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Sociological Research
ISSN: 1061-0154 (Print) 2328-5184 (Online) Journal homepage:
The Axiological Grounds of Social Engineering:
Prospects for the Modernization of Russian Society
Vladimir Igorevich Przhilensky & Aleksandr Iur’evich Ogorodnikov
To cite this article: Vladimir Igorevich Przhilensky & Aleksandr Iur’evich Ogorodnikov (2017) The
Axiological Grounds of Social Engineering: Prospects for the Modernization of Russian Society,
Sociological Research, 56:1, 53-66, DOI: 10.1080/10610154.2017.1338399
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Published online: 07 Sep 2017.
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Date: 25 October 2017, At: 03:56
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Sociological Research, vol. 56, no. 1, 2017, pp. 53–66.
© 2017 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1061-0154 (print)/ISSN 2328-5184 (online)
The Axiological Grounds of Social
Engineering: Prospects for the
Modernization of Russian Society
This article analyzes the problem of the connection between values and
knowledge in the social engineering process. It examines the limitations
and possibilities for interference in the natural functioning of social
orders in the context of the modernization of society. Using materials
from sociological studies, this article looks at the cognitive and methodological potential of a model of interaction between values and knowledge and discusses an algorithm for how this model might be applied in
administrative and educational practice. Our analysis of the results of
the survey revealed the social determinants of Russian youth that form
the value structures and models of social practices. It also revealed
young people’s ideas about Russian society, paths to its modernization,
English translation © 2017 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC, from the Russian text ©
2016 “Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia.” “Aksiologicheskie osnovaniia sotsial’nogo
Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia, 2016, no. 4, pp. 65–74.
Vladimir Igorevich Przhilensky is a doctor of philosophical sciences and a
professor at Kutafin Moscow State Law University, Moscow, Russia. Aleksandr
Iur’evich Ogorodnikov is a candidate of philosophical sciences and an expert at the
Center for Strategic Studies, Kutafin Moscow State Law University, Moscow,
This article was prepared as part of the project portion of the state assignment to
conduct research and development under project 942 of the Ministry of Education
and Science.
Translated by Lucy Gunderson.
and mechanisms for relating terminal values to instrumental values.
Finally, it shows the contradictions between individual concepts of social
reality and ideas about Russia’s development. This kind of imbalance
could hinder the social engineering of reality.
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Keywords: values, social activity, social engineering of reality, subjective social participation, social order
Studies on the values of Russian society give us some idea of the complicated and contradictory nature of their analysis. On the one hand, most
Russians prefer a society of social justice and equality and support the
value of freedom, believing that these concepts bring a purpose to life. On
the other hand, they demonstrate the contradictory nature of consciousness,
the dualism of worldviews, and the insurmountable boundary between
reality and the ideal. “Even though there is an overall positive relationship
to individualism, its implementation in practice seems unlikely to the
population and even undesirable for many. It is difficult to precisely assess
the role played by the unique features of consciousness (a desire not to
follow the Western example and a belief in Russia’s special path) and the
role played by external institutional conditions that determine the population’s selection. . .” (Mareeva, 2013, pp. 120–21).
Values play a tremendous role in ensuring social engineering and maintaining institutional order. The integrity, reproduction, and self-organization
of this role are based on the transfer of established models of behavior and
the meanings of social participation. Values help people learn how to
participate by dressing these models and meanings in a cultural form that
is “native” to the individual. In this process, values are an indicator that
establishes the scale of an individual’s sociality: the degree of the conscious
and purposeful display of social qualities compared to the habits and
influence of manipulators. For individuals and society, values act as symbols or codes that identify fundamental qualities required for society’s selforganization.
