FACEBOOK TRACKING MORE THAN YOU THINK BASQUE CIDER A RITUAL BEHIND THE PROPER POUR FOLK-ROCK’S DARK STORY AN IDYLLIC CHILDHOOD, TORN APART BY VIOLENCE PAGE 12 | BUSINESS BACK PAGE | TRAVEL PAGE 18 | CULTURE .. INTERNATIONAL EDITION | THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 Crisis needs a Trumpian commitment Punishment of Syria may be harsher this time Michael Doran WASHINGTON OPINION DORAN, PAGE 17 The New York Times publishes opinion from a wide range of perspectives in hopes of promoting constructive debate about consequential questions. President looks at options that would go beyond last year’s missile barrage BY PETER BAKER, HELENE COOPER AND THOMAS GIBBONS-NEFF PHOTOGRAPHS BY FRED RAMOS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Women at risk of premature birth at El Hospital de La Mujer in San Salvador. Critics of abortion say El Salvador’s improvements in medical care make the procedure unnecessary. ‘A crime to be a woman’ SAN SALVADOR Advocates are fighting El Salvador’s abortion ban, among the world’s strictest BY ELISABETH MALKIN When Teodora del Carmen Vásquez walked out of the Ilopango women’s prison a few weeks ago, she embraced her parents, her teenage son — and a movement to change an anti-abortion law that had stolen more than a decade of her life. In El Salvador, where a total ban on abortion leads to immediate suspicion of women whose pregnancies do not end with a healthy baby, Ms. Vásquez was marked as a criminal after she began bleeding and suffered a stillbirth. Sentenced to 30 years for aggravated homicide, she was released only after the Supreme Court ruled that there was not enough evidence to show she had killed her baby. “This is the moment to speak out, this is the moment to act,” said Ms. Vásquez, who was the spokeswoman in prison for a group of two dozen women accused as she had been. “With the situation we’re in now, in a few years it will be a crime to be a woman in El Salvador.” A march against abortion in San Salvador, where women who have miscarriages can receive long prison sentences, accused of intentionally killing their babies. As Latin America has moved slowly toward lifting restrictions on abortion, six small countries have maintained an outright ban, including cases where the mother’s life is at risk. And no other country enforces that ban with El Salvador’s zeal. Yet now, women’s rights groups and their allies in El Salvador’s Congress believe they may be able to assemble a ma- jority of votes to approve abortion under certain conditions. Two bills have been proposed in the legislature, opening up debate on the issue for the first time since the wholesale ban was passed two decades ago. El Salvador’s health ministry has thrown its support behind changing the law, and doctors have begun speaking out, arguing that the ban ties their hands Museum’s director bridges art and technology New York institution picks outsider adept at digital strategy and fund-raising BY ROBIN POGREBIN For the first time in 60 years, the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York has reached beyond its own doors for a new leader, choosing a Vienna-born museum director who is conversant with the old masters, modern art and Minecraft to steer the venerable institution through the digital age. The Met announced on Tuesday that Max Hollein, 48, currently the director and chief executive of the Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco and a veteran of Germany’s oldest art foundation, will become its 10th director this summer. He will take command of the Met at a time when museums are under increasing pressure to remain relevant, raise funds and attract new audiences. “The Met is one of its kind,” Mr. Hollein said in an interview at the mu- Y(1J85IC*KKNPKP( +[!"!$!=!, PETER PRATO FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Max Hollein, the new director of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. seum. “The museum has the opportunity to be not just an art destination,” he added, but “a major provider of understanding and different narratives to a global audience.” Unlike his recent predecessors Philippe de Montebello, who served for 31 years, and Thomas P. Campbell, who served for nearly nine, Mr. Hollein did not ascend from the Met’s curatorial ranks. He was reportedly a runner-up when Mr. Campbell was chosen in 2008. But he was an appealing candidate this time around for a museum seeking a stabilizing force after a period of financial turmoil. He is an aggressive fundraiser with experience in contemporary art, as well as a broader knowledge of art history, who has a track record of digital innovations. Since age 31, Mr. Hollein has served as a museum director, including 15 years at several institutions in Frankfurt: the Städel