PARENTING HOW TO TEACH RESILIENCE LYNDA CARTER A SUPERHERO’S SECOND ACT SAFARI UP CLOSE BIG GAME, SMALL CROWDS AND NO FENCES ANYWHERE PAGE 12 | WELL PAGE 15 | CULTURE BACK PAGE | TRAVEL .. INTERNATIONAL EDITION | FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 The trouble with ‘illiberal democracy’ Industries threatened by spreading trade fight Jan-Werner Müller U.S. economic recovery could be snuffed out if dispute with China persists OPINION On Sunday, Hungary’s right-wing prime minister, Viktor Orban, is up for re-election, possibly on track to his fourth term in office. Mr. Orban has spent the past several years weakening his country’s democratic checks and balances; he has attacked independent civil society, and he has brought the media under the control of oligarchs close to his government. While doing so, he has advertised his approach as a distinctive form of democracy, one fit to meet the challenges of the 21st century. It is, he says, “illiberal democracy.” Plenty of critics have adopted this term as a description not just of Hungary, but of redesigned political systems in countries as different as Poland and Turkey. Yet “illiberal democracy” fails to capture what is wrong with ‘Democracy’ these regimes. It still remains also gives leaders the most like Mr. Orban a coveted major rhetorical political prize advantage: He is still around the left with the designation “democrat,” world. Don’t even as it is democaward it to racy itself — and not strongmen. just liberalism — that is under attack in his country. In the mid-1990s, observers started to notice that something was going wrong after the great wave of democratization that had started to roll across the globe in the 1980s. Elections were duly held, but their winners proceeded to oppress minorities or attack independent judges and journalists in the name of “the people.” Fareed Zakaria, the influential foreign affairs commentator, was among the first to draw a fundamental distinction between liberalism and democracy: the former referred to the rule of law, the latter to the rule of the majority. Leaders with majority backing were creating “illiberal democracies,” in which neither political losers nor unpopular minorities could feel safe. This picture is misleading when applied to today’s populists like Mr. Orban. In Hungary, it is not just the rule of law that has been under threat. Rights essential for democracy itself — especially rights to free speech, free assembly and free association — have been systematically attacked. As media pluralism disappears, citizens cannot get critical information to make up their minds about their government’s record. Unless one wants to say that a democracy remains a democraMÜLLER, PAGE 11 The New York Times publishes opinion from a wide range of perspectives in hopes of promoting constructive debate about consequential questions. BY NATALIE KITROEFF AND BEN CASSELMAN BRETT GUNDLOCK FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Caravan coming Members of a migrant caravan in Mexico, a subject that has raised the ire of President Trump. He has called for National Guard troops to be sent to the border, causing worries over his plan among Pentagon officials. They have privately expressed concern about being seen as picking a fight with an ally. PAGE 4 Australia’s losing gamblers MELBOURNE, AUSTRALIA Electronic machines, seemingly ubiquitous, rake in huge sums BY ADAM BAIDAWI In pockets of suburbia all across Australia, electronic gambling machines known as pokies await their many customers in pubs, hotels and sports clubs, as common a fixture as A.T.M.s in a shopping mall. But the unremarkable machines contribute to an extraordinary level of gambling. Government statistics show that they account for more than half of individual Australians’ annual gambling losses, a gargantuan 24 billion Australian dollars, or about $18.4 billion. On a per-capita basis, Australians lose far and away the most in the world: more than 1,200 Australian dollars every year, or $920. Australia’s gambling losses per adult are more than double those in the United States and around 50 percent higher than those in second-place Singapore, according to H2 Gambling Capital, an ASANKA BRENDON RATNAYAKE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Legalized gambling, including electronic machines known as pokies, is an important source of tax revenue for Australian states and territories. analytics company. As those figures swell, a public war is brewing between venue operators and people against gambling, with each trying to win the hearts and minds of people in state governments that rely on revenue from the machines. The electronic game machines are similar to slot machines seen in casinos elsewhere. Pokies aren’t the only major form of gambling in Australia — casinos account for around 20 percent of gambling losses — but they remain by far the most profitable for operators and the most damaging for gamblers, opponents say. And they permeate small towns with a prominence that is unmatched around the world. “What makes Australia unique is that we’ve allowed these machines to be embedded in our local communities,” said Angela Rintoul, a research fellow at the Australian Gambling Research Center, a government-financed organization. “We haven’t contained them just to casinos, where many jurisdictions in the world have.” In Australia, the pubs, clubs and hotels that house the machines usually resemble typical English pubs, replete with a bar and dining area but with the addition of a dedicated gaming room. “Often, Australians don’t realize it,” she said of the ubiquity of the machines. “It’s like being a fish in water.” Their operators are often prominent community entities: Woolworths, one of Australia’s largest supermarket chains, is the biggest operator of pokies in the country, controlling about 12,000 machines through its majority stake in the Australian Leisure and Hospitality Group, a large company that encompasses bars, restaurants and wagering. Though the Woolworths Group doesGAMBLING, PAGE 4 Turning trauma into a source of power NASHVILLE Evan Rachel Wood, star of ‘Westworld,’ reflects on rape survival and her role BY MELENA RYZIK RYAN PFLUGER FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Evan Rachel Wood, a movie actress and one of the stars of the television series “Westworld,” which she says has “completely transformed my entire life.” Y(1J85IC*KKNPKP( +\!"!$!=!& When Evan Rachel Wood needs a jolt of confidence, she puts on a certain playlist, a compendium of feminist anthems and feisty classics — “I Will Survive,” “These Boots Are Made for Walking,” Tina Turner, Pat Benatar, some head-whipping grunge and hip-hop. It was piping through her house here one chilly afternoon last month. Ms. Wood, the actress and musician, had just put herself through an emotional wringer: She testified before Congress, in unflinching terms, about being a survivor of sexual violence, then jetted to Los Angeles to perform songs by David Bowie, her musical idol, with his bandmates. It was a cross-country head-snap. Now she was welding herself back together. “My life is definitely going places I did not foresee,” she said, leaning over her kitchen counter, as Sia’s “Unstoppable” played in the background. “But I’m going with it. It doesn’t feel like a choice at this point. This is just what I need to do.” Her trajectory is even more remarkable when you consider how much it overlaps, thematically, with the story line of Dolores, her character on the HBO series “Westworld.” On that sci-fi drama, set in a Western theme park where visitors can act out their most depraved fantasies with humanlike robot “hosts,” Dolores is an innocent and much-abused host who slowly awakens to the darkness of what has befallen her and then fights her way out. A critical darling when it aired in 2016, “Westworld” had the most-watched debut season of any HBO series, and anticipation for its new season, which begins April 22, is high. In a starry ensemble that included Anthony Hopkins, Ed Harris and Jeffrey Wright, it was the WOOD, PAGE 2 NEWSSTAND PRICES Andorra € 3.70 Antilles € 4.00 Austria € 3.50 Bahrain BD 1.40 Belgium € 3.50 Bos. & Herz. 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AED 14.00 United States $ 4.00 United States Military (Europe) $ 2.00 Issue Number No. 42,009 TURKISHAIRLINES.COM In the escalating economic showdown between the United States and China, President Trump is trying to put American shoppers first. The administration did not place tariffs on necessities like shoes and clothes and mostly spared smartphones from the 25 percent levy on Chinese goods announced this week. But by shielding consumers, Mr. Trump has put American manufacturers — a group he has championed — in the cross hairs of a global trade war. If the measures stand, along with China’s retaliatory tariffs, they could snuff out a manufacturing recovery just beginning to gain steam. “If you want to spare the consumer so you don’t get this massive backlash against your tariffs, then there goes manufacturing, because that’s what’s left,” said Monica de Bolle, an economist at the Peterson Institute for International Economics. “The irony is, you cannot spare manufacturing from anything because manufacturing is globally integrated. The sector sources its parts and components from all over the world.” That intricate supply chain often runs directly between the two countries, sometimes in both directions. Chinese factories make wing panels and doors for Boeing’s Next Generation 737 planes, which are assembled by union workers in Renton, Wash. General Motors makes its Buick Envision, a sport utility vehicle, in Shandong Province, China, and sells it to American consumers. Construction workers in Denver use building materials manufactured in China, made in part from ethane gas produced in Texas. A central aim of Mr. Trump’s America First agenda is to bring back pieces of the supply chain lying outside the country. The tariffs announced this week are just a bargaining point in a broader negotiation between the United States and China over trade. “They are trying to force end-product manufacturers here to use more American content by making it more expensive for them to use Chinese content,” said William Reinsch, a trade expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. The United States trade representative, Robert Lighthizer, has said that the administration carefully conceived the tariffs using an algorithm that would “maximize the impact on China and minimize the impact on U.S. conTRADE, PAGE 8 MINERS WARM TO TARIFFS AND TRUMP In northern Minnesota, the moves against China are cheered, and Republicans see a chance for gains. PAGE 8 .. 2 | FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION page two Behind-the-scenes force in Washington ANNA CHENNAULT 1923-2018 BY ROBERT D. MCFADDEN Anna Chennault, a Chinese-born Republican fund-raiser and anti-Communist lobbyist who dabbled in foreign intrigue after the death of her husband, the renowned leader of the Flying Tigers in China and Burma in World War II, died on March 30 at her home in Washington. She was 94. Her death, in her apartment at the Watergate complex, was announced on Tuesday. The cause was complications of a stroke she suffered in December, her daughter Cynthia Chennault said. In her memoir photographs, Mrs. Chennault appears with her husband, Maj. Gen. Claire L. Chennault; with Presidents John F. Kennedy, Richard M. Nixon and Gerald R. Ford; with J. Edgar Hoover, director of the F.B.I.; with Gen. William C. Westmoreland, commander of American forces in Vietnam, and with Nguyen Cao Ky, the South Vietnamese vice president who fled to America with the fall of Saigon in 1975. Except for her husband’s picture, taken a year before he died in 1958, it is a gallery of Mrs. Chennault’s Washington regalia, assembled over many years as an airline executive, hostess, Republican stalwart, advocate for the Chinese Nationalists and South Vietnam and staunch opponent of the Communist regime that seized power in China in 1949. Mrs. Chennault was one of the most visible private citizens in Washington: a vice president of the Flying Tiger Line, her husband’s postwar cargo operation; a writer of novels, poetry and nonfiction books; a Voice of America broadcaster; and the center of a social whirl at her Watergate penthouse that drew in cabinet members, congressmen, diplomats, foreign dignitaries and journalists. But there was a hidden side to Mrs. Chennault, historians say. She was known to have been a conduit for Nationalist Chinese funds for the Republican Party and to have been a secret gobetween for American officials and Asian leaders like Chiang Kai-shek, the Nationalist Chinese generalissimo, and President Nguyen Van Thieu of South Vietnam. And in a contretemps of international intrigue and presidential politics that generated heated debate for years, Mrs. Chennault was recorded on an F.B.I. wiretap helping to sabotage a peace initiative during the Vietnam War to promote Nixon’s victory over Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey in the 1968 presidential election. Soon after President Lyndon B. Johnson announced a halt to the bombing of North Vietnam to ease the way for Paris peace talks that autumn, Mrs. Chennault, a behind-the-scenes liaison for Nixon’s campaign and the Saigon government, was overheard urging South Vietnamese officials to boycott the Paris peace talks, saying they would get a better deal from a Nixon administration if they waited until after the election. That same day, Nov. 2, President Thieu announced that his government MIKE LIEN/THE NEW YORK TIMES Clockwise from top: Anna Chennault in 1972, when she was at the center of a social whirl at her Watergate penthouse in Washington; with Maj. Gen. Claire L. Chennault, leader of the Flying Tigers in World War II, on their wedding day in 1947; and at the opening of a Nixon campaign headquarters in the Chinatown neighborhood of Manhattan in 1968. would not join the Paris talks. Three days later, Nixon was elected. President Johnson was furious when he learned of Mrs. Chennault’s intervention and considered having her charged under federal statutes with criminally interfering with the conduct of foreign NEW YORKERS FOR NIXON-AGNEW FROM “A THOUSAND SPRINGS: THE BIOGRAPHY OF A MARRIAGE” affairs. She was never prosecuted. Nixon lifted the tap on her telephones and awarded her Flying Tiger Line a lucrative Pacific cargo route. But for a supporter who had provided vital Asian contacts and $240,000 in contributions to the Nixon campaign, Mrs. Chennault received no major appointment in his administration, as she had hoped. In her 1980 memoir, “The Education of Anna,” she denied involvement in the peace talk maneuvers but acknowledged her disappointment with Nixon. “The ultimate handshake came months later, at a White House function, when Nixon took me aside and, with intense gratitude, began thanking me for my help in the election,” she wrote. “‘I’ve certainly paid dearly for it,’ I pointed out. Anna Chennault was born Chen Xiangmei in Beijing on June 23, 1923, one of six daughters of P. Y. and Isabelle Liao Chen, members of a prosperous family of diplomats and scholars. Her father taught law at the University of Peking and was editor of the English-language New China Morning Post. She and her sisters grew up in a mansion near the Forbidden City with an entourage of servants and tutors. As Japanese invaders approached Beijing in 1937, her family fled to Hong Kong. Despite the war, she studied journalism with refugee professors and earned a degree from Lingnan University in Hong Kong in 1944. Fluent in Chinese dialects and English, she became a correspondent for China’s Central News Agency, covering the war and later Mao Zedong’s spreading Communist revolution. She met General Chennault in Kunming. He was three decades older, a married father of eight and the hero of the Flying Tigers, who shot down hundreds of Japanese warplanes and kept China’s hopes alive during the war. In 1947, after his divorce, they were married in Shanghai. Besides Cynthia, they had another daughter, Claire, who also survives her, as do three sisters, Cynthia Lee, Sylvia Wong and Loretta Fung; and two grandsons. The Chennaults lived in Shanghai; San Francisco; the general’s hometown, Monroe, La.; and Taipei, Taiwan, where they ran the Flying Tiger Line and the Civil Air Transport, which was later owned by the Central Intelligence Agency and used in covert anti-Communist operations. General Chennault died of lung cancer in 1958 at 67, and Mrs. Chennault moved to Washington. She was soon embraced by her husband’s friends, including Thomas G. Corcoran, a New Deal strategist who became a notable Washington lobbyist for corporations and foreign powers. He showed her the ropes of lobbying, and she dedicated her memoir to him, calling him “the best teacher of them all.” In Washington Mrs. Chennault joined the Republican Party and right-wing cadres of Americans supporting Taiwan and opposing Communist China. In 1962, with President Kennedy’s blessing, she founded Chinese Refugees’ Relief, which assisted thousands fleeing China. She testified in Congress, wrote articles, gave speeches and, from 1963 to 1966, made weekly broadcasts in Chinese on the Voice of America radio. In a penthouse apartment resembling a James Bond movie set overlooking the Potomac, she entertained 80 to 100 people a week, serving concoctions like “concubine’s delight” (chicken/snow peas) and “negotiator’s soup” (for Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger). At her soirees, Mrs. Chennault, less than 5 feet tall, cut a striking figure in slim Chinese dresses and spike-heeled satin shoes. Her aura of intrigue was only enhanced by evasive replies to reporters’ questions about possible C.I.A. connections and her frequent travels to Asian countries embroiled in Cold War conflicts. “Mrs. Chennault — or the Dragon Lady, as she is called by her enemies — is well-known around Washington as a Vietnam hawk,” The New York Times Magazine said in 1970. She chided Nixon for what she called his cautious prosecution of the Vietnam War. Her image as an implacable antiCommunist was eased in 1981 when she visited Beijing and Taipei for talks with Deng Xiaoping, China’s leader, and President Chiang Ching-kuo of Taiwan. Acknowledging that her views had softened, she said people must be “humble enough to learn, courageous enough sometimes to change their positions.” By then, her causes had all been lost. The Vietnam War was over, Chiang Kaishek and Mao Zedong were dead, and the United States had severed diplomatic relations with Taiwan and recognized the People’s Republic of China. Daniel E. Slotnik contributed reporting. Turning her trauma into a source of empowerment WOOD, FROM PAGE 1 women, like Ms. Wood and Thandie Newton, as a host madam who’s newly conscious of her reality, that were riveting, in part for how they endured — and inflicted — violence. The show, Ms. Wood said, “completely transformed my entire life,” not because it catapulted her career — although it did — but because playing Dolores forced her to drill into her own struggles. “Her journey mirrored so much of what I had been through and what I was going through,” she said. “It gave me a strength that I did not know I had.” For Lisa Joy and Jonathan Nolan, the married co-creators of “Westworld,” Ms. Wood was first an exceedingly “protean” actor, as Mr. Nolan said in a joint phone interview. Ms. Wood, 30, has been in front of the camera since childhood, graduating from volatile adolescents in movies like “Thirteen” to a vampire queen on “True Blood.” They cast her knowing she could pull off the lightning shifts that Dolores makes in Season 2, which finds her exacting sweet revenge, even as she weighs its costs. “With Evan’s character, I wanted to explore a hero who has flaws and had a history that was trauma and sadness, but who could overcome that,” said Ms. Joy, a writer, producer and director of the series with her husband. “To me, that’s an inspiring story and a story that can teach. And Evan, because she is so strong and she is that person, was able to unleash even more of that strength than I imagined. Even the aspects of her performance where she’s vulnerable, or when she makes a mistake, you’re internalizing that even heroes falter. It’s the kind of hero I wish I had had growing up.” Ms. Wood did not necessarily feel heroic when she traveled to Washington — her second time there, after the 2017 Women’s March — to testify before the House Judiciary Committee in February. “I shook for days” beforehand, she said. She feared she would be judged for what had happened to her. “I couldn’t even believe I was about to say these words aloud, that I probably have only said out loud to three people.” That somebody with her background — “I’ve had practice baring my soul in intense, surreal situations; it’s like what I do for a living” — was still terrified made her even more determined to go, to represent those who couldn’t. She was invited to appear by Amanda Nguyen, the founder of Rise, an advocacy organization for rape survivors. They were endorsing the Survivor’s Bill of Rights, 2016 legislation which amended “What I like about her is, she’s not afraid to be vulnerable, and that to me is an extremely powerful position to be in.” the federal criminal code to give survivors of sexual assault the right to a free medical exam and to have rape kits preserved for as long as 20 years, among other changes. (The hearing examined the law; its supporters are hoping to get a version passed in each state, because most rape cases are tried on the state level.) Ms. Wood called herself a survivor of domestic violence and sexual assault and described being raped twice, about a decade ago, first by an abusive partner, then by a man in the storage closet of a bar. “Being abused and raped previously made it easier for me to be raped again, not the other way around,” she said. She has aligned herself with these causes before, but never in such personal terms. She spoke of suffering from “depression, addiction, agoraphobia, night terrors” and attempting suicide; eventually, she was given a diagnosis of longterm post-traumatic stress disorder. The assaults left her with “a mental scar that I feel every day,” she said. She delivered her testimony in a gripping voice and broke down in tears afterward. Around her neck, in a locket on a long silver chain, she carried a picture of her character, Dolores. She was still wearing it a week or so later, at her home in Nashville. “Whenever I had a moment of self-doubt, I remembered — this is a part of me,” she said, as her cat, a protective Devon Rex named Smokey, curled up beside us on the couch. She moved to Nashville a few years ago, seeking a quieter place to raise her son, now 4½ years old, she had with her ex-husband, the actor Jamie Bell. Save for an old friend turned writing partner, she knew few people here, and gets around without much fanfare, helped by a pair of tortoiseshell glasses and a choppy bob. (Her long “Westworld” hair is a wig.) Would she have been able to testify without the show? “I hadn’t even cried about my experiences until after ‘Westworld,’” she said. Her defense mechanism was to go numb and power through. “And I didn’t even realize that until I’d done ‘Westworld.’” She added that when she finally gave herself permission to cry, “it was like the floodgates opened. It just felt like an exorcism; it was so painful but so healing.” Revealing her ordeal, she felt freer, she said, comparing it to coming out as bisexual in 2011. “Everyone was like, ‘Don’t do it!’” she mock-yelled. “And I was like, ‘I have to, it’s me, and it’s unhealthy if I live in a way that’s not authentic.’” Twenty-four hours later, Ms. Wood was in Los Angeles, about to perform at a touring Bowie tribute. She has a lightning bolt tattoo, from Bowie’s “Aladdin Sane” album cover, and songs like “Rock ’n’ Roll Suicide” were her beacon. “I used to just put that on when I was at my lowest points and just wait for him to scream, ‘You’re not alone!’ And that JOHN P. JOHNSON/HBO Evan Rachel Wood on the set of “Westworld” with Jeffrey Wright. She says that playing the character Dolores has forced her to drill into her own struggles. would get me through another night,” she said. When she opened the lyric page for that song, onstage at the Wiltern, her hand trembled. The words looked like symbols — “like I couldn’t even read,” she said. “Everything went white. And I thought, ‘Oh boy. Breathe, girl, breathe.’” In videos from the show, you can see her hesitate and back off, then regain her momentum. She finished the number with shattering intensity. “Evan is a powerhouse,” said her friend Linda Perry, the singer and songwriter of 4 Non Blondes who produced Pink’s “Get the Party Started.” Ms. Perry recommended her for the Bowie gig. “What I like about her is, she’s not afraid to be vulnerable, and that to me is an extremely powerful position to be in. She stands right there with her feet on the ground and her arms open, saying, This is who I am, this is how I’m going to be, and this is how I’m going to walk through life. Take it or leave it.” In Ms. Wood’s telling, that position is hard won. The daughter of two actors from Raleigh, N.C., where her father runs a community theater, she began performing early, and moved to Los Angeles with her mother, an acting coach, after her parents split when she was 9. A steady career followed, but looking back, she said: “I didn’t feel like I had proper training for the world. I lived my whole life asking, ‘What do you want me to do and who do you want me to be?’ I was so insecure and didn’t feel worthy of much.” As a teenager, she began a muchogled relationship with Marilyn Manson, the older goth rocker, to whom she was briefly engaged. Only later in her 20s, she said, and especially after she became a mother, did she find her voice. In between Seasons 1 and 2 of “Westworld,” Ms. Wood filmed an indie drama, “Allure,” out now, in which she plays the gaslighting abuser of a teenage girl. It was not fun to play, she said, but a painful story she felt needed to be told. The playlist we’d been listening to all day — her soundtrack for the revolution — is called “Invincible,” she said. In a flannel shirt, dark jeans and cowboy boots embossed with stars, she was unguarded and casual, peppering the conversation with “Dude!” and the click, every now and then, of a Fidget Cube, to channel her energy. Her house is cozy but feels half-lived in — she’s still in Los Angeles often. “Westworld” shoots in the Utah desert; to lighten the mood on set, she and her co-star James Marsden, as a “host” gunfighter, run their lines as Veronica Corningstone and Ron Burgundy, from “Anchorman.” (She puts on her coaching voice; he’s dense. It works.) But Dolores’s transformation, in Season 2, left Ms. Wood unnerved. “I’ve worked for a very long time to not be angry and vengeful,” she said, “so it was hard to take pleasure in that, even though I knew that the character had definitely earned it.” Ms. Wood’s mission is always to turn her trauma into some other force. Before she went to Congress, she had her aura read at a Nashville shop. It told her some of her energy was blocked, that she needed to get something out. Now, a week later, we went back, to see if anything had changed. She was still glowing lavender — “wonderful storytellers, writers and artists,” the description said. “They have the talent to visualize and describe magical, mystical worlds.” But where before her emotional chart looked like a jagged mountain range, now it was flat, calm. “Speaking your truth!” she said. Her hope was that — especially post #MeToo — “Westworld” would do for others what Dolores did for her: help them to feel powerful, and be heard. “Everything you want is on the other side of fear,” she said. Printed in Athens, Denpasar, Beirut, Nivelles, Biratnagar, Dhaka, Doha, Dubai, Frankfurt, Gallargues, Helsinki, Hong Kong, Islamabad, Istanbul, Jakarta, Karachi, Kathmandu, Kuala Lumpur, Lahore, London, Luqa, Madrid, Manila, Milan, Nagoya, Nepalgunj, New York, Osaka, Paris, Rome, Seoul, Singapore, Sydney, Taipei, Tel Aviv, Tokyo,Yangon. 