The Sociology Center of Kutafin Moscow State Law University conducted a sociological survey to reveal the interrelation between the interiorization of values and the reproduction of institutional order. Data was
collected from February to April 2014 from Russians aged 17 to 30. The
size of the sample at each stage of the selection was large enough to obtain
a statistically significant distribution characterized by qualitative and quantitative features of all the young people in each age group. The total number
of people in the sample (N = 664) guaranteed sufficiently significant results,
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since the statistical error in this case did not exceed 6 percent. Respondents
ranged in age from 16 to 30. Forty-four percent were men and fifty-six
percent were women. They resided in Moscow, Omsk, Novosibirsk,
Stavropol, Ekaterinburg, and small towns and villages of Moscow,
Sverdlovsk, Omsk, and Tyumen regions and Stavropol Krai. The sample
included students in the humanities and technical specializations, as well as
respondents who were employed and unemployed. The content-related part
of the questionnaire consisted of three blocks of questions: the hierarchical
correlation among ontological, concrete-historical, and personal (terminal
and instrumental) values, a determination of the weight of the social
determinants of Russian society that have an impact on the interiorization
of values, and a measurement of protest activity and the nature of social
activity. Since values are one of the most complicated phenomena of
personal and social existence, the study of values requires the use of special
projective techniques we developed to reveal the latent, poorly reflected
worldview component of the ideas and orientations of young people.
To ensure that the study was representative, we used two-stage quota
sampling and a random sample of respondents at the final stage of the
sampling’s formation and implementation.
In order to determine the mechanism for how values function in the
process of reconstructing the social order, we researched the typology of
value structures on the basis of the interrelation between their three levels:
ontological, concrete-historical, and personal. The grouping of values into
terminal and instrumental was found to be insufficient for resolving these
tasks. Instead, values were classified with account for their roles in society’s
reproduction of them. In the context of society’s reproduction of ontological
values, the concept of self-image forms and the individual’s need to realize
common human qualities is actualized. The level of the objectification of
social participation and the achievement of a unity of ideas about the goals
of individual development and the social conditions for such development
even in the unstable conditions of a crisis depends on the depth of the
interiorization of these values. Concrete-historical values determine the
significance of the sociocultural context of a subject’s existence and the
framework and opportunities for self-actualization in social reality. The
personal level, which consists of terminal and instrumental values, impacts
the understanding of the singularities of an individual’s daily life as a
special part of social life that creates a field for self-affirmation and the
crystallization of experience and its application in practice.
A correlational analysis of these three levels and the social determinants
of the interiorization of values showed a change in the connection of
individual values and the concrete social process controlling its
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interiorization, depending on its rank in an individual’s value structure.
Consequently, an individual’s reaction to social processes, orientation
towardssupport, and reproduction or blocking of social changes depend
not just on the selection of values or their interrelation. The unity of
perception of social life as a field for individuals to realize their common
human essence lies at the foundation of this action. Awareness of this
essence takes a definite shape in personal values, where the absolute values
determining the end and self-contained goal of development integrate other
secondary values, for which the significance is determined by their ability
to create conditions for the actualization of absolute values.
It makes sense to consider the mechanism for the crystallization of
values at the personal level and at the scales of social community. In the
structure of identity, the stable hierarchical connections of an individual’s
values make it possible to include the engineering of reality in the reproduction of social institutions or in their transformation. The absence of
hierarchical connections between values results in a misalignment of the
subject’s participation in social development and contributes to anomie,
and, ultimately, the deterioration of institutions all the way up to their
According to data from our study, the function of values in forming the
subjectivity of the agent is poorly actualized. Thirteen percent of respondents felt that their activities affect all of society, 19 percent felt that they
influence colleagues and their organization, while another 38 percent
believe that their actions impact a wide circle of acquaintances. The
majority (60 percent) stated that their actions were only important for
their close circles and for people with whom they have established direct
contact. The rest of space is seen as something foreign, something different.
Fifteen percent of young people have a sense of the integrity and interrelation of all phenomena in the world and an aspiration to improve and
develop all the qualities inherent in society. Moreover, 54 percent of
young people recognize the need for freedom in making crucial decisions
and selecting strategies for social participation.
The institution realizes universally important functions through a single
model of actions that is autonomous from the individual. These actions are
perceived by individuals with varying degrees of awareness. Active joint
participation by group members (a community) in institutional relations
presumes that agreement and consensus have been reached. However, this
agreement and consensus is only possible given the united, i.e., common,
integrated value foundations of those who state that the given society has an
essential basis. If the foundations are significant for everyone and, at the
same time, clear to the individual, then they do not contradict individual
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interests and needs and are perceived by subjects as corresponding to
personal characteristics and relevant to the social situation.
