not support deterministic or negative views of humanity. Nor does she deny that there are
problems with the evolutionary picture,
which is sketchy. There may be a more sat-
AND MOBILW. Edited by A.J.
Boyce. Philadelphia: Taylor & Francis.
1984.378pp., figures, tables, index. $36.00
isfactory, perhaps more spiritual explanation. The reader does not come away with
the feeling that any final solutions to the
question of origin of human qualities have
been offered, but that it is profitable to continue seeking them in biology as more data
The conclusion contains, besides a n anthropological philosophy, a message to philosophers. Evolutionary biology coordinates
mental traits and prevents projection of any
one of them into a n ontology (such as Hegel
or Kant’s ‘Reason as the Absolute Substance
of the Universe’). Various traits of mind have
evolved according to Darwinian principles
and probably do not hold the key to the nature of the universe.
There are some mistakes of fact, for instance Washburn and DeVore’s original study
in Kenya was of olive, not hamadryas baboons, and there was no means of following
up references. No dates appear by names in
the text nor is there a n alphabetical listing
at the end. A section of ‘Notes’ has numbered
references which could have been made to
correspond to names in the text.
In general, paIaeontoIogists or primatoIogists should not expect to find much new
information in their specialties, but a consistent argument for the premiss on which the
disciplines are based that human beings
evolved. Maxwell’s effort to include all human behaviour under this rubric is well written and laudable. Few attempt to include
morality and justice within the evolutionary
rubric. For that alone the book is of interest
to the specialist and nonspecialist in human
evolution. Further, Maxwell’s book not only
advocates but serves as a n example of the
importance of philosophy to this area of study
of humans, and the contribution these sciences can make to the integrity of philosophical study of mankind.
Department of Anthropology
The University of Calgary
Calgary, Alberta, Canada
the most important general features of the
species is that its individual members are not
firmly rooted in place throughout their lifetimes. That is to say that it is of some significance that humans moue. Moreover, they
It has always been intuitively obvious to move around a good deal and they do so for a
anyone who has undertaken to study the bi- variety of reasons. This said, it is not surprisology and/or evolution of humans that among ing that as students we all recognized, or
should have, that many of the most important concepts with which we dealt were formulated in one way or another with reference
to movement. Gene flow and admixture, for
example, refer to the movement of genes.
The concept of a n isolate is in fact based upon
a n idea of a lack of movement of genes. Thus,
the subject of human movement; i.e., migration, assumed great importance. As a consequence of this importance, when I was a
graduate student, the newly published volume The Structure of H u m a n Populations,
edited by G.A. Harrison and A.J. Boyce
(1972), was a t the top of the reading lists.
Though referenced innumerable times in the
intervening years, this book has needed a
suitable successor. The new volume Migration and Mobility, edited by A.J. Boyce (1984),
is just such a worthy successor.
Migration and Mobility is a collection of
nineteen papers from a symposium held in
Cambridge in 1982. These nineteen papers
cover a wide range of issues and topics under
the general heading of human movement.
Quite literally, there is something for everyone in this volume. The mix of interests and
perspectives is exceptional, running the gamut from eminently readable reviews to substantive theoretical papers. Several of the
contributors are concerned with historical
data, others with more modern data, and still
others present a mixture of data types. Three
of the contributions, those by G.A. Harrison,
B. Dyke, and R.W. Hiorns may properly be
called theoretical papers with computer simulations. The models the authors develop address questions of the relationships between
migration and selection (Harrison), between
migration and population size (Dyke), and
between selective migration and genetic
structure (Hiorns). Two other papers, by E.A.
Thompson and V. Jovanovic and colleagues,
may also be called theoretical but with applications to data from island populations, the
Faroes and Hvar respectively. Two more discussions deriving from theoretical questions
having practical implications are presented
by M.T. Smith and L.B. Jorde. Smith considers the impact of human migration on the
results of sampling human populations and
Jorde offers a valuable comparison of parentoffspring and marital migration data with
respect to inferences drawn from each regarding genetic structure.
The volume opens appropriately enough
with a discussion of historical studies of migration by Alan Swedlund. In this lead paper
it is pointed out that historical data on human movements may profitably be used to
examine a wide range of biological phenomena including disease patterns. This theme
is taken up with both historical and modern
data in a series of six papers packaged together about two thirds of the way through
the volume (Papers 10-15). In the first of
these six papers, by C.G.N. Mascie-Taylor,
the question of biological selectivity among
migrants is raised. However, the finding that
the distribution of variables such as height
and weight is significantly associated with
both social and geographical mobility raises
more questions than it could ever hope to
answer. Indeed, the trickiest question of all
is addressed in the two papers that follow
Mascie-Taylor’s. Both C. Susanne and H.M.
