CHAPTER 28 Reception of Sparta in North America Eighteenth to Twenty‐First Centuries Sean R. Jensen The history of the reception of Sparta in North America covers a wide array of social and cultural contexts, from the discussions of the Framers of the American Constitution to the popular appreciations of twenty‐first-century moviegoers. Conceptions of Sparta in the United States and Canada have generally followed broader North American social and political trends. Although it is difficult to gauge the exact degree of impact that Spartan history has played on American thought such as in the debates surrounding the drafting of the American constitution in 1787 or justifications for social and political institutions like slavery in the antebellum South, its presence as a reference, inspiration, and topic of intellectual and popular interest is undeniable. Even though classical learning dominated the curriculum in American colleges and universities until the end of the nineteenth century, scholarship on Sparta in North America historically lagged behind that of Europe, a situation prevailing in many other fields of classical studies. Only at the turn of the twentieth century did North American scholars of Sparta generally embark on lines of research after their European counterparts had broken ground. Still, North American scholars are to be counted as some of the most important historians of Sparta in the twentieth and twenty‐first centuries. In other respects ancient Sparta has achieved significant public visibility in the latter half of the twentieth century and first decade of the twenty‐first, especially with the success of classically‐themed novels and films. With the popularity of Frank Miller’s graphic novel, 300, and its film adaptation, the battle of Thermopylai hit the mainstream of ordinary consciousness and certain lines from the film have even become part of the modern American idiom.1 Beginning in the early twentieth century throughout the United States A Companion to Sparta, Volume II, First Edition. Edited by Anton Powell. © 2018 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Published 2018 by John Wiley & Sons Ltd. The Reception of Sparta in North America 705 and Canada, university and high‐school sports teams have adopted the “Spartans” as their name, often using a presumed personification or iconic image of a Spartan as their mascot. The contemporary interest in, or even popularity of, ancient Sparta has generated other media applications and popular histories of the ancient city. 28.1 Reception of Sparta in the Eighteenth Century In the eighteenth century, Americans generally learned their ancient history through the ancient authors themselves, whether in the original languages or in translation, and from popular British or European histories of Greece. Americans had yet to engage much in classical scholarship. Thus, histories of Greece and Rome had to come to the English colonies from Great Britain and the Continent. Some examples of such popular works of Greek history are Temple Stanyan’s Grecian History (1739), Oliver Goldsmith’s Grecian History (1774), and Charles Rollin’s Histoire Ancienne des Egyptiens, des Carthaginois, des Assyriens, des Babyloniens, des Mèdes, et des Perses, des Macédoniens, et des Grecs (1730–38) (Winterer (2002) 20). Important European intellectuals such as Montesquieu were also influential in shaping colonial views of the ancient world (Reinhold (1984) 97). In general, educated Americans were introduced to the classical languages at an early age, and the curriculum in early colonial colleges like Harvard and Yale was heavily centered on the instruction in Greek and Latin as a part of the traditional study of the liberal arts (Reinhold (1984) 25–8 and Ziobro (2006) 18–28). According to Carl Richard, in the colonial period students usually began learning ancient languages at age eight either from grammar school instruction or from private tutors (Richard (1994) 1). By the time students were ready to enter college, they had already become acquainted with many of the authors that were part of the standard humanistic curriculum. However, the quality of such instruction was often poor (Richard (1994) 21). Emphasis was placed primarily on translation and broad knowledge of basic grammatical principles (Reinhold (1984) 26). Although ancient history was not a major part of the curriculum of the colonial college, many of the leaders of the Revolution and founders of the new American government in the 1780s were well acquainted with Greek and Roman history through explication of school texts and imported histories, and it was in the political sphere that ancient Sparta had its most discernible and lasting impact in North America in the eighteenth century. Sparta, Athens, and especially Rome were viewed as early experiments in republican government by many of the most important Founders of the United States who sought historical parallels for the young American nation. Great importance was attached to examining the history of these early republics in order to understand the basis of their success, as Gordon Wood has observed: “The Americans’ compulsive interest in the ancient republics was in fact crucial to their attempt to understand the moral and social basis of politics” (Wood (1969) 50).Views of Sparta among the Founders were mixed. Spartan austerity and discipline, as exemplified in the ancient sources, most of all Plutarch, were appealing to some of the most prominent early Americans. For example, John Dickinson of Pennsylvania, delegate both of the Continental Congress and of the Constitutional Convention, the so‐called “Penman of the Revolution”, praised Spartan courage in battle: 706 Sean R. Jensen To such a wonderful degree were the ancient Spartans, as brave and free a people as ever existed, inspired by this happy temperature of soul that rejecting even in their battles the use of trumpets and other instruments for exciting heat and rage, they marched up to the scenes of havoc and horror, with the sound of flutes, to the tunes of which their steps kept pace – “exhibiting,” as Plutarch says, “at once a terrible and delighted sight, and proceeding with a deliberate valor, full of hope and good assurance, as if some divinity had sensibly assisted them”. 2 The prominent Boston Son of Liberty, Samuel Adams, cousin of John Adams, hoped that Boston would become a “Christian Sparta,” implying that pre‐Christian Sparta represented admirable forms of virtue and piety (Rahe (1992) 58). Even the famous critic of the classical education, Benjamin Rush, a signatory of the Declaration of Independence, praised the plain “black broth” of the Spartan diet (Richard (2008) 31). At the same time, colonial Americans criticized the militaristic and collective nature of the Spartan social system. Thomas Jefferson referred to the Spartan system as “the rule of military monks over the laboring class of the people, reduced to abject slavery” and Alexander Hamilton (first Secretary of the Treasury, 1789–95) in Federalist No. 6 stated “Sparta was little better than a well‐regulated camp.”3 Along with the militarism associated with the ancient Spartan state, the Spartan rejection of commercial activity was also criticized. For example, John Adams (second President, 1797–1801) argued for American pursuit of commerce by asserting that emulation of the “Spartans in their Contempt of Wealth” should be avoided (Rahe (1992) 325). Although Adams in his Defence of the Constitutions of the United States (1787–88) mixed praise with criticism of the Spartan system (see later), he particularly found fault with the strict control over the citizenry that Lykourgos supposedly instituted, even faulting the motivation of the legendary lawgiver after a description of the various prohibitions such as the laws against travel and use of coined money: “he shackled the Spartans to the ambitious views of his family for