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AKÇAOĞLU, Aksu ; WACQUANT, Loïc — Practice and
symbolic power in Bourdieu: the view from Berkeley.
Journal of Classical Sociology 17(1), Feb. 2017 : 55-69.
In 2014-2015, A. Akçaoǧlu was a visiting scholar at the University of
California, Berkeley, where he had come to work with L. Wacquant on
his research on “the conservative habitus” in contemporary Turkey. In
this dialogue, he invites Wacquant to explicate the philosophy and
pedagogy of his celebrated Berkeley seminar on P. Bourdieu. This
provides an opportunity to revisit key conceptual nodes in Bourdieu’s
work, to spotlight its anti-theoreticist cast as well as the influences of
Bachelard and Cassirer; to clarify the relationships between social
space, field, and symbolic power; and to warn against the seductions of
“speaking Bourdieuese". [R]
ALLSOBROOK, Christopher J. — Liberty through political
representation and rights recognition. Theoria 150, March
2017 : 56-71.
This critique of the theory of freedom and power, which L. Hamilton
advances in Freedom is Power [Liberty Through Political Representation
Cambridge, 2014], maintains that Hamilton’s appeal to a genealogy of
needs — (established in his earlier work, The Political Philosophy of
Needs [Cambridge, 2003]) to distinguish power from domination — is
inconsistent with the theory of power he advocates. His account of needs
is no less vulnerable than that of rivals to the problem of power he
identifies. I advance a rights recognition theory, which is compatible with
this theory of power and I argue that it helps to provide support for the
distinction, which Hamilton wants to make, between power and domination, which one cannot obtain from his theory of needs. [R] [See Abstr.
ALTAMIRANO, Adriana Alfaro — Max Scheler and Adam
Smith on sympathy. Review of Politics 79(3), Summer
2017 : 365-387.
Recent efforts to theorize the role of emotions in political life have
stressed the importance of sympathy, and have often recurred to Adam
Smith to articulate their claims. In the early 20th-c, Max Scheler disputed
the salutary character of sympathy, dismissing it as an ultimately perverse foundation for human association. Unlike later critics of sympathy
as a political principle, Scheler rejected it for being ill-equipped to salvage what, in his opinion, should be the proper basis of morality, namely,
moral value. Where the most dangerous idol is not self-love but illusory
self-knowledge, the virtue of self-command will not suffice. Where identification with others threatens the social bond more deeply than faction,
“standing alone” in moral matters proves a more urgent task. [R, abr.]
ANDELIC, Patrick ; HOTSON, Louisa ; ROWE, Daniel, eds.
— Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s America: the legacies of a
professor-politician. PS 50(2), Apr. 2017 : 367-395.
Introduction by the editors. Articles by Godfrey HODGSON; Daniel
AKSAMIT; H. Howell WILLIAMS; Karen Patricia HEATH; Daniel ROWE;
ANDERSON, Kevin B. — Marx’s intertwining of race and
class during the Civil War in the United States. Journal of
Classical Sociology 17(1), Feb. 2017 : 28-40.
Marx wrote extensively on race and class in the American Civil War.
These writings, developed during the time he founded the First International and was completing Capital, argue that capitalism was grounded in
slavery and that racism attenuated class-consciousness among workers
from dominant racial groups. At the same time, the Civil War unleashed
new forms of democratic and revolutionary consciousness and action, in
which Black slaves seeking freedom, Black and White northern soldiers,
British workers, and abolitionist and socialist intellectuals expressed
solidarity with each other across racial and national lines. The Civil War
had revolutionary implications, not only in terms of bodily and political
freedom for four million human beings but also in terms of large-scale
economic changes that uprooted a centuries-old agrarian system. [R,
abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5339]
ARNOLD, Samuel ; HARRIS, John R. — What is arbitrary
power? Journal of Political Power 10(1), 2017 : 55-70.
Republicans define domination as subjection to arbitrary power. But what
is arbitrary power? We consider three views. According to the first,
championed recently by Frank Lovett, power is arbitrary insofar as it is
unconstrained. According to the second, advanced most prominently by
Philip Pettit in his recent work, power is arbitrary insofar as it is uncontrolled by those subject to it. According to the third, found (among other
places) in Pettit’s early work, power is arbitrary insofar as it is not forced
to track the interests of those subject to it. We advance several objections against each of the first two views and offer support for the third.
Pettit, we might say, got it right the first time. [R]
BALLACCI, Giuseppe — Richard Rorty's unfulfilled humanism and the public/private divide. Review of Politics
79(3), Summer 2017 : 427-450.
Rorty's separation between self-creation and political commitment is at
the same time one of the pillars of his political theory and one of its most
criticized elements. I offer a novel criticism of this separation, elaborating
a comparison between him and the rhetorical-humanistic tradition of
Cicero, Quintilian, the Italian Humanists, and Vico. If many have emphasized the deep humanism of Rorty's thought, still unnoticed is the fact
that his version of humanism contradicts a basic tenet of that tradition:
the idea that the mastery of communicative skills is key to the development of the person both as individual and citizen. Rorty contradicts not
only with that tradition but also with the general scope of his own project
and the very humanistic picture he himself draws of culture, society, and
the intellectuals. [R, abr.]
BALLANGE, Aliénor — Post-democracy: principles and
ambiguities. French Politics 15(1), Apr. 2017 : 128-145.
The “post-democracy” concept appeared in critical literature at the
beginning of the 20th c. Its initial purpose was to consider what could
come after democracy in the context of a paradigmatic change of superstructure: if modern democracy was born with the nation-state in a
governmental logic, how could one imagine its evolution in an unsettled
and globalized governance? Post-democracy offers both a normative
and an analytical answer: only a subtle understanding of the destabilization mechanisms of the democratic order will allow an efficient fight for
the safeguarding of our political and social assets. Yet there is no uniform theory concerning post-democracy at the present time; as for its line
of analysis it sometimes covers contradictory fields of law, political
science and philosophy. [R, abr]
BARKER, Kye Anderson — Of wonder: Thomas Hobbes’s
political appropriation of Thaumazein. Political Theory
45(3), June 2017 : 362-384.
This essay presents a reading of the use of wonder in the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes. I argue that not only did Hobbes incorporate
the ancient conception of wonder into his design for the emotional apparatus of the modern sovereign state, but that when he did so he also
transformed it and other concepts. Previous scholars have paid close
attention to Hobbes’s confrontation with ancient philosophy, but there
has been no sustained study of Hobbes’s use of wonder, which was a
concern of his over the entire course of his authorship. More broadly, this
study opens up a place for the study of wonder in contemporary political
theory as part of the broader reassessment of emotion. [R]
BERG-SØRENSEN, Anders — "Submission": ambiguity,
hypocrisy and misanthropy in Michel Houellebecq’s imaginary politics. Journal of Political Ideologies 22(2), 2017 :
In January 2015, M. Houellebecq published Soumission (Submission),
his already contested novel. Houellebecq writes about how France in
2022 elects a Muslim president, Mohammed Ben Abbes, who wins the
election against Marine Le Pen from the National Front and how the new
president “Islamisizes” the French state and society. Except for Islamism
and nationalism, other political ideologies have failed to articulate political visions capable of generating support and stability in the citizenry.
The article approaches Houellebecq’s Submission as a diagnosis of a
current ideological crisis in European democratic culture, and the passionate reactions to Houellebecq’s book as contesting the political
thought-practices mapping the ideological landscape in contemporary
Europe from below. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5333]
Penseurs et idées politiques
BERGERON, David — Thomas Jefferson et la réflexion
sur l’Autochtone. Conception d’une nature au fondement
d’un projet humain (Thomas Jefferson and the reflection
on the Native American: idea of a nature foundational to
a human project). Revue française de Science politique
67(3), June 2017 : 497-520.
Our goal is to understand the basis of Thomas Jefferson’s conception of
the Natives. Central are his liberal thought and his knowledge of contemporary scientific developments. The raison d’être of a social element
must be compatible with an expansionist, agrarian and capitalist agenda
inherent to America’s territorial and economic needs. For Jefferson,
contrary to Blacks, Natives ought to be equals to realize a peaceful
process of territorial appropriation and social assimilation, preconditions
to each citizen’s prosperity. The Native’s rationality permits first to negotiate, and eventually to settle tribe members, completing thus the requisites for an agenda at the heart of America’s realization. [R]
BICKERTON, Christopher ; ACCETTI, Carlo Invernizzi —
Populism and technocracy: opposites or complements?
Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 20(1-3), Jan.-June 2017 : 186-206.
Although populism and technocracy increasingly appear as the two
organizing poles of politics in contemporary Western democracies, the
exact nature of their relationship has not been the focus of systematic
attention. This article argues that while these two terms — and the
political realities they refer to — are usually assumed to be irreducibly
opposed to one another, there is also an important element of complementarity between them. This complementarity consists in the fact that
both populism and technocracy are predicated upon an implicit critique of
a specific political form, referred to in this article as "party democracy".
The argument is made through a close analysis of works by E. Laclau
and P. Rosanvallon, chosen as exemplary manifestations of the contemporary cases for populism and technocracy, respectively. [R, abr.]