But viewing values through the prism of the objectification of individual
or group ideas leaves unresolved the problem of legitimizing their functions, if the values themselves are dependent on objective social conditions
and cannot be reduced to these conditions. This problem can be resolved by
studying the structure of values.
As we found, the totality of values is structured. Changes or a transformation in the social order may temporarily disturb this structure and lead to
contradictions among its levels. However, this situation cannot be lost for
long, since disturbances to the structure make integration and subjective
participation in social engineering difficult, and ultimately lead to the
instability of the social order. Social changes that breach the value hierarchy
cannot be reproduced for long (since the process of the conscious, subjective engineering of reality is violated). A restoration of the strict hierarchical structure of values (specifically the structure and not an outdated
set of values) also restores the legitimizing function of values.
Social activity is one-and-a-half times higher in people who have interiorized absolute values. In this case, the nature of social activity also
changes. In groups that lack absolute values, the difference in coefficients
of constructive and destructive social activity amounts to 0.13, while this
figure amounts to –0.24 in groups that have appropriated these values. In
other words, the difference almost doubles between these two groups.
Thus, the relativism of values cannot be retained over a long period of
time, since this disrupts the social foundations of society. Thanks to values,
social institutions maintain stability even when there are substantial
changes in the social situation (political order, changes in the agents of
government or economic impact, technology, information, or legal fields).
By realizing the function of legitimization, values cement norms and
examples of action into a single whole within the framework of the
This study made it possible to identify a core of social determinants
affecting the process of the interiorization of values among over 70 percent
of respondents. The determinants of the core characterize the ambivalence
of the social mood. The core displays both uncertainty in the effectiveness
of how political subsystems function and a belief in the resiliency of
society. As a result, notions about society’s survival in crisis situations is
not connected with certainty about one’s own well-being and personal life,
which may be sacrificed for the historical process. An individual’s inability
to recognize intrinsic mechanisms of social stability and development
renders meaningless the individual’s social participation and inclusion in
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decision-making procedures within the framework of institutions of civil
society. Social processes appear to be a solid mass independent of citizens’
individual activities that follows sacral, unknown laws: Everything proceeds as it should regardless of the actions of any individuals.
Individual, atomistic activity loses any point in the face of the scale of
the pervasive attractors of social structure. The unfolding of individual
strategies for life planning and their purposeful, pragmatic inclusion in
generally important processes in Russian society occur more out of inertia
and indifference. However, activity that is the source for universally important, sacral, timeless ideas that cannot be reduced to a pragmatic reality or
concrete goals, or ideas that can encompass thoughts and will and give
sense to outwardly meaningless social contradictions, have great potential.
Today, in most cases young people do not find this idea in political space.
A discrepancy forms between the need to actualize creative potential, the
desire for consolidation and inclusion in leading creative transformations
and programs, and confidence in one’s own abilities, on the one hand, and,
on the other, a lack of confidence in the means for using one’s abilities, a
high degree of uncertainty, the inability to predict and understand authentic
trends in social transformations, and the inability to add sense to social
cataclysms or to understand what an individual’s sacrifice to society actually means.
Table 1 lists the most widespread concrete-historical values among
young people. There was a high correlation with core determinants.1
At the level of personal values, core determinants were found to have a
high correlation with the values of health (92 percent), family (89 percent),
justice (80 percent), purpose of life (80 percent), social stability (73 percent), social status (65 percent), and a feeling of debt (60 percent). At the
level of instrumental values, there was a correlation with resiliency (83
percent), rationalism (78 percent), sacredness (68 percent), and social
orientation (65 percent).