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FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 | 3 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION World Court promises justice in Kosovo violence RUD, KOSOVO Focus will be on attacks against ethnic Albanians by their former liberators BY ANDREW HIGGINS AND VALERIE HOPKINS Fetah Rudi, a former schoolteacher and political activist, has been using a wheelchair for 17 years, ever since unidentified gunmen unloaded 14 bullets into his stomach and shoulder in a driveby shooting near his village in central Kosovo. He has no hope of ever walking again but, thanks to a new war crimes tribunal, he finally has some hope that after 10 years as an independent country, Kosovo will belatedly grapple with a singularly taboo topic: why ethnic Albanians like him kept getting attacked and in some cases killed, even after their Serbian tormentors had fled. He has watched in dismay over the years as the United Nations and then the European Union — which have both tried to establish the rule of law in this tiny Balkan nation since it broke free from Serbia in 1999 — failed to deliver justice for a wave of violence that followed Serbia’s retreat. The new court, based in The Hague but governed by Kosovo law, will focus on judging not Serbian atrocities during the 1998-99 war but crimes committed during and after the conflict by the Kosovo Liberation Army, or K.L.A., an ethnic Albanian guerrilla force whose former commanders now run the country. The court, Mr. Rudi said, is “the last chance to finally make our people free.” In the nearly two decades since it split from Serbia, Kosovo has been governed as a United Nations protectorate, and, since February 2008, as an independent state. Throughout that time, it has been dogged by demons left from its violent birth and a culture of impunity left by its failure to come to terms with the fact that some of Kosovo’s most powerful figures have been accused of major crimes. The special court, which is expected to issue its first indictments soon, is supported by the United States and Europe, Kosovo’s main backers and funders. But it poses risks for them, too, as it will examine crimes directly related to the foundation of the West’s state-building project in Kosovo: its alliance with the K.L.A. during NATO’s bombing campaign against Serbia in 1999; its failure to disarm the K.L.A. after the war ended; and its inability to protect not only ethnic Serb residents who stayed behind, but also the K.L.A.’s ethnic Albanian political rivals. In a sign that United States support for the court is perhaps flagging under President Donald J. Trump, the American chief prosecutor, David Schwendiman, stepped down recently after the State Department declined to extend his appointment by two years to enable him to complete his term with the court, despite assurances during the Obama administration that he would be able to do so. Mr. Rudi said the bullets that nearly killed him in December 2000 — 18 months after the end of the war and the departure of Serbian forces — were from the same gun that a month earlier had been used to kill Xhemajl Mustafa, a prominent journalist. LAURA BOUSHNAK FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Fetah Rudi, a former schoolteacher and political activist, outside his house in the village of Rud in central Kosovo. He was shot 14 times by unidentified gunmen 17 years ago. “We thought it would be completely different. We thought we would have a functioning country with laws.” ARMEND NIMANI/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES President Hashim Thaci of Kosovo. He has denounced the special court as a “historic injustice” but pledged to let it proceed. “We have nothing to hide,” he said. Both attacks occurred despite the presence of more than 45,000 NATO troops in Kosovo, a force that, wary of confronting the K.L.A., did little to halt post-conflict score settling. Both Mr. Rudi and Mr. Mustafa were outspoken supporters of the Democratic League of Kosovo, an originally pacifist group led by Ibrahim Rugova that shared the K.L.A.’s desire to end Serbian oppression but, once the Serbs left, challenged the self-declared right of the group’s fighters to run Kosovo as their own fief. The expectation of imminent indictments has delighted Mr. Rudi, who was held in a secret K.L.A. prison and violently beaten toward the end of the war and after the conflict ended was targeted for assassination by what he suspected was a K.L.A. hit squad. He said he would leave Kosovo and move to Western Europe with his wife and four children if the court flubbed its mission. The prospect of the court’s digging into cold cases left from Kosovo’s birth as a separate state has sent former K.L.A. members — who include the country’s president, prime minister and speaker of Parliament — into a panic. They tried in December to torpedo the special court with legislation that would have emasculated its function. They backed off after the United States and the European Union protested the move in unusually strong terms. The American ambassador, Greg Delawie, called it a “stab in the back.” In an interview on the eve of a visit to Washington in February to attend a prayer breakfast with President Trump, President Hashim Thaci — the K.L.A.’s political commissar during the war, when he was known to his comrades as “the snake” — denounced the special court as a “historic injustice” but pledged to let it proceed. “We have nothing to hide,” he said, insisting that the K.L.A. as an organization never imprisoned or murdered its ethnic Albanian rivals, massacred Serbian civilians or committed other war crimes, despite the persistent allegations that prompted the establishment of the special court. Mr. Thaci (pronounced THAH-chee) conceded that some “individuals” in the K.L.A. had taken the law into their own hands, and he said he wanted to see their crimes punished. At the same time, he said that “you can’t put an equal sign between the crimes of the Serbs and those of the K.L.A.” Few if any Kosovars would dispute that but, with Serbian forces long gone, many are asking why so few of the hopes raised by the K.L.A.’s NATO-enabled victory in 1999 have been fulfilled — why nearly 60 percent of young people are unemployed, why corrupt politicians, many of them former K.L.A. fighters, can ransack the economy with impunity, and why witnesses in criminal cases against senior K.L.A. figures keep disappearing or refusing to testify. “We thought it would be completely different,” said Mr. Rudi, the former teacher. “We thought we would have a functioning country with laws, institutions, security and a developed economy. We never thought there would be all this killing and stealing.” Beriane Mustafa, the daughter of the murdered journalist, said she did not know who killed her father, “but I do know it was a political murder, probably by political opponents.” Mr. Mustafa’s murder and the attack on Mr. Rudi followed the defeat of the K.L.A., which had been reconfigured as a political party, in local elections in early October 2000. The timing, Ms. Mustafa said, suggested “a kind of revenge” by fighters who, furious at being denied the political support they thought they deserved, calculated that “if we kill these people we will come to power.” By 2007, the K.L.A.’s political party was the country’s dominant political force. Mr. Thaci became prime minister in 2008, one month before Kosovo declared independence, and then president in 2016. Mr. Thaci has become the emblem of two diametrically opposed views of Kosovo’s liberation struggle and its aftermath. In 2010, Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. described him as “Kosovo’s George Washington,” the nation’s heroic founding father. A report issued the same year by the Council of Europe, however, described him as “the most dangerous of the K.L.A.’s ‘criminal bosses.’” The report had been commissioned after ghoulish allegations of organ trafficking by the K.L.A. appeared in a book published by Carla del Ponte, the former chief prosecutor at United Nations war crime tribunals in The Hague. Written by the Swiss prosecutor Dick Marty, the report portrayed Kosovo as a failed state run by gangsters and thugs. It caused outrage in Kosovo across the political spectrum, mostly because it repeated Ms. del Ponte’s claims that the K.L.A. had killed Serbian prisoners for their organs. But it nonetheless set in motion calls for a reckoning that led to the establishment of the special court. The accusation of wartime organ theft has never been substantiated, but the issue continues to haunt Kosovo, fueled in part by the discovery in 2008 of an organ trafficking ring operating out of a medical center near the capital, Pristina. The man accused of leading the ring, an Israeli citizen, Moshe Harel, was arrested in January in Cyprus. Clint Williamson, an American appointed by the European Union in 2011 to head an investigation into Mr. Marty’s allegations, concluded that the practice of killing prisoners for their organs “did occur on a very limited scale” but that finding evidence to prove it would be very difficult. Instead, he said, future indictments against former K.L.A. commanders should focus on their responsibility for “a campaign of persecution” directed at Serbs and other minority groups, as well as “toward fellow Kosovo Albanians whom they labeled either to be collaborators with the Serbs or, more commonly, to have simply been political opponents of the K.L.A. leadership.” In his interview in February, Mr. Thaci dismissed the Marty report as part of a Russian-orchestrated program of “fake news,” a farrago of lies and disinformation intended to undermine Western influence in the Balkans. Calling Kosovo “the most pro-American country in the world,” he said that by blackening its name, Russia, a firm ally of Serbia, wanted to damage the United States. He produced no evidence that Russia had a hand in Mr. Marty’s report. Whether the special court can get to the bottom of what happened nearly 20 years ago will depend to a large extent on whether witnesses will agree to testify. When a former K.L.A. commander living abroad, Agim Zogaj, agreed in 2011 to testify against former comrades in a war crimes trial, he was put into a witness protection program run by the European Union. Before the trial could start, he was found hanging from a tree in the western German city of Duisburg. Ms. Mustafa, the daughter of the murdered journalist, said she was “not optimistic” about the court’s ability to succeed, but added, “If you want to consider yourself a real state, a serious state, you have to deal with all crimes, no matter who committed them.” Googoosha, the less-than-cherished Uzbek first daughter SAMARKAND JOURNAL SAMARKAND, UZBEKISTAN BY ROD NORDLAND Every five to 10 minutes, from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m. seven days a week, a fresh group of Uzbek pilgrims troops into the tomb of their late president, the dictator Islam Karimov, to pay homage at his white onyx sarcophagus and listen to prayers chanted in his honor. At this point, more than a year after the bejeweled memorial complex to Mr. Karimov opened, one of the few Uzbeks who has not visited is the woman who until recently was Uzbekistan’s most famous person: the president’s eldest daughter, Gulnara Karimova, 45, who was once talked of as his heir apparent. Ms. Karimova was also the only family member not to appear at her father’s funeral in 2016. Nor has she been to any of the more than 35,000 prayer vigils held since. In fact, since 2014, she has disappeared from public view. Many visitors to her father’s shrine are on their second or third pilgrimage. Schoolchildren come in groups. Newlyweds make it their first honeymoon stop, conveniently adjacent to the 15th-century Registan Square monuments, which are among Central Asia’s most magnificent architectural treasures. Even political prisoners released in the mild “Uzbek spring” that has come after Mr. Karimov’s death have been obliged to pay homage, with a two-day visit to the mausoleum complex as a condition of their freedom. The rest of the world saw Islam Ka- rimov as one of the most repressive rulers to emerge from the breakup of the Soviet Union. But to many Uzbeks, the Soviet-era Communist leader became the father of their nation, who led the country to independence and then fended off the Russian domination that plagued its other neighbors in Central Asia. That adulation has not, however, rubbed off on Mr. Karimov’s missing first daughter. “Personally, she’s not that interesting to us,” said Maksud Khatamov, who came to visit the mausoleum along with 11 family members, including his four grandchildren. “And she’s not even that pretty.” Ms. Karimova and her legions of social media admirers would once have protested that — or worse. In her heyday Ms. Karimova was a ruthless businesswoman, diplomat (as ambassador to Spain), Harvard student, mother, socialite and, in the words of an American Embassy cable unearthed by WikiLeaks, a “robber baron” who seized companies from others on a whim, her father’s power making her untouchable. She was also a fashion designer with her own line, Guli, and a singer, making pop music videos with the stage name Googoosha. “This is a woman who could not get enough attention and was everywhere, and no word from her since 2014,” said Steve Swerdlow, a Human Rights Watch researcher for Central Asia, who said he found himself in the unusual position of being approached by members of the dictator’s daughter’s family for help in finding out what had happened to her. Many think “Googoosha” is dead, and The government said that she had been convicted of tax evasion, extortion and theft of state property. there is no proof to the contrary. “We heard she died maybe,” said Islamova Nilofar, 20, who was visiting the late dictator’s mausoleum with her two sisters. “There hasn’t been one bit of information,” said one of Ms. Nilofar’s sisters, Zarina Odilova, 25. “She didn’t come here, that’s for sure.” Last July the new government of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, who had been Mr. Karimov’s prime minister, briefly broke its silence on Ms. Karimova. The prosecutor general’s office in Tashkent, the capital, announced that she had been convicted of tax evasion, extortion “of money and stakes in large Uzbek companies” and theft of state property, and sentenced to five years of “restricted liberty.” There was no explanation of what that meant, but presumably it is a form of house arrest. She remained in jail, though, the statement added; she was being held on another criminal charge while the authorities sought to recover more than $1.6 billion in stolen assets abroad. The prosecutor general’s office did not respond last week to a written request for information on the status of her case. Other government officials said they could not discuss her case or the case of one of her top lieutenants, Gayane Avakyan, who is also imprisoned. SERGEI ILNITSKY/EPA, VIA SHUTTERSTOCK Gulnara Karimova, center, after a 2011 show of her Guli fashion brand. Ms. Karimova, the eldest daughter of the dictator Islam Karimov, has not been seen since 2014. Most Uzbeks visiting her father’s grave seem to want to forget about Ms. Karimova, and many nervously refuse to discuss the former first daughter at all. “Maybe she had some trouble with serious people and maybe they didn’t allow her to come here, we don’t know,” said Jamshid Ayubjanov, 28, a restaurateur from the Fergana Valley who was on his second visit to the mausoleum. He changed the subject. “There was never such a president as our late president,” he said. Long before Ms. Karimova’s formal fall from grace, there were signs that her glamour and celebrity friends could no longer protect her. Her dictator father reportedly beat her up in a family spat in 2013, and Ms. Karimova publicly accused her mother and younger sister, Lola, of witchcraft, among other things. (Lola Karimova-Tillyaeva has troubles of her own, apparently, and recently resigned from her ambassadorship to Unesco.) Then Ms. Karimova’s once active Twitter account was shut down. She was refused permission for her Guli brand to attend New York fashion shows because the clothing used Uzbek cotton, produced with slave labor. Then came her 2014 arrest, with what family members claim is no access to relatives or lawyers ever since. Mr. Swerdlow of Human Rights Watch said he had even heard from her ex-husband, Mansur Maqsudi, who wanted to find out what has happened to her, which was itself surprising. Mr. Maqsudi, an American of Uzbek and Afghan origin who lives in New York, was in an acrimonious divorce and custody battle in 2002 with Ms. Karimova, when she was still powerful. He lost his Coca-Cola business in Uzbekistan and saw all 24 of his relatives who lived in Uzbekistan deported to Afghanistan, regardless of citizenship; at least two others were jailed. None of the visitors to Mr. Karimov’s mausoleum seemed concerned about her fate. “On Gulnara Karimova we have no information and no interest in any information,” said Mamura Abdurahmova, 34. “On Islam Karimov, not since Tamerlane have we had someone so great.” Mr. Karimov’s tomb, while grand, is not as spectacular as some of the towering, mosaicized monuments in Samarkand from the great Uzbek emperor Tamerlane’s era. But it is nearby and conspicuously connected by a grand promenade and a bridge to the Registan, that is now called Islam Karimov Avenue. It was once named after Tamerlane. Ms. Karimova’s son, named Islam after his grandfather, is applying for asylum in Britain, where he lived as a college student, and has complained that his mother is being held incommunicado, without even legal representation. “I don’t understand how in the 21st century they cannot answer a simple question,” he said in a BBC interview. “Where is Gulnara?” .. 4 | FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION world How the caravan story exploded on the right WASHINGTON Coverage plays on fears that among groups of immigrants are criminals BY JEREMY W. PETERS HENRY ROMERO/REUTERS A migrant caravan in Mexico. United States military leaders have long opposed sending National Guard troops to the border to intercept such groups. Arguing against troops on border WASHINGTON Pentagon officials express concern about being seen as picking fight with ally BY HELENE COOPER A little over a year ago, when news surfaced of a Trump administration memo that proposed mobilizing as many as 100,000 National Guard troops to round up unauthorized immigrants at the southern border of the United States, a White House spokesman quickly denounced the reports as “irresponsible.” “That is 100 percent not true,” Sean Spicer, the press secretary at the time, told reporters aboard Air Force One. “There is no effort at all to round up, to utilize the National Guard to round up illegal immigrants.” At the Pentagon, where officials had greeted the news grimly, there were sighs of relief: Military leaders have long opposed sending National Guard troops to the border. “There is a significant opportunity cost,” said James G. Stavridis, a retired four-star admiral who commanded United States forces in Europe and Latin America, adding that troops sent to the border with Mexico — ostensibly an American ally — would “miss important training opportunities for their real primary mission — combat.” But the idea that Mr. Spicer called inconceivable a year ago is back in play. On Wednesday, White House officials said that President Trump planned to mobilize the National Guard to the southern border. The announcement came a day after Mr. Trump surprised some of his top advisers by saying that he wanted to send in the military to do what the immigration authorities, in his view, could not: secure the border from what he characterized as a growing threat of unauthorized immigrants, drugs and crime from Central America. Kirstjen Nielsen, the homeland security secretary, said on Wednesday that her department and the Defense Department would work with governors to deploy the Guard to “assist the Border Patrol.” But beyond that, officials had few details about how many troops would go, when they would arrive or in what capacity they would serve. Ms. Nielsen said she hoped the deployment would begin “immediately,” but administration officials said the for- An idea that a White House spokesman called inconceivable just a year ago is now back in play. mal agreements with governors that would allow the troops to mobilize were still being negotiated. At the Pentagon, several officials privately expressed concern about being seen as picking a fight with an ally at a time when the military has plenty of adversaries — the Islamic State, North Korea, Russia, Syria — to contend with. Massing American troops at another country’s border, several current and former Defense Department officials said, would send a message of hostility and raise the chances of provoking an all-out conflict. “We are so lucky here in this country when you look at our borders,” said Maj. Gen. Paul Eaton, a retired veteran of the Iraq war. “We’ve got the Pacific on one side, the Atlantic on the other and allies to the north and the south. Mexico is not an adversary. Why would you present this offensive barrier to a friendly country?” Frustrated that his promised border wall remains a long way from being built, Mr. Trump said he had been discussing deploying the National Guard to the border with Defense Secretary Jim Mattis, who sat next to him on Tuesday as the president complained about what he called America’s weak immigration laws. Despite the historically low number of apprehensions at the border last year, data released on Wednesday by Customs and Border Protection showed a steady uptick since the beginning of the year. Last month, 37,393 individuals were caught by the Border Patrol, up from 26,662 the month before and 25,978 in January. Defense Department officials say that Mr. Mattis backs the proposal if it mirrors deployments made under Mr. Trump’s predecessors, when troops were sent in a support, but not enforcement, role. The active-duty military is generally barred by law from carrying out domestic law enforcement functions, such as apprehending people at the border. But President Barack Obama sent 1,200 troops in 2010 and President George W. Bush dispatched 6,000 in 2006 to act in support roles for border authority officials. But military officials worry that Mr. Trump may not be satisfied with the Bush- and Obama-level deployments. Even limited deployments, Pentagon officials said, have come with their share of trouble. In 1997, Esequiel Hernandez Jr., an 18year-old American student, was killed by a group of United States Marines on a drug surveillance mission in Redford, Tex., while he was herding goats. Mr. Hernandez was the first American civilian to be killed by active-duty military troops since the Kent State massacre in 1970, and the episode led the Clinton administration to suspend troop patrols near the border. That kind of encounter, or worse, could erupt if Mr. Trump sends a large number of National Guard troops to join the high number of other personnel already guarding the border, Defense Department officials said. Homeland Security has more than 16,000 Border Patrol agents on the southwest border, along with 6,500 customs officers at the ports of entry. Customs and Border Protection has several drones flying along the border, as well as 12,000 sensors, nearly 700 miles of fencing and other technology including infrared cameras. Immigration and Customs Enforcement runs several task forces that involve personnel from other agencies, including the Defense Department, the Drug Enforcement Administration and the Treasury Department. Even if Mr. Mattis tried to steer Mr. Trump toward the limited border deployment used by his predecessors, the president “would want it to be visible,” said Dov S. Zakheim, the Pentagon’s top financial officer during Mr. Bush’s first term. “He would want to have troops literally patrolling the border. It wouldn’t be enough to have drones.” But if Mexico responded by putting troops on its side of the border, Mr. Zakheim said, the situation could deteriorate quickly. “All it takes is one mistake,” he said. “Somebody fires. And then what?” Ron Nixon and Julie Hirschfeld Davis contributed reporting. The world’s biggest gambling losers GAMBLING, FROM PAGE 1 n’t distinguish liquor sales from gambling revenue in its annual report, estimates suggest that it pulls more than $770 million in revenue from the machines each year. Other community mainstays also operate machines. In Victoria, the heartland of Australian Rules Football, 90 percent of Australian Football League teams operate their own pokies, generating more than 93 million Australian dollars in revenue last year. Pokies are regulated on a state-bystate basis, instead of by the federal government. Western Australia is the only state or territory that bans the operation of pokies outside casinos. State budgets are increasingly made up of revenue from the machines, and legalized gambling, including pokies, accounted for 7.7 percent of total tax revenues for Australian states and territories in 2016. In some parts of Australia, players can deposit 7,500 Australian dollars into a machine in one transaction and can lose more than a thousand dollars per hour. A study conducted by Dr. Rintoul comparing two regions outside Melbourne found that the less wealthy one had twice as many pokie machines and more than three times the per capita losses. “The people who can least afford to be losing large sums of money are losing the most,” she said. Dr. Rintoul described the casino-like methods used by venues to maximize revenue, including rewarding patrons with free food and drinks, and hiring part-time models as wait staff. A visit to one gaming floor at a venue in Sunshine, the region Dr. Rintoul’s study focused on, revealed a busy gaming floor one recent Wednesday night. Gamblers placed “RESERVED” signs under their machines of choice, which Dr. Rintoul said reflected how frequent gamblers come to relate to the machines: picking favorites, and believing that a particular one can get “hot” or due for a win. A few hours later, in Balaclava, a suburb on the opposite side of Melbourne, patrons filled the gaming room at an Australian Leisure and Hospitality Group venue open until 6 a.m. A large Woolworths supermarket across the road keeps foot traffic in the area high. “We regularly had people tell us that they often ended up in a gambling venue even when they weren’t intending to gamble when they left the house,” Dr. Rintoul said. In February, Andrew Wilkie, an independent Australian politician, published leaked documents from two whistleblowers at Australian Leisure and Hospitality revealing that the company had been secretly collecting data on frequent gamblers, including their favorite sports teams, their relationship statuses and when they had the most money to spend. Gordon Cairns, the chairman of Woolworths, said that the company was “very concerned” about the revelations and that the matter was being reviewed by external auditors. In a country that has confronted other powerful industries by mandating graphic warnings on cigarette packs and cracking down on guns, some wonder why gambling has escaped tougher ASANKA BRENDON RATNAYAKE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES A help line sign in the men’s restroom at a gambling venue. regulation. Critics say politicians are increasingly afraid to confront the growing influence of the gambling lobby. The Rev. Tim Costello, a spokesman for the Alliance for Gambling Reform, compares pro-gambling bodies to the National Rifle Association in the United States in their ability to exert influence over politicians. Australians, he said, “say Americans have a blind spot on guns.” “Here, we have a blind spot on pokies,” he added. Pro-gambling groups frequently refer to Mr. Costello and other gambling opponents as “prohibitionists” and are quick to point to support services that the groups have developed for frequent gamers. They also argue that tighter regulation of pokies would lead to huge job losses at the venues that operate them. The groups have increasingly flexed their muscles in state elections. Antigambling candidates who ran in Tasmania and South Australia this year faced a barrage of negative advertising from pro-gambling bodies. In the run-up to the South Australian election, the Australian Hotels Association — which counts Australian Leisure and Hospitality as a member — donated to several opponents of Nick Xenophon, an independent whose new party, S.A.BEST, vowed to cut in half the number of pokies per venue and institute smaller betting limits. After positive polling early in the campaign, Mr. Xenophon and his party ultimately failed to win a single lower-house seat. It was the first election loss of Mr. Xenophon’s 20-year career. “How much influence they wield, it’s unhealthy,” said Frank Pangello, Mr. Xenophon’s media adviser in the recent election. “They bought an election in Tasmania. They bought one in South Australia,” Mr. Pangello added. “They’re like the N.R.A. in America: You take them on, they’ll crush you.” The Australian Leisure and Hospitality Group declined to comment for this article or discuss whether it spent money on the Tasmanian and South Australian state elections. The hotels group did not respond to a request for comment. Mr. Costello said that with governments so dependent on gambling revenue, it may be difficult to pass tighter regulation of pokies. “The states are Dracula in charge of the blood bank,” he said. It was the kind of story destined to take a dark turn through the conservative news media and grab President Trump’s attention: A vast horde of migrants was making its way through Mexico toward the United States and no one was stopping it. “Mysterious group deploys ‘caravan’ of illegal aliens headed for U.S. border,” warned Frontpage Mag, a site run by David Horowitz, a conservative commentator. The Gateway Pundit, a website that was most recently in the news for spreading conspiracy theories about the school shooting in Parkland, Fla., suggested the real reason the migrants were trying to enter the United States was to collect social welfare benefits. And as the president often does when immigration is at issue, he saw a reason for Americans to be afraid. “Getting more dangerous. ‘Caravans’ coming,” a Twitter post from Mr. Trump read. The story of “the caravan” followed an arc similar to many events — whether real, embellished or entirely imagined — involving refugees and migrants that have roused intense suspicion and outrage on the right. The coverage tends to play on the fears that hiding among mass groups of immigrants are many criminals, vectors of disease and agents of terror. And often the president, who announced his candidacy by accusing Mexico of sending rapists and drug dealers into the United States, acts as an accelerant to the hysteria. The sensationalization of this story and others like it seems to serve a common purpose for Mr. Trump and other immigration hard-liners: to highlight the twin dangers of freely roving migrants — especially those from Muslim countries — and lax immigration laws that grant them easy entry into Western nations. SHAWN THEW/EPA, VIA SHUTTERSTOCK The sensationalization of the story seemed to help President Trump. The narrative on the right this week, for example, mostly omitted that many people in the caravan planned to resettle in Mexico, not the United States. And it ignored how many of those who did intend to come to the United States would probably go through the legal process of requesting asylum at a border checkpoint — something miles of new wall and battalions of additional border patrol would not have stopped. “They end up in schools on Long Island, some of which are MS-13!” declared Brian Kilmeade on the president’s preferred morning news program, “Fox & Friends,” referring to the predominantly Central American gang. The coverage became so distorted that it prompted a reporter for Breitbart News who covers border migration, Brandon Darby, to push back. “I’m seeing a lot of right media cover this as ‘people coming illegally’ or as ‘illegal aliens.’ That is incorrect,” he wrote on Twitter. “They are coming to a port of entry and requesting refugee status. That is legal.” In an interview, Mr. Darby said it was regrettable that the relatively routine occurrence of migrant caravans — which organizers rely on as a safety-innumbers precaution against the violence that can happen along the trek — was being politicized. “The caravan isn’t something that’s a unique event,” he said. “And I think people are looking at it wrong. If you’re upset at the situation, it’s easier to be mad at the migrant than it is to be mad at the political leaders on both sides who won’t change the laws.” As tends to be the case in these stories, the humanitarian aspects get glossed over as migrants are collapsed into one maligned category: hostile foreign invaders. In November, Mr. Trump touched off an international furor when he posted a series of videos on Twitter that purported to show the effects of mass Muslim migration in Europe. Initially circulated by a fringe ultranationalist in Britain who has railed against Islam, the videos included titles like “Muslim migrant beats up Dutch boy on crutches!” “Muslim Destroys a Statue of Virgin Mary!” and “Islamist mob pushes teenage boy off roof and beats him to death!” The assailant in one video the president shared, however, was not a “Muslim migrant.” And the other two videos depicted four-year-old events with no explanation. These items tend to metastasize irrespective of the facts, but contain powerful visual elements to which Mr. Trump is known to viscerally respond. Last February, Mr. Trump insinuated that some kind of terror-related episode involving Muslim immigrants had taken place in Sweden. “Who would believe this? Sweden,” he said at a rally in Florida, leaving Swedes and Americans baffled because nothing out of the ordinary had happened at all. “They took in large numbers. They’re having problems like they never thought possible.” Like the caravan story, which apparently came to Mr. Trump’s attention as he watched “Fox & Friends,” the president was referring to something he had seen on cable news. And he later had to clarify that he was referring to a Fox News segment on issues Sweden was having with migrants generally, not any particular event. When the president himself has not spread stories about immigration that were either misleading or turned out to be false, his White House aides have. Last year, the White House joined a pileon by the conservative news media after it called attention to the account of a high school student in Montgomery County, Md., who said she had been raped at school by two classmates, one of whom is an undocumented immigrant. The case became a national rallying cry on the right against permissive border policies and so-called sanctuary cities that treat undocumented immigrants more leniently. Fox News broadcast live outside the high school for days. Prosecutors later dropped the charges after they said the evidence did not substantiate the girl’s claims. The story of the caravan has been similarly exaggerated. And the emotional outpouring from the right has been raw — that was the case on Fox this week when the TV host Tucker Carlson shouted “You hate America!” at an immigration activist who defended the people marching through Mexico. The facts of the caravan are not as straightforward as Mr. Trump or many conservative pundits have portrayed them. The story initially gained widespread attention after BuzzFeed News reported last week that more than 1,000 Central American migrants, mostly from Honduras, were making their way north toward the United States border. Yet the BuzzFeed article and other coverage pointed out that many in the group were planning to stay in Mexico. That did not stop Mr. Trump from expressing dismay on Tuesday with a situation “where you have thousands of people that decide to just walk into our country, and we don’t have any laws that can protect it.” The use of disinformation in immigration debates is hardly unique to the United States. Misleading crime statistics, speculation about sinister plots to undermine national sovereignty and Russian propaganda have all played a role in stirring up anti-immigrant sentiment in places like Britain, Germany and Hungary. Some of the more fantastical theories have involved a socialist conspiracy to import left-leaning voters and a scheme by the Hungarian-born Jewish philanthropist George Soros to create a borderless Europe. Anyone watching Fox News this week would have heard about similar forces at work inside “the caravan.” “This was an organized plan and deliberate attack on the sovereignty of the United States by a special interest group,” said David Ward, whom the network identified as a former agent for Immigration and Customs Enforcement. “They rallied a bunch of foreign nationals to come north into the United States to test our resolve.” CORRECTIONS • Because of an editing error, an article on Tuesday about a recent surge in the popularity of e-cigarettes misstated the proportion of American high school seniors who told the 2017 Monitoring the Future survey on adolescent drug use that they vaped daily. The survey found that 11 percent of seniors had vaped nicotine in the previous 30 days and that 24 percent of those students reported vaping daily. The survey did not find that 24 percent of high school seniors overall reported vaping daily. • An article on Tuesday about the charitable trust of the fashion designer Lee Alexander McQueen misstated the relationship that the designer Giles Deacon and Matthew Slotover, a co-founder of the Frieze art fairs, have with the trust, the Sarabande Foundation. They help with scholarship selection, but they are not patrons. • An article on March 28 about a Hong Kong exhibition of art from the collector J. Tomilson Hill, relying on information from a publicist, misstated the number of works in the exhibition “Christopher Wool: Highlights From the Hill Art Collection.” It is 15, not 13. • An article in the March 24-25 edition about a collector who is a relative of the Danish designer Georg Jensen, relying on information from a company source, misstated the title of Sarah O’Brien. She is Phillips’s international business development director of jewelry, not its international director of jewelry. .. FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 | 5 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION world From left: A group of speedskaters warming up indoors before going out onto the ice; gas pipes on the outskirts of the city; and a couple of hockey players passing a puck after practice. Lesnoy, Russia, has produced 11 athletes who have won medals at the Olympics. Forbidden city in Russia breeds elite athletes LESNOY, RUSSIA Community that made nuclear bombs now churns out Olympic candidates PHOTOGRAPHS AND TEXT BY MAXIM BABENKO It takes 10 minutes to drive from the military checkpoint, where anyone who has a pass to the city must stop, to an icefilled stadium called Trud (Work). Since the days of the Soviet Union, there have been several dozen closed cities like Lesnoy, a community of 50,000 where access is tightly controlled and state secrets are protected. For decades, those not in on the secrets did not know about these cities at all. Inside, however, citizens were hard at work: developing weapons of mass destruction, processing radioactive materials — and training for the Olympics. According to local officials, the number of Olympians per resident here is a record for the country. Lesnoy has given rise to 46 champions of the Soviet Union, Russia and Europe and has produced 11 athletes who competed at the Olympic Games and went home with medals. It was on the ice of Trud, inside this closed city built by gulag prisoners 70 years ago, that many of them got their start. When you are walking around the city, which used to be known as Sverdlovsk-45 before the Soviet Union collapsed and the city was declassified and renamed, it can seem as if you are in a separate socialist state. There are numerous buildings in the style of Soviet Neo-Classicism, a monument to Lenin and, since the 1950s, an atomic bomb production factory. The main plant, now called the Combine Elektrokhimpribor, is used to assemble and dispose of nuclear ammunition and to produce uranium isotopes. One of every three inhabitants of the city works inside. But it is the Fakel (Torch) Olympic sports school that has made Lesnoy famous. The school trains children from 9 to 17 years old for various sports: speedskating and cross-country skiing and shooting, ice hockey and the rest. Many closed cities developed powerful sports organizations over the years to fill children’s free time; today, there are about 1,000 at the Fakel school. Lyubov Pronina has worked as a speedskating coach in Lesnoy since 1974. “For me, work is my life,” she said. Ms. Pronina’s son Sergey Pronin is also a coach. He competed in the Russian championships in 2007 and was a mentor for the youth national team. Vasiliy Pudushkin, a bronze medalist of the first youth Olympic Games in Austria in 2012, was one of his trainees. Mr. Pronin’s oldest daughter, Paulina, 15, already has reached the first adult rank in skating. Her sister, Uliana, 5, skates, too. But the Pronin family is not alone in creating its own Lesnoy sports dynasty. “The city is small,” he said. “What else shall we do?” Cross-country skiing students preparing for a 5-kilometer practice run. The city of Lesnoy used to be known as Sverdlovsk-45 before the Soviet Union collapsed and the city was declassified and renamed. The Pronins: Uliana, her father Sergey, sister Paulina and grandmother Lyubov Pronina. The most significant problem for speedskaters here is the lack of financing. “We have to collect money from parents for all trips and equipment,” Lyubov Pronina said. “A jumpsuit costs 30,000 rubles,’’ or $520, ‘‘and Dutch skates are even more expensive. You can’t win the competition without it!” The ski base is on the outskirts of the city, surrounded by the forest on one side and a barbed wire perimeter on the other. Vladimir Popov was the mentor of many champions, and even though he is retired, he still comes to the ski base to meet with the skiers and their coaches. But Lesnoy is a place where people start now, not a destination. Many athletes in the Fakel school leave the city after finishing high school. Some apply to join national sports teams, but many of them simply quit professional sports and get on with their lives. “There is nothing to do in the city,” said 16-year-old Lisa Sharova, a speedskater. Even though Lisa’s father was also in speedskating, and helped her get started in the sport, she doesn’t plan to ‘‘In the end, I decided to finish my career. My son is my main medal.” spend her life on skates. “I realized that I’d have a better chance if I became a coding specialist.” For Dmitri Nikishkin, a participant in the Nagano, Japan, and Salt Lake City Paralympic Games, the situation was different. Mr. Nikishkin honed his skiing under the supervision of Popov, while studying at the local university and practicing at the factory. In January 1998, he won a specialized Russian championship at two distances: 10 kilometers and 20 kilometers. But he didn’t get any Olympic or World Cup medals. A year after the Salt Lake City Games, in 2003, Mr. Nikishkin quit sports. “I used to come back from camps, see my son and leave again. It was hard. In the end, I decided to finish my career. My son is my main medal.” Isolated from large cities and world news, Lesnoy exists in its own world, with its passes, its competitions — and its problems. “If you ask me about the Russian doping scandal, I will answer: We, in general, don’t care about these political games,” Sergey Pronin said, laughing. “We just want to buy new skates!” Ivan Chesnokov contributed reporting. Survivors of London apartment fire are still displaced LONDON BY CEYLAN YEGINSU Nearly 10 months after the fire in the Grenfell Tower residential high rise in London that killed at least 71 people, many of the families left homeless are still living in hotels or other temporary accommodations. More than 200 households were displaced by the fire on June 14 that ripped through the 24-story tower, whose residents were mostly low- and middle-income people. Additionally, nearly 100 families from nearby towers damaged by the fire are also still in emergency accommodations, Dominic Raab, a junior housing minister, told lawmakers last week. The local council that oversees the upkeep of Grenfell and the recovery process has spent about $280 million to secure new housing for the displaced families. Many of them complain, though, that they are dissatisfied with their options, and they say their needs are not being met. The council spent nearly $30 million alone on hotel bills from June to February, according to figures obtained by the Press Association of Britain under the Freedom of Information Act. “We kept saying we didn’t want to live higher than the third floor or in a large tower block because of the trauma we went through,” said Asma Kazmi, a mother of three who survived the fire. “For seven months, they showed us flats on high-up floors in big tower blocks,” she said, rolling her eyes. “We just accepted temporary housing to get out of the hotel, but all this moving and limbo is really harming our children,” Ms. Kazmi added. “My 5-year-old is so confused and still asks me when we are going home.” The Grenfell blaze has come to symbolize inequality in one of London’s wealthiest neighborhoods, where incomes can vary greatly from block to block. Grenfell Tower residents had complained about fire safety for several years. Residents also claim that regulators put cost before safety, saying that cheap, combustible materials used on the exterior of the building in a major refurbishment in 2014 might have helped spread the flames. The police have said that there are reasonable grounds to suspect that the local council and the organization that managed the tower block had committed corporate manslaughter. The council and the management organization have refused to comment on the allegations while a criminal investigation into the causes of the fire’s rapid spread is still in progress. Grenfell United, an organization for the survivors of the fire, said that the council’s recovery efforts lacked a “humanitarian aspect.” Shahin Sadafi, a spokesman for Grenfell United, questioned why the local council started to buy properties before asking survivors what kind of housing they needed. He said that many people were frustrated and angry because the housing being offered ignored their expressed preferences. “People are asking not to be housed in properties that overlook the charred tower, or have only one exit, he said. “Yet, they are being shown those exact types of properties.” John Walker, a displaced tenant of a nearby building that was damaged by the fire, said residents’ voices “are still not being heard.” “If this happened to a luxury residential block, everyone would have already been rehoused,” he said. Another major complaint from sur- vivors, local activists and politicians is what they say is the slow pace with which the council has acted, which they say has led to a waste of resources. Local politicians say the $30 million spent on hotels would have been enough to rebuild the original tower at least three times. An independent task force that has been assessing the recovery for Grenfell residents said the local council had made a “huge effort” at rehousing. But the task force also said it had not yet seen enough evidence that the council’s strategies, plans and resources were translating into improvements for enough of the survivors and for the wider community. “Converting plans into action and delivery on the ground remains patchy,” the task force said in a report published last month. The task force said the council’s property purchases had created the best opportunity so far to move residents out of temporary accommodations, but added that the target of permanently rehousing all households by the first anniversary of the fire was a “huge challenge” that was unlikely to be met. A spokesman for the council said that employees were working around the ANDY RAIN/EPA, VIA SHUTTERSTOCK The charred hulk of Grenfell Tower in London after a fire tore through the high-rise last June. More than 200 mostly low- and middle-income households were displaced. clock to ensure that families were rehoused as quickly as possible. “We are moving at the pace of the survivors, and we believe nobody should be forced to make a decision on what is a very big decision at a very traumatic time,” the spokesman said. Last month, the British housing secretary, Sajid Javid, acknowledged that progress had been too slow, telling Parliament that only 62 of 202 displaced households were in permanent housing. .. 6 | FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION world Military project fuels dissent within Google WASHINGTON Some employees fear the Pentagon could turn their work into a weapon BY SCOTT SHANE AND DAISUKE WAKABAYASHI JIM WILSON/THE NEW YORK TIMES YouTube’s headquarters in San Bruno, Calif. Nasim Najafi Aghdam was found by the police sleeping in her car the night before she opened fire at the tech company. YouTube attacker’s viral rage SAN BRUNO, CALIF. She was angry at company that had offered a platform for her often bizarre videos BY DAISUKE WAKABAYASHI, THOMAS ERDBRINK AND MATTHEW HAAG In Iran, she was known as Green Nasim, a social media star with followings on YouTube, on Instagram and elsewhere. In the United States, she cast a very different profile, a proponent of vegan diets, animal rights and home exercise who had increasingly become agitated by one of the tech companies that helped give her a platform. On Tuesday afternoon, Nasim Najafi Aghdam sneaked into YouTube’s headquarters in San Bruno, Calif., and opened fire, shooting three people before taking her own life. The police said Ms. Aghdam’s anger over what she believed to be unfair treatment by YouTube had set her on a 500-mile drive up California from her home near San Diego to YouTube’s offices on the northern edge of Silicon Valley. “People like me are not good for big business, like for animal business, medicine business and for many other businesses. That’s why they are discriminating and censoring us,” she said in a video posted online last year criticizing YouTube. Investigators on Wednesday were still retracing Ms. Aghdam’s steps. About 11 hours before the shooting, she was found sleeping in her car by the police in Mountain View., Calif., home to YouTube’s parent company, Google, and about 30 miles from San Bruno. After checking records on her license, they discovered that her family had reported her missing several days earlier. Ms. Aghdam told the Mountain View officers that she had been having issues with her family, and that she had come to Northern California to find a job. She didn’t appear to the police to be a danger, to herself or others, so they soon let her go. Ms. Aghdam was in her late 30s. In several of her videos, she said she was born in Iran, in the city of Urmia, where most people also speak Turkish, as she does in some of her videos. Ms. Aghdam had YouTube pages in Persian, Turkish and English. She explained that she and her family were members of the Baha’i faith, which faces persecution in Iran, a country with a Muslim majority. Several of her colorful — and sometimes bizarre — videos had gone viral in Iran. Her website, which said it was quoting Western news outlets, identified her as “the first Persian female vegan bodybuilder.” Ms. Aghdam became especially famous for one clip in which she wears a revealing purple dress, showing cleavage, and begins to slowly strip off her clothes to reveal a pair of fake plastic breasts. “Don’t trust your eyes,” read a caption in English on the clip. After letting her go, the Mountain View police spoke to Ms. Aghdam’s father and brother and let them know she was safe. The police said there was no mention in that conversation of her issues with YouTube. But in a second call, her father said YouTube had recently done something that “had caused her to become upset” and that may have been why she was in the area. Still, the police said, the father did not seem concerned and “simply wanted to let us know that may have been a reason for her to move up here.” Later Tuesday morning, Ms. Aghdam went to a nearby shooting range. Then, just after noon, she parked at a business near YouTube’s offices. She walked into one of YouTube’s parking garages, and then emerged into an outdoor courtyard where employees were eating lunch. Nasim Najafi Aghdam explaining vegetarianism in Persian in a YouTube video. Emergency officials arrived at YouTube’s offices two minutes after the police received 911 calls about shots being fired. When they arrived, they found Ms. Aghdam dead. A 9-millimeter semiautomatic handgun, registered in her name, was found at the scene. By Tuesday night, YouTube, as well as Instagram and Facebook, had taken down her pages and videos. Ed Barberini, the chief of the San Bruno Police Department, said, “At this point in the investigation, it is believed that the suspect was upset at the policies and practices of YouTube. This appears to be the motive for this incident.” On Wednesday, two of the people who were shot were released from Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital. A third was still in the hospital, but his condition was upgraded to serious from critical. Ms. Aghdam dedicated several of her videos to promoting animal rights, vegan diets and healthy living. In one video, she sat in front of a screen with a rabbit, as she tried to explain in Persian the differences between vegetarianism and veganism. Her personal website and videos posted to YouTube and elsewhere were filled with complaints about YouTube. “When searching for my website in google, at top of link they add ‘an error occurred’ but there is no error!” a website under Ms. Aghdam’s name, NasimeSabz.com, said in February 2016. “They add it to keep you from my visiting my site.” The American dream appeared to be tarnished for her after she began to face hurdles in the United States. “If you are superficial, you will think it is heaven here, that you can go naked outside and have sex left and right like other animals without any morality,” she said in one video in Persian. “But if you enter the system, you will see that it is worse than Iran,” she said. “Those who want to inform people against the system and big companies get censored.” On her channel on Telegram, a social media network extremely popular in Iran, her last post is a childhood picture of herself standing among flowers. It has no caption. Daisuke Wakabayashi reported from San Bruno, Thomas Erdbrink from Tehran, and Matthew Haag from New York. Nellie Bowles and Jack Nicas contributed reporting from San Francisco. Size of Facebook breach rises to 87 million WASHINGTON BY CECILIA KANG AND SHEERA FRENKEL Facebook has said that the data of up to 87 million users may have been improperly shared with a political consulting firm connected to President Trump during the 2016 election — a figure far higher than the estimate of 50 million that had been widely cited since the leak was reported last month. Mark Zuckerberg, the American company’s chief executive, also announced that Facebook would offer all of its users the same tools and controls required under European privacy rules. The European rules, which take effect next month, give people more control over how companies use their digital data. Facebook had not previously disclosed how many accounts had been harvested by Cambridge Analytica, the firm connected to the Trump campaign. It has also been reluctant to disclose how it was used by Russian-backed actors to influence the 2016 presidential election. Among Facebook’s acknowledgments on Wednesday was the disclosure of a vulnerability in its search and account recovery functions that it said could have exposed “most” of its 2 billion users to having their public profile information harvested. The new effort to appear more transparent about the data leaks — including a rare question-and-answer session with Mr. Zuckerberg and reporters — came just before Mr. Zuckerberg’s expected testimony next week on Capitol Hill, where he will most likely face criticism over how the company collects and shares the personal data of its users. Sheryl Sandberg, Mr. Zuckerberg’s top deputy, has scheduled several national television interviews for this week. The company said that on Monday it would start telling users whether their information may have been shared with Cambridge Analytica. Andy Stone, a spokesman for Facebook in Washington, said the 87 million figure was an estimate of the total number of users whose data could have been acquired by Cambridge Analytica. He said that the estimate was calculated by adding up all the friends of the people who had logged into the Facebook app from which Cambridge Analytica collected profile data. “We wanted to put out the maximum number of people who could have been affected,” Mr. Zuckerberg told reporters. It remains unclear exactly how many users had their personal information made available to Cambridge Analytica. The firm said Wednesday that it had licensed data for no more than 30 million users of the social network. Facebook also released a lengthy document describing how it would protect personal data in the future. In that document, Facebook said its search and account recovery systems had been open to abuse by anyone who already had some information about an individual, such as a phone number or email address. The vulnerability extended to much of the platform’s user base before it was closed on Wednesday, Facebook said. The company also said it would limit the types of data that can be harvested by software used by outside businesses. The changes mean that users will have to give permission before an app can collect information beyond their names and addresses. Facebook also said it would no longer allow outsiders to use apps to gather information about the religious or political views of its users. And it will stop using third-party data from companies such as Experian and Acxiom to supplement its own data for ad targeting. “It’s clear now that we didn’t focus enough on preventing abuse,” Mr. Zuckerberg said. “We didn’t take a broad enough view of what our responsibility is. That was a huge mistake, and it was my mistake.” “It’s clear now that we didn’t focus enough on preventing abuse.” The United States Federal Trade Commission is investigating whether Facebook violated a 2011 agreement meant to protect users’ privacy. User data is crucial to the company’s business, because it is used to deliver advertising to users. Mr. Zuckerberg is scheduled to testify about the company’s handling of sensitive user data before the Senate’s Commerce and Judiciary committees on Tuesday and the House Energy and Commerce Committee on Wednesday. “This hearing will be an important opportunity to shed light on critical consumer data privacy issues,” said Representatives Greg Walden, Republican of Oregon, and Frank Pallone, Democrat of New Jersey, of the House committee. Senator Chuck Grassley, the Republican chairman of the Judiciary Committee, said, “With all of the data exchanged over Facebook and other platforms, users deserve to know how their information is shared and secured.” Facebook’s problems stretch back before the reports about Cambridge Ana- lytica, to earlier investigations into how Russian actors infiltrated the platform by placing ads and posts to influence the 2016 election. Mr. Zuckerberg initially dismissed the idea of foreign interference on Facebook as a “crazy idea.” Since then, the company has been the focus of investigations by law enforcement and congressional committees that are delving into the Russian influence campaign. Facebook now acknowledges that its platform was used to sway voters. All those troubles have prompted investors to flee the company, and its stock has fallen sharply in recent weeks. In response, the company has put its executives front and center. Mr. Zuckerberg typically talks to groups of reporters only after the company releases its quarterly financial reports. But after not responding in public for several days following the Cambridge Analytica disclosure, he has given a series of interviews. And Ms. Sandberg, Facebook’s chief operating officer and the second most recognizable face at the company, is set to be interviewed this week by Fox News, “PBS NewsHour,” NBC’s “Today” show and Bloomberg. Ms. Sandberg will be interviewed remotely from California. Terrell McSweeny, a Democratic member of the Federal Trade Commission, said that Mr. Zuckerberg has a big task ahead of him in Washington. “I think it is important for Zuckerberg to clearly explain how Facebook plans to earn back consumer trust,” Ms. McSweeny said. “Consumers need reassurance that their data are not being misused.” Thousands of Google employees, including dozens of senior engineers, have signed a letter protesting the company’s involvement in a Pentagon program that uses artificial intelligence to interpret video imagery and could be used to improve the targeting of drone strikes. The letter, which is circulating inside Google and has garnered more than 3,100 signatures, reflects a culture clash between Silicon Valley and the United States government that is likely to intensify as cutting-edge artificial intelligence is increasingly employed for military purposes. “We believe that Google should not be in the business of war,” says the letter, addressed to Sundar Pichai, the company’s chief executive. It asks that Google pull out of Project Maven, a Defense Department pilot program, and announce a policy that it will not “ever build warfare technology.” That kind of idealistic stance, while certainly not shared by all Google employees, comes naturally to a company whose motto is “Don’t be evil,” a phrase invoked in the protest letter. But it is distinctly foreign to the enormous military contracting industry and certainly to the Pentagon, where the defense secretary, Jim Mattis, has often said a central goal is to increase the “lethality” of the United States military. From its early days, Google has encouraged employees to speak out on issues involving the company. Recently, the heated debate around Google’s efforts to create a more diverse work force spilled out into the open. Google employees have circulated protest petitions on a range of issues, including Google Plus, the company’s lagging competitor to Facebook, and Google’s sponsorship of the Conservative Political Action Conference. Employees raised questions about Google’s involvement in Project Maven at a recent companywide meeting. At the time, Diane Greene, who leads Google’s cloud infrastructure business, defended the deal and sought to reassure concerned employees. A company spokesman said most of the signatures on the protest letter had been collected before the company had an opportunity to explain the situation. The company subsequently described its work on Project Maven as “non-offensive” in nature, though the Pentagon’s video analysis is routinely used in counterinsurgency and counterterrorism operations, and Defense Department publications make clear that the project supports those operations. Both Google and the Pentagon said the company’s products would not create an autonomous weapons system that could fire without a human operator, a muchdebated possibility using artificial intelligence. But improved analysis of drone video could be used to pick out human targets for strikes, while also better identifying civilians to reduce the accidental killing of innocent people. Without referring directly to the letter to Mr. Pichai, Google said in a statement on Tuesday that “any military use of machine learning naturally raises valid concerns.” It added, “We’re actively engaged across the company in a comprehensive discussion of this important topic.” The company called such exchanges “hugely important and beneficial,” though several employees familiar with the letter would speak of it only on the condition of anonymity, saying they were concerned about retaliation. The statement said the company’s part of Project Maven was “specifically scoped to be for non-offensive purposes,” though officials declined to make available the relevant contract language. The Defense Department said that because Google is a subcontractor on Project Maven to the prime contractor, ECS Federal, it could not provide either the amount or the language of Google’s contract. ECS Federal did not respond to inquiries. Google said the Pentagon was using “open-source object recognition software available to any Google Cloud customer” and based on unclassified data. “The technology is used to flag images for human review and is intended to save lives and save people from having to do highly tedious work,” the company said. Some of Google’s top executives have significant Pentagon connections. Eric Schmidt, former executive chairman of Google and still a member of the executive board of Alphabet, Google’s parent company, serves on a Pentagon advisory body, the Defense Innovation Board, as does a Google vice president, Milo Medin. In an interview in November, Mr. Schmidt acknowledged “a general concern in the tech community of somehow the military-industrial complex using their stuff to kill people incorrectly, if you will.” He said he served on the board in part “to at least allow for communications to occur” and suggested that the military would “use this technology to help keep the country safe.” An uneasiness about military contracts among a small fraction of Google’s more than 70,000 employees may not pose a major obstacle to the company’s growth. But in the rarefied area of artificial intelligence research, Google is engaged in intense competition with other tech companies for the most talented people, so recruiters could be hampered if some candidates are put off by Google’s military ties. As Google defends its contracts from internal dissent, its competitors have not been shy about publicizing their own work on defense projects. Amazon heralds its image recognition work with the Department of Defense, and Microsoft has promoted the fact that its cloud technology won a contract to handle classified information for every branch of the military and defense agencies. The current dispute, first reported by Gizmodo, is focused on Project Maven, which began last year as a pilot program to find ways to speed up the military application of the latest A.I. technology. The signers of the letter at Google clearly hope to discourage the company from entering into far larger Pentagon contracts as the military applications of artificial intelligence grow. The idealistic stance, not shared by all Google employees, comes naturally to a company whose motto is “Don’t be evil.” Google is widely expected to compete with other tech giants, including Amazon and Microsoft, for a multiyear, multibillion-dollar contract to provide cloud services to the Defense Department. John Gibson, the department’s chief management officer, said last month that the Joint Enterprise Defense Infrastructure Cloud procurement program was in part designed to “increase lethality and readiness,” underscoring the difficulty of separating software, cloud and related services from the actual business of war. The employees’ protest letter to Mr. Pichai, which has been circulated on an internal communications system for several weeks, argues that embracing military work could backfire by alienating customers and potential recruits. Like other