fourteen successions of Herculean kings, at the expence of the continual disturbance of all Greece, and the constant misery of his own people.”4 In the Adams family, criticism of Sparta was not limited to John. In a 1786 debate at Harvard, his son, the young John Quincy Adams (sixth President, 1825–29) claimed: The fine feelings of the Heart which render human Nature amiable, were entirely excluded from the system of Lycurgus. Many of his Laws display a barbarous Cruelty, and beauteous Science, whose persuasive Voice, calms the impetuous Passions of Youth, sooths the cares, and asswages the infirmities of age, was discarded from within the walls of Sparta by this savage Legislator.5 In general, the most influential source on Sparta for colonial Americans was Plutarch’s biography of Lykourgos, the mythical early lawgiver and architect of the Spartan constitution (Reinhold (1984) 250, 253). Plutarch’s biographies, read both in the original Greek and in translation, were greatly responsible for forming these sometimes contradictory views of ancient Sparta (Reinhold (1984) 253). At times, the heavy moralistic tone of Plutarch’s biography of Lykourgos and particular conception of the Spartan state were especially appealing to colonial Americans seeking appropriate models of behavior for citizens of the young Republic, while they also engendered criticism both from the Republican Jefferson and the Federalists, Adams and Hamilton. The Reception of Sparta in North America 707 Together with Republican Rome, Sparta played an important role as a direct source for the political structure of the United States. The theory of the separation of powers was a dominant issue in the midst of the debates before and during the Constitutional Convention. Ancient theory of the “mixed constitution” developed by Plato, Aristotle, and Polybius had greatly influenced Western thinkers from the Middle Ages through colonial America.6 The Framers drew many of their notions of Sparta’s stability, strong agrarian culture (as opposed to commercial Athens), and celebrated mixed constitution from these ancient theorists. Sparta was a source for much of the current political theory about the balance of institutional powers, and John Adams was a particularly enthusiastic proponent of the idea of mixed government during the debates surrounding the Constitution. In his Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America Adams praised the stability of the Spartan constitution attributed to Lykourgos: Six kinds of government must be allowed: kingly government and monarchy, aristocracy and oligarchy, democracy, and the government of the multitude. Lycurgus concluded, that every form of government that is simple, by soon degenerating into that vice that is allied to it, must be unstable. … Lycurgus to avoid these incoveniencies [sic] formed his government not of one sort, but united in one all of the advantages and properties of the best governments; to the end that no branch, by swelling beyond its due bounds, might degenerate into the vice which is congenial to it …7 The Spartan model was also referenced to support the establishment of an American senate. In Federalist No. 63, James Madison (“Father of the Constitution”; later fourth President, 1809–17) cited ancient Sparta along with Rome and Carthage as examples of successful republics with a strong senate, writing, “It adds no small weight to these considerations, to recollect that history informs us of no long‐lived republic which had not a senate. Sparta, Rome, and Carthage are in fact, the only states to whom that character can be applied.”8 Although Adams and Madison were drawn to the longevity and stability of the Spartan constitution, Polybius’ version of the Roman Republic as the ideal example of a mixed constitution seems to have had a greater influence on the Framers (Richard (2008) 97). Adams considered the Roman Republic to be the ideal mixture of the aristocratic, executive, and democratic branches stating: All three principal orders of government were found in the Roman commonwealth; everything was constituted and administered with that equality and propriety by these three, that it was not possible, even for a Roman citizen, to assert positively, whether the government, in the whole, was aristocratical, democratical, or monarchical.9 As debates surrounded the drafting of the constitution of the United States arose, so did discussions concerning the proper role of women in the new republic. In this debate, the women of Sparta made famous in the pages of Plutarch were natural reference points for a culture well‐versed in classical literature. In particular, the brave Spartan woman selflessly sending her son to battle and preaching an unbending patriotism to the state or as a soldier herself were the models that appealed in this period (Winterer (2007) 71–9). For example, the notable early feminist Judith Sargent Murray (1751–1820) in the last decades of the eighteenth century advocated the equality of women. In The Gleaner (1798) 708 Sean R. Jensen she referenced the women of Sparta as an example of feminine strength and patriotism who even suppressed their natural duties as mothers for the greater good of the state: The character of the Spartan women is marked with uncommon firmness. At the shrine of patriotism they immolated nature. Undaunted bravery and unimpeached honour, was, in their estimation, far beyond affection. The name of Citizen possessed, for them, greater charms than that of Mother; and so highly did they prize the warrior’s meed, that they are said to have shed tears of joy over the bleeding bodies of their wounded sons! (Skemp (1998) 186) Murray was particularly notable in her call for gender equality during the birth of a new country. The theme of the powerful and independent Spartan woman has been popular throughout American history and evolved with the times, even appearing in the culture of the modern US military and among modern historians, as will be discussed later below. In the end, the unique nature of the Spartan social system was perceived as too brutal and too unlike the world of eighteenth century America, thus limiting Sparta’s influence on the Constitution (Richard (2008) 32, 97). Hamilton’s statement that Sparta was a “well‐regulated camp” coupled with Jefferson’s view that Spartans were “military monks” helped to ensure that Rome would have greater lasting impact on the early United States. At the same time, other examples of cooperative government drawn from ancient Greece were also studied by the Founders, such as the federal leagues and the Amphictyonic League.10 Though admired for her great cultural achievements, Athens was generally rejected as a political model because she was historically perceived as having been too unstable and feckless.11 In Federalist No. 55 which emphasized the capricious nature of popular assemblies, Madison wrote of Athens: “Had every Athenian citizen been a Socrates, every Athenian assembly would still have been a mob.” Yet, it was not universally agreed that ancient republics were natural sources for constructing a modern one. Hamilton, as early as 1782, denied the utility of employing ancient Greece and Rome as models for the “modern” world (Reinhold (1984) 255–6). Charles Pinckney of South Carolina at the Constitutional Convention in 1787 declared, “Can we copy Greece and Rome? … We surely differ from the whole. Our situation is unexampled” (Reinhold (1984) 215). In the early nineteenth century, John Taylor, a constitutional theorist and politician of Jeffersonian affinity, leveled criticism at John Adams for employing ancient Sparta as an example of a politically balanced republic, and observed that, in general, lessons from antiquity had no real value for the modern world (Reinhold (1984) 107). Some of Taylor’s most strident criticism was targeted at the Lykourgan constitution: Lycurgus, by the influence of a bought