BLACKBURN, Dean — Still the stranger at the feast?
Ideology and the study of twentieth century British politics. Journal of Political Ideologies 22(2), 2017 : 116-130.
This article explores the way in which scholars of 20th c. British politics
have engaged with the concept of ideology. It revisits M. Freeden’s
seminal intervention on the subject before assessing the way in which
recent work has challenged, and indeed preserved, older assumptions
about the nature and function of political ideas. It pursues two objectives:
to demonstrate the consequences of regarding ideas as a significant
feature of 20th c. politics, and to encourage a more vibrant dialogue
between historians and other disciplines that are contributing to the field
of ideology studies. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on "Reenergizing ideology studies: the maturing of a discipline", introduced, pp.
111-115, by Michael FREEDEN. See also Abstr. 67.5330, 5337, 5366,
5368, 5394]
BLANCO, Ramon — Normalizando anormais na sociedade internacional: operações de paz, Foucault e a Escola Inglesa (Normalizing abnormals in the international
society: peace operations, Foucault and the English
School). Relações internacionais 53, March 2017 : 83-107.
This article discusses one of the most important elements of the current
international reality — the construction of peace. More precisely, the
article problematizes the role that peace operations have in the international politics. The problematization is advanced through the approximation of the analytical tools developed by M. Foucault and the English
School. The article argues that peace operations should be understood
as a normalizing dispositive that, by seeking to normalize post-conflict
states and their populations, is pivotal to the fostering and the maintenance of an international society in particular — a (neo)liberal international society. [R]
Boisen, Camilla ; Murray, Matthew C. — Apartheid of
thought: the power dynamics of knowledge production in
political thought. Theoria 150, March 2017 : 41-55.
In engaging with L. Hamilton’s Freedom Is Power [Liberty Through
Political Representation, Cambridge, 2014] and its position in the lexicon
of academic production from the Global South, this paper explores how
Hamilton’s claim about institutions utilizing idealized concepts that can
have counterproductive social effects is also broadly observable in
knowledge production itself. This paper draws in broad and brief terms
how representation of ideas has been an issue at the heart of political
thought historically before discussing how ideas from the South and
other under-represented areas now serve to counter not just a hegemony of power but of ideas themselves. This is a necessary extension of
the theory to consider, in order to have its desired effect as ideas are
perquisites to actions. [R, abr.] [First of series of articles on Lawrence
Hamilton’s Freedom Is Power: Liberty Through Political Representation
[Cambridge, 2014]. See also Abstr. 67.5322, and the reply of the Lawrence HAMILTON, Abstr. 67.5357]
BRENNAN, Timothy — Thomas Jefferson and the living
[US] Constitution. Journal of Politics 79(3), July 2017 : 936948.
The persistence of the debate between living constitutionalists and
originalists in the US is often attributed to motives of political expediency
on one or both sides. This article maintains that the debate persists also
because of an inevitable fraying of the connection between the written
Constitution and the popular consent that is meant to underpin it. In order
to clarify the problem, I turn to Thomas Jefferson’s “earth belongs to the
living” letter, which is less idiosyncratic and perhaps also less idealistic
than generally believed, and which shows how written constitutionalism
might have been better combined with the consent of the people over the
long term. [R, abr.]
BUD, Robert — "The spark gap is mightier than the pen":
the promotion of an ideology of science in the early
1930s. Journal of Political Ideologies 22(2), 2017 : 169-181.
Materialist ideologies multiplied in Britain during the 1920s. H.G. Wells
promoted a strongly atheist program grounded in expert scientific leadership of society. To that vision, this article contrasts scientific humanism. It
suggests that this project of J. Huxley was pioneered through the shortlived magazine The Realist before 1930 and then much more successfully through the medium of radio. Although such Marxists as J. D. Bernal
have been better remembered, the airtime of communists and atheists
was strictly limited. Instead, many series of debates about science and
its social function in the years 1930 to 1934 were produced by the BBC’s
M. Adams drawing on Huxley’s coterie assembled for The Realist.
Thereby scientific humanism was broadcast to hundreds of thousands.
The article therefore suggests we pay more attention to the particular
ideology of science. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5333]
CALABRÒ, Alessio — Islamist views on foreign policy:
examples of Turkish Pan-Islamism in the writings of Sezai Karakoç and Necmettin Erbakan. Insight Turkey 19(1),
Winter 2017 : 157-183.
In the case of Turkey, competing foreign policy perspectives have always
represented a central issue in the ideological clash between Kemalism
and Islamism, revolving around the definition of Turkey’s identity and its
future in the international arena. This paper analyzes the foreign policy
writings of two dissimilar figures of Turkey’s political Islam, namely N.
Erbakan and S. Karakoç, both considered central for the development of
the Islamist ideology in Turkey. This study explores their texts and
detects similitudes revealing their common connection with Turkey’s
expression of the Pan-Islamist trend that reemerged during the Cold
War. The analysis of these two authors concludes by pointing out the
nationalist element characterizing Turkish Islamism — and Turkish PanIslamism — in comparison with analogous non-Turkish expressions of
this ideology. [R]
CARVER, Terrell — Making Marx Marx. Journal of Classical
Sociology 17(1), Feb. 2017 : 10-27.
The context through which readers have come to know Marx as "Marx"
was constructed by Marx in the first instance, and by others during his
lifetime and afterwards. What he told us about himself at different stages
of his life has been assimilated in various ways to reinforce what moreor-less authorized biographers think we should know about his "life and
thought". These accounts are based on what bibliographers present as
his "collected works", graded by significance. Intellectual biographies are
couched in a genre that is neither the contingent everyday (since readers
are presented with a life story that has ended) nor the publicity-minded
autobiographical (as Marx’s self-characterizations certainly were). Thus,
editorial practices have worked to mystify the “everyday Marx” and to
erase vital and productive ways to think about politics, activism and
struggle. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on "Marx and Marxism", edited and introduced by Tor CLAUSSEN. See Abstr. 67.5325,
CERON, Annalisa — How to advise the Prince: three
renaissance forms of Plutarchian parrhesia. History of Political Thought 38(2), Summer 2017 : 239-266.
This article sheds light on a little known chapter in the history of parrhesia. After a historiographical premise, the second and the third sections
recall that parrhesia is conceived as a form of friendly admonition and is
held to be the distinctive feature of good counselors in Plutarch's How to
Political thinkers and ideas
Tell a Flatterer from a Friend. The next three sections show how Erasmus, Elyot and Castiglione reworked Plutarch's ideas in their mirrors for
princes. The final references to Foucault's analysis of autocratic parrhesia make it clear that for these humanists, but not for Plutarch, parrhesia
is also a process of moral conditioning by which counselors advocate a
system of values to be followed. [R]
CHUGROV, Sergey V. — Suščestvuet li nezapadnaja
politologija? (“Političeskaja teorija” T. Inoguti) (Is there a
non-Western political science? (Political theory by Takashi Inoguchi)). Polis (Moscow), 2016(4) : 182-191.
The author [addresses] the question — “Is there non-Western political
science?” — targeting this analysis on the concept of one of the prominent Japanese thinkers, Inoguchi, and his texts published during the past
7-years, and especially new book Political Theory. According to Inoguchi,
although political theory as a part of the modern discipline of political
science emerged only in the 20th century, the origin of political theory is
unquestionably in ancient thought — whether in the philosophy of
Greece, Mesopotamia, Egypt, or China. Inoguchi points also at the birth
of science in ancient India where the distinction between zero and one
was first discovered. Again the non-West went ahead of the West. [R,
CIUK, David J. — Democratic values? A racial groupbased analysis of core political values, partisanship, and
ideology. Political Behavior 39(2), June 2017 : 479-501.
Research on American core political values, partisanship, and ideology
often concludes that liberals and Democrats believe equality to be one of
the most important values while conservatives and Republicans place
greater emphasis on social order and moral traditionalism. Though these
findings are valuable, it is assumed that they generalize across various
groups (e.g., socio-economic classes, religious groups, racial groups,
etc.) in society. Focusing on racial groups in contemporary American
politics, I challenge this assumption. More specifically, I argue that if
individuals’ value preferences are formed during their pre-adult socialization years, and if the socialization process is different across racial
groups, then it may be the case that members of different racial groups
connect their value preferences to important political behaviors, including
partisanship and ideology, in different ways as well. [R, abr.]
COOPER, Julie E. — Reevaluating Spinoza’s legacy for
Jewish political thought. Journal of Politics 79(2), Apr.
2017 : 473-484.
In recent years, scholars have revived Spinoza’s critique of theocracy as
a counter to Judaism’s supposed “antipolitical” tendencies. I contest
lineages that trace admonitions against theocratic “antipolitics” back to
Spinoza. When accounting for the resilience of the Hebrew theocracy,
Spinoza accords political standing to communities organized on principles other than absolute sovereignty, and he evaluates them in political
terms. With this interpretation, I challenge the political con-clusions that
scholars of Jewish thought have derived from Spinoza. I demonstrate
that the embrace of sovereignty as a precondition for agency is neither
the only political conclusion that one can draw from the critique of theocracy, nor is it the most compelling conclusion for scholars of Jewish
politics. I claim an alternative Spinozist legacy to reinvigorate debate
about sovereignty’s importance for Jewish political agency. [R, abr.]