onetime upstarts turned powerful Silicon Valley behemoths, Google is being forced to confront the idealism that guided the company in its early years. Facebook started with the lofty mission of connecting people all over the world, but it has recently come under fire for becoming a conduit for fake news and being used by Russia to influence the 2016 election and sow dissent among American voters. Paul Scharre, a former Pentagon official and author of “Army of None,” a forthcoming book on the use of artificial intelligence to build autonomous weapons, said the clash inside Google was inevitable, given the company’s history and the booming demand for A.I. in the military. “There’s a strong libertarian ethos among tech folks, and a wariness about the government’s use of technology,” said Mr. Scharre, a senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security in Washington. “Now A.I. is suddenly and quite quickly moving out of the research lab and into real life.” Scott Shane reported from Washington, and Daisuke Wakabayashi from San Francisco. Cecilia Kang contributed reporting from Washington. MICHAEL SHORT/BLOOMBERG NEWS Matthew Rosenberg contributed reporting. “We believe that Google should not be in the business of war,” says a letter to Sundar Pichai, the chief executive. Google called its work for the Pentagon “non-offensive.” .. FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 | 7 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION Business Effort to close pay gap counts on shame Britain puts a spotlight on companies’ disparity by requiring disclosure BY LIZ ALDERMAN The gender pay gaps detailed by British companies in recent months surprised almost no one — men are paid more than women, often by a wide margin, at the vast majority of businesses. But by making companies publicly air their salary information, Britain intends to force a reckoning. Officials in London hope the embarrassing revelations in the reports, which had to be submitted by Wednesday, will shame companies into doing more to close the divide. The push is one of a growing number of efforts among Western countries to promote the principle of equal pay. Australia recently mandated gender pay gap reporting for most companies. In Germany, a new law will require businesses with more than 500 employees to reveal their pay gaps. Nordic countries like Iceland have been even more aggressive, making companies prove they are paying male and female staff equally. Proponents of the British effort argue that the increased transparency will lead to smaller gaps. Research by the accounting firm PwC predicts that if nothing is done, it could take nearly a century for the divide to close entirely across the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, a group of rich countries that includes Britain. “This is a game-changer,” said Andrew Bazeley, a policy manager at the Fawcett Society, a British organization that campaigns for women’s rights and equality. “It will force businesses to think about the gender pay gap in ways they might not have before.” Under the new reporting requirements, companies with 250 or more employees must publish salary differences between men and women every year. They are also required to provide details on gaps in average bonuses paid, and the proportion of men and women who received those bonuses. The submissions have made for uncomfortable reading for company exec- ANDREW TESTA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES EasyJet headquarters. Men outearn women by around 52 percent at easyJet, the country’s busiest discount airline, which has pledged to hire more female pilots. utives. At Goldman Sachs’s sprawling moneymaking machine in Britain, women are paid an average of 56 percent less than men. Men outearn women by around 52 percent at easyJet, the country’s busiest discount airline. And at WPP, the British advertising giant, women take home, on average, around one-quarter less than their male counterparts. Still, at least in some cases, the re- quirement to publish the data has made an impact as big companies have scrambled to counter the fallout from embarrassing reports. EasyJet has said its male chief executive would take a 4.6 percent pay cut to match the salary of his female predecessor, and pledged to more than triple the proportion of its female pilots. In other cases, a change in the pay culture has been pushed from the outside. At Mills & Reeve, a British law firm whose audit determined it was paying women an average of 32 percent less than men, a major impetus has come from big clients that have started to request more female representation among the firm’s attorneys. “It’s increasingly something we’re asked for as part of tenders and pitches, to give details of our diversity,” said Claire Clarke, a managing partner. Supporters of the British regulations acknowledge that transparency alone won’t solve the problem. But without it, companies and regulators in countries seeking to enforce equal pay laws would have scant evidence that a gap existed — and face less pressure to address it. Jake Rosenfeld and Patrick Denice, sociologists at Washington University, found in a study that salary transparency raised wages, in part because “even Infrastructure fund struggling Hyped U.S.-Saudi venture has had trouble getting enough investors on board BY KATE KELLY AND ANDREW ROSS SORKIN Last May, the private equity firm Blackstone announced that it was creating a $40 billion fund that would invest in infrastructure projects in the United States. The fund’s largest backer was the government of Saudi Arabia, which agreed to kick in half the cash. Ten months later, the highly anticipated fund has yet to complete an initial round of fund-raising, much less start investing in infrastructure. Although the Saudis promised to contribute up to $20 billion, Blackstone is required to raise a dollar from other investors for every dollar the kingdom’s Public Investment Fund puts in. So far, only two other investors have publicly committed to the fund, with their contributions totaling $575 million, according to the data provider Preqin. In the short term, Blackstone’s goal now is to raise a total of $15 billion — much less than it trumpeted during President Trump’s visit to Riyadh last spring — according to a document posted on the website of a Pennsylvania pension plan that has agreed to invest in the fund. Facing hesitant investors, Blackstone has twice missed its own deadlines for completing the first round of fund-raising, according to people briefed on the plans and a timetable included in the Pennsylvania pension plan’s documents. Among the factors that have complicated the fund’s beginning: Saudi officials told Blackstone last year that they wanted to create an investment committee — including one or more Saudi representatives — that would oversee the fund, according to four people briefed on the talks who weren’t authorized to discuss them publicly. The idea was a nonstarter for Blackstone officials, who have consistently avoided outside influence over their investment decisions, said three of the people briefed on the talks. “We’ve had a long and broad-based relationship with the kingdom that’s, frankly, never been stronger,” said Christine Anderson, a spokeswoman for Blackstone. “They’ve been exceptional partners.” She declined to discuss the details of the firm’s fund-raising efforts, citing legal restrictions that apply during marketing periods. A spokesman for the kingdom’s Public Investment Fund declined to comment. Blackstone — whose co-founder and chief executive, Stephen A. Schwarzman, is a prominent supporter of President Trump — rushed to unveil the infrastructure fund during the pomp-filled presidential visit to Saudi Arabia last May. Wall Street titans including Mr. Schwarzman attended opulent ceremonies to celebrate the two countries’ financial and political ties. The deal fit neatly into the White House’s efforts to coax foreign countries to invest in the United States. Blackstone’s president at the time, Hamilton E. James, predicted that the fund would spur infrastructure projects that would “create well-paying American jobs and will lay the foundation for stronger longterm economic growth.” In the joint Blackstone-Saudi news release, Yasir Al Rumayyan, managing director of the Public Investment Fund, said that the $20 billion Saudi pledge “reflects our positive views around the ambitious infrastructure initiatives being undertaken in the United States as announced by President Trump.” The venture’s $40 billion target drew skepticism from Blackstone’s rival firms. But the company said it could pull JASON ALDEN/BLOOMBERG NEWS Stephen A. Schwarzman, Blackstone’s co-founder and chief executive. The firm has twice missed its own deadlines for completing the first round of fund-raising. it off. “Blackstone has the talent, scale and experience to be an effective private sector partner in filling the massive infrastructure funding gap,” Mr. James, now executive vice chairman of the company, said in the announcement. In public, Blackstone is sticking with its goals of creating an immense fund and deepening its relationship with the Saudi government, which has drawn criticism for its human rights record. “We’re very confident in the long term we’ll reach the $40 billion capacity,” Mr. James told a group of reporters in February. He added that Blackstone hoped to hit that target “over the next decade or so.” A week earlier, Mr. Schwarzman had heaped praise on Mohammed bin Salman, the crown prince of Saudi Arabia chairman of the kingdom’s Public Investment Fund. When Prince Mohammed was in New York last week, Mr. Schwarzman hosted a lunch for the prince at his New York home. Blackstone began contacting big institutional investors such as pension funds last spring as it sought contributions to the fund. But some balked at putting money in until Blackstone had a team in place to run the infrastructure fund, according to a person briefed on the process. Blackstone had promoted Sean Klimczak, a partner who had brokered previous infrastructure investments, to run the infrastructure group around the time of the fund’s unveiling. Other hires took longer. By February, the news release announcing the $40 billion fund had disappeared from Blackstone’s website, although a version remained on the Public Investment Fund’s site. (The release reappeared on Blackstone’s site on Wednesday after The Times asked about it.) “They announced it with such fanfare and certainty, and clearly things were dragging,” said Colin C. Blaydon, director of the Center for Private Equity and Entrepreneurship at the Tuck School of Business at Dartmouth. “I wondered what on earth was going on. If anybody ought to be able to pull something like this off, you’d think Blackstone would be the one to do it.” The only two investors to commit to the infrastructure fund, according to Preqin, were the Pennsylvania Public School Employees’ Retirement System, which committed up to $500 million in January, and the Parochial Employees’ Retirement System of Louisiana, which committed $75 million but was still completing the details. Last month, Mr. Schwarzman mentioned the fund-raising efforts at a New York investment conference with about 200 people in the room. “We’re raising other money,” he said, according to a transcript of the event. He invited anyone in the audience who was interested to come forward after his speech. “Don’t be hesitant. Don’t be embarrassed.” With the exceptional collaboration of With the support of being cognizant of gender pay disparity” helped change norms. Such is the case in Iceland. The country has gone further than any other, becoming the first to require employers to submit to external audits to prove they are paying women on a par with men. The thinking was that unless equal pay laws were applied more forcefully, the imbalance might never close. Iceland’s government has vowed to completely close the nation’s gender pay gap by 2022, after women walked out of their jobs en masse in protest on a chilly afternoon in October 2016. The United States, by contrast, has taken a step backward on reporting. Last year, the Trump administration rolled back an Obama-era initiative that sought to create incentives to close pay gaps. The move would have required companies to report how much they paid workers based on gender and race, but the White House now says it would have posed a burden on employers. Britain’s rules, though tougher than efforts in the United States, fall short of the moves in Iceland. They cover only about a third of all companies. Employers won’t face penalties even if they report discrepancies year after year. And businesses are not required to address some of the biggest causes to the pay divide, including the lack of women in high-paid senior roles. The gender pay gap in Britain is just over 18 percent, down from 27.5 percent in 1997, according to official data. But those figures are still likely to underestimate the real gap, critics say. To coincide with the deadline on Wednesday, British women started a #PayMeToo hashtag campaign on Twitter, encouraging employees to talk to one another about how much they are paid. The nascent effort, pushed by a group of female British lawmakers, seeks to encourage women to talk about their pay at work, and make clear what rights they have. “If we are serious about tackling the gender pay gap, then we have to do more than publish data,” Stella Creasy, a member of Parliament from the opposition Labour Party, said in an interview with The Guardian. Amie Tsang contributed reporting. .. 8 | FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION business Minnesota miners warm to tariffs and Trump EVELETH, MINN. Republicans see a chance for gains where the trade moves are celebrated BY MITCH SMITH In the Iron Range of northern Minnesota, where evergreen trees stretch on for miles and snowpack lingers into the spring, a political shift is underway. Generations of residents have gone to work in the mines, endured cycles of booms and layoffs and mostly voted for Democrats. But President Trump’s tariffs on imported steel are being celebrated as a boost to the local taconite mines, which supply American steel mills, and Republicans are hopeful that they can flip the area’s congressional seat in November. “President Trump is keeping his promises that he made on the campaign trail,” said Pete Stauber, a retired police officer and former professional hockey player who is running for Congress as a Republican. “He talked about leveling the playing field for the American worker. He did that with the tariffs.” Much has been said about groups who dislike the tariffs: a bipartisan mix of manufacturers, farmers and politicians who warn of trade disputes and unforeseen consequences. China’s announcement on Wednesday of proposed tariffs on a range of American exports — including soybeans, chemicals and cars — heightened concern that a trade war could be looming. But in a few places where Republicans see openings to win seats and upend a national political forecast that seems to favor Democrats in November, the 25 percent tariff on foreign steel and the 10 percent tariff on imported aluminum are viewed as economic lifelines straight from the Oval Office. In southern Illinois, where a Republican congressman, Mike Bost, faces a tough re-election campaign, a steel mill that laid off hundreds is calling back workers. In Ohio, where the governorship and a Senate seat are on this year’s ballot, another steel mill could soon reopen. And in upper Minnesota, where iron ore pits — vast canyons of redtinted dirt — shape the landscape, the tariffs could be a stabilizing force for towns still recovering from mine closings. “It’s really strange,” said Mayor Bob Vlaisavljevich of Eveleth, a longtime Democrat who in recent years has changed his registration to Republican and decorated his City Hall office with a Trump bumper sticker. “A billionaire from New York is the one saving us.” Many in northern Minnesota still speak fondly about the Democrats in their own congressional delegation, and plenty have criticisms of the president’s Twitter habit and of Republican attitudes toward labor unions. But there is a broad sense that Mr. Trump has taken up the region’s cause, just as the national Democratic Party is frustrating them with environmental regulations that they see as unduly burdensome to miners and with calls for stricter limits on guns. “I feel they’ve kind of gone off the deep end,” said Lyn Pahlen, 53, an autoparts store owner who lives in Chisholm, Minn., where a 36-foot-tall statue of an iron miner towers above the main highway. Ms. Pahlen, a former Democratic voter who supported Mr. Trump, said her business suffered a few years ago when an influx of foreign steel, much of it from China, led many of the local mines to temporarily shut down. With less money being spent around town, Ms. Pahlen cut some employees’ hours and laid off others. Ms. Pahlen said she was taking a wait-and-see approach. Conditions are better now. Mines began reopening in the final months of Barack Obama’s presidency, when he cracked down on steel dumping, and that growth has continued under Mr. PHOTOGRAPHS BY TIM GRUBER FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES A repaired tire for delivery to a mining operation in the Iron Range region of northern Minnesota, an area where enthusiasm for the tariffs is tempered by decades of ups and downs, hiring sprees and layoffs. Trump. The mines employ about 4,000 people in this sparsely populated region, according to the Iron Mining Association of Minnesota, and thousands of others work for mining industry vendors. “Things are coming around,” said Dan Pierce, who was out of work for about 15 months after a mine in Keewatin, Minn., shut down in 2015. Mr. Pierce, a Democrat and local union vice president, is no fan of Mr. Trump’s, and he was dismayed when the president temporarily exempted a few countries, including South Korea and Brazil, from the tariffs. Still, he said people were cautiously optimistic that the tariffs would have tangible benefits on the Iron Range. “People are working overtime,” Mr. Pierce said. “People are spending money in the community.” Mr. Stauber, the Republican candidate for Congress who serves now as a county commissioner, is hoping to capitalize on some of that economic momentum as he runs in Minnesota’s Eighth District, which stretches more than 27,000 square miles from the Minneapolis exurbs through the Iron Range and up to the Canadian border. The district, which Mr. Trump won by 15.6 percentage points in 2016, according to Daily Kos Elections, could be one of the Republicans’ best chances of flipping a Democratic seat in the House. Mr. Obama carried the district by 5.5 percentage points in 2012; he won by 8.6 percentage points four years earlier. Representative Rick Nolan, the incumbent Democrat, is retiring after narrowly winning re-election in 2016. Much is riding on November for both parties. Minnesota’s United States senators, Amy Klobuchar and Tina Smith, both Democrats, are up for election, and the state’s Democratic governor, Mark The action on steel and aluminum imports is viewed by miners as an economic lifeline. The Iron Man in Chisholm, Minn., stands as a tribute to the men and women who built the mining industry in the state. Dayton, is retiring and leaving an open seat. Another congressional seat held by Democrats, the First District in the southern part of Minnesota, is also considered a tossup. Representative Tim Walz won a close race in 2016 and is running for governor this year instead of seeking another term in the House. Up on the Iron Range, Mr. Nolan supports the president’s tariffs and remains popular among miners. But he has faced pressure from some fellow Democrats who want stricter environmental regulations, as well as from right-leaning constituents disenchanted with his party. Democrats have not yet nomi- nated a candidate to succeed Mr. Nolan, 74, who said he was leaving office to spend more time with his family. Mr. Nolan said the president “connects in his messaging” on the Iron Range by focusing on economic anxiety. Democrats could improve their pitch to voters on that topic, Mr. Nolan said. “Miners who are sitting on the bench hoping to go back to work someday, and you have someone saying, ‘Hey, I care about you,’” Mr. Nolan said. “That means a lot to people.” In the union halls and restaurants of northern Minnesota, the enthusiasm for the tariffs is tempered by decades of ups and downs, hiring sprees and layoffs. People often use phrases like “guarded optimism” and “stabilization.” Many longtime residents — and it seems almost everyone is a longtime resident — recall their fathers struggling without jobs in the bust of the 1980s, or a grandfather encountering hard times. They tell of a time when places like Eveleth, where the population of 3,700 is about half of its 1930 peak, had more businesses, more young families, more high school graduates staying home, instead of moving to the cities, Minneapolis and St. Paul. Brian Zarn, 54, grew up nearby and has worked at the mine in Eveleth for about 29 years. He said it had been a rewarding career with a salary that supported his family, but also work pockmarked by layoffs and frustration with the selling of low-cost foreign steel on American shores. “We’re cautiously optimistic, but we know the industry has got a lot of problems. China keeps overproducing,” said Mr. Zarn, a local union president, who was wearing a shirt that read, “STEELWORKERS Not Made In China.” “We hope that the tariffs are in there long term,” he added. “But we’re realists, too. We look at the past.” How U.S.-China trade feud could threaten manufacturing TRADE, FROM PAGE 1 sumers.” The result is a list of more than 1,300 targets, many of them obscure products that may not deliver a direct hit to consumers’ wallets. The victims include industrial robots, chemicals, medical devices and heavy machinery used by industry for tasks as varied as processing food and crushing rock. Such industries have been a vibrant piece of the economy, adding 224,000 jobs in the past year, the strongest growth since the recession ended nearly nine years ago. But underpinning that rebound has been a strong global appetite for American goods — demand that could now be weakened. “This is a pretty tenuous recovery, and employment is still at much lower levels than it was before the crisis,” said Mark Muro, an economist at the Brookings Institution. “This is not a super dynamic, healthy industry.” Recent job growth has been concentrated in industries that could be affected by American tariffs on China, Chinese tariffs on the United States, or both. Some of the strongest gains in the past year have come from makers of metal products, industrial machinery and transportation equipment. All those industries rely heavily on steel and alu- minum, goods that Mr. Trump hit with tariffs this year in a move aimed indirectly at China’s production. In the latest salvos, the United States took aim at a multitude of technical components — items like circuit breakers, consoles and touch screens. Those tariffs could raise costs for electronics manufacturers, who have been hiring more aggressively lately and whose supply chains run through China. Beijing, for its part, zeroed in on an array of American products, including plastics, a fast-growing export. Chinese companies imported $3.2 billion worth of plastic resins from the United States in 2017, according to the American Chemistry Council, a trade group. Chinese factories turn those resins into building materials, automobile instrument panels, eyeglasses and thousands of other products, many of which end up back in the United States. The plastics tariffs alone could send ripples deep into Trump country. In recent years, companies have announced billions of dollars of investments seeking to capitalize on the boom in American natural-gas production. Some of those investments were to go into new plants in Pennsylvania, Ohio and other states to turn gas into chemicals and KEVIN P. CASEY/BLOOMBERG NEWS A Boeing 737 being assembled in Renton, Wash. Aircraft and their parts are the single largest American export to China, making Boeing a tempting target in a trade war. plastics, much of it bound for China. Companies aren’t likely to abandon those plans overnight, said Calvin M. Dooley, the president of the American Chemistry Council. But if the trade barriers persist, projects could be in jeop- ardy. “That is going to impede our ability to capitalize on that competitive advantage,” Mr. Dooley said. Even with the flurry of measures and countermeasures between the United States and China, the moves so far have touched only a fraction of their $650 billion in annual trade. But they are beginning to signal how much damage could be caused, and who would suffer most. In some cases, the tariffs seem intended to deliver a message rather than a fatal blow. The United States said it would impose tariffs on aircraft parts — an important and high-profile American industry, but not one facing much competition from China. Beijing said it would impose tariffs on cars and S.U.V.s, the third-largest American export to the country. But the move may not hit American automakers as hard as it might seem. China already has a 25 percent tariff on imported cars, so General Motors, Fiat Chrysler and Ford have all agreed to manufacture inside the country as joint ventures with domestic producers, to avoid the extra charge to consumers. Foreign carmakers operating in the United States — Daimler and BMW — do send vehicles to China from factories in the Southeast. A report by analysts at Evercore ISI suggests that those companies, rather than the Detroit automakers, would bear the brunt of the Chinese levies. Tesla might have the most to lose. The electric-car company had been lobbying for permission to produce cars in Shanghai, but hasn’t reached a deal. It sends vehicles to the Chinese market from its plant in Fremont, Calif., and its chief executive, Elon Musk, has expressed frustration, even at the existing duties. Aircraft and their parts are the largest single category of American exports to China, making Boeing a big target. For now, though, Beijing seems to be moving slowly. It said it would impose tariffs on planes between 15,000 and 45,000 kilograms, which includes some older models that Chinese buyers have ordered from Boeing. But it seemed to stop conspicuously short of whacking the company’s newer 737 MAX 8, which weighs 45,070 kilograms empty, or almost 100,000 pounds. That near miss is meant to convey to Boeing, and to Mr. Trump, what China is capable of, said Richard L. Aboulafia, a longtime aviation and aerospace analyst at the Teal Group. “Their attitude toward a trade war assumes that the other side will lie down and stay horizontal,” Mr. Aboulafia said. “I’m not sure the easy and fun approach to trade wars holds up against return fire.” Keith Bradsher contributed reporting. .. FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 | 9 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION Opinion When migrants are treated like slaves People awaiting deportation from the U.S. are being forced to work for no or little pay. We have a name for that. Jacqueline Stevens Americans are familiar with grim stories about black-shirted federal agents barging into apartment complexes, convenience stores and school pickup sites to round up and deport immigrants. We’ve heard far less about the forced labor — some call it slavery — inside detention facilities. But new legal challenges to these practices are succeeding and may stymie the government’s deportation agenda by taking profits out of the detention business. Yes, detention is a business. In 2010, private prisons and their lenders and investors lobbied Congress to pass a law ordering Immigration and Customs Enforcement to maintain contracts for no fewer than 34,000 beds per night. This means that when detention counts are low, people who would otherwise be released because they pose no danger or flight risk and are likely to win their cases in immigration court remain locked up, at a cost to the government of about $125 a day. The people detained at these facilities do almost all of the work that keeps them running, outside of guard duty. That includes cooking, serving and cleaning up food, janitorial services, laundry, haircutting, painting, floor buffing and even vehicle maintenance. Most jobs pay $1 a day; some work they are required to do pays Workers in nothing. immigration Workers in immicustody in the gration custody have United States suffered injuries and have suffered even died. In 2007, Cesar Gonzalez was injuries and killed in a facility in even died. Los Angeles County when his jackhammer hit an electrical cable, sending 10,000 volts of direct current through his body. He was on a crew digging holes for posts to extend the camp’s perimeter. Crucially, California’s Division of Occupational Safety and Health ruled that regardless of his status as a detainee, Mr. Gonzalez was also an employee, and his employer was found to have violated state laws on occupational safety and health. Two of the country’s biggest detention companies — GEO and CoreCivic, known as CCA — are now under attack by five lawsuits. They allege that the obligatory work and eight-hour shifts for no or little pay are unlawful. They also accuse the companies of violating state minimum wage laws, the Trafficking Victims Protection Act and laws prohibiting unjust enrichment. The plaintiffs have a strong case. Forced labor is constitutional so long as it is a condition of punishment, a carve-out in the slavery prohibitions of the 13th Amendment. But in 1896, the Supreme Court held that “the order of deportation is not a punishment for crime.” Thus, while private prisons may require work to “punish” or “correct” criminal inmates, judges in three cases have ruled that immigration detention facilities may not. It’s as legal for GEO to force its facilities’ residents to work as it would be to make seniors in government-funded nursing homes scrub their neighbors’ showers. GEO’s own defense provides insights into just how much its profits depend on labor coerced from the people it locks up. In 2017, after Federal District Judge John Kane certified JUSTIN RENTERIA a class-action lawsuit on behalf of GEO residents in Aurora, Colo., the company filed an appeal claiming the suit “poses a potentially catastrophic risk to GEO’s ability to honor its contracts with the federal government.” Court records suggest that GEO may be paying just 1.25 percent to 6 percent of minimum wage, and as little as half of 1 percent of what federal contractors are supposed to pay under the Service Contract Act. If the plaintiffs win, that’s tens of millions of dollars GEO would be obligated to pay in back wages to up to 62,000 people, not to mention additional payments going forward. And that’s just at one facility. GEO’s appeal tanked. During oral arguments last summer, the company’s lawyer defended the work program by explaining that those held in Aurora “make a decision each time whether they’re going to consent to work or not.” A judge interjected, “Or eat, or be put in isolation, right? I mean, slaves had a choice, right?” The 10th Circuit panel in February unanimously ruled that the case could proceed. On top of that, last year GEO was sued for labor violations in its Tacoma, Wash., facility. In October, United States District Judge Robert Bryan, a Reagan appointee, denied GEO’s motions to dismiss these cases and for the first time allowed claims under the state minimum wage laws to proceed, as well as those for forced labor and unjust enrichment. On March 7, 18 Republican members of the House, 12 of whom have private prisons in or adjacent to their districts, sent a letter to the leaders of the departments of Labor, Justice and Homeland Security complaining about the lawsuits. They warned that if the agencies don’t intervene to protect the companies, “immigration enforcement efforts