and lying oracle, placed the government in the hands of a minority, excused this minority from labour and taxes, and supported it by the labour of the majority. The Helots, who were the slaves of the government but not of individuals, filled the place of every majority, however denominated, subjected to the will of an aristocracy … This emblem of Mr. Adams’s system, commenced in fraud; flourished, a tyrant; and died, a traitor.12 For Taylor, the Spartan system was not a model of balance but of oppression and inequality. The Reception of Sparta in North America 709 Overall, the Founding Fathers identified both strengths and weaknesses in the ancient accounts of Sparta. Dickinson’s praise of Spartan courage and discipline was typical of the Founding Fathers’ admiration of the Plutarchan version of Sparta, while others viewed the unique nature of the ancient city as an inappropriate source of inspiration for the new nation, both politically and culturally. These often contradictory views of ancient Sparta render it difficult to gauge the extent of its influence on colonial America. However, it is fair to say that the collective nature of Spartan society and the perceived rigidity of the Lykourgan system were ultimately deemed unsuitable for a growing liberty‐minded young republic or perhaps even for a democracy. 28.2 Reception of Sparta in the Nineteenth Century In the first decades of the nineteenth century, Hellenism grew increasingly popular in the United States. For instance, Greek architecture largely replaced the Roman‐influenced style and the study of Greek language and literature grew in importance in college curricula.13 The War of Greek Independence (1821–29) played an important role in popularizing Hellenism in the United States, and Americans traveled in increasing numbers to Greece throughout this period (Winterer (2002) 63). Much of American interest in the War of Greek Independence lay with sympathy to the Greek struggle for liberty under the Ottomans (Winterer (2002) 63). In the American South, classical learning especially thrived in the antebellum period (Miles (1971) 262). Knowledge of the classical languages and ancient history were seen as characteristics that defined a refined and learned gentleman in a culture of elite leisure based on slave labor.14 As cultural divisions between the North and South intensified in the antebellum period, the heightened popularity of classical tradition in the South was seen by many prominent Southerners as a mark of distinction from the more commercially‐ oriented northern half of the country (Miles (1971) 258, 262–3). The city‐states of Classical Greece and the period of the Roman Republic became the favorite models for Southerners seeking ancient parallels for their cultural and political outlook.15 Pro‐ slavery theorist George Fitzhugh even asserted that Southerners were descended from the Romans through the Jacobites and Huguenots (Miles (1971) 264). Athens was especially appealing to Southerners drawn to Athenian‐style democracy and cultural achievements (Winterer (2002) 66). Athens was generally considered the closest and most desirable parallel for the South. One writer in the Southern Quarterly Review in 1847 praised Athens in these terms: “In the whole course of history, ancient and modern, there is no period to which we revert with fresher interest or more underlying enthusiasm, than to the short era of Athenian ascendency in Greece” (Miles (1971) 27). Less often, Southerners referenced Sparta as a particularly successful state.16 One of the most notable comparisons Southerners made with Greek and Roman antiquity concerned the existence of slavery. As the issue of slavery gradually became divisive in the United States, the examples of slavery systems in the ancient world were often used as a defense for the South’s “peculiar institution.” In seeking these justifications in the historical tradition for the practice of human bondage, appeal was most frequently made to the Bible (Faust (1981) 10–11). Nevertheless, the examples of Greece and Rome were also popular with apologists of slavery (Faust (1981) 12). 710 Sean R. Jensen In particular, Greece and Rome were often cited to argue that slavery was integral to the success of these civilizations (Faust (1981) 12). Naturally, Sparta was included among the Greek states, cited by defenders of slavery along with Athens. Examples of this type of historical justification referencing Sparta can be found in the writings of notable apologists of slavery including Thomas Roderick Dew, William Harper, and James Henry Hammond. Born in 1802 in Virginia, Dew was educated at the College of William and Mary (Faust (1981) 21). There he became a prominent professor of political law, eventually rising to the presidency of the college in 1836 (Faust (1981) 21). Dew was inspired to respond to the climate of support for emancipation that followed Nat Turner’s 1831–32 slave uprising in Virginia (Faust (1981) 21). His Review of the Debate in the Virginia Legislature of 1831–2 was highly influential throughout the South (Faust (1981) 21). The following quotation comes from a piece published in the American Quarterly Review entitled “Abolition of Negro Slavery” (September 1832). In the essay, Dew looked to Sparta for evidence of the compatibility of slavery with a free society: 3dly. It has been contended that slavery is unfavorable to a republican spirit: but the whole history of the world proves that this is far from being the case. In the ancient republics of Greece and Rome, where the spirit of liberty glowed with the most intensity, the slaves were more numerous than the freeman. Aristotle, and the great men of antiquity, believed slavery necessary to keep alive the spirit of freedom. In Sparta, the freeman was even forbidden to perform the office of slaves, lest he might lose the spirit of independence. (Faust (1981) 66) William Harper, born in Antigua in 1790, hailed from South Carolina. A lawyer by trade, he eventually became an outspoken supporter of states’ rights and Nullification (the doctrine that states had the right to negate federal legislation that violated their privileges) (Faust (1981) 78). Harper’s essay entitled Memoir of Slavery (1838) cited Sparta to support the argument that slavery was beneficial for the instruction and upbringing of the young: “It was not without a knowledge of nature, that the Spartans exhibited the vices of slaves by way of negative example to their children” (Faust (1981) 116). Here, Harper is presumably speaking of the humiliating treatment of the state‐owned slaves (Helots), who were forced to become drunk and to dance absurdly by the Spartan ruling class during the common meals called syssitia. For Harper, the case of Sparta demonstrated the educational benefits for a society owning slaves. Finally, James Henry Hammond, born in South Carolina in 1807, was himself a lawyer, congressman, governor of South Carolina, and senator, known as an ardent supporter of slavery (Faust (1981) 168). In his “Letter to an English Abolitionist” (1845), he argued that, contrary to some judgments, slavery did “not weaken Rome, nor Athens, nor Sparta, though their slaves were comparatively far more numerous than ours, of the same color for the most part with themselves, and large numbers of them familiar with the use of arms”(Faust (1981) 178). For apologists of slavery, the examples of Greece and Rome provided evidence of the compatibility of a bondage system with a “free” republic. As we have seen, the cult of Greece as the home of small republics flourished in the South throughout the first half of the nineteenth century where local communal identification was strong. The popularity of classical learning in the South during the antebellum period was certainly a The Reception of Sparta in North America 711 factor in the use of Sparta and Athens as historical parallels, though the knowledge of ancient