CROCE, Mariano ; SALVATORE, Andrea — Normality as
social semantics. Schmitt, Bourdieu and the politics of
the normal. European Journal of Social Theory 20(2), May
2017 : 275-291.
This article takes issue with the practical and the cognitive roles of
normality within political life and its relevance to the constitution of the
groups that comprise a political community. From a practical viewpoint,
normality fosters standards of correctness; from a cognitive viewpoint,
these standards are what allows individuals to perceive themselves, and
to be recognized, as group members. To achieve this aim, the article
delves into C. Schmitt’s and P. Bourdieu’s accounts of how politics is a
field where semantic struggles take place that are meant to impose
alternative visions of the social world. Different types of connections and
relationships among individuals and groups (which rule out alternative
connections and relationships) shore up a specific vision of the social
world (which rules out alternative visions). [R, abr.]
CUESTA, Micaela — Neoliberalism, a cult without dogma.
Notes on money, religion, and democracy. Politikologija
Religije (Politics and Religion), 2017(1) : 69-84.
Every thought that wants to be considered as materialist begins with the
characterization of its circumstances, aiming to abstract them and produce its critique. Our intention shares M. Tronti's position that we are
living in the "society of money". Which are the consequences of these
statements? This article investigates the cultic character that signs
practices under the logic of neoliberal capitalism. We identify some of his
more relevant ideological operations: homogenization and inversion,
supremacy of present, immanence and management dominance. The
objective is to reflect on the political effects they produce on the configuration of the social bond and the democratic forms of life in our society
today. [R, abr.]
DEVARE, Aparna — Understanding differing conceptions
of violence through self-Other relations in Gandhi and
Fanon. Journal of International Political Theory 13(2), June
2017 : 215-232.
This article compares and contrasts Gandhi’s and Fanon’s views on
violence by placing these ideas within a larger framework of how each
viewed the Self and its relationship with the Other. I argue that Gandhi
did not view the Self as clearly separable from the Other; the Self was
internal to the Other and hence violence to the Other would also affect
the Self. This was one of the underlying reasons behind his adopting a
philosophy of non-violence. In the case of Fanon, I argue that one can
identify a “dominant” Fanon who makes a clear separation between Self
and Other in contrast to Gandhi and hence can justify violence inflicted
on the colonizer. [R, abr.]
DINAN, Matthew — The robot condition: Karel
Čapek's R.U.R. and Hannah Arendt on labor, technology,
and innovation. Perspectives on Political Science 46(2),
2017 : 108-117.
This article reads Karel Capek's R.U.R. through the lens of Hannah
Arendt's critique of technology in The Human Condition. Arendt and
Capek share a suspicion that modernity's attempts to overcome labor
through the use of technology undermines the human condition of natality. Indeed, the revolt of Capek's Robots dramatizes Arendt's warnings of
the dangers of a “society of laborers without labor” and “world alienation".
Both thinkers suggest that the dilemmas posed by modern technology
cannot be resolved through “practical” means but require loving attentiveness to the fragile conditions in which genuine natality can emerge.
DROCHON, Hugo — Nietzsche theorist of the state?
History of Political Thought 38(2), Summer 2017 : 323-344.
What is Nietzsche's place in the history of political thought? This article
attempts to situate Nietzsche by contrasting him with two traditions: the
social contract, in particular in its Hobbesian variety, which Nietzsche
critically engages with in both "The Greek State" and the Genealogy; and
nineteenth-century theories of the "withering away of the state", which
serve as an interesting counterpoint to Nietzsche's own view of the
"decay of the state". The article challenges the view that Nietzsche does
not offer a theory of the state, and should therefore not be considered a
political thinker of any kind. [R]
FEIT, Mario — Democratic impatience: Martin Luther
King, Jr. on democratic temporality. Contemporary Political Theory 16(3), Aug. 2017 : 363-386.
The intensifying speed-up of contemporary economic, social and political
life troubles democratic theorists because they assume that democracy
depends on patience. This article turns to Martin Luther King, Jr. to
challenge democratic theory’s temporal bias. I argue that King demonstrates that impatience, too, is a democratic virtue. Building on impatient
knowledge, democratic impatience aides in overcoming undemocratic
legacies, fosters democratic subjectivity and agency, ensures political
accountability, and creates a more inclusive practice of democratic
belonging. I furthermore show that King reveals the temporal sophistication of democratic impatience, thereby contradicting the prevailing interpretation of self-defeating instantaneousness. In par-ticular, democratic
impatience’s temporal origins of centuries of injustice, human mortality,
and the context of social acceleration provide a mature impetus for
democratic action. [R, abr.]
FLOYD, Rita — A new standard for the evaluation of
solidarist institutions. Journal of International Relations and
Development 20(3), July 2017 : 485-510.
Building on B. Buzan’s suggestion that, when conceived as an analytical
tool, the English School’s concept of solidarism simply describes those
norms and values that majorities can agree upon, this paper argues —
contra most English School solidarists, who tend to be normative theorists — that solidarist institutions have no intrinsic moral value. It is
argued that, if the English School’s contribution to normative theorizing is
to be useful widely, we need a standard for the moral evaluation of
solidarist institutions: one that examines their value in instrumental
Penseurs et idées politiques
terms. Specifically, this paper suggests that solidarist institutions need to
be assessed in terms of their ability to meet basic human needs. This
standard for moral evaluation is then applied to the solidarist institutions
prevalent at the contemporary core of international society. [R, abr.]
GEIGER, Ben Baumberg ; CUZZOCREA, Valentina —
Corporate social responsibility and conflicts of interest
in the alcohol and gambling industries: a post-political
discourse? British Journal of Sociology 68(2), June 2017 :
This paper examines whether such post-political discourses — including
an outright denial of conflict of interest — can be found within the alcohol
and gambling industries, where conflicts of interest are likely to be
particularly acute given the addictive nature of the goods/services in
question. Based on interviews with Corporate Social Responsibility
(CSR) professionals in these industries in Italy, the UK, and at EU-level,
we find evidence of a post-political discourse. In these discourses,
alcohol/gambling industry staff deny potential conflicts of interest on the
basis that any small benefits from sales to a small number of addicts are
seen to be outweighed by the reputational damage that addicts cause.
[R, abr.]
GEWEN, Barry — Kissinger's moral example. National
Interest 149, June-July 2017 : 22-29.
Henry Kissinger thought deeply about dignity and power. He examined
whether it was better for someone to affect policy by working inside
administration, however distasteful, or to preserve one's independence
and integrity at the price of influence. [R]
GILADY, Lilach — Triangle or "trilemma": Rousseau and
the "Kantian peace". Journal of International Relations and
Development 20(1), Jan. 2017 : 135-161.
The Kantian peace theory emphasizes the mutually enforcing pacifying
effects of democracy and economic interdependence. Nevertheless, the
last decade, which has seen record levels of interdependence and
democratization, provides anecdotal evidence that challenges the simplicity of the democracy-interdependence-peace argument. I contrast
Kant’s approach to this conundrum with that of Rousseau’s. While Kant’s
well-known argument suggests a mutually reinforcing relation between
democracy, interdependence and peace, Rousseau postulates that the
pacifying effects of democracy are not sustainable under conditions of
heightened interdependence. Rousseau’s analysis adds complexity to
the familiar Kantian argument by qualifying the conditions under which
we can expect democracy and/or democratization to reduce the probability of conflict, and by adding an important social and ideational component to the largely material approach of the Kantian peace theory. [R]
GOODFIELD, Eric — Negating negation: a century of
revision in the reception of Hegel's political philosophy.
History of Political Thought 38(2), Summer 2017 : 295-322.
I consider a variety of contemporary opinions on the question of the
nature and relation between Hegel's metaphysical and political thought. I
interrogate the intellectual forces and climate that have demanded the
division of these two aspects against Hegel's view of their practical and
logical interdependence. Hegel's image as either an unabashed protoNazi Prussian statist or mystic prophet and harbinger of 20th-c. totalitarian collectivism has largely been dispatched. However, I argue that the
stain and strain of the process of his defense have had an indelible and
deforming impact on how we nowadays conceive of Hegel's political
thought and its autonomous capacity to speak to us in the present. [R]
GREEN, Alexander — MacIntyre and Nussbaum on diversity, liberalism, and christianity. Perspectives on Political
Science 46(2), 2017 : 137-147.
This article argues that the politics of difference has [failed] to liberate
itself from the modern politics of universal dignity and self-determination.
Theorists who emphasize difference ultimately must find a way to balance a conception of diversity with that of a universal normative ethics. I
examine the virtue ethics of A. MacIntyre and M. Nussbaum as two
different examples of this tension, one constructing a particularistic virtue
ethics around specific traditions, while the other presents a universalistic
virtue ethics around universal human experience, thus serving as an
example for how the “right” and “left” engage with diversity. They both
reconstruct an ethics of character out of elements of Aristotle's ethics of
virtue in his Nicomachean Ethics as the basis for a model of pluralism
and do so within a modern liberal and hence rational-individualist framework. [R, abr.]