Macbeth consider whether there is such a
thing as a biological propensity to migrate in
humans. That is, are some humans actually
biologically predisposed toward being migrants? Macbeth (p. 206)) observes that, “. . .
demonstration of a direct biological propensity to move has proved more difficult. This
could be because the biological characteristic
is not among those so far studied or because
its effects are swamped either by indirect
selectivity or by the great variability in individual circumstances.” To quote the cartoon character Pogo when pondering a n
equally tricky question, “Either way, it’s a
mighty soberin’ thought.” Of course it could
also be that a biological predisposition to migrate does not exist at all.
These three papers are followed by three
excellent reviews which consider the other,
better known end of the spectrum-the biological consequences of migration. P.T. Baker
recounts the unique history of modern Polynesian populations and how this relates to
their disease experience. In particular, Baker
refers to the now classic work he and his
colleagues have done in hypertension and
non-insulin dependent diabetes whose observed patterns of variation in the Pacific
may be better understood when couched in
the framework of the migration history of
the area. J.H. van Ee and colleagues then
examine the consequences of the dietary
changes that so often accompany migration.
They show from their study of the children
of migrants to the Netherlands that there
are some positive effects to changing nutrition in the form of increased height and
weight. Thus, this paper and the one by
Baker are a good subset showing both positive and negative responses to such changes.
The sixth and final paper of this group is a
fascinating discussion of mental illness
among migrant groups by B. Ineichen. One
might easily be led to assume a priori that
psychiatric distress is a natural concomitant
to migration. However, as Ineichen shows,
there is no clear consensus on this point due
to the numerous problems associated with
assessing mental illness. Among the more
relevant of these problems are exaggerated
self-reporting of symptoms and culturally irrelevant or inappropriate diagnostic criteria.
Ineichen concludes, however, that controlling for many of these factors does reveal
some underlying increased risk for psychiatric illness among some migrants. A question
not asked in this paper, and one which refers
back to the contributions of Susanne and
Macbeth, is whether there might be mental
predisposition to migration that would later
show up as psychiatric illness if exacerbated?
That is, could there be some base-line psychiatric differences between migrants and nonmigrants? A clue in this regard comes from
the fact that men diagnosed for anti-social
personality disorder (ASP or sociopathy) tend
to be much more likely to move around and
be “homeless” than non-ASP males (see
Goodwin and Guze, 1984). This is not to suggest that migrants are latent sociopaths but,
clearly, the area of migration and mental
health needs more attention.
The last four papers of the volume, plus a n
earlier review by D.A. Coleman, represent
another excellent block. In this case, the contributions were written by geographers and
provide for the reader unfamiliar with the
literature and techniques of geography a
small goldmine of information. Coleman reviews the area of mate choice and migration.
Using both modern and historical data, it is
shown that great care must be taken in making inferences from marital records. Follow-
ing upon this idea, T.L.F. Devis and N.R.
Southworth consider the general topic of
short-range migration and how it may be
studied. J.H. Johnson then focuses upon migration exclusively between urban areas. In
this paper the primary concern is with economic factors. P. Rees and J. Stillwell offer a
long and detailed account of the joint quantitative modelling of migration and population change. Finally, J.I. Clark closes the
volume with a thought-provoking essay on
the nature of human movement itself and
how it is studied. To my mind, these five
papers are worth the whole book to anyone
who is not already a geographer, whereupon
they would get the added bonus that the rest
of the volume is equally valuable.
In sum, Migration and Mobility is a n excellent collection both in content and in presentation. Though it could have benefitted from
a slightly different organization of the papers, the figures and tables are clear and
readable, equation notation is easy to follow,
and the index is adequate and useful. This
book will make a proper addition to the library of persons whose interests run to nearly
any aspect of human migration studies.
Edward 0. Dodson. New York: Columbia
University Press, 1984. xix + 257 pp., figures, tables, references, index. $32.50
Dodson sets forth to decouple Teilhard’s ideas
from orthogenesis and Lamarckism, and provide more data from the history of life (beyond the mammalian evidence which
predominates in Teilhard’s original work).
Dodson also promises to be clearer than his
predecessor about when he is leaving science
for speculation.
Teilhard De Chardin, born in 1881, was
trained as both a Jesuit and a scientist in the
fields of geology and paleontology. His associates and travels read like a who’s who and
where’s where of early paleontologists, sites,
and fields: Marcellin Boule, the Abbe Breuil,
Smith Woodward, Davidson Black, Weindenreich, Dart, Broom, Choukoutien, Java,
South Africa, and Piltdown. (The issue of
This is a difficult book to review for a scientific journal. As Dodson describes his work,
it is in the middle world of “philosophically
oriented science or scientifically oriented
philosophy.” The object of The Phenomenon
of Man Revisited is to restate the evolutionary-religious views of Pierre Teilhard De
Chardin in not only a “simpler, more precise,
and more prosaic manner” but also to analyze the French Jesuit’s views from the persepective of modern evolutionary theory.
Department of Psychiatry
Washington University School of
St. Louis. Missouri
Goodwin, DW, and Guze, SB (1984)Psychiatric Diagnosis, 3rd. ed. New York and Oxford: Oxford University
Harrison, GA, and Boyce, AJ (1972) The Structure of
Human Populations. Oxford Clarendon Press.
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