Sparta was still rather superficial even among the educated southern elite. For instance, there was no real effort to distinguish between the different types of human bondage practiced in Greece, such as Helotage in Sparta, a system in which the slaves were tied to the land in a serf‐like status, and chattel slavery at Athens. Nonetheless, the wealth of references to Sparta reveals the continued importance of antiquity as a paradigm in American political life. At the same time, abolitionists drew on ancient Greece for their own understanding of slavery in the nineteenth century. The well‐known abolitionist Lydia Marie Child (1802–80) frequently drew upon Sparta in her own writings against slavery.17 In her An Appeal in Favor of that Class of Americans called Africans (1833), Child referred to the slave systems of antiquity including Sparta to support her argument that the freer the state, the harsher the treatment of slaves: it is worthy of remark that the conditions of slaves has always been worse just in proportion to the freedom enjoyed by their masters. In Greece, none were so proud of liberty as the Spartans; and they were a proverb among the neighboring states for their severity to slaves.18 Here again Sparta is regarded as a paradigm of a free republic, yet for Child the lesson drawn from Spartan history is the exact opposite of the one drawn by pro‐slavery advocates of the period. Child’s historical novel Philothea (1836) is set in classical Greece where Athens and Sparta represent the North and South of the antebellum period. Sparta is portrayed as a particularly cruel slave society and is contrasted with an enlightened version of Athens (Winterer (2007) 173–4). Child, like the apologists of slavery with whom she battled, regarded ancient Sparta as a society very much defined by slavery. In 1861, the outbreak of Civil War in the United States offered another opportunity for nineteenth century America to refer to antiquity as a model for the present day. Parallels were made between the American conflict and the Peloponnesian War fought by Athens and Sparta in the late 5th century bc. During the American Civil War, the South was generally perceived as resembling the Spartans, particularly by Southerners. For example, the great nineteenth‐century classicist Basil Gildersleeve wrote on the current popularity of making comparisons between the two wars in an essay entitled “A Southerner in the Peloponnesian War” and in other writings from the period. In 1863, Gildersleeve observed: “First we had the Peloponnesian war, in which Athens was made to represent the North, and Sparta the South, in which Pericles was degraded into similitude with Seward; Nicias with McClellan” (Briggs (1998) 119). Gildersleeve also identified similarities with his own time in the geographical position of the two antagonists of the Peloponnesian War: We must acknowledge that the general outlines of the two wars actually present some striking and instructive points of comparison: such a point is the geographical position of the combatants, the one in the North, the other in the South – although Canada is not arrayed against New York as Boeotia was against Athens … (Briggs (1998) 119) Not only was Athens’ progressive democracy seen as a parallel to the North’s, while Sparta’s conservative agrarian‐based economy seemed to have similarities with plantation 712 Sean R. Jensen culture of the South, but Gildersleeve compared the course of the Civil War to that of the Peloponnesian War: The revolt of Lesbos from the Athenians presents a wonderful analogy to the uprising of the Marylanders – if they had only risen up – the capture of the “full‐blooded” Spartans on Sphacteria, is an exact parallel to the taking of Roanoke Island and the Richmond Blues – only the Spartans held out longer. (Briggs (1998) 120) Finally, in Gildersleeve’s article “A Southerner in the Peloponnesian War”, he made the comparisons between the two wars explicit: The Peloponnesian war, like our war, was a war between two leagues, a Northern Union and a Southern Confederacy. The Northern Union, represented by Athens, was a naval power. The Southern Confederacy, under the leadership of Sparta, was a land power. The Athenians represented the progressive element, the Spartans the conservative. The Athenians believed in a strong centralized government. The Lacedaemonians professed greater regard for autonomy. (Briggs (1998) 398) Strikingly perhaps, Gildersleeve failed to note any parallel for the most obvious and significant feature of the war, namely its origin in a secession or rebellion. Still, the American Civil War offered the opportunity to Americans to see their own conflict as a modern Peloponnesian War, with the South taking on the role of Sparta in place of Athens, which had been the preferred choice for many Southerners in the antebellum period. The cultural impact of Sparta throughout the nineteenth century is also evident in other ways. As settlements were founded in the new United States and Canada, many communities chose such names as “Sparta” or “Spartanburg” or “Laconia”. Cities called Sparta are spread from the eastern United States to the Pacific Ocean. Examples of these communities include: Sparta Township in New Jersey; Sparta, North Carolina; and Sparta, Oregon. The county and city of Spartanburg were founded in South Carolina, while a Laconia was established in New Hampshire. In Canada, the community of Sparta was founded in the province of Ontario in the early nineteenth century. The profusion of cities named Sparta should not seem unusual considering the popularity of naming communities after famous European and Near‐Eastern cities, including other prominent Greek and Roman cities as well as places named in the Bible. The classical education of the eighteenth and early nineteenth century here played a clear role.19 28.3 Popular Reception in the Twentieth and Twenty‐First Centuries Beginning in the early twentieth century, Sparta has become a popular source for the eponyms or mascots of high school, college, and university sports teams. Notable examples include Michigan State University founded in 1855 and San Jose State University founded in 1857. Michigan State adopted the nickname “Spartans” in 1926 while San Jose State students selected the “Spartans” as their mascot in 1942.20 Numerous other The Reception of Sparta in North America 713 colleges and universities have adopted the Spartan mascot including Case Western Reserve University, Norfolk State University in Virginia, and the University of North Carolina‐Greensboro. Countless high schools across North America have also adopted this nomenclature for their athletic teams. The courage and sense of duty attributed to the Spartan hoplite soldier have traditionally been valued by athletic teams seeking inspiration and models for competition and teamwork. Like other popular mascots for sports programs and franchises named after other warrior groups (e.g., the Vikings or the Trojans), the imagery generally employs popular markers to convey the fearsome aspects of the Spartan hoplite. For example, Michigan State, San Jose State, and Case Western Reserve University employ as a logo variations of the Corinthian style hoplite helmet topped with a distinctive crest. Their mascots are often caricatures of a Spartan hoplite given an affectionate name such as Michigan State’s “Sparty” and San Jose State’s “Sammy.” Sparty is characterized as an absurdly muscular soldier in hoplite armor, and Sammy is likewise a cartoonish representation of a Spartan warrior. Thus, these mascots combine the characteristics of fearsome hoplite warrior with those of a jovial puppet. The widespread popularity of the ancient Spartans as a source of sports mascots reflects common notions of Sparta in the United States and Canada. It is notable that this popular appreciation does not extend to other notable ancient Greek states such as