GURANTZ, Ron ; HIRSCH, Alexander V. — Fear, appeasement, and the effectiveness of deterrence. Journal of Politics 79(3), July 2017 : 1041-1056.
Governments often fear the future intentions of their adversaries. We
show how this fear can make deterrent threats credible [in] seemingly
incredible circumstances. We consider a model in which a defender
seeks to deter a transgression with both intrinsic and military value. We
examine how the defender’s fear of the challenger’s future belligerence
affects his willingness to respond to the transgression with war. We
derive conditions under which even a very minor transgression effectively “tests” for the challenger’s future belligerence, which makes the
defender’s deterrent threat credible even when the transgression is
objectively minor and the challenger is ex ante unlikely to be belligerent.
We also show that fear can actually benefit the defender by allowing her
to credibly deter. [R, abr.]
HAMILTON, Lawrence — Ideas, powers and politics.
Theoria 150, March 2017 : 72-78.
I make two main points in response to the two great articles on my book
Freedom is Power: Liberty Through Political Representation [Cambridge,
2014] (FIP). First, I assess the power of ideas, especially vis-à-vis the
important imperative to decolonize knowledge production, taking on
board much of C. Boisen and M. C. Murray’s arguments while qualifying
their tendency to overstate the case for the power of ideas. I then comment on C. J. Allsobrook’s criticism of my attempt in FIP to marry Foucault’s view of power with my genealogical account of needs. I take on
board his main concern and then argue — all too briefly — that his
alternative "rights recognition thesis" fails to escape his own critique of
my needs-based view of freedom as power aimed at overcoming domination. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5335]
HAY, Colin — Explanation, prediction, causation — An
unholy trinity? Appreciative comments on ["Keith Dowding’s] The Philosophy and Methods of Political Science.
Political Studies Review 15(2), May 2017 : 180-186.
In this critical appreciation of K. Dowding’s seminal Philosophy and
Methods in Political Science [Basingstoke, 2016], I reflect on the distinctive treatment of both realism and explanation in contemporary political
science that its author offers, expressing rather more sympathy for the
former than the latter. I welcome his critique of the use and misuse of
"isms" in much of the existing literature, while pointing to some potential
inconsistencies; I accept his broad and inclusive understanding of philosophic realism; and I praise Dowding for putting the question of explanation — and its adequacy —at the heart of the philosophy of political
science (where I think it belongs). Yet I reject the idea that prediction is,
or indeed, should be central to all social scientific explanation. [R, abr.]
[First article of symposium on "Keith Dowding’s The Philosophy and
Methods of Political Science", introduced, pp. 177-179 by Peter JOHN.
See also Abstr. 67.5180, 5245, 5282, 5398, and the reply of Keith
DOWDING, Abstr. 67.5168]
HAYWARD, Clarissa Rile — Responsibility and ignorance:
on dismantling structural injustice. Journal of Politics
79(2), Apr. 2017 : 396-408.
This essay tackles the thorny question of how to dismantle structural
racial injustice. It engages I. M. Young’s work on responsibility for structural justice. But it also draws on Ch. Mills’s work on what Mills calls
white epistemologies of ignorance to challenge Young’s emphasis on
changing how racially privileged people understand their responsibilities.
It makes the case that disruptive politics play a crucial role in dismantling
structural injustice. Because they interrupt privileged people’s motivated
ignorance, disruptive politics create a political opening to institutionalize
structural change. [R]
HERRERO DE JÁUREGUI, Miguel — From political mythos to economic logos: secularization in Aristotle's Politics. Politikologija Religije (Politics and Religion), 2017(1) :
The economic background of Aristotle's Politics goes far beyond the
considerations on oikonomia in the first book, or the scattered references
to economic principles throughout the whole work. It is the method of
analysis of politics as an empiric, measurable and secularized discipline
where is work is most linked with modern social sciences, economy
among them. Secularization will be exemplified through three case
studies; the oath, the concept of justice, and the idea of salvation/preservation. In all these cases, there is no concession to mythological or religious notions, but there are instruments of the logos, which
constitutes a unique enterprise in Antiquity. [R]
Political thinkers and ideas
HESKETH, Chris — Passive revolution: a universal concept with geographical seats. Review of International Studies 43(3), July 2017 : 389-408.
I argue that A. Gramsci’s concept of passive revolution makes a foundational contribution to IR, yet has been relatively under-appreciated by the
broader discipline. Within the Historical Sociology of International Relations, uneven and combined development has recently been postulated
as a key trans-historical law that provides a social theory of the "international". I argue that passive revolution is a key conditioning factor of
capitalist modernity. I demonstrate how the concept of passive revolution
explains the connection between the universal process of uneven development and the manner in which specific combinations occur within the
capitalist era as geopolitical pressures, in tandem with domestic social
forces become internalized into geographically specific state forms. [R,
HEYKING, John von — Political friendship in Churchill's Marlborough. Perspectives on Political Science 46(2),
2017 : 93-100.
This article examines Winston Churchill's biography of his ancestor, John
Churchill, Duke of Marlborough, as a character study and as a statement
of Churchill's own fundamental political wisdom. It argues that Marlborough's capacity for friendship is key not only as a tool for statecraft, but
as its very purpose. It examines Marlborough's friendship with Eugene of
Savoy as the backbone of the alliance against Louis XIV. It also considers Churchill's purpose of writing the biography as an expression of
friendship as the fundamental purpose of politics. [R] [See Abstr.
HONEYCUTT, Kevin S. — The musical philosophy of
Bertrand de Jouvenel. Review of Politics 79(3), Summer
2017 : 389-412.
I set forth the musical philosophy of Bertrand de Jouvenel, a topic that
has not been previously explored. I focus on Jouvenel's literary background; his emphasis on the imagination; his insistence that metaphor is
the basis of all thought; and his critique of the “amousia” of modern
philosophy, that is, its lack of music. Jouvenel believes that this amousia
has led to dangerous political consequences in the twentieth century,
such as the aesthetic and psychological promotion of violence. After
setting forth Jouvenel's account, I explore these consequences. [R]
JENKINS, David ; LUKES, Steven — The power of occlusion. Journal of Political Power 10(1), 2017 : 6-24.
The ability to control the terms of debate has powerful consequences for
what is considered a valid argument, and what gets taken seriously as a
description of the world. We focus on [how] power is at work to preemptively exclude certain ideas and descriptions of relevant phenomena
before questions about what should be done about those phenomena
can even be asked. We describe this as the power of occlusion. Beginning with G. Ryle’s notion of the category mistake, we consider the
various ways that have been employed to understand the market, focusing primarily on the (mutually exclusive) descriptions employed by Friedrich Hayek and Karl Polanyi. The essay ends with a survey of the ways
in which unconditional basic income has been occluded from debates
surrounding welfare reform. [R, abr.]
JOPPKE, Christian — Multiculturalism by liberal law: the
empowerment of gays and Muslims. European Journal of
Sociology/Archives européennes de sociologie 58(1), Apr.
2017 : 1-32.
There has been much talk about the retreat or even death of multiculturalism. Much of this discussion confounds multiculturalism with explicit
policy under that name. I argue that liberal law itself, in particular majority-constraining constitutional law, requires multiculturalism, understood
as multiple ways of life that cannot and should not be contained by a
state that is to be neutral about individuals’ ultimate values and commitments. The workings of legal multiculturalism are demonstrated through
a comparison of benchmark jurisprudence on gays in America and
Muslims in Europe. An interesting difference is that for Muslims, liberal
law has also functioned as constraint, not only as resource, especially in
the post-2001 period of heightened integration concerns. [R]
KISSAS, Angelos — Ideology in the age of mediatized
politics: from "belief systems" to the re-contextualizing
principle of discourse. Journal of Political Ideologies 22(2),
2017 : 197-215.
Mediatized politics is often associated with a metamorphosis of politics; a
shift from philosophical fermentations to effective media campaigning.
The question this article raises is whether this alleged metamorphosis
allows some space for ideology to emerge and play any role in contemporary politics and, if so, what the implications for the study of political
ideology in the age of mediatization are? To study ideology in the context
of mediatized politics is not to make big claims about the survival or
demise of some “grand” belief systems but to analytically address the
potential of political discourse, as it is articulated through several media
genres within specific socio-political contexts, to re-contextualize symbolisms from the past serving the effective exercise of political power in the
present. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5333]
KITCH, John — Eisenhower and Nixon: a friendship of
unequals. Perspectives on Political Science 46(2), 2017 :
Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon are linked forever in the history of
the American presidency, yet only recently have scholars paid notable
attention to their relationship. This uptick in research about the two men
has not fully grappled with the political implications of their relationship.
This article argues that understanding the friendship the two men had,
including how it changed over time, provides insight into the way each
viewed and conducted his own politics. I argue that the two most often
shared an Aristotelian friendship of utility, which provided Eisenhower
with a rising conservative politico and Nixon with a respected national
figure for a mentor. Though neither would ever come to fully understand
the other they influenced each other in profound ways. [R, abr.] [See
Abstr. 67.5373]
KØLVRAA, Christoffer ; IFVERSEN, Jan — The attraction of
ideology: discourse, desire and the body. Journal of Political Ideologies 22(2), 2017 : 182-196.