will be thwarted.” Those who cheer this outcome should feel encouraged. The measures the representatives asked for — including a statement by the govern- ment that those who work while locked up are “not employees” and that federal minimum wage laws do not apply to them — won’t stop the litigation. Agency pronouncements cannot overturn statutes. As long as judges follow the laws, more of the true costs of deportation will be put into the ledgers. If the price of human suffering does not deter the barbarism of rounding people up based on the happenstance of birth, then maybe pinched taxpayer wallets will. is a professor of political science and runs the Deportation Research Clinic at Northwestern University. JACQUELINE STEVENS Colombia’s imperiled transition Achieving lasting peace requires the removal of roadblocks for excombatants who want to leave the war behind. Adam Isacson WASHINGTON A nation’s transition from conflict to peace is something to celebrate, but it’s also an uncertain process that requires diligence and commitment. In Colombia, where a November 2016 agreement ended 52 years of bloody internal conflict, the stress is mounting. It’s affecting the whole idea of ending internal wars through negotiations. A European diplomat recently told me, “Insurgent groups in civil wars are watching Colombia to see what happens, whether the government keeps its promises.” In a recent meeting, a senior United States military officer heard concerns from some colleagues and said to me, exasperated, “Can you give an example of anywhere that a peace process has actually worked?” Colombia should be one. Last year, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia guerrilla group, or FARC, turned over its weapons to a United Nations mission, ending a war that killed about 260,000 people. Seven thousand FARC fighters reported to 26 “Territorial Spaces for Training and Reincorporation,” encampment-size zones around the country. They stayed there for about six months until last August, when they were free to go. Twenty-eight hundred more urban “militias” registered themselves, and over 3,000 guerrillas were released from prison. FARC became a political party called the Common Alternative Revolutionary Force. Vast areas of the country became safe enough to visit, and homicides plummeted to a 42-year low. After 40 years of United States-funded policing of cocaine-producing areas, herbicide spraying to destroy coca crops and the loss of many lives to drug-related violence, it became possible to talk of a permanent solution to illicit cocaine production, which fueled the violence and made the conflict a priority for Washington. However, the peace deal with FARC had only tepid support at home, even though President Juan Manuel Santos won the 2016 Nobel Peace Prize for negotiating. The guerrillas were unpopular after years of militant posturing, massacres, kidnappings, land mines and the recruitment of children. The agreement Mr. Santos reached was rejected in an October 2016 referendum, forcing a hasty renegotiation. The effort to implement the accord never recovered. It limped out of the RODRIGO ABD/ASSOCIATED PRESS A rebel fighter with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, hanging a banner of the late rebel leader Alfonso Cano in northwest Colombia, in January 2016. starting gate like a runner with a sprained ankle. The Legislature failed to pass several laws needed to keep promises made in the agreement. Ex-guerrillas languished in rural demobilization camps that the government didn’t even finish building. In the March 2018 legislative elections, the Common Alternative Revolutionary Force crashed into reality: Its candidates got a combined 0.3 percent of the national vote. The former insurgents face the possibility of more defeat if, as polls indicate might happen, an oppo- nent of the peace accord, Iván Duque, candidate for the right-wing Centro Democrático party, wins Colombia’s May 27 presidential election. The uncertainty falls heaviest on 13,000 former FARC combatants, most of them rank and file, many recruited at a very young age. Their main skill is warfare, and many have contacts in Colombia’s criminal underworld. Without help, they could slip back into violence and make much of the country ungovernable. An ungovernable Colombia would be a disaster for United States interests, because an unstable ally — Latin America’s thirdmost-populous country — could produce more cocaine, scare investors and export more organized crime. This is avoidable. Experts in disarmament, demobilization and reintegration tell us how to prevent it. A former combatant needs a basic income. He or she needs vocational training — sometimes just literacy training — or help starting a business. Psychological support helps to deal with trauma, to reconcile with victims or to learn how to disagree without fighting. Ex-combatants need someone watching them, especially if they could earn more as criminals. Alarmingly little of this is happening ISACSON, PAGE 11 .. 10 | FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION opinion Don’t fix Facebook. Replace it. A.G. SULZBERGER, Publisher Tim Wu DEAN BAQUET, Executive Editor MARK THOMPSON, Chief Executive Officer JOSEPH KAHN, Managing Editor STEPHEN DUNBAR-JOHNSON, President, International TOM BODKIN, Creative Director JEAN-CHRISTOPHE DEMARTA, Senior V.P., Global Advertising SUZANNE DALEY, Associate Editor ACHILLES TSALTAS, V.P., International Conferences CHARLOTTE GORDON, V.P., International Consumer Marketing JAMES BENNET, Editorial Page Editor HELEN KONSTANTOPOULOS, V.P., International Circulation JAMES DAO, Deputy Editorial Page Editor HELENA PHUA, Executive V.P., Asia-Pacific KATHLEEN KINGSBURY, Deputy Editorial Page Editor SUZANNE YVERNÈS, International Chief Financial Officer HUNGARY’S PERVERSION OF DEMOCRACY The country’s prime minister is part of a reactionary movement that counts Turkey’s Erdogan, Poland’s Kaczynski and Russia’s Putin among its members. On Sunday, Viktor Orban’s Fidesz party will likely cruise to another victory in Hungary’s general election, giving Mr. Orban, the reigning champion of “illiberal democracy” — a term he proudly embraces — a fourth term to pursue his assault on democratic institutions, immigrants, the European Union and anything smacking of social change. A victory will no doubt hearten the ranks of the nativist populists who take pride in being in the vanguard of an international reactionary movement. It is telling that after his ouster from the White House, Stephen Bannon went on a tour of European soul mates, during which he hailed Mr. Orban as his hero and “the most significant guy on the scene right now.” A report by The Times’s Patrick Kingsley on how Mr. Orban reached that august status offers a chilling look at the breadth of the populist assault not only on the “hardware” of democracy — constitution, judiciary, the electoral system — but also the software: the culture, civil society, education system and religious organizations. Mr. Orban’s defenders say people support him not for his populism but for his handling of the economy. Government debt and the budget deficit are down, the country’s credit rating is up, growth has almost quadrupled since 2010. What these figures do not show, though, is that many of these improvements have come through membership in the European Union, which Mr. Orban assails at every opportunity. At the same time, according to the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators, corruption has risen significantly under Mr. Orban. With national variations, Mr. Orban’s Hungary has been the template for the “authoritarianization” — the term some experts use — in Jaroslaw Kaczynski’s Poland, Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Turkey, Vladimir Putin’s Russia and in other democracies where populism has made headway. The populists, no matter how narrowly elected, assume that electoral victory was the will of the people and, in a terrible irony, a license to trample on the same democracy that raised them to power. In the end, the legitimacy accorded by the vote is both the autocrat’s entree to power and potentially his (they are all men) downfall. However strong Mr. Orban’s chances appear, he has campaigned with an intensity that betrays a touch of insecurity. Contributing Writer After years of collecting way too much data, Facebook has finally been caught in the facilitation of one privacy debacle too many. When Mark Zuckerberg, the company’s chief executive, testifies before Congress, which he plans to do this month, lawmakers will no doubt ask how Facebook might restore the public’s trust and whether it might accept some measure of regulation. Yet in the big picture, these are the wrong questions to be asking. The right question: What comes after Facebook? Yes, we have come to depend on social networks, but instead of accepting an inherently flawed Facebook monopoly, what we most need now is a new generation of social media platforms that are fundamentally different in their incentives and dedication to protecting user data. Barring a total overhaul of leadership and business model, Facebook will never be that platform. Every business has its founding DNA. Real corporate change is rare, especially when the same leaders remain in charge. In Facebook’s case, we are not speaking of a few missteps here and there, the misbehavior of a few aberrant employees. The problems are central and structural, the predicted consequences of its business model. From the day it first sought revenue, Facebook prioritized growth over any other possible goal, maximizing the harvest of data and human attention. Its promises to investors have demanded an everimproving ability to spy on and manipulate large populations of people. Facebook, at its core, is a surveillance machine, and to expect that to change is misplaced optimism. What the journalist Walter Lippmann said in 1959 of “free” TV is also true of “free” social media: It is ultimately “the creature, the servant and indeed the prostitute of merchandizing.” But social media itself isn’t going away. It has worked its way into our lives and has come to help satistify the basic human need to connect and catch up. Facebook, in fact, claims lofty goals, saying it seeks to “bring us closer together” and “build a global community.” Those are indeed noble purposes that social media can serve. But if they were Facebook’s true goals, we would not be here. The ideal competitor and successor to Facebook would be a platform that actually puts such goals first. To do so, however, it cannot be just another datahoarder, like Google Plus. If we have learned anything over the last decade, it is that advertising and data-collection models are incompatible with a trustworthy social media network. The conflicts are too formidable, the pres- sure to amass data and promise everything to advertisers is too strong for even the well-intentioned to resist. So what stands in the way of building a genuine alternative? It isn’t the technology. A good Facebook competitor needs merely to build a platform that links you with friends and allows posting of thoughts, pictures and comments. No, the real challenge is gaining a critical mass of users. Facebook, with its 2.2 billion users, will not disappear, and it has a track record of buying or diminishWe need ing its rivals (see better options Instagram and that are Foursquare). But as designed to Lyft is proving by protect our stealing market share from Uber, and privacy. as Snapchat proved by taking taking younger audiences from Facebook, “network effects” are not destiny. Now is the time for a new generation of Facebook competitors that challenge the mother ship. One set of Facebook alternatives might be provided by firms that are credibly privacy-protective, for which users would pay a small fee (perhaps 99 cents a month). In an age of “free” social media, paying might sound implausible — but keep in mind that payment better aligns the incentives of the platform with those of its users. The payment and social network might be bundled with other products such as the iPhone or the Mozilla or Brave browser. Another “alt-Facebook” could be a nonprofit that uses that status to signal its dedication to better practices, much as nonprofit hospitals and universities do. Wikipedia is a nonprofit, and it manages nearly as much traffic as Facebook, on a much smaller budget. An “alt-Facebook” could be started by Wikimedia, or by former Facebook employees, many of whom have congregated at the Center for Humane Technology, a nonprofit for those looking to change Silicon Valley’s culture. It could even be funded by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, which was created in reaction to the failures of commercial television and whose mission includes ensuring access to “telecommunications services that are commercial free and free of charge.” When a company fails, as Facebook has, it is natural for the government to demand that it fix itself or face regulation. But competition can also create pressure to do better. If today’s privacy scandals lead us merely to install Facebook as a regulated monopolist, insulated from competition, we will have failed completely. The world does not need an established church of social media. is a law professor at Columbia and the author of “The Attention Merchants: The Epic Struggle to Get Inside Our Heads.” TIM WU MR. TRUMP’S WAR ON THE TRUTH The president is deliberately undermining faith in the American press corps. Other countries are taking note. Many people, including many Republican lawmakers, dismiss President Trump’s attacks on The Washington Post, CNN and other news organizations as just one of those crazy — but ultimately harmless — things he does to blow off steam. They’re wrong. Yes, Mr. Trump hasn’t been able to implement many of his worst proposals to undermine the press. Congress hasn’t tried to change the First Amendment or pass new libel laws, for example, and journalists — including at the “failing New York Times” — regularly unearth new scandals in the Trump administration. But the president’s rhetoric is clearly having an effect in the United States and especially around the world, where political leaders have seen it as a green light to crack down on the press. Malaysian lawmakers this week passed a law that would impose prison sentences of up to six years on people found to be spreading “fake news,” an ill-defined term that will put tremendous power in the hands of government officials to punish journalists and publishers. In India, the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi proposed revoking the accreditation of journalists who traffic in “fake news” before scrapping the idea after journalists denounced it. In recent days, Mr. Trump turned his guns on The Post, accusing it of trying to advance the business interests of its owner, Jeff Bezos, and the company he founded and runs, Amazon. Much has been made of the accusations the president has hurled at Amazon’s business practices, like its unwillingness for many years to collect state and local sales taxes. Some of these practices are indeed troubling. But don’t be distracted. Mr. Trump isn’t really distressed about the coffers of state and local governments, small retailers or whether the United States Postal Service suffers losses delivering Amazon packages. He is trying to undermine the credibility of The Post because it is holding his administration to account. Such attacks on the integrity of news organizations confuse the public about what’s true. Many Republican voters have long been skeptical of the mainstream news media, but their trust in it has fallen sharply since 2016, according to the Pew Research Center. Mr. Trump is unlikely to change his ways, and his most loyal supporters will support him no matter what he does. It is up to everybody else, Republicans and Democrats alike, to stand up and speak out against his destructive attacks on the press and the truth. NOAH BERGER/ASSOCIATED PRESS The Facebook C.E.O., Mark Zuckerberg, at the company’s annual 2017 F8 Developer Conference in San Jose, Calif. How to win an argument about guns Nicholas Kristof Tragically, predictably, infuriatingly, we’re again mourning a shooting — this time at YouTube’s headquarters — even as the drive for gun safety legislation has stalled in Washington. Polls show that nine out of 10 Americans favor basic steps like universal background checks before gun purchases, but the exceptions are the president and a majority in Congress. Usually pundits toss out their own best arguments while ignoring the other side’s, but today I’m going to try something new and engage directly with the arguments made by gun advocates: You liberals are in a panic over guns, but look at the numbers. Any one gun is less likely to kill a person than any one vehicle. But we’re not traumatized by cars, and we don’t try to ban them. It’s true that any particular car is more likely to be involved in a fatality than any particular gun. But cars are actually a perfect example of the public health approach that we should apply to guns. We don’t ban cars, but we do work hard to take a dangerous product and regulate it to limit the damage. We do that through seatbelts and airbags, through speed limits and highway barriers, through driver’s licenses and insurance requirements, through crackdowns on drunken driving and texting while driving. I once calculated that since 1921, we had reduced the auto fatality rate per 100 million miles driven by 95 percent. Sure, we could have just said “cars don’t kill people, people kill people.” Or we could have said that it’s pointless to regulate cars because then bicyclists will just run each other down. Instead, we relied on evidence and data to reduce the carnage from cars. Why isn’t that a model for guns? Because of the Second Amendment. The Constitution doesn’t protect vehicles, but it does protect my right to a gun. Yes, but courts have found that the Second Amendment does not prevent sensible regulation ( just as the First Amendment does not preclude laws on defamation). There is no constitutional objection to, say, universal background checks to obtain a gun. It’s crazy that 22 percent of guns are obtained without a check. We all agree that there should be limits. No one argues that there is an individual right to own an antiaircraft gun. So the question isn’t whether firearms should all be sacrosanct but sim- ply where we draw the line. When more Americans have died from guns just since 1970 (1.4 million) than in all the wars in American history (1.3 million), maybe it’s worth rethinking where that line should be. Whoa! You’re inflating the gun More violence numbers by Americans including suicides. have died Almost two-thirds of from guns those gun deaths are just since suicides, and the blunt reality is that if 1970 than in someone wants to kill all the wars himself, he’ll find a in its history. way. It’s not about guns. Actually, that’s not true. Scholars have found that suicide barriers on bridges, for example, prevent jumpers and don’t lead to a significant increase in suicides elsewhere. Likewise, almost half of suicides in JUSTIN SULLIVAN/GETTY IMAGES Police officers responded Tuesday to a shooting at YouTube’s California headquarters. Britain used to be by asphyxiating oneself with gas from the oven, but when Britain switched to a less lethal oven gas the suicides by oven plummeted and there was little substitution by other methods. So it is about guns. No, it’s more about our violent culture. The Swiss and Israelis have large numbers of firearms, and they don’t have our levels of gun violence. Yes, there’s something to that. America has underlying social problems, and we need to address them with smarter economic and social policies. But we magnify the toll when we make it easy for troubled people to explode with AR-15s rather than with pocketknives. You liberals freak out about guns. If you have a swimming pool or a bathtub, that’s more dangerous to neighborhood kids than a gun is. Kids under age 14 are much more likely to die from drowning than from firearms. So why this crusade against guns, but not against bathtubs and pools? Your numbers are basically right, but only because young children routinely swim and take baths but don’t regularly encounter firearms. But look at the picture for the population as a whole: Over all, 3,600 Americans drown each year, while 36,000 die from guns (yes, including suicides). That’s one reason to be talking more about gun safety than about pool safety. Note also that a backyard pool isn’t going to be used to mug a neighbor, or to invade a nearby school. Schools don’t have drills for an “active pool situation.” And while some 200,000 guns are stolen each year, it’s more difficult to steal a pool and use it for a violent purpose. Moreover, we do try to make pools safer. Many jurisdictions require a permit for a pool, as well as a childproof fence around it with self-locking gates. If we have permits and safe storage requirements for pools, why not for guns? What’s wrong with trying to save lives? .. FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 | 11 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION opinion Trump was a vehicle The trouble with ‘illiberal democracy’ MÜLLER, FROM PAGE 1 cy as long as the government does not stuff the ballot boxes on Election Day, it is crucial to insist that democracy itself is being damaged. Unless this point is understood, Mr. Orban will continue the perfidious game he likes to play with international critics in particular: He does not mind being called “illiberal”; he relishes it. For liberalism is supposedly just a matter of subjective value choices: Liberals, he and his defenders will say, simply do not like his conservative family policies, his defense of strong nation-states inside the European Union and, most of all, his complete rejection of immigration. Of course, one can legitimately disagree about these issues in a democracy. But by focusing all attention on them, Mr. Orban has remade what should be a debate about democratic institutions into yet another culture war. (This is a strategy Trumpists are also discovering.) Once the conflict has been declared a matter of subjective values, it becomes easy to accuse the liberals of being the real illiberals. Even though they are supposed to be the defenders of diversity, they cannot tolerate an ethnic nationalist like Mr. Orban, who seeks to deviate from a supposed Western mainstream of multiculturalism. A number of observers are even willing to concede that “illiberal democracy” might be a somewhat legitimate reaction to undemocratic liberalism. The European Union appears as an obvious instance of a liberal technocracy against which “the will of the people” needs to be asserted. But the European Union prescribes neither a uniform legislative stance on controversial questions like same-sex marriage nor a single model of democracy. Its members just have to be demoA democracy cratic enough. can have When European illiberal Union leaders have policies, but criticized Hungary it cannot do and, more recently, Poland, those counwithout basic tries’ governments political have countered that liberties and they are defending protections. national sovereignty against liberal diktats from Brussels. The Union has played into their hands by suggesting that it is only concerned about the liberal rule of law. The European Union thus gives the impression that democracy will always be taken care of by the nation-state; and the technocratic liberal repair crew from Brussels only makes a call in a European capital, if there is a malfunction with the rule of law (hence the undermining of political rights and independ- ent institutions appears like a technical glitch, not as the conscious authoritarian project it actually is.) The notion of “illiberal democracy” has also made it easier for European elites to claim that the people themselves have unfortunately turned out to be illiberal and brought these authoritarian governments on themselves. Eastern Europeans, we are often told, are culturally different — code for thinking that they lag behind Western liberal enlightenment. But the citizens who brought Mr. Orban and the current Polish government to power actually did exactly what democratic theory would have counseled them to do: In two-party systems, they threw out the one major party that had a poor record and instead voted for politicians who, in both cases, presented themselves as moderate mainstream conservatives. The latter never revealed — or won an electoral mandate for — their real agenda, of perpetuating themselves in power by attacking the institutions that underpin democracy. Is all this just a matter of words? Thinkers like George Orwell and Hannah Arendt never tired of warning that the political catastrophes of the 20th century began with euphemisms and imprecise language. A democracy can have illiberal policies, but it cannot do without basic political liberties and protections. We are doing Mr. Orban a great favor by accepting him as any kind of democrat. The designation “democracy” still remains the most coveted political prize around the world. In what can only be called an unforced error, we are giving that prize to leaders who not only devalue it, but are also busy destroying the thing itself. This election is probably the last before Hungary shifts from what is already a deeply damaged democracy to what political scientists would call a full-blown electoral autocracy. Elections would still be held in the future, but a real turnover of power would be impossible. Thus the weekend’s ballot is also a test as to whether there can be an autocracy inside the European Union, a self-declared club of democracies. Last week, in a sentencing memorandum for the lawyer Alex Van Der Zwaan, the special counsel’s office noted that Rick Gates and “Person A” — an unnamed figure who has ties to a “Russian intelligence service and had such ties in 2016” — “were directly communicating in September and October 2016.” What coverage there was of this staggering claim — evidence of a direct link between a member of Donald Trump’s campaign and Russian intelligence — and the Van Der Zwaan filing was quickly overtaken by controversy over the president’s relationship with an adult film star. It’s been a year since I testified to the Senate Select Intelligence Committee on Russian interference in the presidential election of 2016. The revelations from Robert Mueller’s indictments since then have provided so much clarity on how Russia interfered in our democracy — yet Americans seem more confused about the question of possible collusion with Russia. That is, in a way, by design — Russia’s design. Its infiltration and influence on America is difficult to understand, even with vastly more detail about Russia’s influence efforts. A lot of the focus on the Mueller investigation has fallen on Donald Trump: Did he obstruct the investigation? Was he a “Manchurian Candidate” or just a Russian ally, by ideology or business interests? In my view, as a former F.B.I. special agent who has watched the Kremlin’s infiltration of America since 2014, the answer may be neither. A standard Russian approach would have been to influence Mr. Trump through surrogates like Mr. Gates and Paul Manafort rather than through direct command through an individual — in this case, the candidate and then president. Russian intelligence develops options and pathways over many years; as objectives arise — like the election of Mr. Trump — they focus and engage all available touch points. The revelation last week about Mr. Gates’s connection is another piece of evidence to support that view. Russia’s efforts to influence, known by the Kremlin moniker Active Measures, did not seek a single pathway into the MLADEN ANTONOV/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES The Kremlin’s Spasskaya Tower and the State Historical Museum in Moscow. Trump team. Instead, they targeted a wide spectrum of influential Americans to subtly nudge their preferred policy into the mainstream and sideline foreign opponents. Russian intelligence services establish campaign objectives and compromise foreign targets through espionage, but their principal focus is to The Kremlin’s recruit agents of influence. election Typically, the meddling was Kremlin deploys part of an layers of surrogates effort to and proxies offering influence and business induceengage a web ments, information of Americans, or threatened reprisals that can individnot just one. ually be explained away by coincidence while masking the strings and guiding hands of the Kremlin’s puppet masters and their objectives. When called upon by the Kremlin, oligarchs, contractors, criminals and spies (current or former) all provide levers for advancing President Vladimir Putin’s assault on democracies. In Trump and his campaign, Mr. Putin spotted a golden opportunity — an easily ingratiated celebrity motivated by fame and fortune, a foreign policy novice surrounded by unscreened opportunists open to manipulation and unaware of Russia’s long run game of subversion. Mr. Putin has succeeded where his Soviet forefathers failed by leveraging money and cyberspace to subtly infiltrate and influence Americans while maintaining plausible deniability of their efforts. And the Kremlin’s ground game “cut outs” — intermediaries who facilitate communication between agents — conducted a more complex game. Each Mueller indictment and investigative lead illuminates more Kremlin influence avenues into President Trump’s inner circle. Mr. Van Der Zwaan, whose father-in-law is the Russian oligarch German Khan, lied to investigators about his conversations with Mr. Gates, the Trump deputy campaign manager, and a Person A, whom the F.B.I. assessed as a Russian intelligence agent and many believe to be Konstantin Kilimnik, an associate of both Mr. Gates and Mr. Manafort, a Trump campaign manager. Evidence of Russia’s intent to interfere in the election is overwhelming, and documentation of Trump campaign members’ collusion not only exists but is growing. The special counsel’s investigation into collusion ultimately comes down to two questions. First, did President Trump or any member of his campaign willingly coordinate their actions with Russia? And did President Trump or any member of his campaign knowingly coordinate their action with Russia? Trump campaign members certainly colluded with Russian influence efforts, some willingly, some possibly knowingly. The president denies the Kremlin’s hand, either still unaware or in denial of being manipulated by Mr. Putin’s minions. For Mr. Putin, it’s likely everything he hoped for — America riddled with political infighting and mired in investigations, a weakened NATO alliance vulnerable to aggression and a United States president seeking his adoration, obstinate and ignorant of the great caper the Kremlin just orchestrated. The problem for the president is that ignorance is not immunity. The problem for America is that ignorance of Russian interference is vulnerability. is the Robert A. Fox fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute, a former F.B.I. special agent and author of the forthcoming book “Messing With The Enemy: Surviving in a Social Media World of Hackers, Terrorists, Russians and Fake News.” CLINT WATTS ART DESIGN PORCELAIN is a professor of politics at Princeton University and the author of “Contesting Democracy: Political Ideas in Twentieth-Century Europe,” among other books. JAN-WERNER MÜLLER PETER KOHALMI/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES A banner depicting Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary, center, President Janos Ader, right, and the minister of human resources, Zoltan Balog, left, in Budapest, in March. Colombia’s imperiled transition ISACSON, FROM PAGE 9 in Colombia. Ex-guerrillas are getting a two-year stipend of $220 per month and little else. Just under 200 have been trained as bodyguards and are now protecting former FARC leaders. Some have received a few months of basic education, and many got a few days of vocational training or the possibility of participating in farming projects, few of which have begun. Because of what Colombia’s United Nations verification mission calls “growing frustration with the lack of opportunities,” most ex-guerrillas have left the 26 demobilization zones. Eight thousand were there last May, but by November, there were perhaps 3,600. There are fewer today, and it’s nobody’s job to know where the rest are. Between 1,000 and 1,500 (including some new recruits) have returned to the jungle as “dissident” groups. They are once again enriching themselves from cocaine, illegal mining and extortion, intimidating the population and attacking the security forces. FARC shares some of the blame. It wanted “collective reintegration” to keep its cadres together in rural areas. But its leaders weren’t clear about how they wanted this collective model to work, and the government didn’t want it at all. Sixty percent of ex-FARC guerrillas say they want to be farmers, as part of rural cooperatives. Now the FARC is asking for 67 plots of land around the country, covering just 5,000 hectares (12,400 acres). The cost of reintegration shouldn’t be a roadblock. Whether for land, training or busywork, funding an excombatant at four times Colombia’s gross domestic product per capita would cost $25,000 per year. Multiplied by 13,000 guerrillas, that would be $325 million per year. That’s less than 0.4 percent of Colombia’s national government budget for 2018. Foreign donors can help. But as it’s interpreting current law, the United States government can’t buy even a cup of coffee for a former FARC member, because the Common Alternative Revolutionary Force, the political party that sprang from FARC, is on the State Department’s list of foreign terrorist organizations. Any aid — even for reintegration — is interpreted as “material support for terrorists” under United States law. Taking a group off the terrorist list is a slow process, and FARC will remain on it for a while. The question is whether the “material support” provision should continue to apply to all individual ex-combatants. If someone with skills for making war wants to leave them behind and is resisting the lure of crime, it’s in the United States’ interest to help him or her to do that. The United States should be able to help ex-guerrillas who are not top leaders, not wanted by American justice, not awaiting trial for war crimes and reasonably believed to have abandoned violence. At least 7,000 people fit these criteria and need attention. But the number shrinks every day, as ex-guerrillas abandon the process and melt into the countryside. Peace processes are fragile, but they can and do work. Negotiated agreements save years of bloodshed and are an honorable endeavor. Past experience offers rich lessons for reintegrating ex-combatants. Colombia and its friends must heed these lessons and prove the skeptics wrong. is director for defense oversight at the Washington Office on Latin America. ADAM ISACSON NEW SHOWROOM GALLERY 2, place de la Manufacture 92310 Sèvres 4, place André Malraux 75001 Paris www.sevresciteceramique.fr Table by Doshi Levien and “Service Archipel” by Adeline André / © Philippe Fragnières / Sèvres - Cité de la céramique Clint Watts .. 