This configuration of values forms a contradictory and unstable hierarchy, which limits the ability of society to consolidate on the basis of
integrated values. For example, the value of equal justice does not
correlate with the values of market competition and high vertical mobility, the value of morality does not correlate with corporatism, etc. The
main contradiction forms around the understanding of a person’s role in
the social process. The social transformations of the past decades, the
change in political course, and the high dynamics of the social order
have given rise to numerous alternatives for self-definition and expanded
the spectrum of identification and the selection of forms of social
participation. The discourse on the formation of strategies and the
Table 1
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Concrete-Historical Values (percent of total respondents)
Sphere of
Protection of cultural space
Culture of speech
Accessibility of cultural values
Equality of status opportunities
Social mobility
Individual success
Civilizational identity
Consensus of generations
Law and order
Social security
Defensive capabilities
Territorial integrity
Priority of the state over the individual
Economic State regulation of business
High organizational hierarchy
Country’s economic independence
Decentralization of business
Market competition
Professional responsibility
In the group
where core
have a high
In the group
where core
have a low
ideology of the development of society and methods for managing it are
unfolding right in front of young people’s eyes, social positions and
assessments of social transformations are becoming polarized, and the
relationship of social groups to changes in Russian society are
Trust in information
Understanding of the ability to express one’s
own socio-political…
Awareness of respect for the individual
by the state
Ability to protect and stand up for one’s rights
Correlation between law-making
and social needs
Socio-political activity
Determination of a positive influence of the
media on personal development
Understanding of political goals
Awareness of paths to professional
Feeling of social protection
Interest in political life
Long-term life planning
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In the group where core determinants have a low impact
In the group where core determinants have a high impact
Figure 1. Factors of the Subjective Engineering of Social Reality.
crystallizing. As a result, young people have less trust in information,
assessments of the meanings of social participation are becoming more
relative, and an individual’s contribution is losing its meaning against a
backdrop of inconsistent criteria of social transformations (see Figure 1).
This position of young people is defined by the fact that the core of their
value structures is comprised of determinants of a defensive nature—
protection from unforeseen changes and threats to moral principles and
convictions based on historical experience. This is why young people
mainly focus their attention on the agents of power that have authoritarian
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resources and a will to make decisions that may be aimed at maintaining or
changing the values integrated by society. The institutional environment is
viewed as unstable and forming, where processes are completely dependent
on the agents of power and are beyond the realm of the normative decisions
of strong individual personalities. In this case, the criteria for productive
social activity are acknowledgment of merits and achievement of a high
social status.
Our data show that there are substantial barriers to institutional innovations and the reproduction of successful sociocultural experience. Figure 2
shows that no less than half of the members of Russia’s younger generation
are unable to find a balance between reforms and cultural continuity and
reliance on experience, traditions, and fundamental Russian sociocultural
values, and experience difficulty trying to connect reforms with society’s
innovative development and the introduction of modern methods of social
organization. Fifteen percent of young people are convinced of the need for
extreme forms of social reproduction: absolute conservatism or radical
An interpretation of this data raises the question of the future management of the institutional field by using the legitimized function of values to
stabilize the normative order. It becomes tempting to take on social technologies of total social reconstruction and neutralize any contradictions
revealed. As the study shows, the growing (up to 15 percent) latent
potential of an individual’s destructive social activity when the individual
has little involvement in social reproduction creates substantial risks for the
projected and planned development of society. So, to what extent are there
grounds for using social technologies and on what scale should they be
Social technologies are written about with much less frequency and
much greater care than two decades ago, to say nothing of the Soviet
past, when questions of applying a technological approach to managing
society and, more importantly, to transforming it, appeared to be a promising way to achieve the stated social ideal. Social technologies or social
engineering appeared to be an auspicious sphere for developing knowledge
(Reznik, 1994, p. 88). However, today it is more and more problematic to
see a special sphere of sociological knowledge in social technology, to say
nothing of applying the results of these studies in practice. After all, we
cannot call social engineering the application of results of the theoretical
generalization of empirical data when compiling recommendations for
government and business officials and managers.
In contemporary literature, a discussion of social engineering is connected with the specific nature of the period the country is experiencing,
Figure 2. Social Determinants * Institutionality.
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when a quarter century of research and disappointments has forced Russian
scholars to reread what K. Popper, one of the leading theoreticians in this
area, wrote, as well as an article on social engineering written by V.A.
Kolpakov and V.G. Fedotova that defends the idea that many of our
misfortunes and failures are a result of the selection of the revolutionary
model of modernization by policymakers. The methodological basis of this
model was so-called utopian social engineering (Kolpakov and Fedotova,
2013, p. 64).