A key question regarding ideology is how we might explain or understand
its ability to attract and maintain support. We show that such a grip
needs to be understood as operating in three different modes. While
most contemporary theories of ideology conceive of these modes as
symbolic systems, other scholars have instead emphasized the imaginary dimension of ideology and have elaborated on another kind of grip
which focuses on the emotional attachment subjects may experience
towards a certain ideological vision of the ideal society. We argue that it
is also necessary to consider a third in which the grip of ideology is
constituted neither by its structural inertia, nor by its utopian eschatology,
but in and through the offering of intense momentary experiences. [R,
abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5333]
KURYLO, Bohdana — Pornography and power in Michel
Foucault’s thought. Journal of Political Power 10(1), 2017 :
This paper reconstructs Michel Foucault’s account of pornography by
placing it into his theory of power. To explain the novelty of Foucault’s
position, it counterpoises it with anti-pornography feminism and its
analysis of the modern state. The paper argues that Foucault considered
pornography to be a strategy of biopower to regulate individual sexual
conduct. By inciting the discourse on sex, pornography participates in the
production of truth about sex. Through confession, its consumers discover their sexual identities, becoming self-regulating. The result is a
proliferation of sexualities, but also their rigidification and categorization,
leading to a mass deployment of perversion. [R]
LEE, Shinkyu — Freedom, the state, and war: Hegel’s
challenge to world peace. International Politics 54(2),
2017 : 203-220.
Several conflict theorists have appropriated Hegel’s "struggle for recognition" to highlight the healthy dimensions of conflict and to explore ways of
reaching reconciliation through mutual recognition. In so doing, some
scholars attend to the interpersonal dimension of reconciliation, while
others focus on the interstate dimension of reconciliation. This paper
argues that both approaches miss important Hegelian insights into the
modern state. Hegel understands that freedom must be situated and
bounded in order to take a concrete form. He believes that concrete
freedom and domestic reconciliation create an atmosphere that can
pressure the state to be more confrontational with other states by attaining a stronger individuality. Thus, the common concern about freedom
among Hegelian states remains a "thin" version of communication,
vulnerable to such factors as national honor or recognition status. [R,
LILJA, Mona, et al. — How resistance encourages resistance: theorizing the nexus between power, "organised resistance" and "everyday resistance". Journal of Political Power 10(1), 2017 : 40-54.
Lately, the concept of "resistance" has gained considerable traction as a
tool for critically exploring subaltern practices in relation to power. Few
Penseurs et idées politiques
researchers, however, have elaborated on the inter-linkage of shifting
forms of resistance; and above all, how acts of everyday resistance
entangle with more organized and sometimes mass-based resistance
activities. In this paper, these entanglements are analyzed by taking into
consideration the connections between articulations of resistance and
technologies of power. Empirical observations from Cambodia are
theorized in order to provide better theoretical tools for searching and
investigating the inter-linkage between different resistance forms that
contribute to social change. In addition, it is argued that modalities of
power and its related resistance must be understood, or theorized, in
relation to the concepts of "agency", "self-reflexivity" and "techniques of
the self". [R]
LOIZIDES, Antis — James Mill on the conditions of good
government. History of Political Thought 38(2), Summer
2017 : 267-294.
I take issue with two common misconceptions as regards James Mill's
"Government" [Supplement of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1820]; first,
that the essay comprised Mill's whole theory of government; second, that
Mill's intended audience were the proponents of moderate reform. The
first focuses on the deductive nature of Mill's political argument to the
complete exclusion of earlier ideas on good government. The second
situates the essay in the Radicals-vs-Whigs debate that took place in the
1820s and reached a high pitch just before the Reform Act of 1832.
However, a close study of Mill's views on the conditions of good government in pre-1820 works suggests that Mill's focus on one particular
condition of good government was a conscious choice. I turn from the
Whig to the Tory critique of utilitarian radicalism. [R, abr.]
MAHONEY, Daniel J. — Friendship and the solitude of
greatness: the case of Charles de Gaulle. Perspectives on
Political Science 46(2), 2017 : 87-92.
De Gaulle remains something of an enigma. In studying de Gaulle's
biographies and writings, the statesman and military man eclipses the
human being without leaving his human bearing wholly behind. De
Gaulle himself emphasized the solitude and sadness that accompanied
the burden of human greatness. Yet de Gaulle, the self-described “man
of character", “the born protector", was also a loving husband, a not
terribly demanding or severe father, a faithful Christian, and a French
patriot. There were profound limits to his solitude and self-sufficiency. His
austere magnanimity coincided with moderation, even benevolence. He
loved his country, strove for greatness, and sacrificed something of his
private happiness for the public good. He was a complex man and soul,
and perhaps a conflicted one. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on
"Statecraft and friendship in transformative times", introduced by John
von HEYKING. See also Abstr. 67.5362, 5367]
MILLER, Char Roone — Blood money: death, sacrifice,
and money in Plato’s Republic. Political Theory 45(2), Apr.
2017 : 216-239.
Recovering the importance of the festival to Plato’s concerns, this article
reveals Plato’s displacement of the sacrificial violence of ancient Greek
festivals with the language and possibilities (including notions of responsibility) of money. The first section introduces, through the opening
scenes of the Republic, the significance of money in Ancient Greece,
particularly its affiliation with the ritual dynamics of the festival. The
second section focuses on animal sacrifice, developing the central claim
that much of the Republic imagines replacing the power of sacrifice to
hold a conflicted polis together with the logic of money to organize and
maintain the city. The third section [examines] the problems of visibility
and sacrifice, arguing that the shift from festival to monetary political
practice obscures the violence of political and monetary life. [R, abr.]
MINKOV, Svetozar ; NAMAZI, Rasoul — Leo Strauss on
modern political science: two previously unpublished
manuscripts. Review of Politics 79(3), Summer 2017 : 413425.
The two manuscripts published here for the first time were written by Leo
Strauss: the first in 1956 and the second between 1957 and 1962.
Together these pieces improve our understanding of both the context in
which Strauss developed his critique of the new political science and the
audience to whom that critique was addressed. These two texts clarify
Strauss's thought and its evolution. The [first] clarifies the context in
which Strauss's critique of modern political science was born: confrontation with the political scientists of the 1950s. Aside from Strauss's view of
academia in the 1950s, his references to the British Labour Party's policy
toward Nazi Germany, to postwar American disarmament, and to policy
in the US provide rare and thus important information about Strauss's
political views and judgment. [R, abr.]
MONTAGNES, B. Pablo ; WOLTON, Stephane — Rule
versus discretion: regulatory uncertainty, firm investment, and bureaucratic organization. Journal of Politics
79(2), Apr. 2017 : 457-472.
As markets evolve, new regulatory concerns emerge. In response,
policy-makers institute new requirements for private businesses. Because they impose costs and generate uncertainty, these requirements
may deter firm investment. To reduce regulatory uncertainty and favor
investment, a principal can choose a rule-based regulatory framework.
However, unlike discretion, rules do not adapt to circumstances and are
thus inefficient. Using a micro-founded model, we uncover circumstances
[in] which the ex ante certainty provided by a rule dominates the ex post
efficiency provided by delegation to an unbiased agent. We also establish when delegating to a biased agent is optimal for a policy-maker. Our
main results highlight that the anticipated economic responses of firms
can indirectly influence the organization of the bureaucracy. [R, abr.]
MOREAU, Nina Valiquette — Musical mimesis and political ethos in Plato’s Republic. Political Theory 45(2), Apr.
2017 : 192-215.
This essay argues that Plato’s Republic includes a widely overlooked
meditation on the affective dimension of political judgment. This meditation occurs in the passages on music. In music, Plato identifies the
possibility of an extra-rational aesthetic activity that prepares the soul for
reasoned judgment: he makes musical mimesis the precondition to logos
(speech, reasoned account) because of its ability to actualize in the soul
the very ethos required of sound judgment. Music is able to do this
because it is not imagistic; music does not produce mediated representations but rather produces alterations in the condition of the soul itself.
These alterations are made possible because the soul itself is structured
musically. If music actualizes the conditions of the soul, so too does the
soul instantiate the conditions of music. [R, abr.]
MOREFIELD, Jeanne — Urgent History: the sovereignty
debates and political theory’s lost voices. Political Theory
45(2), Apr. 2017 : 164-191.
This article argues for the recovery and re-incorporation of lost voices
and debates into the history of political thought by focusing on the issue
of sovereignty. It examines why such a narrow understanding of the
canon has come to dominate the sub-discipline and argues for critical
approaches that treat the past as a “contested terrain” rather than an
unfolding plot. It then turns to early 20th c. Britain as an example of an
era when thinkers who have been largely forgotten by today’s political
theorists argued loudly about the future of state sovereignty. It next
focuses on a 1916 exchange of essays entitled “The Nature of the State
in View of Its External Relations” by D. Burns, B. Russell, and G.D.H.