Athens. In particular, Sparta is associated with a militaristic ethos shared with other groups such as the Vikings or Native American warriors who provide totemic names for sports teams in North America. One might be tempted to trace this phenomenon to the depiction of the Spartan upbringing and of its ethos of testing and acculturation through athletic competition, so prominent in the accounts of Plutarch. There may be a tendency to lump the Spartans with Vikings, Trojans, and various Native American “avatars”, unfortunate since these warrior groups are distinct in many ways. Nonetheless, the particular view of the Spartans as embodying the characteristics of strength, bravery, and competitive élan is also evident in other areas of American popular culture in the twentieth and twenty‐first centuries. The most popular aspect of ancient Spartan history in the United States and Canada in the latter half of the twentieth century and first decade of the twenty‐first has probably been the depiction of the last stand of the Spartans at Thermopylai in 480 bc against an invading Persian army. The events surrounding the defeat of the Greek force led by King Leonidas have been celebrated since the colonial period. In general, the popular legend of the battle of Thermopylai has had an impact on American notions of liberty and self‐ identity as a free, self‐governing people. As early as the late eighteenth century, Thomas Jefferson and the other founders praised Leonidas and the 300 just as they had other aspects of Sparta (Richard (1994) 73). In the twentieth century, the legend of the “300” hit the mainstream of public consciousness. Books, Hollywood films, and video games have all frequently captured the theme of the last stand of the 300 Spartans. Go Tell the Spartans, a 1978 film, recounted the experiences of American soldiers in Vietnam. The title of the film is a rendering of the opening line of the poet Simonides’ famous epitaph for the Spartans who died fighting Xerxes’ army: ῏Ω ξει̃ν’, ἀγγέλλειν Λακεδαιμονίοις. Popular novels based on the battle of Thermopylai include Steven Pressfield’s Gates of Fire: An Epic Novel of the Battle of Thermopylae (1998) and Frank Miller’s 300 (1998). Although Nicholas Nicastro’s Isle of Stone: A Novel of Ancient Sparta (2005) does not have Thermopylai as its theme, instead favoring the Peloponnesian War, it certainly 714 Sean R. Jensen reflects a popular interest in Spartan military history and shares many of the same ideas. Pressfield’s novel is a fictional account of the lone survivor of the battle. Pressfield has written other novels that have popularized ancient Greek military strategies and conquests such as Tides of War (2001) and The Virtues of War: A Novel of Alexander the Great (2005). Frank Miller’s work has also achieved a great deal of success while generating much controversy. As a stylized account of the battle in comic book form, there is little attempt to portray the battle of Thermopylai accurately. Yet, the graphic novel has achieved widespread success even spawning a wildly successful film. Miller was inspired by an earlier film The 300 Spartans (1962), an international production with some American leads that was presented by Twentieth Century Fox. These popular works about Sparta reflect an enduring interest in ancient Greek warfare in the context of a heroic final stand. In both Europe and North America, the moral success of the small Greek force against vast odds has been interpreted as symbolic of a larger struggle of liberty against tyranny. Sparta is often portrayed as a republic fighting for the preservation of the freedom of all of Greece. Two major American films have been based on the battle of Thermopylai, The 300 Spartans (Twentieth Century Fox, 1962) directed by Rudolphe Maté and 300 (Warner Bros., 2007) directed by Zach Snyder. The 1962 film shot on location in Greece starred Richard Egan and boasted an international cast.21 Although the film’s setting was the Persian invasion of 480 bc, it reflects in some ways the contemporary Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union (Clough (2004) 375). The Spartan sacrifice is portrayed as part of a larger struggle for the freedom of the West against the tyrannical East. 300, based on Miller’s novel and starring Gerard Butler, led to a good deal of controversy around the world. The struggle in the film between the Greeks and the Persians has been seen as representative of the modern‐day conflict between the West and Iran (possibly representing Islam), while also incurring some criticism for its lack of historical accuracy, in particular in the portrayal of ancient Persians. In general, the representations of the Persians and Greek hoplites are more impressionistic than historical with the character Xerxes, played by Rodrigo Santoro, especially fanciful. The Great King is depicted as a half‐naked hairless giant, who at one point in the film attempts to seduce Leonidas in an erotic fashion in an attempt to convince him to surrender. Throughout the film the effeminate, almost androgynous, Xerxes is contrasted with the masculine Spartan king. Moreover, great effort is made to contrast the combatants by emphasizing the courage and prowess of the Spartans at the expense of the Persians. The Spartans fight with bare torsos instead of donning breastplates, which has the effect of revealing the muscular chests of the hoplites. The blockbuster success of 300 even inspired a popular parody entitled Meet The Spartans (Twentieth Century Fox), released in 2008. The popularity of the novels and films surrounding Thermopylai has also led to numerous television documentaries on Spartan history and Leonidas’ last stand. The general resurgence of classical antiquity in the popular sphere in the early twenty‐first century, witnessed by the film Gladiator (2000) and the HBO series Rome, is connected with a thriving market for classically‐themed films. At the same time, military strategy‐ themed video games form a new market for ancient Sparta. Notable Spartan‐themed games include Ancient Wars: Sparta (2007, Playlogic), Great War Nations: The Spartans (2008, Dreamcatcher), and Spartan (2004, Graphsim Entertainment). The Reception of Sparta in North America 715 As during the American Civil War, the Peloponnesian War between Athens and Sparta was viewed by many in the twentieth century as a parallel for major conflicts of the era.22 Some prominent American politicians, journalists, and political scientists looked to the origins and course of the Peloponnesian War as a helpful guide to understanding and predicting the long Cold War between the Soviet Union and United States. Thucydides was an important source for these comparisons and was mined for relevant theory.23 At the same time, Thucydides’ characterization of Athens and Sparta in large part determined the modern identifications of the United States and Soviet Union with their ancient Greek counterparts. Each side of this conflict was portrayed as either the modern Athens or Sparta, sometimes even by the statesmen shaping the events. For example, Henry Kissinger once compared the United States to Athens and the Soviets to Sparta.24 However, it should be noted that analogizing Sparta as the Soviet Union was mainly a later development and did not immediately commence when the Cold War began in the late 1940s.25 On the surface, the Cold War and Peloponnesian War did share some similarities. The two sides in the Cold War were very much ideological rivals, as were Athens and Sparta. Athens was a progressive democracy that favored democrats throughout the Greek world, while Sparta represented, at least in the pages of Thucydides, a conservative oligarchic state, backward intellectually and economically. Furthermore, the Western allies, including the United States, were market‐based economies, which were integrated in material terms by an ever‐intensifying commerce (whose later