12 | FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION well Those 2-minute walks add up to good health Fitness GRETCHEN REYNOLDS Walk for two minutes. Repeat 15 times. Or walk for 10 minutes, thrice. The benefits for longevity appear to be almost the same, according to an inspiring new study of physical activity patterns and life spans. It finds that exercise does not have to be prolonged to be beneficial. It just has to be frequent. Most of us who are interested in health know that United States government exercise guidelines recommend that we work out moderately for at least 30 minutes per day at least five times per week to reduce our risks of developing many diseases or dying prematurely. These guidelines also recommend that we accumulate those 30 minutes of daily exercise in bouts lasting for at least 10 minutes at a time. The guidelines, first published in 2008, were based on the best exercise science available at the time, including several studies indicating that if exerExercise cise sessions were does not briefer than 10 minutes, they would not have to be increase people’s prolonged aerobic fitness, to be meaning their athbeneficial. letic endurance. It just has to But improving be frequent. endurance is not the same thing as improving health. So when scientists and governmental regulators recently began planning a major update to the 2008 exercise guidelines, they decided, as part of their research, to gather the latest studies about exercise bouts and how long workouts should last in order to benefit health. Somewhat to their surprise, they found only a few relevant, large-scale, recent studies, and most of these relied on people’s notoriously unreliable memories of how active they had been. So, some of the scientists working on the new exercise guidelines decided that they would need to mount a major new study themselves. They began by looking for reliable and objective data about ordinary people’s exercise habits. They found it in the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey, conducted annually for decades by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. It details the lifestyles and health of tens of thousands of American men and women. Since 2002, some of the participants in the survey have worn accelerometers to precisely track how much and when they move throughout the day. For the new study, which was pub- lished last month in the Journal of the American Heart Association, the scientists chose data about 4,840 men and women past the age of 40 who had worn activity trackers. Using the accelerometer readouts, the scientists determined how many minutes per day, in total, each person had spent in moderate or vigorous physical activity. They defined moderate activity as, in essence, brisk walking, and vigorous activity, which was rare, as workouts similar to jogging. The researchers also looked at how long each session of physical activity had continued. If a single session went on for more than five minutes, it was considered to be a “bout” of exercise. If it were shorter than five minutes, it was considered to be sporadic physical activity, such as walking down the hallway or up a brief flight of stairs. (Originally, the scientists had planned to focus on 10-minute exercise bouts, as currently recommended, but so few of the 4,840 people were active for 10 minutes at a time that the researchers lowered their definition of an exercise “bout” to five minutes.) Finally, they crosschecked death records to determine whether and when participants died through 2011. The scientists found that moving strongly influenced longevity. The men and women who were the least physically active, exercising moderately for fewer than 20 minutes a day, were at the highest risk of premature death. Those who moved more often, especially if they managed about an hour in total of physical activity over the course of the day, cut their mortality risk in half, the researchers found. And it did not matter how they accumulated those minutes. If people walked continuously for five minutes or longer, meaning in exercise bouts, they lowered their risk of dying young. But they gained the same benefit if they walked sporadically in short but repeated spurts, as long as they moved often. “The message is that all physical activity counts,” says Dr. William Kraus, a professor at Duke University who conducted the study with researchers from the National Cancer Institute. “The little things that people do every day,” like walking from their cars to the office or climbing a flight of stairs, “can and do add up and affect the risk for disease and death,” he says. Of course, this was an epidemiological study, meaning that it can show only that more physical activity is associated with a longer life, not that it directly causes people to live longer. But the results, which will be considered as scientists and experts plan changes later this year to the formal exercise guidelines, are encouraging, Dr. Kraus says. “If you can’t go for a long walk,” he says, “a few short walks are likely to be just as good for you.” SPENCER PLATT/GETTY IMAGES NORTH AMERICA Long walks are known to have health benefits. But it turns out that short walks have the same benefits, as long as those walks are frequent. ESTHER AARTS Measuring testosterone Within the normal range, increasing your count isn’t likely to have much effect BY RANDI HUTTER EPSTEIN Getting a high testosterone reading offers bragging rights for some men of a certain age — and may explain, in part, the lure of testosterone supplements. But once you are within a normal range, does your level of testosterone, the male hormone touted as building energy, libido and confidence, really tell you that much? Probably not, experts say. Normal testosterone levels in men range from about 300 to 1,000 nanograms per deciliter of blood. Going from one number within the normal zone to another one may not pack much of a punch. “You don’t see the big improvement, once men are within the normal range,” said Dr. Shalender Bhasin, an endocrinologist and professor of medicine at Harvard Medical School. The largest differences in terms of energy and sex drive are when men go from below normal to normal levels. A 2015 study in the Journal of the American Medical Association found that sex drive improved among men who went from about 230, considered low, to 500, around the middle of what’s considered normal. There was no difference among men who moved within the normal range from 300 to 500. Testosterone does influence muscle size. The more testosterone a man takes, the larger the muscle — regardless of starting level, which is one reason the hormone is popular with young bodybuilders. But testosterone supplements do not seem to help frail older men walk farther or get out of chairs more easily, goals that doctors typically look for in aiding older patients. Beginning at age 30, testosterone levels drop, on average, about 1 percent a year. About 5 percent of men 50 to 59 have low levels of testosterone along with symptoms like loss of libido and sluggishness, according to a few small studies. The United States Food and Drug Administration approves testosterone gels and shots only for men with levels under 300, including those who have diseases that cause hormone levels to plummet, such as a pituitary tumor or injury to the testicles. Those men are truly lacking the hormone, so returning the levels to normal can help restore sex drive and energy. Insurance companies typically require two morning testosterone readings of less than 300 nanograms per deciliter plus symptoms of low testosterone before they reimburse for supplements. In March, The Journal of Clinical Endocrinology and Metabolism published the Endocrine Society’s latest guidelines, which concur with the F.D.A. The group stated that testosterone therapy should be given only for men who have proven low levels of testosterone and avoided in men who have had a stroke or heart attack within the previous six months or who are at high risk for prostate cancer. But testosterone numbers are far from an exact science. Keith Hall, a 48-year-old petrochemical operator from Baytown, Tex., sought out a men’s health doctor at Baylor College of Medicine because he was tired and lacked libido. His initial level was below normal, around 202. The urologist he ended up seeing, Dr. Alexander Pastuszak, offered him testosterone shots that raised his levels into the normal range and made him feel better. Edward Blake, a 53-year-old forklift driver from Houston, sought out the same doctor for the same reasons. His testosterone measured 450, within the normal range. “I was feeling kind of tired and stuff, but after the third shot, I’m lifting things with no problem,” said Mr. Blake. He said in addition to feeling stronger, his sex drive improved. Dr. Pastuszak said he primarily prescribes testosterone to men in the F.D.A.’s low category but will sometimes let other men with symptoms try it. “If you have these guys in the mid range and you put them on it, the majority will say they want to stay on it,” he said, adding that most men will say it makes them feel better and boosts their sex drive. But is that the power of suggestion or the power of the hormone? The largest differences in terms of energy and sex drive are when men go from below normal to normal levels. “The reality is, we don’t have the answer,” said Dr. Pastuszak, noting that there’s a big gray area. “I have to take their word that they feel better on it, whether that’s real or whether it’s placebo.” Complicating matters, testosterone levels fluctuate, peaking around 8 a.m. and diminishing throughout the day. Levels tend to be lowest around 8 in the evening, then climb during the night. The peaks and valleys are larger for men 40 and younger compared with men in their 70s. (For a 40-year-old, a morning testosterone reading may be 200 points higher than in the evening, versus a 50-point difference for a 70year-old.) And all sorts of things can nudge levels in either direction. Resistance training increases levels, as does a high-intensity workout. Even watching your favorite sports team win can nudge numbers up, as a 1998 study that measured testosterone among basketball fans before and after a game found. (Testosterone levels declined among those rooting for the losers.) Still, any gains from such activities tend to be fleeting; levels generally return to the individual’s normal within a halfhour or so. And just as there are things men can do to increase levels, there are activities that lower testosterone scores. Endurance exercises, such as marathon training or cycling long distances, can lower levels, as can stress. Dr. Bhasin said that the kind of training endured by special armed forces — tough exercise, lack of sleep and food — can cause testosterone to drop to the levels of men who have been castrated — lower than 50. Obesity causes testosterone levels to plummet — while losing 10 percent of body fat can increase levels by 100 points. Even taking care of the kids for several hours can cause levels to drop, a study in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences reported. Flu and other viral illnesses can also cause levels to drop, so you should hold off testing until you’re fully recovered. As for alcohol, a few beers won’t make a difference in the short term. But the liver damage by chronic alcohol abuse thwarts the production of testosterone. Further complicating matters, every testosterone-making lab has its own methods of calculating testosterone, so a man may register 300 with one company’s machine but 400 with another. To find a reputable lab, patients can refer to a website from the United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention that lists accredited laboratories. So what about the man who reaches a top reading of 1,000? Just learning about the score might make him feel so good it improves his confidence and libido. But that doesn’t mean the effect is a result of changes in his hormone chemistry. Randi Hutter Epstein is the author of the forthcoming “Aroused: A History of Hormones and How They Control Just About Everything.” To raise resilient children, be a resilient parent Experts say meltdowns need to be taken in stride, even if that’s a challenge BY EMILY F. POPEK As parents, we want our children to be emotionally resilient — able to handle life’s ups and downs. But parents’ ability to foster resilience in our children hinges a great deal on our own emotional resilience. “A parent’s resilience serves as a template for a child to see how to deal with challenges, how to understand their own emotions,” said Dr. Dan Siegel, author of “The Yes Brain,” which focuses on cultivating children’s resilience. Yet for many parents, taking the temper tantrums and meltdowns in stride presents a challenge — especially if we have unrealistic expectations of what childhood is really all about. “Part of it is this idea that we have that parenthood should be this amazing, blissful, perfect culmination of our hopes and dreams,” said Katherine Reynolds Lewis, author of the forthcom- ing book “The Good News About Bad Behavior.” Ms. Lewis said that anger, tears and other outbursts are a natural part of any child’s development — what she calls “the messiness of childhood.” But parents who are unable or unwilling to confront that messiness may view their child’s outbursts as a problem that urgently needs to be solved. When that happens, Laura Markham, a clinical psychologist and editor of the site AhaParenting.com, said: “We ridicule kids, we blame them, we tell them it’s their own fault; we isolate them by sending them to their rooms.” The nature of the parent’s response may vary, Dr. Markham said, but the message is the same — that anger, sadness and frustration are unacceptable. This, Dr. Markham noted, is the opposite of resilience; instead, it’s a fragile rigidity that leaves both parent and child fearful that outsize emotions could shatter them. In contrast to this fragility, parents who don’t flinch from the power of emotions like anger have a greater capacity to absorb challenging interactions with their children, said Dr. Siegel, who is ex- ecutive director of the Mindsight Institute. And don’t worry if this kind of resilience doesn’t come naturally, he said — with practice, it gets easier. Here are some tips for making those difficult interactions easier to absorb: Resilience depends on an understanding that emotions — even those that are considered “negative,” like sadness or anger — aren’t a problem to be fixed. TAKE A BREATH To respond thoughtfully to our child’s outbursts, we have to first silence the alarm bells going off inside our head. Dr. Markham coaches parents to “hit the pause button” before taking any action, even in the face of a screaming child. In her research, Ms. Lewis learned that parents and children often synchronize their heart rates, breathing and other physiological functions, so calming ourselves down can have a measurable, physical effect on our child — not to mention on our own ability to face a situation calmly. this way?” may be a more useful question, especially when our buttons are getting pushed. “Notice what’s happening with you, and start to take responsibility for it,” Dr. Markham suggested. SET BOUNDARIES WITH COMPASSION don’t last forever; there’s a beginning, middle and end to all of them,” said Carla Naumburg, a clinical social worker and author of “Ready, Set, Breathe: Practicing Mindfulness With Your Children for Fewer Meltdowns and a More Peaceful Family.” More than that, allowing ourselves — and our children — to experience and express a full range of emotions is vital to our well-being. Dr. Markham noted that it is actually when we don’t express our emotions that we lose control of them — not the other way around. Establishing and holding the line on boundaries can lead to some of the most unpleasant moments in the parent-child relationship — but approaching those moments with compassion and kindness goes a long way toward keeping your blood pressure down. Dr. Markham and Dr. Naumburg suggested verbally acknowledging your child’s feelings and comforting him or her doesn’t have to mean giving in to their demands. “There are times when I will sit with my daughter in my lap, as she’s crying, and snuggle her as I’m saying ‘no’ to her,” Dr. Naumburg said. “She’s still crying, but we’re still connected.” GET CURIOUS EXAMINE YOUR YESES AND NOS So often as parents, we ask “why” questions about unwanted behavior (“Why can’t he remember to put his socks in the hamper?”). But Dr. Naumburg said that asking ourselves “Why am I responding Susan Newman, a social psychologist and author of “The Book of No: 365 Ways To Say It and Mean It,” said parents should be especially mindful of the times you’re most likely to give in to LET EMOTIONS HAPPEN Resilience depends on an understanding that emotions — even those considered “negative,” like sadness, grief or anger — aren’t a problem to be fixed, but a natural consequence of being human. “The thing about emotions is that they your child’s outburst. “If you can recognize what triggers you to an automatic ‘yes,’ it’s time to step back and say, ‘Hold it a minute, why am I doing this?’” Dr. Newman suggested. “We’re living in this culture of ‘yes’ parenting,” Dr. Newman said, “and it’s easier to say yes than to deal with a child’s meltdown.” But parents can consider, “How will a ‘no’ help?” as a way to explore the reason for a particular boundary so that you and your child can better understand it. GET SOME DISTANCE When we identify closely with our children, or rely on them as a barometer of our own self-worth, we set ourselves up for disappointment (or worse) when things don’t go exactly as we planned. “Our egos are very tied up in our parenting,” said Julie Lythcott-Haims, author of “How to Raise an Adult.” Dr. Naumburg noted that this is partially informed by a cultural narrative that suggests that “If the kids are not O.K., then it’s because we parents have done something wrong.” As Ms. Lythcott-Haims put it, “If we can get a life, maybe our kids can have one too.” .. 14 | FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION Culture Buying art without breaking the bank PARIS By acquiring drawings, collectors obtain originality but don’t pay a fortune BY SCOTT REYBURN There is an ocean of lower-priced art and collectibles that are not often featured in live auctions at Sotheby’s and Christie’s, or in media coverage of a market whose newsworthiness generally depends on dizzying salesroom highs. It is an ocean into which the vast majority of individuals who would like to buy art can afford to dip their toes. So where can value be found? “Drawings are a very good way to enter the market,” said David Breuer-Weil, a London-based artist who was among many collectors in Paris recently for the 27th annual Salon du Dessin and its accompanying auctions. “It’s not a compromise: A drawing is the essence of artistic creation,” Mr. Breuer-Weil added. “You can get close to an artist you admire in a way that’s affordable.” An internationally exhibited artist who buys drawings by modernist masters such as Cézanne, Matisse and Picasso, Mr. Breuer-Weil is hardly an entry-level collector. But the week of the Salon du Dessin is the one time of year anyone interested in buying a drawing is seriously spoiled for choice. On March 21, for example, the French auction house Artcurial held a 195-lot sale of old master and 19th-century art. About a quarter of the works were drawings estimated at less than 5,000 euros, or about $6,200. Among these was a red and white chalk study from about 1600 by the Dutch Mannerist artist Abraham Bloemaert of a flying putto firing a bow. The double-sided drawing — a study of a basket of flowers is on the reverse — was bought for €3,900, with fees, by Daniel Vanel, a doctor and collector based in Bologna, Italy, who owns about 100 old master drawings. “No one wants the average things,” Mr. Vanel said as he watched the auction. “And the best things are getting more and more expensive.” As if to prove the point, three lots after the Bloemaert, a pen-and-brown-ink drawing of the Crucifixion by the 17thcentury Dutch artist Samuel van Hoogstraten was bought in the salesroom by the international dealer Bob Haboldt for €319,000. The drawing, traditionally attributed to Rembrandt (in whose studio van Hoogstraten VIA ARTUR RAMON MAUS CONTEMPORARY Clockwise from above: a drawing from 1972 by the American artist Eugene J. Martin; “On the Terrace of the Villa Mondragone,” an 18th-century drawing by Claude-Joseph Vernet; and a chalk study from about 1600 by the Dutch artist Abraham Bloemaert. trained), had been estimated at €40,000 to €60,000. This was the quality of drawing that exhibitors hung in their booths at the Salon du Dessin, which Mr. Vanel described as a “museum where you can buy, if you’re rich.” The long-established centerpiece of the French capital’s “Drawing Week,” the Salon du Dessin is held in the grandiose Palais Brongniart, a former stock exchange. This year, the fair featured 39 dealers and attracted 14,500 visitors over six days, an attendance that was 11.5 percent higher than the previous year, according to the organizers. “This is the best fair in the world for drawings,” said Artur Ramon Navarro, director of Artur Ramon Art, a dealership in Barcelona, Spain, who was exhibiting at his ninth salon. “But the market is very selective. Collectors are look- ing for top-quality drawings that have solid attributions, are in good condition and are fresh to the market.” Mr. Ramon Navarro ticked those boxes with a rediscovered Claude-Joseph Vernet pen-and-ink drawing, “On the Terrace of the Villa Mondragone,” which was sold for €150,000 to a French collector at the opening of the fair. Mr. Ramon Navarro had acquired the atmospheric 18th-century drawing, showing an Italian country house, from a private collection; scholars have accepted it as a previously unrecorded work by Vernet, who lived in Rome. Another discovery at the salon was a haunting red chalk head of John the Baptist, which the Paris dealer Galerie de Bayser had identified as a study for the circa 1520 painting “Salome” by Cesare da Sesto, a follower of Leonardo da Vinci. An American collector bought it at ARTCURIAL the start of the fair for a price between €400,000 and €500,000, according to the gallery’s director, Louis de Bayser. But were there enough specialist buyers during the week of the fair to support the sheer quantity of material? At the same time as the Salon du Dessin, contemporary artists were showcased by 72 dealers at the 12th edition of the Drawing Now Art Fair. There were also auctions at Sotheby’s and Christie’s and at the Hôtel Drouot salesroom complex, as well as various dealer shows. At the auctions, thanks to competition between specialist dealers and collectors, the more important works fetched reassuringly high prices, and overall selling rates were healthy enough. On March 22, Sotheby’s held its second annual works on paper auction during the salon, netting €5.8 million from 141 lots, with 74 percent of the lots successful. Works by modern masters predictably dominated, with a top price of €669,000 given for a large 1950s Chagall watercolor of newlyweds and a bouquet of flowers in a moonlit window. Smaller drawings by major names such as Paul Delvaux and Paul Signac were selling for less than €10,000. “A lot of the market is driven by financial concerns. People want big iconic works,” said Mr. Breuer-Weil, the British artist and collector. “If you buy a drawing, you can get a work by the artist for a 200th of the price of a painting.” Across town at the Drawing Now fair, there was also value to be had from contemporary artists who focused solely on draftsmanship. The Birmingham, Ala., dealer Maus Contemporary represents the estate of the African-American artist Eugene J. Martin, whose works have been acquired by a number of regional museums in the United States. In the 1960s and ’70s, Martin, who was influenced by European modernism, was too poor to buy painting materials, so he instead made small-scale abstracts on paper. A striking Constructivist figure made in 1972 during the protests over the Vietnam War was bought by a French collector for €4,000. “The French have a romantic attachment with the nobility of paper,” Guido H. Maus, the gallery’s director, said, referring to France’s long tradition of collecting drawings and prints, reflected in the number of specialist galleries that are a distinctive feature of Paris. A drawing by Bloemaert or Martin might not impress a hedge fund manager who comes for dinner. But as the prices for paintings by blue-chip names soar far beyond the reach of the average collector, “Drawing Week” is a welcome reminder that there are approachable ways to live with original art. Intellectual caught up in a furor A leading French thinker calls a claim that she was a spy ‘a barefaced lie’ BY JENNIFER SCHUESSLER AND BORYANA DZHAMBAZOVA Julia Kristeva, at 76, is one of Europe’s most decorated public intellectuals. Her more than 30 books have covered topics including linguistics, psychoanalysis, literary theory and feminism. Her many prestigious honors include the Vaclav Havel Prize, the Hannah Arendt Prize and Commander of the Legion of Honor in France. But now, a furor has arisen over whether it is time to add a more surprising line to her résumé: Bulgarian secret agent. The notion surfaced last week, when the Bulgarian government commission charged with reviewing the files of the country’s notorious Communist-era secret service released a terse document alleging that the Bulgarian-born Ms. Kristeva, who has lived in France since 1966, had served in the early 1970s as an agent known by the code name “Sabina.” The allegation was greeted with shocked disbelief by those immersed in the work of Ms. Kristeva, who is known for her staunch defense of European democratic ideals and opposition to all “totalitarianisms,” as she puts it, whether state Communism, Americanstyle identity politics or religious fundamentalism. The mystery only deepened three days later, when the commission, in response to intense international interest, took the unusual step of posting online the entire dossier on Ms. Kristeva. The hundreds of pages of documents include Ms. Kristeva’s supposed registration card as an agent of Bulgaria’s former Committee for State Security and extensive reports of alleged conversations with her handlers in Parisian cafes and restaurants between 1971 and 1973. But there is not a single intelligence-related document written or signed by her. In an interview before the dossier’s release, Ms. Kristeva vigorously dismissed the accusation as “fake news” and a “barefaced lie” — “mud being slung at me,” she said, by unspecified people who wished her harm. IZIANA FABI/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES The writer Julia Kristeva, who a Bulgarian government commission alleges was a secret agent in the 1970s. After the release, she reiterated her denials in another interview. She had never been approached by anyone claiming to be a State Security agent, she said emphatically, and certainly never agreed to collaborate. “These allegations are completely false,” she said, speaking in French. “I find it quite extraordinary that the commission, which read these allegations, never thought that the secret services could have been lying.” To Ms. Kristeva’s defenders, the case is murky, recalling something out of Franz Kafka — or perhaps one of her own murder mystery novels, which mix racy conspiracy plots with heady metaphysical speculation. “Everyone is trying to keep an open mind, but nobody who knows anything about her or her work believes this,” said Alice Jardine, a French literature professor at Harvard who is writing an intellectual biography of Ms. Kristeva. Instead of showing that Ms. Kristeva was a spy, she added, the dossier — which also includes intercepted letters and other surveillance of Ms. Kristeva — shows “how she was targeted and spied upon.” In Bulgaria, where opinion is divided, the case has stirred debate about what counts as collaboration and about the reliability of the state security archives. Some have argued that Ms. Kristeva might have spoken to agents without realizing it. Others have called the evidence insufficient and have expressed doubt about the fairness of the procedure for branding someone a collaborator. (After the release of the dossier, the commission announced that its web- site had been attacked by hackers.) Martin Dimitrov, a Bulgarian political scientist at Tulane University who has written about State Security, said the documents did seem to show that Ms. Kristeva knowingly, if not enthusiastically, shared information on French intellectual and political life