Cole, as an example of some of the most innovative and radical ideas to
emerge from the period. [R, abr.]
MUÑIZ, Manuel — El colapso del orden liberal (The collapse of the liberal order). Política exterior 175, Jan.-Feb.
2017 : 58-69.
The rise of unconventional political forces is due neither to the financial
crisis, nor to globalization, nor to identity loss, but to transformations of
productive processes. This requires rethinking the role of the state and
the private sector. [R, transl.]
MURPHY, Michael P. A. — Pouvoir constituant betrayed:
a model of abjection in power relations. Journal of Political
Power 10(1), 2017 : 85-93.
This article follows the processes of sovereign exceptionalism from Marx
to the capitalist estrangement of labor from Marx to their limit figures. It
builds on comparisons between the proletarian and the homo sacer;
however, the focal point is not on the figures themselves, but their importance in understanding the effect of biopolitics on power relations.
Building on the concept of pouvoir constituant as discussed by Carl
Schmitt, this paper addresses the ways in which different types of constituent power form structures that can then be used against the constituents themselves. The limit figures suggest a process of abjection is cocreated in the establishment of power structures, and that overcoming
this process requires a conscious disagreement with the politics of
policing. [R, abr.]
NELSESTUEN, Grant A. — Custom, fear and self-interest
in the political thought of Polybius. History of Political
Thought 38(2), Summer 2017 : 213-238.
This article examines the role of customary behavior in Polybius' political
thought by tracing its functions in both his theoretical apparatus and his
analysis of the Roman Republic. Not only providing theorists with a way
Political thinkers and ideas
to evaluate the quality and species of a particular polity, customs also
partly determine political success and failure due to Polybius' commitment to certain views of human psychology. Proper recognition of the
importance of customs for Polybius' political theory thus brings out the
coherence of Book 6's political analysis more clearly and deepens our
appreciation of Polybius as a pragmatic theorist of politics. [R]
people. For a better understanding of the different forms, effects and
social factors of social criticism (i.e., criticism taking place in society), it
proposes a non-normative definition of criticism contrasting with the
social scientist’s propensity to conceive the (true) critic as necessarily
radical, lucid, theoretically framed, inseparable from emancipation,
sociologist’s role and left wing legacy. [R]
NEWMAN, Saul — What is an insurrection? Destituent
power and ontological anarchy in Agamben and Stirner.
Political Studies 65(2), June 2017 : 284-299.
RECH, Walter ; GRZYBOWSKI, Janis — Between regional
community and global society: Europe in the shadow of
Schmitt and Kojève. Journal of International Political Theory
13(2), June 2017 : 143-161.
This article develops a theoretical understanding of the insurrection as a
central concept in radical politics in order to account for contemporary
movements and forms of mobilization that seek to withdraw from governing institutions and affirm autonomous practices and forms of life. I
develop a theory of insurrection by investigating the parallel thinking of
G. Agamben and M. Stirner. Starting with Stirner’s central distinction
between revolution and insurrection, and linking this with Agamben’s
theory of destituent power, I show how both thinkers develop an ontologically anarchic approach to ethics, subjectivity and life that is designed to
destitute and profane governing institutions and established categories of
politics. However, I argue that Stirner’s "egoistic" and voluntarist approach to insurrection provides a more tangible and positive way of
thinking about political action and agency than Agamben’s. [R, abr.]
While celebrated for bringing peace and prosperity to the region, European integration has been recently challenged by various internal and
external crises that call the progressivist narrative of ever closer — and
larger — union into question. Torn between regional community and
global society, particularism and cosmopolitanism, and politics and
technocracy, the EU appears beset by fundamental tensions. In search
of a different theoretical perspective on “the crisis", some commentators
have drawn on C. Schmitt’s political theory to emphasize key issues
concerning political decisions, identities, and boundaries in Europe. Yet,
Schmitt comes with his own blind spots. For the purpose of a critical
engagement with Schmitt’s potential insights and their limits, this article
contrasts his approach with that of his contemporary, A. Kojève. [R, abr.]
PARKER, Emily Anne — Precarity and elemental difference: on Butler’s re-writing of Irigarayan difference. Political Theory 45(3), June 2017 : 319-341.
It is widely accepted that Judith Butler’s work represents a fundamental
departure from that of Luce Irigaray. However, in a 2001 essay, Butler
suggests that Irigaray’s work plays a formative role in her own, and that
the problematization of the biological and cultural distinction that Irigaray’s notion of sexual difference accomplishes must be rethought and
multiplied rather than simply rejected. I place the notion of precarity in
the work of Butler alongside that of sexual difference in Irigaray, to show
how together they seek to address violence to certain bodies through an
approach that is at once ecological and political. I show that Butler’s
concept of precarity has deep, largely unappreciated, roots in the work of
Irigaray. [R, abr.]
PITTS, Jennifer — Irony in Adam Smith’s critical global
history. Political Theory 45(2), Apr. 2017 : 141-163.
This essay argues that attention to Adam Smith’s ironic framing of his
historical narratives in the Wealth of Nations shows his critique of modern commercial society to have been more radical than is generally
recognized. These narratives traced the pathologies of European development and the complex chains of causation that linked Smith’s readers
— with often destructive and even catastrophic results — to other human
beings distant from themselves. While Smith gave reasons to doubt that
sympathy for distant others could bring about reform, I argue that he
used irony and what he called ridicule to make the book’s British audience aware of the violence of the global commercial system and their
place in it as both abettors and lesser victims of its abuses. [R]
PLATT, Matthew B. — The paradox of ambition. Political
Research Quarterly 70(2), June 2017 : 269-278.
The last three election cycles suggest that we may be experiencing a
surge in black political ambition. B. Obama’s historic election is sandwiched between the failed efforts of people such as Denise Majette,
Harold Ford, Jr., Artur Davis, and Kendrick Meek. Combined with Cory
Booker’s senatorial run, scholars have argued that there is a need for a
re-evaluation of black political ambition and a new classification for black
politics itself. If we are experiencing a genuine emergence of a new
ambitious breed of black politicians, then the paradox of ambition — that
black electoral success is detrimental to black agenda setting — would
suggest that we may also be experiencing a major abandonment of black
politics. This paper investigates this possibility in terms of individual bill
sponsorship for black members of Congress from 1947 to 2010. [R]
RAMBAUD, Elsa — La "petite critique", la "grande" et "la"
révolution. Pour une acception non normative de la critique (The little critic, the big one and the revolution: for
a non-normative understanding of social criticism). Revue française de Science politique 67(3), June 2017 : 469496.
Inspired by the thoughts of M. Walzer, this article examines conventional
meaning of criticism shared by the philosophical tradition and the most
opponent sociological models: “critical sociology” (P. Bourdieu) and
“pragmatic sociology of critic” (L. Boltanski). It shows that this perspective focuses on only one kind of criticism — “the” social critic — and
maybe something else: the ideal of emancipation for an intellectual
ROSENBERG, Daniel — Taming the Minotaur: Bertrand
de Jouvenel on liberty and authority. Perspectives on Political Science 46(2), 2017 : 118-126.
Bertrand de Jouvenel remains one of the most original and elusive
thinkers of 20th-c. France. Known for the most part as a “conservative
liberal", his ideas represent a merger of political liberalism with a strong
emphasis on communal and public association as means of expressing
and sustaining individual freedom. Jouvenel's work is also characterized
by a complex treatment of the question of political authority: he is wary of
the notion of authority as a means of organizing and planning society,
while at the same time he opposes its reduction to a merely technical
legal instance. Jouvenel's complex ideas on freedom and authority
remain entrenched in the tradition of French liberalism, which since the
early 19th c. advanced the conception of the dual nature of power and
politics. [R]
RUSSELL, Jeremiah ; PROMISEL, Michael — Truth, lies,
and concealment: St. Augustine on mendacious political
thought. Review of Politics 79(3), Summer 2017 : 451-473.
There is disagreement among scholars regarding the mendacity of
esoteric writing. Some see it as a necessarily dishonest mode of communication; others argue it does not meet the conditions of lying; others
are more nuanced in their assessment. We seek to resolve this disagreement by offering a systematic analysis of the literary practice in
which we argue that there are both truthful and mendacious forms of
esoteric writing. In sum, if an author conceals truths from a general
audience while still being truthful on the surface of the text or makes it
clear that he is being untruthful, he is not lying; yet if an author conceals
truths while intentionally being untruthful on the surface, he is lying. [Our]
analysis may illuminate the ethical choices made in both written and
political statements. [R, abr.]
SABL, Andrew ; SAGAR, Rahul, eds. — Realism. Critical
Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 20(13), Jan.-June 2017 : 269-402.
Introduction by the editors. Articles by Edward HALL and Matt SLEAT,
"Ethics, morality and the case for realist political theory", pp. 278-295;
Alison McQUEEN, "Political realism and the realist 'tradition'", pp. 296313; Terry NARDIN, "The new realism and the old", pp. 314-330; Philip
PETTIT, "Political realism meets civic republicanism", pp. 331-347;
Janosch PRINZ and Enzo ROSSI, "Political realism as ideology critique",
pp. 348-365; Andrew SABL, "Realist liberalism: an agenda", pp. 366-384;
David ESTLUND, "Methodological moralism in political philosophy", pp.