manifestations we now recognize as globalism). In this sense, the United States as the exemplar of western democracy was seen as a modern‐day Athens, while the authoritarian Soviets seemed to resemble Thucydidean Sparta. The secretiveness of the Spartan state compared to the openness of Athens was another point of similarity with the Soviet Union. Moreover, the belief that the Peloponnesian War was a bipolar conflict defined by two camps dominated by Athens and Sparta was also influential.26 An example of this type of analysis can be seen in the work of the prominent American political scientist Robert Gilpin. Gilpin explicitly links Athens with the United States and the Soviet Union with Sparta, although admittedly exercising some caution: The similarities between fifth‐century b.c. Greece and the closing decades of the twentieth century are indeed striking. Two former allies, having defeated the common enemy, turn on one another. On one side, the protagonist (the United States, like Athens) is democratic, commercial, and a sea power. The other side (the Soviet Union, like Sparta) is authoritarian, autarchic, and a land power.27 Scholars of ancient Greece have also contributed to such comparisons. Notable American historians such as Donald Kagan and Alvin Bernstein have made connections between the antagonists of the Cold War and the Peloponnesian War. Reflecting some common conceptions of the similarities between the two conflicts, Kagan wrote in 1995: In fundamental ways the new situation resembled the structure of international relations in the Hellenic world after the Peloponnesian War, a similarity often remarked upon during the Cold War. The world was “bipolar”, divided into discrete blocs led by powers of very different kinds, rivals for the leading position, fearful and suspicious of one another. It was common in the West to identify the open, individualistic, democratic society of 716 Sean R. Jensen Athens with the similar one of the United States and the closed, communal, statist society of Sparta with Russia but, as we have seen, although the analogy between the internal character of the societies is reasonable, it breaks down when applied to external affairs. In ancient Greece, Sparta led a coalition of states, many of whom were quite independent, that resembled NATO more than the Warsaw Pact, and its policy was essentially static, intended to maintain the status quo that preserved its primacy and security. It was democratic Athens that was the dynamic, disruptive state, whose expansion and power the Spartans found threatening. The Delian League, which really had become an Athenian Empire, more closely resembled the Warsaw Pact, which badly disguised a Soviet Empire. In the twentieth century it was the Soviet Union, like Athens after the Persian Wars, that had used its victory swiftly to expand its territory and power, which challenged and alarmed the United States, a state, like Sparta, generally satisfied with the status quo and eager to preserve its advantages. (Kagan (1995) 444) Bernstein has commented on the similarities between the Soviet and Spartan economies, writing: The Soviet economy, unlike ours but like the Spartan, thoroughly entwined its defense sector in the economy at large so that defense spending could not stand out as an identifiable, discrete subsector. In effect, both Sparta’s and the Soviet Union’s economies responded to the dictates of those in control rather than to the market, were not subject to the laws of supply and demand, and were designed to endure the priority of security.28 Although all of these historians have cautioned those analogizing the Peloponnesian and Cold Wars, nonetheless, they have noted parallels between the two conflicts and even between the actors themselves. The influence of Sparta can also be traced in the contemporary culture of the US military. The National Infantry Association awards the Shield of Sparta‐Heroine of the Infantry to spouses of members of the US Infantry. According to the National Infantry Association website, the award is presented to: a spouse who has contributed significantly to the Infantry. The NIA’s goal is to recognize spouses of Infantrymen and other esteemed ladies, in support roles, whose contributions deserve special recognition by the National Infantry Association and the Infantry community. The award is a token of appreciation for the sacrifice and commitment demanded of the wives and supporters of Infantrymen. It further symbolizes these women as true patriots with selfless ideals and the courage to send their Infantrymen into harms [sic] way.29 This award recognizing the importance of women “in the support roles” seems to reflect the strong position of women in Spartan society recorded in ancient historiography. In particular, Plutarch provides many of the famous portraits and quotations of anonymous Spartan women who, dutifully following the strict Spartan ethos, demanded from their sons and husbands the same level of commitment to duty and sacrifice. For instance, one anonymous Spartan mother is said to have told her son when handing to him a shield for battle “child, this or on it”, τέκνον, ε῎φη, η῍ τὰν η῍ ἐπὶ τα̃ς, implying that he is to return victorious with his shield or carried back on it as a fatality of war (Plut. Mor. 241F16). The Reception of Sparta in North America 717 The American service academies have also historically drawn on certain conceptions of ancient Sparta as part of their institutional identity. The academies have attempted to balance what are generally referred to as “Athenian and Spartan” cultures. The struggle between a culture that promotes military discipline and training associated with Sparta and one that also emphasizes intellectual growth is a natural result of inherent tensions within institutions devoted to military education. Sparta and Athens seem to be natural reference points. Both historians of the service academies and academy officials themselves have characterized the evolution of these institutions in these terms.30 For example, John P. Lovell, political scientist and graduate of West Point, has described the tension between these cultures as a struggle between Athenian and Spartan ideals: The terms Spartan and Athenian are used here metaphorically rather than literally. The Spartan ideals are those of the noble warrior: austerity, discipline, the comradeship of arms, devotion to the state, and, above all, a commitment to heroic deeds and a love of glory. Athenian ideals, in contrast, are especially those of culture and learning. It is not necessary to argue that service academy officials consciously sought to emulate their classical forebears in Sparta to recognize these ideals have been important elements of the academy subcultures. (Lovell (1979) 16) Lovell makes explicit the comparison with the supposed Athenian and Spartan cultures in the development of the curriculum of the academies: From the nineteenth century until the eve of World War II, the trade school orientation of the academies, the emphasis on “building character” and instilling discipline as the primary mission, insured that a commitment to Athens would remain comfortably subordinated to a commitment to Sparta. However, the combination of accreditation requirements generated by authorization to award the baccalaureate degree, beginning in the 1930s, and the widespread recognition at the end of World War II of the complexity of professional demands in the postwar environment, led to an increase in emphasis upon the academic component of the academy mission. (Lovell (1979) 253) Thus, after the Second World War, this issue became increasingly important and the institutional trend of the service academies was toward a more “Athenian” academic culture, but not with the total exclusion of the “Spartan” emphasis on traditional military instruction. The historical view of Sparta as the exemplar of a uniquely military society and Athens as the source of western humanism has even informed the development of military education in the United States. 