with the agency. But her handlers, he noted, frequently complained about her lack of commitment, and in 1973 dropped her as an associate after deeming most of the information she provided “of little interest.” “Was she a spy? State Security thought so; she says otherwise,” Mr. Dimitrov said. “This raises a question that is more moral than legal: Namely, who is a spy?” Ms. Kristeva was born in Sliven, Bulgaria, in 1941, to Christian Orthodox parents. In the recent documentary “Who’s Afraid of Julia Kristeva?” she describes arriving in Paris in late 1965 to study literature on a French government scholarship, with the equivalent of $5 in her pocket. By 1971, the year of her alleged recruitment, she was established and well connected enough to be deemed a useful source of information by State Security. She was writing prolifically and was part of a group of politically engaged intellectuals around the avant-garde journal Tel Quel, including the critic Roland Barthes, the novelist Philippe Sollers (whom Ms. Kristeva married in 1967) and the philosopher Jacques Derrida. The radical politics and intellectual glamour of that generation of French intellectuals were sent up in Laurent Binet’s recent novel “The Seventh Function of Language,” which imagined them as theory-addled James Bond wannabes embroiled in a conspiracy around the death of Mr. Barthes (who, in real life, died in 1980 after being hit by a laundry van). In one scene, Ms. Kristeva coolly confesses to murdering Mr. Barthes. There are also numerous deaths by poisontipped umbrellas, a riff on the famous case of the Bulgarian dissident Georgi Markov, who was assassinated in London in 1978. The spycraft described in Ms. Kristeva’s dossier is far less dramatic. In January 1971, she reportedly asked to give testimony only orally, rather than in writing, and her handlers, who are identified by code names, agreed. In multiple reported meetings be- tween that year and 1973, Ms. Kristeva allegedly offered information on French political and intellectual figures, Arab progressive movements, Bulgarian émigrés and other subjects, most of which is deemed “of little interest.” (Among other things, she reports back on a Bulgarian national who had a stomachache.) The operatives expressed dismay when Ms. Kristeva and Mr. Sollers signed a petition in Le Monde in 1972 protesting repression in Czechoslovakia. By that time, the Tel Quel group, like others on the French left, had broken with the pro-Soviet French Communist Party in the wake of the crushing of the Prague Spring, and turned toward Maoism. According to the dossier, the agency formally released Ms. Kristeva from the ranks in 1973 after handlers cited frustration with her “completely pro-Maoist” politics and her general lack of commitment. But operatives continued to communicate with her as late as 1978 with the hope of reactivating her. The allegation was greeted with disbelief by those immersed in the work of Ms. Kristeva, known for defending democratic ideals. At various points in the dossier, she is described as requesting travel permission for her parents, who were still in Bulgaria, and sister, who was in France on a limited visa. In 1976, after she wrote a letter to a government office complaining that her parents were not allowed to visit their new grandson in Paris, a document reads: “Sabina is employing the same tactics once again — trying to get something from us without giving anything in return.” In the interview after the release of the dossier, Ms. Kristeva acknowledged that she had known Vladimir Kostov, a former Bulgarian spy who is described in one document as having met with her in France in the 1960s to “psychologically prepare” her for possible work as an agent, and who some have suggested might also have been behind one of the code names in the dossier. (After defecting, Mr. Kostov survived an apparent poison umbrella attack in the Paris Metro in 1978.) But she said she was unaware that Mr. Kostov — whom she had worked with at a newspaper in Bulgaria, and recalled encountering again in Paris around 1974 or 1975 — had worked with State Security. As for the commission, she said it had put too much trust in the story the dossier told. “They saw it as a document, and not as a manipulation,” she said. Since 2007, when the state security files were opened, there have been questions about material that may have been redacted, destroyed or manipulated. Hristo Hristov, a Bulgarian journalist who has written extensively about the state security files, said that parts of Ms. Kristeva’s dossier appeared to have been removed, but that the documentation that remained was persuasive. “She was clearly aware who she was meeting with and what kind of information she’s providing,” Mr. Hristov said. That the file contains only accounts of Ms. Kristeva’s alleged oral reports, and nothing written or signed by her, was not unheard-of, said Ekaterina Boncheva, a former journalist who has been a member of the commission for more than 10 years. “The important fact is that she has a registration card” as an agent, she said. Since the fall of Communism in 1989, Ms. Kristeva has been vocal about her harsh judgment of the former Bulgarian regime. In the first interview last week, she reiterated her belief that her father had been “involuntarily assassinated” in 1989 in a Bulgarian hospital where, she said, “experiments were carried out on the elderly.” She mentioned her 1991 novel “The Old Man and the Wolves,” a postmodern parable about a professor who is the only person to speak out about sinister animals that begin arriving in a sleepy Eastern European town, and who then dies in a hospital after his artificial lung is disconnected. With the release of the dossier, Ms. Kristeva said, she felt like the old man’s daughter, who uncovers evidence of conspiracies she cannot untangle. “But fortunately, freedoms exist and we can talk,” she said. “I am going to keep siding with freedom of speech.” Jennifer Schuessler reported from New York, and Boryana Dzhambazova from Sofia, Bulgaria. Tanguy Garrel-Jaffrelot contributed reporting from Paris. .. FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 | 15 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION culture Life after Wonder Woman Ms. Carter said of Mr. Moonves, who is now chairman and chief executive of CBS. The Miss World USA crown got her in the door for auditions, but Ms. Carter was disheartened to find limited roles for women. She nabbed a few small parts in TV movies playing “the pretty girl,” she said, which enabled her to get her a union card while earning extra money playing gigs and singing advertising jingles. POTOMAC, MD. Lynda Carter is touring to promote an album and recalling her #MeToo past BY RACHEL DODES On a Friday evening in March, 10 studio musicians, most from Nashville, were tightly clustered in a living room here, tuning their instruments and waiting for Lynda Carter, the actress best known for playing Wonder Woman in the 1970s television series of the same name. After a few minutes, Ms. Carter entered the room, huddled with her band and apologized for the delay. She explained that she had just gotten off the phone with Representative Nancy Pelosi, the Democratic leader of the United States House of Representatives, and Ms. Pelosi’s husband, Paul. “They called to say congratulations on the new album and they’re sorry they can’t be with us this time around,” said Ms. Carter, 66, wearing not leotard, high red boots and gold cuffs but a navy blazer, black pants and slip-on sneakers, her hair in a high ponytail, earlobes dripping with diamonds. “They’re at the Houston rodeo with the family. Isn’t that nice?” For over three decades, this onetime beauty queen turned actress and singer has cut a glamorous figure in this wellheeled suburb of Washington. The following evening, Ms. Carter and her band would be performing at the Kennedy Center in the capital, after which they were hitting the road for a brief tour, stopping in Los Angeles, New York and Nashville to celebrate the release of her fourth studio album, “Red Rock n’ Blues.” The title of the album, her first in six years, refers to how she was feeling “kind of patriotic and also kind of, you know,” she said as she smiled and raised her middle finger. “Like, ‘We’re still here and we’re not going anywhere.’” The “we” she was referring to was nothing less than womankind. The rise of the #MeToo movement coupled with the resurrection of “Wonder Woman” as a blockbuster movie franchise has caused Ms. Carter to revisit some of her own experiences in the entertainment business. Married to Robert A. Altman since 1984, she recently told him for the first time that she had been sexually assaulted early in her career. She didn’t want to name the perpetrator publicly, she said, partly because she had consulted a lawyer who told her there was no recourse at this point. “Mostly,” she said, “I don’t want to make this about me. It’s about, ‘What can I say that might help other women?’” A START IN SONG With an eclectic mix of songs like Duffy’s 2008 pop-soul hit “Mercy,” and a slowed-down reinterpretation of the Motown classic “Stop! In the Name of Love,” the album showcases Ms. Carter’s sweet yet powerful voice and also pays tribute to her family. She wrote a country love song for Mr. Altman, a former lawyer who is the chairman and chief executive of ZeniMax, a video game company. There’s also a ballad called “Change Just a Little,” dedicated to their son, James Altman, 30. Their daughter, Jessica Altman, 27 (both children are also lawyers), accompanies Ms. Carter on a couple of Everly Brothers songs, but at the Kennedy Center, they belted out the female power anthem “Somethin’ Bad,” recorded by Carrie Underwood and Miranda Lambert. “When she asked me to be on the album, it was a no-brainer,” said Ms. Altman, who was sitting on the floor during the rehearsal sipping tea from a Wonder Woman mug. The couple’s sprawling Georgianstyle mansion contains its fair share of Wonder Woman memorabilia, such as a needlepoint pillow on the living room sofa, a bobblehead on a kitchen shelf and dozens of photographs on the walls. “We’ve tried to keep up with our own history,” Ms. Carter said. “I have a lot of albums, but when the photos are in THE GIFT OF WONDER JUSTIN T. GELLERSON FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Lynda Carter, at home in Potomac, Md., where she has lived since the 1980s. With her husband, Robert A. Altman, she raised two children there. BETTMANN, VIA GETTY IMAGES JUSTIN T. GELLERSON FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES SILVER SCREEN COLLECTION/GETTY IMAGES From left: Ms. Carter, then Miss World USA, arriving in London to compete in the Miss World contest in 1972; rehearsing with band members Kira Small, far right, Drea Rhenee, right, and Cindy Walker, left, before a performance at the Kennedy Center in Washington; and in a studio portrait as Wonder Woman around 1977. J. COUNTESS/FILMMAGIC Ms. Carter with the “Wonder Woman” director, Patty Jenkins, left, and the actress Gal Gadot at the United Nations in 2016. books, it’s harder to access them.” Because of Ms. Carter’s enduring portrayal of Diana Prince in “Wonder Woman,” many fans don’t know that she was a singer long before she ever auditioned for an acting role. At 14, she stopped waiting tables at her uncle’s restaurant in Winslow, Ariz., after realizing she could earn $50 a night singing in a band. Although she was a good student and qualified for an academic scholarship to attend Arizona State University, she couldn’t resist the lure of the road. So she left home, promising her father that she would mail him every other paycheck to save. “My husband once asked my mother, ‘Why on earth would you let your 17year-old daughter go on tour with a bunch of musicians?’” Ms. Carter recalled. “My mother said, ‘Excuse me, have you ever tried to talk Lynda out of something she made up her mind to do?’ ” While touring with various bands, Ms. Carter learned about music theory from jazz musicians and performed at Las Vegas lounges, borscht belt hotels in New York State, honky-tonk joints in the South and supper clubs throughout the United States. She remembers she was somewhere in the Midwest, between gigs, when she saw a 30-something female lounge singer onstage and had an epiphany. “I woke up the next day and couldn’t stop crying,” Ms. Carter said. “I thought, ‘That’s me in 10 years.’” She gave notice to the band, called the Garfin Gathering, and went home to regroup. Ms. Carter signed with a local mod- eling agency — she was 5-foot-9, with long dark hair and stunning blue eyes — and within the span of a month had been crowned Miss Phoenix, Miss Arizona and then Miss World USA. She pointed to a framed picture of herself, wearing a crown, a sash and a minidress, stepping out of a plane in the early 1970s. She noted that while her mother was proud, she found the whole beauty-queen thing ridiculous. “The show was larger than the executives realized at the time. I was getting buckets of fan mail.” “You have to visualize the time. Women’s lib! Burn the bra! Gloria Steinem!” she said. “And I had some guy telling me I needed a chaperone and had to go cut a ribbon somewhere. It wasn’t me.” She returned to music, recording a few singles in England with EMI before moving to Los Angeles, where she took acting lessons with the well-known coach Charles Conrad. That’s where she met a young aspiring actor named Les Moonves, who became her scene partner and close friend. “He was so cute,” Then came “Wonder Woman” in 1975, which turned Ms. Carter into a household name and international sex symbol. When the show was canceled after three seasons, Ms. Carter, who by then was also the face of Maybelline Cosmetics, was surprised. “The show was larger than the executives realized at the time,” she said. “I was getting buckets of fan mail.” After what she calls “an unfortunate chapter,” during which she was married to her former talent agent, Ron Samuels, Ms. Carter met Mr. Altman in 1982. Maybelline was hosting a dinner in her honor in Memphis, and Mr. Altman was working with the legal team for Schering-Plough, then the cosmetics brand’s parent company. Once the relationship got serious, Ms. Carter said, she had absolutely no qualms about leaving Los Angeles and moving to the D.C. area, where Mr. Altman lived. “I was ready,” she said. “I wanted some substance in my life.” She reached into a cabinet and pulled out the blueprints for her house, which she and Mr. Altman built together in 1987, right before their son was born. “This was all farmland,” she said, looking out a giant window in her study. As the children were growing up, Ms. Carter took a hiatus from singing and touring with her band but continued to appear occasionally on television shows and in films. She will soon reprise her role as Governor Jessman in a sequel to the 2001 cult comedy “Super Troopers,” which will have its premiere on April 20. But she didn’t resume singing onstage until 2005, when she played Mama Morton in the long-running revival of the musical “Chicago” in the West End of London. “My son was going to be a senior in high school, and I was about to be an empty nester,” she said. Patty Jenkins, the director of the movie version of “Wonder Woman,” offered her a cameo, but Ms. Carter was on the road with her band, and too busy to make the filming schedule work. For “Wonder Woman 2,” which will be released in November 2019, she said, “I will back Patty on whatever decision she makes.” She and Ms. Jenkins met in person for the first time at the United Nations in the fall of 2016, right before the election, at an event to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the Wonder Woman character. They hit it off right away and realized they even had the same birthday, July 24. “My mom is hands-down Patty’s biggest fan,” Ms. Altman said. Ms. Carter said, “I think you said, ‘Mom! This is like a bromance,’ ” adding that she also bonded with Gal Gadot, the Israeli actress who now wields the lasso of truth. Following the success of “Wonder Woman,” the movie, the Hollywood Chamber of Commerce offered Ms. Carter a star on the Walk of Fame. It will be unveiled at a ceremony on April 3 with introductory speeches from Mr. Moonves and Ms. Jenkins. “Most people say, ‘You don’t have a star yet?’ And I say, ‘Nope!’” Ms. Carter said. “When the new ‘Wonder Woman’ movie came out, I guess it reinvigorated the idea.” At the Kennedy Center, she couldn’t help but do Wonder Woman’s signature move, the transformational twirl, for a cheering audience that included family friends including Tipper Gore, Cal Ripken Jr. and Representative Debbie Dingell, Democrat of Michigan. But by that point, she had already kicked off her stilettos and was wearing sensible flats. “I can’t take it anymore!” she told the crowd. “I tried it, and I’m done. Burn the bra! Burn the heels!” Which femme is fatale? BOOK REVIEW Tangerine By Christine Mangan. 308 pp. Ecco/ HarperCollins. $26.99. BY JENNIFER REESE Christine Mangan’s camera-ready first novel, “Tangerine,” opens with three men hauling a corpse — pecked by magpies and missing its eyes — from the sea. Whose body is this, and how did it end up in the water? In alternating chapters, two female narrators provide the long, lurid and psychologically complex answer. Neither woman is necessarily trustworthy, a trait they share with the unreliable female narrators of recent best sellers like “Gone Girl” and “The Girl on the Train.” Mangan draws her narrators with broad strokes, using classic Hollywood color coding. Alice Shipley is pale, rich and emotionally fragile. She wears lace gloves and pearls. Lucy Mason is dark, voluptuous and worldly. She smokes. They meet on their first day at Bennington College in the mid-1950s and develop one of those possessive, erotically charged friendships that never seem to end well. The two young women experience — or perhaps instigate — an unspecified tragedy. Then Alice drops out of school, marries and flees to Tangier with her caddish new husband, John, to escape the traumatic memory and perhaps Lucy as well. Soon, though, Lucy turns up unannounced at Alice’s Tangier flat. Alice’s response: “I thought of the few works of Shakespeare I knew and the line that frequently rattled in my brain — what’s past is prologue.” But what is that past? As Lucy and Alice re-establish a volatile intimacy over sugary mint tea in sweltering Tangier cafes, via flashback we gradu- CASEY CARSELLO Christine Mangan. ally learn the details of that earlier mystery, which unfolds in frosty Vermont. It’s as if Mangan couldn’t decide whether to write a homage to Donna Tartt’s “The Secret History” or a sundrenched novel of dissolute Westerners abroad in the tradition of Patricia Highsmith and Paul Bowles, so she tried to do both. She mostly succeeds. Mangan openly acknowledges the influence of Bowles on “Tangerine.” Lucy strikes up a friendship with a shady Moroccan artist named Youssef, who tells her: “You are unfamiliar with Bowles, I see. You must read him, if you want to understand this place.” Youssef claims to know the novelist, who lived in Tangier and wrote about Westerners who lose their moral compasses, and sometimes themselves, in North Africa. The “Tangerine” of the title refers to a native of the Moroccan city, and it seems inevitable that one or both of the narrators will lose herself there. And at some point, that corpse will end up in the water. Mangan, who has a doctorate in English, wrote her dissertation on 18th-century Gothic literature, and she knows all the notes to hit to create lush, sinister atmosphere and to prolong suspense. Unfortunately, she hits them all, and she hits them a little too hard. Both narrators periodically lapse into the language of academia, bluntly signaling how we should interpret the narrative rather than letting us figure it out for ourselves. Alice worries that her tone of voice is “wavering somewhere between lighthearted and serious, skirting the liminal boundaries between laughing and crying.” In 1956, a young woman in a white pillbox hat would not have talked about liminal boundaries. When Lucy refers to the “intertextuality” that once existed between her and Alice, she uses a term coined by the French semiotician Julia Kristeva a decade after the novel takes place. At times, “Tangerine” reads as if it were reverse-engineered from a scholarly paper about suspense fiction. Happily, you can write a satisfying, juicy thriller this way, if not a blazingly original one. Jennifer Reese is a writer whose pieces have appeared in Slate, The Washington Post and Entertainment Weekly. .. 16 | FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION travel A family adventure in Tanzania’s wild heart The Selous Game Reserve is one of Africa’s last great uninhabited safari areas BY JEFFREY GETTLEMAN Few wildlife parks in Africa allow you to drift lazily along a calm stretch of water like something out of “The African Queen” and take in an incredible amount of wildlife from a boat. The Selous Game Reserve, a remote and spectacular wildlife refuge in central Tanzania, is one of them. Last year, I took a wonderful safari here with my family, and on one of our first afternoons, we glided along a shallow lake in an aluminum-hulled skiff. There’s something serene — and a little sneaky — about seeing animals from the water. You’re not trailing behind them as they step out of the bushes and move toward their watering holes; you’re inside their watering hole. As we floated along, maybe 100 yards from shore, a distance close enough to observe, but hopefully not, disturb, we watched baboons, zebras, giraffes and gazelles head down to the lake for a drink. Palm trees on the water’s edge cast long pillarlike shadows. Behind them stood a wall of thick green bushes and thorn trees that wrapped around the entire lake. A rich silence hung in the air, broken only by the occasional chitter of a kingfisher. The Selous’s many shallow lakes dramatically stretch and shrink with the rain. We were there just after the rains and the lakes were swollen and full of life — especially water birds, hippopotamuses and crocodiles. I’ve been all across Africa and I’ve never seen so many crocs, sunbathing their scaly selves on the beach, slithering around in the sediment-rich, chocolate-milk-colored water and waiting until the last possible instant to slowly sink away before our skiff bumped into them. As our boat approached a pod of hippos (Don’t you love animal group names? A pod of hippos? A bask of crocodiles? A coalition of cheetahs? A tower of giraffes? Who gets to come up with these, anyway?), an enormous hippo popped out of the lake. We couldn’t have been more than 20 feet away and it stared right at us, beads of water dripping off its whiskered face, sizing us up. “Don’t you wish you knew what that guy was thinking?” I whispered. “He’s probably thinking one thing,” my wife, Courtenay, answered. “‘What’s that?’” I wish I could bring all the people I PHOTOGRAPHS BY ROBERT ROSS Cape buffalo roaming across the brilliant green, rain-washed plains of Tanzania in the Selous Game Reserve, which had few cars, zero garbage and lots of animals. THE NEW YORK TIMES A tower of Masai giraffes in the reserve. love to the Selous. It’s a magnificent reserve, swallowing you up in endless expanses of acacia trees and emerald green swamps and tawny savannas. Well off the beaten path and one of Africa’s last, great, uninhabited safari areas, the Selous delivers all the big game without the big (human) crowds that descend on the better known African parks like the Ngorongoro Crater in northern Tanzania or the Masai Mara National Reserve in Kenya. I found it so relaxing and rejuvenating — the perfect antidote to staring at a computer all day or constantly checking my iPhone — to just gaze across those mirror-flat lakes and smell the wild jasmine in the air and watch giraffes saunter past so delicately it looked like their long femurs were filled with helium — that’s how lightly and soundlessly these giants float across the earth. I wish, too, the Selous Game Reserve was as animal-friendly as it feels, but that would be giving you the beauty of the place without the truth. A Unesco World Heritage site, the Selous also happens to be one of Africa’s largest hunting grounds. I know, it’s hard to believe, but gunning down endangered wildlife, including lions and elephants, is perfectly legal here, as it is in several other African game reserves. Hunters love the Selous for the same reasons I do: its remoteness and abundance of game. Everybody has an opinion on hunting and I’m no exception. Countless times before, I’ve heard the spirited defense: that big game hunting actually helps protect wildlife, that you sacrifice a few older animals for the betterment of the group, that the presence of licensed hunters scares away poachers who would kill many more animals, and that the proceeds of hunting (it ain’t cheap — in Tanzania, people pay up to $100,000 to kill an elephant) help cover conservation efforts. I’m not going to dispute any of this. But still, there must be more re- spectful ways to protect wildlife than shooting a few so their heads can be stuffed to gather dust on a wall. If hunting turns you off, please don’t let that keep you from visiting the Selous. You probably will never come across a hunter. The Selous is enormous, nearly 20,000 square miles, bigger than Switzerland, and the designated hunting area within the reserve is separated from the game-viewing side by a big river. In two visits to the Selous that I made last year, I didn’t hear a single gunshot and never saw a single hunter. And the African hunting business isn’t what it used to be, thanks to Cecil. (In The Selous delivers all the big game without the big (human) crowds that descend on the better known African parks, like the Masai Mara National Reserve. case you forgot, Cecil was a beloved Zimbabwean lion blasted into the afterworld by an American dentist. The controversy his death caused in 2015 and the harsh spotlight it cast on African hunting scared away many potential hunters.) For how remote the Selous is, getting there is surprisingly easy, which makes me wonder if its days of tranquillity are numbered. We caught a small propeller plane from Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’s commercial capital. It was a 35-minute flight to a little dusty airstrip inside the reserve. As we puttered through the sky, my boys, Apollo, 8, and Asa, 6, spotted hippos below, on both sides of the plane. About a dozen safari companies spanning the range from rustic to glamorous operate in the Selous, far less than say, in the Masai Mara, which may be one reason the Selous doesn’t draw the khaki-clad masses, at least not yet. We chose the down-to-earth Lake Manze Camp, which several friends who live in Tanzania had recommended. The camp, a collection of 12 large tents, didn’t feel like many of the safari lodges I’ve visited in East Africa. It felt like it had been plopped down the day before we got there. Our tent sat in the middle of a copse of trees and bushes, reachable by a dirt path, positioned so close to the lake that while we lay in bed we could hear hippos splashing around. Our three-day safari, which included game drives, accommodation, food, drinks, park fees, tips and getting up close and personal with a pride of lions, cost about $2,500. Shaun O’Driscoll, a gregarious South African, runs Lake Manze Camp with his wife, Milli. Shaun is opinionated, direct, no-nonsense, but also deeply empathic, a man whose mosquito-bitten legs and perma-smile reveal how much he relishes living in the wild. “You see, we got no gates or fences,” Shaun explained when we arrived, sitting us down in the lodge’s dinning area, a big thatched hut. “Anything can come in here. Lions, elephants, buffalos, hippos, anything. You leave your tent, you look around, ’kay? Now, for you young guys,” he looked down at Apollo and Asa, who were watching him raptly. “No running. You got me? No. Run. Ing. You never know what’s hiding in the bush. And the last thing you want to look like is prey.” Courtenay and I shot each other a worried glance: We definitely didn’t want our kids looking like prey. That night our proximity to nature almost felt reckless. We ate dinner outside under a sky smeared with stars, and after a tasty meal of chicken in ginger sauce, fresh rolls, rice pilaf and chocolate mousse (it’s pretty standard to be stuffed silly on safari), we walked back to our family tent that consisted of two rooms separated by a zippered enclosure. The tent was comfortable but utilitarian — a cot each for the boys, a double bed for us, a steel basin sink, small toilet, shower and a couple of canvas safari chairs on the porch. Around midnight, I heard someone frantically trying to unzip the zipper to our part of the tent. “Daddy! Mommy! Daddy! Mommy!” Apollo yelled. “I just heard a branch break! I just heard a branch break!” Apollo jumped into our bed, his little heart pounding. I had no idea what had stepped on what outside. But I knew that feeling, that sudden terror a random crack in the night can trigger. We quieted him down and he drifted off and eventually so did I. But it wasn’t for long. A few hours later, I woke up again — with a jolt, this time to hear, in the span of about eight seconds, a pod of hippos snorting, two monkeys scrambling on our tent top and one lion a-grunting. A lion’s grunt doesn’t sound like the MGM roar; it’s more of a deep, rhythmic cough. And this cough sounded as if it was coming from the next room. My pulse accelerated. The saliva in my mouth dried up. My skin tingled. I confess: I started to panic, imagining two huge yellow eyes surfacing in the mesh window right next to me. I sat up in bed as alert and wired as I’ve ever been. A lion’s claws would have shredded our tent like crepe paper. The next morning at breakfast, in the bright tropical sunshine, we were all cracking up about being wimps as we helped ourselves to scrambled eggs and thick slices of warm banana bread. We then headed off on a game drive — game drives are the backbone of an East African safari, though in the Selous you always have the boat option as well. As our open-sided Land Cruiser rolled through the reserve, I was impressed by how varied the landscape was. Because of all the rivers and lakes, wide swaths of the Selous are impenetrable — picture green, overgrown, scratchy and thorny bush. I can only imagine how grueling and tortuous it was for the first batch of explorers, like Frederick Selous, the Victorian hunter and collector who the reserve was named after, to hack their way through this place. But the Selous also contains wide-open areas, with wavy yellow grass and, in the distance, Greek National Opera jagged brown hills; in between are cool forests. That afternoon we found ourselves in a cool forest. A light rain fell, more like a mist. It softly brushed our skin, tiny droplets sticking to the hairs on our arms. Our falcon-eyed guide, Zacharia, had found some lion spoor near the road and he was tracking it deeper and deeper into the forest. “There!” he finally said, and we all followed where his finger was pointing. Just up ahead a lioness and her three cubs wrestled on a log. We drove even closer and Zacharia cut the engine. We rolled to a stop just a few feet away. Oblivious to us, the lions pawed each other’s heads, pushed each other off the slippery log, tumbled down and hit the muddy ground and sprang back up, training for the rigors of hunts to come. It was as if they were playing king of the mountain, but there was clearly a point to it. What made our experience even sweeter was that we were by ourselves. So many times when you’re on safari and spot lions in action, the drivers get on the radio and next thing you know, several other trucks come chugging in, tourists popping out the sunroofs. Here, we were the only car for miles. That’s the magic of this place. It’s all yours. I guess the dominant feeling I had in the Selous was being free. Lake Manze Camp made that feeling even deeper. We didn’t have