K. Popper’s main idea about social engineering is formulated as the
distinction between its two types—utopian and piecemeal. Piecemeal, gradual, consequential—these are the adjectives that the founder of critical
rationalism uses to characterize the non-utopian type of social engineering.
The main difference between piecemeal and utopian engineering is the
refusal to reorganize society according to a certain plan in order to improve
certain of its parts and elements. This is a fundamental difference, since
utopian engineering can lead to amplified human suffering, while piecemeal social engineering is aimed exclusively at reducing this suffering
(Popper, 1992, p. 200). From the methodological standpoint, here continental holism and rationalism are sacrificed to the English-language traditions of nominalism and empiricism. Empirical induction and even
pragmatic abduction are becoming the standards for social engineering by
casting aside pretenses of Cartesian deduction.
V.A. Kolpakov’s and V.G. Fedotova’s argument is convincing. In substance, it signifies a choice in favor of the political, economic, and sociocultural traditions of the English-speaking world Indeed, why not make use
of experience that has so much to recommend for itself in the sphere of the
enforcement of the law, where case law has successfully held society back
from revolutionary experiments. Popper’s anti-Platonism combines with the
principles of a cautious and caring attitude toward the existing social order,
which is better improved than changed. In the choice between priorities,
stability is more important than efficiency or justice. Here it should be
noted that it is only possible to call post-Soviet methods of reforming
utopian social engineering with a number of stipulations. It is one thing
to build a communist society, but an entirely different thing to try to copy
contemporary Western society. But if we follow K. Popper’s logic, only the
singular needs to be changed and then the universal will change. It is
specifically this type of social engineering that is appropriate, whether it
refers to reforming the economy or modernizing education and science.
N.I. Lapin stands with these ideas. He proposes a strategy of Russia’s
piecemeal modernization based on the principles of non-utopian social
engineering. Moreover, focus is placed on the modernization of Russian
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regions controlled by the state as a top priority. “In contemporary society,”
he writes, “the accomplishment of modernization presumes targeted action
from the state and other political forces in society. The spontaneous development of modernization and a lagging, a slowing down of changes to its
institutional-regulatory and sociocultural components is frequently accompanied by revolutionary upheaval” (Lapin, 2014, p. 14). However, the
author himself states with disappointment that modernization programs
are developed by bureaucrats. These programs generally come down to a
selection of orders, which is the source of the corresponding effectiveness.
The Swedish economist G. Myrdal has devoted some thought to the fact
that social engineering is the key to the planned development of society and
to improvements in its structure and institutions. The problems of economic
development in post-war America prompted him to view social engineering
as a necessary and effective means of preventing a new depression in the
economy and industry. As he noted, “We are now in a deeply unbalanced
world situation. Many human relations will be readjusted in the present
world revolution. . .. As always in a revolutionary situation when society’s
moorings are temporarily loosened, there is, on the one hand, an opportunity to direct the changes into organized reforms and, on the other hand, a
corresponding risk involved in letting the changes remain uncontrolled and
lead into disorganization. To do nothing is to accept defeat. From the point
of view of social science, this means, among other things, that social
engineering will increasingly be demanded” (Myrdal, 1944, pp. 1022–23).
G. Myrdal recognizes that social engineering is not capable of determining the direction of the changes that occur because of it: These changes are
in the sphere of values. In this we see the obvious influence of the
methodological ideas of positivism and functionalism in relation to the
separation of the theoretical and the practical in sociology. This looks
somewhat naive today, but it is still entirely productive.
G. Myrdal formulates the problem quite clearly: For social engineering,
values must be joined with sociological knowledge that is free from judgement. But before including values or judgements in the structure and
content of social engineering programs, they must be appropriately prepared, reformulated, and decrypted. Generally, this refers to the in-depth
interpretation of meaning and sense, which may be derived from value
preferences and beliefs. “The relations established in theoretical research
are simply causal. In practical research the causal relations are transposed
into purposeful relations. The sequence in theoretical research—from cause
to effect—is in social engineering turned into the reverse order from ends to
means. In practical research the causal relations established by theoretical
research are taken as facts” (Myrdal, 1944, p. 1059).