28.4 North‐American Scholarship The literature on Sparta is vast, but historically has been dominated by European scholars, and it is difficult to trace the study of Sparta among North American historians before the twentieth century. Nevertheless, by the first half of the century, 718 Sean R. Jensen North American scholars had begun to contribute significantly to the subject. One of the earliest and most important American historians of Sparta was J.A.O. Larsen, who published a series of articles on the Spartan‐led Peloponnesian League and political structure of the state in the 1930s.31 Larsen is probably best known as an authoritative scholar of Greek federalism. Though active at Cambridge University in England for most of his career, another important American historian who studied Sparta was M.I. Finley, generally regarded as one of the most important historians of Greece of the twentieth century. Like Larsen, Finley is mainly known for his work on other areas of Greek history, particularly social and economic history, but still contributed some signal scholarship on Sparta.32 His article entitled “Sparta” published in 1968 examined the major social and political features of the so‐called “Spartan Revolution” of the archaic period. Donald Kagan, successively professor of Greek history at Cornell and Yale, has been an influential historian of the causes and course of the Peloponnesian War, and of numerous other important aspects of fifth‐century Spartan history.33 His work entitled “The Outbreak of The Peloponnesian War” (1969) has been instrumental in setting much of the scholarly debate concerning the controversial issues of the war and, in particular like Larsen, the structure of the Spartan‐led Peloponnesian League. Since the 1970s, American and Canadian scholars have become increasingly interested in Spartan history, which now challenges that of Athens in its received importance. Important examples include contributions of Thomas Figueira, Charles Hamilton, and Nigel Kennell. Figueira has tackled a variety of issues ranging from the size of the Spartan economy to the complicated issue of Messenian identity.34 The supposed uniqueness of the ancient Spartan state, and especially the role of women, continue to interest students of Sparta today just as it did in antiquity. North American scholars Sarah Pomeroy and Ellen Millender have been some of the leading international figures in the study of Spartan women. Pomeroy’s Spartan Women (2002) is the first book‐length study devoted to the subject and she has been a pioneer in the field of women in antiquity since the 1970s.35 Her book on the women of Sparta is heavily influenced by contemporary feminist theory in the United States and argues that Spartan women had a place in society unusual for its time in the Greek world. Millender is noteworthy for challenging ancient and modern notions of a Spartan “difference.”36 Popular scholarly works touching on Sparta have become more available in the first decade of the twenty‐first century. Certainly, the success of classically‐themed movies and novels is partly responsible for the popularity of this tendency in scholarship. Victor Davis Hanson’s works on Greek warfare including A War Like No Other: How the Athenians and Spartans Fought the Peloponnesian War (2005) have had broad appeal both to historians and the wider public. Hanson’s expertise in Greek military history is well‐established. Though he does not hail from North America, Cambridge University’s Paul Cartledge has recently authored popular books on Sparta such as The Spartans: The World of the Warrior‐Heroes of Ancient Greece (2003) and Thermopylai: The Battle That Changed the World (2006), which have found a ready audience in the United States and Canada. It is clear that ancient Sparta continues to be an intriguing subject to North Americans. Whether it is the battle of Thermopylai or the Peloponnesian War, the modern North American continues to be fascinated by the Spartans as much as by their ancient Athenian counterparts. The Reception of Sparta in North America 719 28.5 Conclusion The influence of Sparta in North America has been visible in many areas of life ranging from politics and education to popular entertainment. The concentration on the classics in education in the colonial period created an educated class of political leaders who employed ancient Sparta as a model for the new American republic. The courage and discipline attributed to Sparta were appealing to men such as John Dickinson and Samuel Adams, while the harshness of the Lykourgan system was criticized by other leaders such as John Adams and Alexander Hamilton. In the first half of the nineteenth century, classical learning continued to thrive in the United States, conspicuously in the South where knowledge of the classics was seen as characteristic of a southern gentleman. The Old South also looked to ancient Greece and Rome for parallels to its own political culture with its emphasis on the defense of slavery. However, Sparta’s influence was limited as Athens was generally preferred by Southerners drawn to Athenian democracy and cultural achievements. Apologists of slavery throughout the antebellum period held up Sparta as an example of a successful slave‐owning republic, while the famous abolitionist Lydia Marie Child referred to Sparta for the opposite conclusion. During the Civil War, Americans saw similarities between their terrible conflict and the Peloponnesian War. In this case, Sparta was equated with the South while the North was seen as a modern day Athens. Later, Americans would compare twentieth century conflicts with the Peloponnesian War. Political scientists and ancient historians saw many parallels between the antagonists of the Cold War and the Peloponnesian War. In most analyses, the Soviet Union was viewed as a modern‐day Sparta since both societies were secretive and closed off from the wider world while also enjoying conservative, highly controlled economies. In the twentieth‐ and twenty‐first centuries, Sparta began to penetrate popular culture in new ways. Many college and high‐school athletic teams both in the United States and Canada have adopted the Spartan hoplite as a spirited mascot. The last stand of Spartans at Thermopylai has been particularly influential in the American conception of self‐sacrifice for liberty as far back as the colonial period. Finally, North Americans have emerged as some of the most important scholars of ancient Sparta, making notable contributions on the history of Spartan women and Spartan economy. Although Rome historically has had a greater influence on North America, ancient Sparta has left a major imprint that has been to a large extent interpreted depending on the concerns of the moment. It is worth noting that throughout the course of American history Sparta has had particular appeal in times of social and political crisis. As discussed above, the influence of Sparta is noticeably visible in the early days of the formation of the United States, during the slavery debate, and the Cold War of the twentieth century. The revered stability and longevity of the Spartan social and political institutions seem to have offered comfort and hope for Americans in such times of drastic change and uncertainty. It did not matter whether the Sparta of John Adams, Thomas Roderick Dew, or the American Cold War warriors conformed to reality, but that the ancient city offered some insight to the course of human events. No matter one’s view of Sparta, whether as a mixed constitution, slavery‐practicing republic, or early totalitarian state, the city not only survived but thrived for centuries as a leading state in Greece. Sparta’s resilience, in overcoming military crises such as the great Persian invasion, and also in withstanding the pressure for revolution so widespread in ancient Greece, has given hope to those of the modern era confronting similar challenges. 