SAIYA, Nilay ; ZAIHRA, Tasneem ; FIDLER, Joshua —
Testing the Hillary doctrine: women’s rights and antiAmerican terrorism. Political Research Quarterly 70(2),
June 2017 : 421-432.
As First Lady, Senator, Secretary of State, and Democratic presidential
nominee, H. Clinton has long maintained that the subjugation of women
poses a national security threat to the US. Clinton’s proposition has
come to be termed the “Hillary Doctrine". Yet does this principle receive
support from the empirical record? We offer a test of the Hillary Doctrine
by analyzing if more anti-American terrorism emanates from countries
that restrict women’s rights than from countries that are not gender
Penseurs et idées politiques
restrictive. Using a time-series, cross-national analysis of 156 countries
from the period 1981 to 2005, our negative binomial models offer strong
support for the Hillary Doctrine and suggest that the promotion of women’s rights may well enhance the national security of the US with respect
to terrorism. [R, abr.]
SCHMITT, Carl — Hugo Preuss: his concept of the state
and his position in German state theory. History of Political Thought 38(2), Summer 2017 : 345-370.
After the publication of The Concept of the Political (1927) and Constitutional Theory (1928), Carl Schmitt shifted the orientation of his work
towards state theory. Unlike most leading public law scholars, he never
published a general theory of the state. But in this lecture, delivered in
1930, Schmitt outlined his views of the general trajectory of German
state theory from the early 19th c. to the contemporary era and argued
that the Weimar Constitution's conception of the state as a "neutral state"
cannot survive unless its leaders were prepared, like Hugo Preuss,
actively to defend its substantive liberal-democratic values. [R] [Editorial
introduction by Martin LOUGHLIN]
SHAPIRO, Michael J. — “The light of reason”: reading
the Leviathan with “The Werckmeister harmonies”. Political Theory 45(3), June 2017 : 385-415.
I stage an encounter between Hobbes’s Leviathan and two versions of
the “The Werckmeister Harmonies” (a chapter in Laszlo Krasznahorkai’s
novel The Melancholy of Resistance [1998] and a film version of the
story by the director Bela Tarr [2000]). The story contains a number of
Hobbes icons, for example, an enormous stuffed whale and a “Prince",
both of which arrive with a circus that comes to a Hungarian town and
precipitates fear and chaos. I argue that the story thinks (differently
within the two genres) both with and against Hobbes, enabled by
Hobbes’s aesthetic style while at the same time challenging the historical
prescience of his political philosophy. Sorting the diverse ontologies of
the story’s main characters helps us better appreciate Hobbes as a writer
and distance ourselves from Hobbes’s solution to political disorder. [R]
SHORTEN, Richard — Totalitarianism and the end of the
end-of-ideology. Journal of Political Ideologies 22(2), 2017 :
Is there such a thing as totalitarian ideology? In an earlier era, the endof-ideology thesis answered that there was, albeit in order to do so the
authors of the thesis articulated a notoriously weak theory of ideology
itself — one long since discredited. Ever since the thesis’ heyday in the
1950s, there has been confidence about theorizing, in separation, both
fascist ideology and communist ideology. However, there has been
considerably less confidence about describing an ideology of totalitarianism per se which might, amongst other things, straddle the two. The
argument of this article is that such discomfort should cease. Totalitarianism has distinctive ideological identity in its own right, and the term itself
refers (or should refer) to more than simply the regime stage assumed by
extremist political movements. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5333]
SMITH, Keith — The realism that did not speak its name:
E. H. Carr’s diplomatic histories of the twenty years’ crisis. Review of International Studies 43(3), July 2017 : 475493.
E. H. Carr was one of Europe’s pre-eminent thinkers in the field of
international affairs. Yet his contribution to IR theory is continually questioned. Realists depict Carr as a quintessential realist; revisionists draw
from his wider corpus to qualify his contribution. Although not inaccurate,
the revisionist literature is incomplete as it neglects a number of Carr’s
diplomatic histories. Refocusing on these, especially the manner in which
traces of Ranke’s "the primacy of foreign affairs" tradition is evident, this
article points to a more conservative and less critical Carr. Utilizing an
interpretivist framework, this shift in traditions of thought is explained by
the dilemmas Carr faced. [R, abr.]
SMITH, Kenneth — The discovery of surplus value: Karl
Marx and Senior’s "last hour". Journal of Classical Sociology 17(1), Feb. 2017 : 41-54.
This essay discovers the point at which Marx worked out his theory of
surplus value during the 10-year period between 1857 and 1867.This
was due to his reading of Nassau W. Senior. Senior had claimed that
capitalist manufacturers made all of their profit during the last hour of the
then normal 12-hour working day. Marx knew that this was incorrect
since, if Senior was right, the capitalists might just as well employ their
workers for this 1 hour alone and not bother with the other 11 hours of
the working day. The workers must then have been doing something
else which was of value to the capitalists over and above merely produc-
ing their profit. This something was nothing less than the renewal of the
worn out fabric of the capitalist enterprise. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.5339]
SOLT, Frederick, et al. — Economic inequality and class
consciousness. Journal of Politics 79(3), July 2017 : 10791083.
Do contexts of greater income inequality spur the disadvantaged to
achieve a class consciousness vital to contesting the fairness of the
economic system and demanding more redistribution? B. Newman, C.
Johnston, and P. Lown [“False consciousness or class awareness?
Local income inequality, personal economic position, and belief in American meritocracy”, American Journal of Political Science, 59(2), 2015:
326 -340; Abstr. 65.3576] argues that simple exposure to higher levels of
local income inequality lead low-income people to view the US as divided
into haves and have-nots and to see themselves as among the havenots, that is, to become more likely to achieve such a class consciousness. Here, we show that this sanguine conclusion is at best supported
only in analyses of the single survey presented in that study. There is no
evidence that higher levels of income inequality produce greater class
consciousness among those with low incomes in other similar but neglected surveys. [R]
SPIEKERMANN, Kai — Reduction of surprise: some
thoughts on Dowding’s conception of explanation. Political Studies Review 15(2), May 2017 : 187-193.
K. Dowding’s book [Philosophy and Methods in Political Science, Basingstoke, 2016] is a tour de force through some important debates in
the philosophy of the social sciences. I focus on the role of explanation
and how (if at all) causation is or should be related to explanation in
political science. By appealing to the difference between predictive and
explanatory power, I critically engage with Dowding’s proposal that
explanation is the reduction of surprise. This leads me to a brief detour to
the philosophy of models before I return to the issue of causation, especially the difference between causation as dependence and causation as
production and how this distinction can inform methodological debates in
political science. [R] [See Abstr. 67.5358]
STEGMAN, Casey — Remembering Atlantis: Plato’s
Timaeus-Critias, the ancestral constitution, and the democracy of the gods. Political Theory 45(2), Apr. 2017 :
There has been much scholarly disagreement concerning Plato’s participation in the mid-4th c. debates over Athens’s ancestral constitution
(patrios politeia). This disunity stems from contrasting views about the
relationship between philosophy and Athenian politics in Plato’s writings.
Recently, several political theorists have reoriented our general understanding about Plato’s complex involvement with Athenian politics.
However, these discussions do not discuss Plato’s specific relationship
with patrios politeia. In order to bridge this gap, I turn to two dialogues
within the later Platonic corpus: Timaeus and Critias. By examining the
Atlantis myth that spans both dialogues, I discuss how Plato uses the
story both to comment on and critique the democratic Athenian constitution. However, Plato also advances a unique veneration of democracy by
asserting that it is the politeia of the gods. [R, abr.]
SURAK, Kristin — At the margins of multiculturalism:
assessing Kymlicka's liberal multiculturalism in Japan.
Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 23(2), 2017 : 227-239.
Will Kymlicka's theories of multiculturalism have gained wide interest in
the West but only recently have been applied beyond it. This research
note assesses whether a Kymlickian approach provides traction for
grasping the configuration of nondominant ethnic groupings in Japan and
how they have achieved a degree of multicultural recognition. It first
identifies equivalents and exceptions within the Japanese case to
Kymlicka's key groupings: national minorities, indigenous peoples,
immigrants, and metics. It then shows that of these, the last two drove
the expansion of multicultural rights. Finally, it examines why they
launched claims within a multicultural framework and assess the limits of
the multicultural claims for bolstering the rights of subordinate groups. [R]
TONG, Zhichao — The Law of Peoples as inclusive international justice. Journal of International Political Theory
13(2), June 2017 : 181-195.
I argue for the “inclusive” advantage of J. Rawls’s The Law of Peoples
through a critical engagement with the political development of modern
China. I show why it is now theoretically difficult to imagine that China
can be incorporated into a liberal international order as a liberal society. I
conduct a comparative study of J. Chan’s Confucian perfectionism, a
Confucian-inspired political theory embedded in Chinese cultural tradition
Political thinkers and ideas
and constructed for modern China, and The Law of Peoples. The purpose is to reveal (1) that there has already existed a school of Chinese
political thought that will incorporate China into The Law of Peoples as a
decent Confucian-inspired society and (2) that such a society will accept
its global responsibility designated by the duty of assistance yet reject a
global difference principle. [R, abr.]