to keep anyone else’s schedule. Shaun gave us a four-wheel drive truck and assigned us a driver and a guide. We could get up when we wanted and drive (or boat) around when we wanted and have our meals in the bush, if we wanted. Every part of the reserve we visited brought the same joys: few cars, zero garbage, trees and plants and wildflowers that couldn’t have looked much healthier, and lots of animals. As Shaun put it on our last evening when we gathered for a final beer by the fire: “There are now traffic cops in the Kruger.” (He was referring to South Africa’s best known wildlife park, which has paved roads cutting across it and the occasional traffic jam.) “This,” Shaun said, spreading his arms as wide as possible, “is the real Africa.” Over the years, in my travels across Africa, I’ve heard that claim many times, in many different places. Who knows what the “real” Africa is. So many of us outsiders seem to be on a search for the Africa we imagined. And for the Africans who live in this part of the world, what we romanticize is simply their home. But that said, there is something undeniably special, and moving, about these last undisturbed places. And standing outside in the dying twilight, surrounded by miles of bush, in the middle of one of the last great untouched spaces left on the continent, I knew exactly what Shaun meant. .. FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 | S1 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION Diego Boneta, Hollywood star? The former telenovela actor and teen idol is featured in a mini-series about the Mexican singer Luis Miguel Fan magnet Diego Boneta in Mexico City. Mr. Boneta is wearing Ermenegildo Zegna Couture. Below, Mr. Boneta in a scene from the coming Netflix mini-series “Luis Miguel.” BY ALEX WILLIAMS The art tour kept getting interrupted. Diego Boneta, the sleepy-eyed charmer from shows including “Scream Queens” and “Pretty Little Liars,” was padding through the Palacio de Bellas Artes in Mexico City, expounding on the sweeping murals by Diego Rivera and David Alfaro Siqueiros. Well, he was trying to. Every 100 feet or so, a female fan — some were in their teens, others in their 50s — would cut in, diffidently asking for a selfie with this former teen idol from Mexico City. “Diego, me regalas una foto?” Each time, the stubble-faced singer and actor, looking Los Angeles casual in a rust-colored Ermenegildo Zegna sweater, jeans and Tom Ford sneakers, would amiably toss his arm around their shoulders, strike a cover-boy smile and punctuate the encounter with a gentle hug, looking every bit the conquering hero in his hometown. After a decade in Hollywood, Mr. Boneta, a former telenovela star and Mexican pop singer, has ridden his hazel-eyed looks and star-spangled accent to a new status: an all-American heartthrob to watch. After his Hollywood film debut as a Michigan-bred headbanger in the 2012 hair-metal musical “Rock of Ages,” alongside Tom Cruise, Mr. Boneta, 27, has three movies in the pipeline for this year, including “The Titan,” a science fiction thriller starring Sam Worthington. And he just completed a nine-month shoot for his weightiest role yet, playing the title role in the highly anticipated big-budget mini-series “Luis Miguel, the Series,” from Telemundo and Netflix, which debuts on April 22. The 13-episode show, an authorized biography of the Mexican superstar Luis Miguel (Latin America’s latter-day equivalent to Frank Sinatra), is an unflinching tell-all that serves up a series of bombshells from the tangled past of NETFLIX the fiercely private singer known as “El Sol de México.” So is Mr. Boneta a Hollywood star in Mexico, or a Mexican star in Hollywood? And how does it still even matter? “I don’t consider myself 50-50,” Mr. Boneta said. “I’m 100 percent Mexican and 100 percent American.” On this balmy spring afternoon when the city was a sea of purple jacaranda blossoms, Mr. Boneta was still trying to decompress after an exhausting shoot in which, among other things, he was tasked with performing Luis Miguel’s famous vocal pyrotechnics himself. (“He’s belting high Cs in almost every single song,” Mr. Boneta said. “High Cs are what Pavarotti used to do.”) A MEXICAN TEEN IDOL To reacquaint himself with a city he moved away from at 16, Mr. Boneta decided to spend the day as a tourist, checking out the famous murals festooning the grand buildings of the Centro Histórico. “I love, love, love, love history, and art,” Mr. Boneta said, pausing at top of the main staircase of the Palacio Nacional, the seat of Mexico’s federal executive branch, to ruminate on the Spanish conquest of the Aztecs in the 16th century, as depicted in the massive Diego Rivera mural “The History of Mexico,” which soared above him. “When the Spaniards came to conquer Mexico, there were only 550 Spaniards,” Mr. Boneta said. “The Aztec city was the most populated city in the world back then, almost a million people. Five hundred fifty Spaniards did not conquer Mexico. It was because they allied with the other tribes that hated the Aztecs.” “That’s how they conquered Mexico,” he said. “Mexicans conquered Mexico.” In his own way, Mr. Boneta is hoping to do the same with “Luis Miguel.” He’s mindful of how Mexico has been portrayed abroad. “Right now in the papers, you just read the negative stuff about Mexico,” Mr. Boneta said, of the country’s drug violence. “It really upsets me, because that’s not everything Mexico is.” “That’s actually one of my favorite things about the show,” he said. “It’s the first big Latin show that doesn’t have anything to do with narcos. It’s a success story of the biggest Latin singer of all time.” Taking a moment to reflect, Mr. Boneta said that it seemed vaguely cosmic to be talking about Luis Miguel at the palace. A short stroll away, Mr. Boneta said, he had first tasted fame at age 12, performing Mr. Miguel’s “La Chica Del Bikini Azul” in front of 140,000 people in the vast public square known as El Zócalo for a Mexican equivalent of “Star Search.” “Maybe I wasn’t the best singer, but I was a performer,” said Mr. Boneta, who was soon rocking stadiums and opening BONETA, PAGE S4 RODRIGO ALVAREZ FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES. STYLED BY AVO YERMAGYAN AT FORWARD ARTISTS .. S2 | FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION Pulse This month's must-haves. By Alex Tudela TOYS WRIST CANDY LISTEN UP Gordon Gekko wore it in “Wall Street.” Jake Gyllenhaal is its new spokesman. And now the Santos de Cartier watch, created by Louis Cartier in 1904 for a friend, the Brazilian aviator Alberto SantosDumont, can be snapped up online. On April 5, seven versions of the rounded-square aviator watch (including two exclusive styles on a black leather strap) will be available on Mr Porter. BASICS SILVER LINING As army brats and survivalist types have long known, military socks with silver-plated nylon offer antimicrobial, odor-eliminating properties. But the color options were limited to drab olive and other camouflage tones. Now American Trench, a heritage-minded clothing company based in Pennsylva- HARDWARE nia, is offering a rainbow of crew socks knitted with silver filaments at a familyowned factory in North Carolina, including agave green, red-rock orange and desert-sky blue. Santos de Cartier, $6,250 to $37,000, at mrporter .com. Master & Dynamic, a New York-based audio company, has released a second line of premium headphones inspired by the look and feel of Leica cameras, and its Germanengineered line of 0.95 accessories. The Silver Edition include earphones ($199), over-ear headphones ($399) and wireless headphones ($549) that pair seamlessly with the Leica Noctilux-M lens, which features a superbright 0.95 aperture. Master & Dynamic for 0.95 Silver Edition collection, at masterdynamic.com. American Trench silver crew socks, $16.50 to $36, at americantrench.com. SPORTS FRENCH SHADE Noah, the street wear boutique in NoLIta started by Brendon Babenzien, the former creative director of Supreme, has teamed up with Vuarnet, the French eyewear maker. The sporty collaboration includes color-blocked swim trunks, T-shirts and hoodies, canvas tote bags, and, of course, vintage-style sunglasses that go effortlessly from the French Riviera to the Far Rockaways. OUTERWEAR RAIN OR SHINE Gear up for April showers with these fashionable anoraks that hark back to the brash colors of 1990s sportswear. Spring runways offered a zany assortment. Burberry showed a Kelly-green nylon windbreaker that could have been worn by a young Liam Gallagher of Oasis ($1,090 at burberry.com). Balenciaga offered an oversize color-blocked version ($1,850 at balenciaga .com). And Martine Rose created retro anoraks inspired by Toronto bicycle messengers from the ’80s and ’90s ($1,912, at martine -rose.com). Noah x Vuarnet, $58 to $280, at noahny .com, the Vuarnet flagship store and Le Bon Marché in Paris. CATWALKING MY WORKOUT Sweetgreen’s Jonathan Neman on surfing, family and work The 33-year-old, a founder of the popular salad chain, doesn’t own a car and doesn’t miss it PHOTOGRAPHS BY ADAM AMENGUAL FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES BY BEE SHAPIRO “I’m always absorbing information,” said Jonathan Neman, 33, a founder and chief executive of Sweetgreen, the fastcasual chain known for its hearty farmto-table salad bowls. But before he plots his workday, Mr. Neman, who was raised in Los Angeles, usually hits the waves near his home in Venice Beach, Calif. Here’s how he tackles the rest of the day. (This interview has been edited and condensed.) MORNING SURF My goal every morning is to do something that grounds me, to prepare me for that crazy day ahead. I’m usually up by 6 or 6:30. Then I have a few rituals. I won’t check my phone in bed; I like to start the day peacefully. Then it’s either a surf, yoga or run. I’m very fortunate I’m about a block from the ocean. Surfing is one of my favorite things in the world, and I’m not good at it at all. It’s the best kind of meditation for me, and it’s my favorite way to start the day. Actually people in the office will notice it. They’ll say, “You’re in a good mood today, did you surf?” WORK UNIFORM Then it’s a quick shower and I pretty much wear the same base layer every day: black jeans and a black T-shirt. It’s one less thing to think about it. Maybe I’ll add one more thing on top. I do have an affinity for leather jackets. GROOMING I use a face wash from a line our friend started called Panacea. Then I use whatever my wife has. Give me that good face cream! NO CAR, NO PROBLEM I live about 20 minutes from work and I either Uber or my wife, who is a writer and works at a WeWork nearby, will drop me off. I don’t have a car. We do share the car on the weekends, but going back and forth to work, it’s nice to not have to worry about it. Also it’s a really productive time for me. I might catch up on phone calls. Or I’m into podcasts recently. I’ve been into “Masters of Scale” — Reid Hoffman started it — because it’s really inspiring. It gets me fired up on the way to work. OFFICE CULTURE Our office is in this complex called Platform, and there are a lot of other startups here. Blue Bottle is right next to us so I’ll grab a coffee before I go in. The three founders, we still share an office. What’s really special is how we work together. We’ve been working together for 11 years as best friends and partners. It works because there is true friendship there and love and lack of ego. Our original headquarters was in D.C., but we’re all based in L.A. now. We relocated because most of our growth is coming from here, our suppliers are mostly here, and we wanted to be on the front lines. PREP WORK I like to have a little bit of time in the morning to prep my thoughts. The night before, I write a list of what needs to be done the next day. I always take a step back and look to see what it is that I want to lead the company through today, this week or this month. What’s the thing that’s really going to move the needle? My dad, who immigrated to the U.S. in the late ’70s from Iran because of the revolution, is one of my work mentors. He had to start over and support his family. One thing I got from him is that the work is never done. SKIPPING MEALS I don’t eat anything in the morning. I just have my coffee. Intermittent fasting keeps me very energized. I’ve been doing this since I was a kid, but it’s become more of a thing now. I also eat a very big dinner so I feel like I’m still digesting it the next day. I do eat an early lunch. I go to the test kitchen we have here and see what the chef is cooking up. I stay at the office pretty late so I’m not home until about 9 p.m. I’ve been cooking a lot more at home lately, but it’s also a highlight when we get to go try somewhere fun for dinner, usually on the West Side. READING LIST I just finished “Onward” by Howard Schultz — it’s really interesting and still relevant now — and I just began “Principles” by Ray Dalio. I’ve gotten a lot of inspiration from outside of our industry. It’s about looking at other business models and brands and thinking, “How can we apply that here?” For example, I’ve been really interested in Disney. This brand has lasted so long and stayed culturally relevant. It starts with this creative spirit layered with storytelling and magic and the ability to innovate and evolve over time. FAMILY FIRST I’m Persian Jewish and I have a huge family. I’m the oldest of four boys, and I have 20 first cousins. My wife — we got married last June — has a similar family situation. Every Friday night we have Shabbat. That’s a big part of our life. Morning ritual On most days, Jonathan Neman rides his bicycle to the beach and surfs before heading to Sweetgreen, where he meets with one of his co-founders, Nathaniel Ru. .. FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 | S3 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION MY SPACE • STEVEN KURUTZ Life is short. Buy a chateau. The designer Pierre Yovanovitch tells stories with the rooms in his French retreat Relaxed At far left, Pierre Yovanovitch on the pink and pine zigzag sofa he designed for his chateau. At left, a wooden stool designed and made by a local craftsman sits near the fireplace. Gifted “I love this object because it was given to me by a client,” the designer said of this folk art owl, spotted in Paris. “It’s a very good memory for me.” Suspended An installation by the French artist Franck Scurti hangs in the living room, floating in space like a mobile. PHOTOGRAPHS BY REBECCA MARSHALL FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Pierre Yovanovitch AGE 51 OCCUPATION LOCATION Interior designer; furniture designer Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur region of France In 2009, Mr. Yovanovitch, whose primary residence is in Paris, bought a chateau surrounded by 90 acres of woodland that was in the same family for centuries. He turned a separate barnlike structure where hay was once stored into a warm, wood-filled salon decorated with art, vintage furniture and a zigzag sofa he designed. HIS FAVORITE ROOM Was it daunting to renovate and furnish what amounts to a castle? I think it was the most crazy thing I have ever done. If you think too much about possessing this kind of property, you don’t, because there is too much work, too much everything. But for me, life is short, and you need to do some crazy things. The salon is fairly spare, with carefully chosen objects. What’s your criteria? In every client project, and for my- self, I try to make a story around the room. Here, I don’t want to use any shiny fabric, bronze and so on, because it was a farm. You feel that in the architecture. I try to respect the style of the house, but in a modern way, a nicer way. I used simple objects, lots of wood. The zigzag sofa made of pine is really cool, but is it actually comfortable? The inspiration is very brutalist, because it’s sharp. But it’s also cozy. Because of the shape, you’re sitting close to each other. Very warm and very comfortable. I’m intrigued by the small owl sculpture. I love this object because it was given to me by a client. He knew that I love owls. One day, we were at a fair in Paris. I saw it and fell in love. I couldn’t afford it; it was quite expensive. The next day, I received the owl in my office as a gift. It’s a very good memory for me. You’re planning to open a New York office. Will that mean less time at the chateau? Maybe, yes. If I decide to open an office in New York and I want to grow in the U.S., it’s a part of the success. But I will try to go as often as possible. To buy this chateau gives me a lot of energy to do other projects. I have to work more to afford this. ENCOUNTERS A style original goes west Anchor tenant Josh Peskowitz outside of Magasin, a men’s wear store he opened in Culver City, Calif. Josh Peskowitz takes his high-low pairings to California LOS ANGELES BY GUY TREBAY “We have just left the Judaism corridor and are now in Christian drop-off territory,” Josh Peskowitz said, palming the steering wheel of his new Cadillac S.U.V. as he piloted past rows of synagogues and churches on the far west side of Los Angeles. It was a chilly Sunday, somewhere in the low 40s. Late season Santa Ana winds had scoured the winter skies to a marine blankness. Surface streets, too, were uncommonly empty as Mr. Peskowitz headed toward the Santa Monica Airport and a choice small monthly flea market held there. Mr. Peskowitz, a native New Yorker, was on an expedition to ferret out local experiences: the flea market; a visit to Arcana, a bookstore that is an Aladdin’s cave of rare finds; a trip up the coast to the Reel Inn, a fish shack he called “a little bit of Sheepshead Bay in Malibu.” Like many Angelenos, Mr. Peskowitz is a recent West Coast transplant and a particularly avid one. New York may be where he cut his teeth as a fashion retailer and also where he emerged as a kind of style hero — Instagram loves him and whole Pinterest pages are dedicated to his sartorial doings. Yet Los Angeles, as it turns out, is where his singular mash-up of street wear, geek wear and Italian tailoring looks most natural. That he wound up here owed mainly to a business opportunity. Invited by the developers of Platform — a shiny new hub of shops, restaurants and offices in Culver City, roughly equidistant from Beverly Hills and Venice, — to open a men’s wear store as an anchor tenant, Mr. Peskowitz and two partners created Magasin, a sophisticated multibrand shop that quickly established itself as a cult destination. Favoring the brands Mr. Peskowitz himself wears (Common Projects, Dries Van Noten, Kolor, Eidos Napoli, Missoni, Tricker’s) and in the same off-kilter colors and proportions, the store functions like a continuing self-portrait arrayed on hangers. And it has an experimental looseness natural to someone who fetched up in the world of fashion almost by happenstance. Born in Brooklyn, raised in Washington, style schooled from afar by the hiphop legends that influenced his generation, Mr. Peskowitz, 39, honed his style starting with a job doing window display for Urban Outfitters and refined it over a decade or so at editorial jobs in publications as disparate as Esquire, The Fader and the late, lamented Cargo. His last gig before striking out on his own was as men’s fashion director at Bloomingdale’s. There he concluded that what was vanishing as department stores withered and algorithms replaced merchants was “a real point of view.” This seemed particularly needful as consumers — the male ones, anyway — flail about in search of a plausible work uniform for an era when casual Friday rolls around every 24 hours. Mr. Peskowitz jokingly refers to himself as “poor man with expensive tastes or an expensive man with simple tastes,” which is one way of saying he favors a strenuously hybridized version of high-low attire. Take the roomy flood pants he is wearing. They are costly vintage Junya Watanabe and he has paired ‘You don’t ever want to be an eyesore,’ Mr. Peskowitz says. them with a tailored kimono-style jacket from a design collaboration recently undertaken with Levi’s Made & Crafted label, a Magasin T-shirt, a pair of suede Clarks Wallabees and a generic knit cap. “My style has gotten a lot looser since I moved to L.A.,” Mr. Peskowitz said, after parking the car and heading for the flea market entrance. He now wears his tailored suit jackets from the Milanese designer Massimo Alba with dropcrotch trousers and clogs. Setting off down aisles crammed with vendors offering both curatorial selections of vintage work wear and the usual JAKE MICHAELS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES unclassifiable junk, Mr. Peskowitz stopped at Erin Powell’s Little Baby Kitty booth, where he spotted a table full of floral embroidered sneakers from Thailand that looked like next-season Gucci. He immediately purchased a pair for his wife. Then he scoured a stand offering mint-condition denim boiler suits and Wrangler cowboy shirts with all-important mother-of-pearl snaps. Finally he trawled a display crammed with what looked to be the contents of David Crosby’s accessories drawer. “You know, I always want to fill up on rings, but I’m already full-up on rings,” said Mr. Peskowitz, whose hands are barnacled with silver. Zeroing in on a Hopi silver ring inlaid with white abalone, he asked to try it. “You sure?” said the vendor, Nancy Elby. “That’s a hippie-dippy ring from the ’70s.” “I’m down with that.” Mr. Peskowitz estimates that his wardrobe — he has never inventoried it — runs to 700 articles of clothing, dozens each of jackets, shirts and jeans and an equivalent number of hats. “Some of it has sentimental value,” he said as he nosed the Cadillac out of the flea market parking lot and pointed it north toward Malibu. “I keep a lot of stuff I wouldn’t necessarily break out on a Tuesday.” Among those items is his paternal grandfather’s cowboy hat. “Even though he was from Brooklyn, he had a thing for cowboy hats and bolos,” Mr. Peskowitz said. Possibly it was this same westward-leaning and sartorially adventuresome grandfather who influenced Mr. Peskowitz’s lifelong interest in clothes. “I do think that there is a throughthread between our identity and the way we dress,” Mr. Peskowitz said, as he cruised up the Pacific Coast Highway. “We don’t have feathers and we don’t have fur. Being an animal, you have to have some form of display. That’s just how it goes.” Well before reaching the Reel Inn, a throwback fish joint where customers place orders at a walk-up window after perusing a glass case displaying the day’s catch, Mr. Peskowitz already knew his order. “I’m having fried oysters, fish tacos that I ask them to make with whatever’s fresh and a bucket of French fries,” he said. “That and a Foster’s Oil Can.” It is easy to get the sense that, behind the easygoing facade that is a large part of Mr. Peskowitz’s charm, is the focused temperament of a man seldom in any confusion about what he desires. Each of his many tattoos — an Urdu symbol for nonviolence; his mother’s initials in block letters; an Assyrian sphinx; a Japanese whale; the battle standard of Cyrus the Great — is as studiously considered as the labels displayed at Magasin. And each of those labels is as carefully gauged for the correspondences it sets up with its neighbors as for its individual designer cred. “One thing that is sorely missing in retail is a differentiating perspective,” Mr. Peskowitz said, as he mopped up tartar sauce with an oyster. “While we certainly sell clothes that are colorful, interesting — perhaps even flamboyant in certain instances — the idea we employ in the store is that our job is contextualizing those things.” He took a slug of beer then and wiped his mouth with the back of his wrist. “Since you cannot turn off anymore and there’s no distinction between work clothes and off-duty clothes, you need a formula for being casual and still a presentable human that can command respect,” Mr. Peskowitz said. “It’s basically about how to wear sneakers and look like a grown-up. You don’t ever want to be the eyesore. You want to be the interesting guy.” . .. S4 | FRIDAY, APRIL 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION COVER STORY A new Hollywood idol? BONETA, FROM PAGE S1 for Hilary Duff. “I loved performing for huge crowds. It’s like people jumping out of a plane to get that adrenaline rush.” After the visit to the presidential palace, Mr. Boneta climbed back into an armored Chevrolet Suburban flanked by two bodyguards (a typical mode of travel for notables and the business elite in Mexico, he said) and headed for lunch at El Cardenal, a venerable restaurant nearby that offers traditional dishes like escamoles (fried ant larvae). The actor smiled as he scooped a generous spoonful over guacamole to form a taco. “Mexican caviar,” he said. “Very buttery.” Dangling around his neck was an escapulario (a gold religious medallion) that belonged to a grandfather he never met, Otto Boneta, who was a songwriter and a psychiatrist. (Pope Francis blessed the medallion, Mr. Boneta said, when he performed alongside others during a papal visit to Mexico City in 2016.) The music gene, it seems, skipped generations. Mr. Boneta’s parents, Lauro González and Astrid Boneta, are engineers. (His younger siblings, Natalia and Santiago, are studying at Duke University.) “I’m the black sheep,” he said. Indeed, Mr. Boneta left school in fifth grade, and starred in a string of youthoriented telenovelas, including “Alegrijes y Rebujos” and “Rebelde,” a “Glee”style drama about a group of anthembelting private school students. During Reflection “I don’t consider myself 50-50,” Mr. Boneta said. “I’m 100 percent Mexican and 100 percent American.” Styled by Avo Yermagyan at Forward Artists, left. Mr. Boneta as Drew Boley in “Rock of Ages,” far left. his tenure on that show, Mr. Boneta also cut his first album, “Diego,” which included the hit single “Responde.” (Looking to capitalize on his rising profile from “Scream Queens,” he released a bilingual EP in 2015 that included a Gene Vincent-style roots rocker single, “The Hurt,” sung in English.) “There are no child labor laws here,” he said. “I was working Monday through Sunday, probably 17 to 18 hours a day sometimes. Christmas was a halfday off.” DAVID JAMES/WARNER BROTHERS PICTURES HOLLYWOOD BOUND When Mr. Boneta was 16, the family moved to Los Angeles, in part to be closer to Hollywood. While he found no shortage of work, he learned that there was not much of a pipeline for Mexican actors. As the #OscarsSoWhite movement showed, many obstacles remain. While Latinos comprise 18 percent of the population of the United States, Latino actors account for only about 3 percent of the speaking roles in American films, according to a 2017 study released by the Media, Diversity, & Social Change Initiative at USC Annenberg. But Latino actors, he said, also lack a support network. “In Hollywood, I have a lot of Australian friends, and they’ll have their Aussie friends sleep on their couch,” he said. “I was in a movie with Sam Worthington, and he was telling me stories about how he had helped the Hemsworth brothers, and before that, Russell Crowe helped him. Same thing with the Brits — ‘the wider the door, the more we fit through.’ It’s a different mentality.” On the positive side, three Mexican directors have won four out of five of the most recent Academy Awards for Best Picture: Alfonso Cuarón in 2013, Guillermo del Toro this year, and Alejandro G. Iñárritu two years in a row. “The Mexican directors are killing it right now,” he said. “Mexican actors should be, too.” It is an open question whether “Luis Miguel” will enhance Mr. Boneta’s Hollywood clout to the point that he brings along other Latino hopefuls in his wake. Although the show is in Spanish, that is hardly a deal killer in the streaming landscape of 2018, where foreign shows like “Narcos” (bilingual, with subtitles) and “Dark,” (German, available with dubbed English or subtitles) have become binge-watch favorites for Americans on Netflix — a point likely not lost on the very Hollywood producer of “Luis Miguel,” Mark Burnett (“The RODRIGO ALVAREZ FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Voice,” “Survivor”). Mr. Miguel himself has global appeal in Spain, Italy and even China, Mr. Boneta said, in addition to the sizable market in the United States. And the story is familiar turf to fans of no-holdsbarred music biopics like “Walk the Line” and “Ray.” “On the one side, you’ve got the ‘Wolf of Wall Street’ party scenes,” Mr. Boneta said. “The fame, sex and the excess, the drugs, mixed with a really dark family drama.” If nothing else, the meaty role promises to vault Mr. Boneta far beyond the teen-idol trap. Looking ahead in his own career, Mr. Boneta said, he looks to Tom Cruise, who remains a mentor, as an inspiration. “One of the best pieces of advice he gave me is, ‘Set your goal and work backward,’” Mr. Boneta said. “If you want to be a big action star, you have to learn how to ride motorcycles, fly planes and learn to do your own stunts.” Come to think of it, “Diego Boneta, action star” has a nice ring to it. “A shortterm goal that I have, and I know this may sound cheesy, is being the first Latin Marvel superhero, whose character isn’t necessarily Latin,” he said. “Black Panther,” after all, already proved that a nonwhite superhero movie can attain blockbuster status. “How about ‘Pantera Negra’?” he said with a smile. LIST OF FIVE A star rookie’s wardrobe Mathew Barzal, a center for the New York Islanders, likes baggy T-shirts, slim jeans and whatever ASAP Rocky wears ALEXANDER J. ROTONDO FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Off the ice Mathew Barzal near his home in Garden City, N.Y. Mathew Barzal, a rookie for the New York Islanders, is having a banner year. The 20-year-old National Hockey League center has racked up a whopping 59 assists and 20 goals this season as of April 2. Off the ice, Mr. Barzal, who grew up in Vancouver, British Columbia, and lives in Garden City, N.Y., has turned up his fashion game. Here are some of his current style points. BEE SHAPIRO 2 1 3 Shirt I like my T-shirts long sleeved, and a little bit long and a little baggier. I love the ones from AllSaints and John Elliott. I’ll wear them with a hoodie. I just got a purple hoodie from Ovadia & Sons. They have a good hoodie game. I don’t have any yet from Off-White; their hoodies are sick, obviously. Everyone knows that. But Saint Laurent is becoming my favorite brand. I’ve been living with one of my teammates, Dennis Seidenberg, and his wife, Rebecca, who is into fashion. She’s becoming my stylist. She’s been introducing me to new brands and we’ll go online and shop together. I also love going into Kith whenever I’m in Brooklyn, sometimes just to see what they have new. Jeans If I like my top bigger, I like my jeans slim. I especially like ripped ones that are washed black. Plain black is also good. But I’m a hockey player. My legs are so big that I have a tough time finding pants. I need to find the stretchiest pair. I like Seven for All Mankind. I also have two pairs by Paige and some by Rag & Bone. Jacket I have this camo baggy jacket that I love. I got it in Vancouver at a store called Shuttle Notes. This is more of a signature piece. It’s got a bunch of little icons and patches on it. I imagine it’s something ASAP Rocky would wear. I like to go on Instagram and men’s street wear sites to see what people are wearing. I love Travis Scott and ASAP Rocky especially. Obviously I’m not dressing like a rapper, but it’s great to look at. 4 Shoes When I first moved to New York, I had so little clothing. I maybe had only two pairs of shoes. Now I have maybe eight pairs. I love sneakers. I have a pair of black Y-3s that are reliable. I also like my Adidas NMDs, which are in a white and gray but still stand out. I like Vans too. When I get more dressed up, I’ll wear my Saint Laurent Chelsea boots. 5 Accessories The necklace I wear right now is more of a spiritual thing. It’s a lava stone. And I just got these mala bead bracelets. My accessories are kind of hippie.