720 Sean R. Jensen NOTES 1 One only has to do a search on Google to see the enormously varied ways in which these lines from the film have been parodied; notable lines include “This is Sparta!” and “Spartans, tonight we dine in Hell!” 2 McDonald (1999) Letter 3; Richard (1994) 73. 3 See Reinhold (1984) 255–6) for a negative assessment of Sparta by Hamilton as early as 1782; Rahe (1992) 747; Richard (2008) 31. 4 See Adams (1787/1979) vol. 1. 257. 5 See Taylor R. et al. eds (1981) 102–3; Rahe (1992) 256. 6 See Richard (1994) 123–68 for a discussion of the history of mixed government theory and influence on the Founders. 7 Adams (1787/1979) vol. 1. 170. 8 Shapiro (2009) 321. 9 Adams (1787/1979) vol. 1. 171. 10See Federalist 18 in Shapiro (2009) 88–93. 11 Reinhold (1984) 214; Richard (2008) 79–84. 12 Taylor (1814/1969) 22–3. 13 Reinhold (1984) 184– 5, 217–19; Winterer (2002) 62–5. 14 Miles (1971) 258–9; Winterer (2002) 21–2. 15 Miles (1971) 271; Rawson (1969) 369; Winterer (2002) 66. 16 Rawson (1969) 370; Miles (1971) 271. 17 See Winterer (2007) 169–77 for a summary of Child’s life and works. 18 Child (1836) 38; See Winterer (2007) 171. 19 Other communities named Sparta include: Sparta, Georgia; Sparta, Illinois; Sparta, Kentucky; Sparta, Michigan; Sparta, Missouri; and Sparta Township, Pennsylvania. 20 “Traditions.” msuspartans.com. Michigan State: Official Website of Spartan Athletics, 2010. Web. 28 February 2010; “About SJSU.” aboutsjsu.com, San Jose State., 2010. Web 28 February 2010. 21 See Clough (2004) 374–5 for a synopsis of the film. 22 Tritle in Meckler (2006) 128. 23 Tritle in Mickler (2006) 127–40; See Hodkinson (2012) for an excellent discussion on the influence of Thucydides on American political scientists and policy makers. 24 Tritle in Meckler (2006) 128; See Kagan (1969) 112–13. 25 See Hodkinson in Hodkinson and Morris (2012). 26 Tritle in Meckler (2006) 130. 27 Gilpin in Lebow and Strauss (1991) 31. 28 Bernstein in Hamilton and Krentz (1997) 275–6. 29 “National Infantry Association.” Infantryassn.com.National Infantry Association. Web. 14 March 2010. 30 See Huntington (1957) 465 for the comparison of West Point to Sparta. 31 J.A.O. Larsen (1932) “Sparta and the Ionian revolt, A Study of Spartan Foreign Policy and the Genesis of the Peloponnesian League”, CPh 2: 136–50; J.A.O. Larsen (1933) “The Constitution of the Peloponnesian League”, CPh 4: 257–76. 32 See M.I. Finley (1968) “Sparta”, in J.‐P Vernant ed., 143–60. 33 See D. Kagan (1969) The Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War. Ithaca. 34 See T.J. Figueira (1986) “Population Patterns in Late Archaic and Classical Sparta”, TAPA CXVI: 165–213 and T.J. Figueira (1999) “The Evolution of Messenian Identity”, in S. Hodkinson and A. Powell eds, 211–44; C. Hamilton (1991) Agesilaus and the Failure of Spartan Hegemony. Ithaca; N. Kennell (1995) Gymnasium of Virtue. Chapel Hill and London. The Reception of Sparta in North America 721 35 See Pomeroy (1975) Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves: Women in Classical Antiquity. New York. 36 See Millender (1999) “Athenian Ideology and the Empowered Spartan Woman”, in S. Hodkinson and A. Powell eds, 355–91. BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, J. (1787/1979), A Defence of the Constitutions of the Government of the United States of America3. Darmstadt. Bernstein, A. (1997), “Imperialism, Ethnicity and Strategy: The Collapse of Spartan (Soviet) Hegemony” in Hamilton and Krentz, eds, 275–301. Briggs, W.W. Jr. (1998), Soldier and Scholar: Basil Lanneau Gildersleeve and the Civil War. Charlottesville and London. Child, L.M. (1836), An Appeal in Favor of that Class of Americans Called Africans. New York. Clough, E. (2004), “Loyalty and Liberty: Thermopylai in the Western Imagination”, in Figueira, ed., 363–84. Faust, D.G. (1981), The Ideology of Slavery: Proslavery Thought in the Antebellum South, 1830–1860. Baton Rouge and London. Gilpin, R. (1991), “Peloponnesian War and Cold War”, in Lebow and Lebow, eds, 31–50. Hodkinson, S. (2012), “Sparta and the Soviet Union in U.S. Foreign Policy and Intelligence Analysis”, in S. Hodkinson and I.M. Morris eds, Sparta in Modern Thought, 343–92. Huntington, S. (1957), The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil‐Military Relations. New York. Kagan. D. (1969), The Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War. Ithaca, NY. Kagan, D. (1995), On the Origins of War and the Preservation of Peace. New York. Kennell, N.M. (1995), The Gymnasium of Virtue: Education and Culture in Ancient Sparta. Chapel Hill. Lovell, J.P. (1979), Neither Athens Nor Sparta? The American Service Academies in Transition. Bloomington and London. Malamud, M. (2009), Ancient Rome and Modern America. Malden and Oxford. McDonald, F., ed. (1999), Empire and Nation: Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania (John Dickinson). Letters from the Federal Farmer (Richard Henry Lee). Indianapolis. Miles, E.A. (1971) “The Old South and the Classical World”, North Carolina Historical Review 47: 258–75. Pomeroy, S.B. (2002), Spartan Women. New York. Rahe, P. (1992), Republics Ancient and Modern: Classical Republicanism and the American Revolution. Chapel Hill and London. Rawson, E. (1969), The Spartan Tradition in European Thought. Oxford. Reinhold, M. (1984), Classica Americana: The Greek and Roman Heritage in the United States. Detroit. Richard, C.J. (1994), The Founders and the Classics: Greece, Rome, and the American Enlightenment. Cambridge and London. Richard, C.J. (2008), Greeks and Romans Bearing Gifts: How the Ancients Inspired the Founding Fathers. Lanham. Shapiro, I., ed. (2009), The Federalist Papers: Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, John Jay. New Haven and London. Skemp, S.L. (1998), Judith Sargent Murray: A Brief Biography with Documents. Boston. Taylor, John. (1814/1969), An Inquiry into the Principles and Policy of the Government of the United States. Indianapolis and New York. 722 Sean R. Jensen Taylor R. et al. eds (1981), The Diary of John Quincy Adams, Cambridge Tritle, L.A. (2006), “Thucydides and the Cold War” in Meckler, ed., 127–40. Winterer, C. (2002), The Culture of Classicism: Ancient Greece and Rome in American Intellectual Life, 1780–1910. Baltimore and London. Winterer, C. (2006), “Classical Oratory and Fears of Demagoguery in the Antebellum Era”; in Meckler, ed., 41–53. Winterer, C. (2007), The Mirror of Antiquity: American Women and the Classical Tradition, 1750–1900. Ithaca and London. Wood, G.S. (1969), The Creation of the American Republic, 1776–1787. Chapel Hill. Ziobro, W.J. (2006), “Classical Education in Colonial America”, in Meckler, ed., 13–28. FURTHER READING There is a growing bibliography of works on the reception of the classical world in the United States. Reinhold 1984 and Richard 1994 and 2008 provide excellent accounts of the history of classical learning and influence on early America. Winterer 2002 also provides important evidence for late colonial and nineteenth century American reception of the classical world. The evolution of Spartan reception in the Antebellum South is a particularly rich field. Miles 1971 and Faust 1981 are fundamental for Southern views of the classical Greeks. Tritle 2006 and Hodkinson 2012 offer treatments of modern American views and influence of the Spartans particularly in a Cold War context. American scholarship on Sparta has been steadily advancing for the past few decades. Kagan 1969 still remains fundamental for many questions concerning the political and military history of classical Sparta while Kennell 1995 provides an important study of the social history of the ancient city. Finally, Pomeroy 2002 and Millender 1999 should be consulted for the important role of women in Spartan society.