TRIDIMAS, George — Constitutional choice in ancient
Athens: the evolution of the frequency of decision making. Constitutional Political Economy 28(3), Sept. 2017 : 209230.
Contrary to modern representative democracies where elections tend to
take place years apart, in the direct democracy of ancient Athens the
assembly of the citizens met to decide policy up to forty times per year.
The paper explores a model of constitutional choice where selfinterested citizens decide how long to wait until they vote by maximizing
the net gain from an uncertain voting outcome. It is found that the frequency of voting increases unambiguously when the probability of being
a member of the winning majority increases, and decreases with the loss
from being a member of the losing minority and the resource cost of the
vote. [R, abr.]
VELEZ, Yamil Ricardo ; WONG, Grace — Assessing contextual measurement strategies. Journal of Politics 79(3),
July 2017 : 1084-1089.
Contextual scholars have explored the impact of residing in racially and
ethnically diverse environments on political attitudes and behavior.
Traditionally, the literature has employed governmental administrative
units such as counties as proxies for citizens’ social contexts. Recently,
these measures have come under attack by scholars desiring more
personalized measures. This article evaluates the performance of two
personalized measures of intergroup context and finds that censusbased measures are more closely aligned with subjects’ perceptions of
local area demographics than measures that “bring the person back in".
The implications of these findings on the contextual literature are discussed. [R]
VERGÉS-GIFRA, Joan — The unfeasibly narrow Rawlsian
interpretation of fraternity. Theoria 150, March 2017 : 1-18.
In a famous passage in A Theory of Justice [Cambridge, 1971], J. Rawls
had an interesting view on fraternity. However, he did not develop it
further. The first aim of this article is to show that there are at least two
possible interpretations of what Rawls wrote about fraternity: the narrow
interpretation and the wide interpretation. We will focus on the narrow
interpretation and attract attention to the kinds of problems it presents. In
the last section we will assert that there are different ways of conceptualizing the ideal of fraternity and that Rawls’s general approach to the
issue was just one of them and maybe not the most attractive one. [R]
WHITE, Sarah C. — Relational wellbeing: re-centring the
politics of happiness, policy and the self. Policy and Politics 45(2), Apr. 2017 : 121-136.
The ubiquity of references to happiness and wellbeing indicates widespread anxiety that all may not be well, reflecting the erosion of the
social in late capitalist modernity. The paper finds that, rather than
helping to solve this problem, individualist formulations of wellbeing in
policy mimic or deepen the underlying pathology. Drawing on empirical
research in Zambia and India, it advocates an alternative approach,
relational wellbeing, which is grounded in a relational ontology that can
challenge dominant ideologies of the self, places central the generative
quality of relationality which is critical to societal change and engenders
a socially inclusive political vision. [R]
WILLIAMS, Caroline — Unravelling the subject with Spinoza: towards a morphological analysis of the scene of
subjectivity. Contemporary Political Theory 16(3), Aug.
2017 : 342-362.
While the concept of the subject has been called into question by many
diverse approaches within contemporary political and social theory, there
remains a focus upon agency, now attributable to reformulated subjectivities or assemblages. I query the persistence of this grammar of
agency and ask whether politics can do without a "scene of the subject".
Spinoza’s philosophy, in particular, his conception of conatus, has
inspired and offered some basis for rethinking agency. I examine two
such prominent positions (J. Butler and J. Bennett) and argue that
ultimately neither captures the political promise of Spinoza’s philosophy.
Configuring a concept of morphology to analyze this scene, my argument
detaches the conatus from a narrow focus upon human desire, and
focuses attention upon the scene of the subject as it folded into a wider
complex body. [R, abr.]
ZOLKOS, Magdalena — "The return of things as they
were": new humanitarianism, restitutive desire and the
politics of unrectifiable loss. Contemporary Political Theory
16(3), Aug. 2017 : 321-341.
The current proliferation of restitutive claims in response to expropriation
in armed conflicts occurs at the interstices of humanitarianism and
transitional justice. Restitution indicates the expansion of the humanitarian mandate from providing immediate relief to those who have suffered
loss, to engaging in remedial, redressive and restorative practices. That
intersection between the humanitarian goals and post-conflict justice is
one of the signs of "new" forms and ethos of humanitarianism. This
article offers a critical reading of the "restitutive desire" underpinning the
humanitarian restitutive politics, which it relates to political fantasies of
reversibility and undoing. It locates the genealogy of restitution in Durkheim’s work on the division of labor, individualization and the distinction
between repressive and restitutive law. The Freudian perspective asks
about the possibility of restitutive politics haunted by unrectifiable loss.
[R, abr.]
ZUOLO, Federico — Constituting the political age in
Plato's statesman: new categories for an old question.
History of Political Thought 38(2), Summer 2017 : 195-212.
The myth of the age of Kronos and Zeus in Plato's Statesman is very
ambiguous. In this article, I propose a new set of grounds for upholding
the traditional interpretation of the myth against some recent interpretations that seek to view the age of Kronos as a positive condition. To do
so I argue that this myth should be understood as a constitutive myth. To
explain what a constitutive myth is I propose a set of five categories
(genetic myth, constitutive myth, epistemic myth, eschatological myth,
psychagogic myth). In particular, the myth of Kronos and Zeus in the
Statesman is a constitutive myth because, by sharply distinguishing the
two ages, it highlights the need for politics and techniques in the age of
Zeus. [R]
A Symposium on Joshua Parens's Leo Strauss and the
Recovery of Medieval Political Philosophy. Review of Politics 79(3), Summer 2017 : 475-493.
Articles by Daniel TANGUAY, Miriam GALSTON, Martin D. YAFFE,
Steven FRANKEL. Joshua PARENS' response.
Albert Weale, democratic justice and the social contract.
Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 20(1-3), Jan.-June 2017 : 207-267.
Introduction by Albert WEALE, pp. 207-210. Articles by Valentina GENTILE, "Democratic justice: the priority of politics and the ideal of citizenship", pp. 211-221; Vittorio BUFACCHI, "Democratic justice and contractarian injustice", pp. 222-230; Andreas FOLLESDAL, "Getting to justice?", pp. 231-242; Luciano ANDREOZZI, "Political theory in historical
context. Reflections on Democratic Justice and the Social Contract by
Albert Weale", pp. 243-250; Albert WEALE, "On the logic of productive
cooperation: a response to critics", pp. 251-267.]
"Das Kapital" ("The Capital"). Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte 67(19-20), 8 May 2017 : 4-46.
Articles by Michael QUANTE; Werner PLUMPE; Ulrike HERRMANN;
Hans-Werner SINN; Dietmar DATH; Beatrix BOUVIER; Niko PAECH.
Equal recognition, minority rights and liberal democracy:
Alan Patten and his critics. Critical Review of International
Social and Political Philosophy 20(1-3), Jan.-June 2017 : 1141.
Introduction by Sergi MORALES-GÁLVEZ and Nenad STOJANOVI,
"Alan Patten's theory of equal recognition and its contribution to the
debate over multiculturalism", pp. 1-7. Articles by Rainer BAUBÖCK,
"Unequal but fair? Cultural recognition and self-government rights", pp.
8-22; Eldar SARAJLIĆ, "Neutrality, autonomy, and power", pp. 23-35;
Chiara CORDELLI, "Neutrality of what?", pp. 36-48; Kasper LIPPERTRASMUĆSSEN, "Dispositional neutrality and minority rights", pp. 49-62;
Denise G. RÉAUME, "Fairness and equal recognition", pp. 63-74; Helder
De SCHUTTER, "Two principles of equal language recognition", pp. 7587; Matteo GIANNI, "On the political and democratic preconditions of
equal recognition", pp. 88-100; Nenad STOJANOVIĆ, "Normative political theory, democratic politics and minority rights", pp. 101-113; Albert
BRANCHADELL, "Missing the overlap between theory and practice:
Patten's 'equal recognition' in the face of the Catalan case", pp. 114-126;
Alan PATTEN, "equal citizenship, neutrality, and democracy: a reply to
critics of Equal Recognition", pp. 127-141.
Penseurs et idées politiques
Symposium on Nancy S. Love, Trendy Fascism: White
Power Music and the Future of Democracy (Albany,
2016). New Political Science 39(2), June 2017 : 269-297.
Articles by Nancy S. LOVE, "Back to the future: trendy fascism, the
Trump effect, and the alt-right", pp. 263-268; Bruce BAUM, "Music to
their ears: Nancy Love's Trendy Fascism, white nationalism, and the
future of whiteness", pp. 269-276; Timothy W. LUKE, "Overtures for the
triumph of the tweet: white power music and the alt-right in 2016", pp.
277-282; María Pía LARA, "On Trendy Fascism", pp. 283-288; AngeMarie Hancock ALFARO, “Half past time to call it fascism”, pp. 289-294;
Nancy S. LOVE, "'Singing alone is not enough': a responses to reviewers", pp. 295-297.
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