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And here the question arises of how ready society and, accordingly,
social engineers (policymakers, sociologists, experts) are to connect values
with the most objective theoretical and empirical knowledge in order to
build a program using social technology on their foundation. Of no less
significance is the search for the answer—and the extent to which the
concepts of humanism, patriotism, collectivism, individualism, freedom,
and justice are operationalized.
In sum, we can conclude that the potential for social activity in contemporary Russian society is insufficient for systematic transformations,
innovative development, and the reorganization of society. In our opinion,
in the next five years no more than one-quarter of young people will
become involved in the social engineering of Russian society as agents at
their own initiative.
One of the positive conclusions of our study is the institutional nature of
social activity among young people. We found that young people aspire to
changes and that these aspirations will only grow in the coming years,
unlike in the past decade. Moreover, we can predict that young people’s
desire to realize their social activity will occur in creative forms that do not
break down existing institutional boundaries.
The important conclusions are as follows. First of all, ontological values
encourage the formation of an entire system of values. It is only when
deeply interiorized ontological values and an ontological consciousness are
present that stable and consistent productive social activity that encourages
the achievement of an individual’s high spiritual development, the continual
reproduction of moral principles, and objectively necessary institutional
norms and subjective engineering of the institutional order is possible.
Second, the effective functioning of ontological values is possible only for
a developed individual who is capable through his own social participation of
consciously participating in managing social affairs and furthering the progress of institutional relations. This, then, refutes the thesis on how useful the
subjective participation of all citizens and the involvement of each person in
making political decisions are for society. Only a few are capable of this, and
their share among young people amounts to 15 percent, which reaches the
highest level of correspondence between stated and actualized values.
Third, the crystallization and realization of personal and social values in
society is limited, and there are objective grounds for this. These grounds
include the external environment (nature, culture, etc.), trends in the development of society and its needs, the power structure, economic and professional labor relations, the development of technology, and so forth.
Restrictions may originate with the individual himself due to contradictions
between the individual and his social surroundings. Upon encountering
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social restrictions, the individual approaches the problem of perceiving the
essential grounds of social order. Separating essential and external restrictions helps the individual determine his own targeted, subjective, and
responsible participation in engineering social reality: norms, relationships,
structures, models of actions, roles, etc.
Thus, by realizing values within the framework of a social role, the
individual is capable of determining which actions reproduce the norms and
relationships necessary for a social institution, which actions support or
develop this institution, and which actions threaten institutional frameworks. The individual possesses criteria for assessing phenomena that
hinder or encourage the existence and development of the institution.
Subjectivity and the conscious engineering of institutional relationships
are manifested in this participation. Herein lies the personal aspect of the
realization of values in the process of social engineering. Therefore, G.
Myrdal’s formula will not work in Russia in terms of social planning or in
terms of social engineering. We do not have a ready set of values that
cannot be varied by social determinants or collective purposefulness.
Society represents a communicative process during which new goals and
values form and previous ones undergo a critical rethinking that sets the
possibilities and limitations of social engineering.
1. The high coefficient of correlation shows the impact of social determinants on
the actualization of these values.
Kolpakov, V.A., and V.G. Fedotova. 2013. “Tekhnologiia postepennykh sotsial’nykh preobrazovanii ili sotsial’noi inzhenerii K. Poppera.” Epistemologiia i filosofiia nauki, no. 4, pp. 62–71.
Lapin, N.I. 2014. “Problemy formirovaniia kontseptsii i chelovecheskikh izmerenii strategii poetanpnoi modernizatsii Rossii i ee regionov.” Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia, no. 7, pp. 8–19.
Mareeva, S.V. 2013. “Dinamika norm i tsennostei rossiian,” Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia, no. 7,
pp. 120–21.
Myrdal, G. 1944. An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy. New York:
Harper & Row.
Popper, K. 1992. Otkrytoe obshchestvo i ego vragi, t. 2. Moscow: Feniks.
Reznik, Iu.M. 1994. “Sotsial’naia inzheneriia: predmetnaia oblast’ i granitsy primeneniia.”
Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia, no. 2, pp. 87–96.
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