Museum, which houses one of Europe’s important collections of old masters; the Schirn Kunsthalle, which exhibits modern and contemporary art; and the Liebieghaus, with its world-re- nowned sculpture collection. At the Städel, Mr. Hollein developed a forceful digital strategy and oversaw a $69 million renovation and expansion that doubled the gallery space and created a new wing for art made since 1945. During his tenure, all three museums saw record levels of attendance and added more than 2,800 artworks to their collections. He only recently moved to the United States, in 2016, to head the Fine Arts Museums, consisting of the de Young Museum in Golden Gate Park, which specializes in American art; and the Legion of Honor near the foot of the Golden Gate Bridge, which focuses on European art. In his two years in San Francisco, Mr. Hollein has brought significant innovations to the Fine Arts Museums, including Digital Stories, an in-depth look into the museum’s exhibitions, enhanced by multimedia experiences. The museum translated all exhibition materials into Spanish for its exhibition “Teotihuacan: City of Water, City of Fire”; created a MUSEUM, PAGE 2 NEWSSTAND PRICES Andorra € 3.70 Antilles € 4.00 Austria € 3.50 Bahrain BD 1.40 Belgium € 3.50 Bos. & Herz. KM 5.50 Cameroon CFA 2700 Canada CAN$ 5.50 Croatia KN 22.00 Cyprus € 3.20 Czech Rep CZK 110 Denmark Dkr 30 Egypt EGP 28.00 Estonia € 3.50 Finland € 3.50 France € 3.50 Gabon CFA 2700 Germany € 3.50 Great Britain £ 2.20 Greece € 2.80 Hungary HUF 950 Israel NIS 13.50 Israel / Eilat NIS 11.50 Italy € 3.40 Ivory Coast CFA 2700 Jordan JD 2.00 Kazakhstan US$ 3.50 Latvia € 3.90 Lebanon LBP 5,000 Luxembourg € 3.50 Malta € 3.40 Montenegro € 3.40 Morocco MAD 30 Norway Nkr 33 Oman OMR 1.40 Poland Zl 15 Portugal € 3.50 Qatar QR 12.00 Republic of Ireland ¤ 3.40 Reunion € 3.50 Saudi Arabia SR 15.00 Senegal CFA 2700 Serbia Din 280 Slovakia € 3.50 Slovenia € 3.40 Spain € 3.50 Sweden Skr 35 Switzerland CHF 4.80 Syria US$ 3.00 The Netherlands € 3.50 Tunisia Din 5.200 Turkey TL 11 U.A.E. AED 14.00 United States $ 4.00 United States Military (Europe) $ 2.00 Issue Number No. 42,014 in treating high-risk pregnancies. International organizations have condemned the ban as a violation of women’s rights, and Chile, which relaxed its law in August, set an influential example. “There’s a wide spectrum of grays, and we need to have a dialogue on the issue,” said Johnny Wright Sol, a lawmaker who broke from the right-wing Arena party last year and proposed a bill to permit abortion when the mother’s health is at risk or for a minor who has been raped. “It’s a very conservative approach,” Mr. Wright said. “It’s a minimum standard at a level with the modernity of the 21st century.” A separate bill would expand exceptions to the ban to include abortion in all rape cases and those involving an unviable fetus. Supporters hope to bring a vote before the lower house, the Legislative Assembly, finishes its term at the end of April and before the new, more conservative Assembly that was elected last month is seated. Advocates have paired their lobbying with a social media campaign focused not just on women’s health, but also on the harm done to families when a mother is prosecuted or her life is at risk. El Salvador’s largest television channels refused to run ads, but the campaign has bought radio spots, persuaded journalists to cover the issue EL SALVADOR, PAGE 4 President Trump and his advisers are weighing a more robust retaliatory strike against Syria than last year’s missile attack, reasoning that only an escalation of force would look credible and possibly serve as a deterrent against further use of chemical weapons on Syrian civilians. Two Navy warships in the eastern Mediterranean Sea are capable of launching the same sort of missile barrage that Mr. Trump ordered against a Syrian air base a year ago in response to a chemical attack that killed more than 80 civilians. But White House and national security officials worried that an operation on the same scale, as punishment for another suspected and deadly attack that killed dozens over the weekend, would not be effective at curbing the Syrian military’s war effort. Administration officials said they expected any new strike to be more expansive than last year’s, but the question was how much more. Possible options included hitting more than a single target and extending strikes beyond a single day. But even so, Mr. Trump remained reluctant to deepen American involvement over a longer term. Mr. Trump and his team enlisted support for action against the government of President Bashar al-Assad. American officials expressed confidence that they would have the backing of France, which has been vocal about the need for a strong response, as well as Britain, Saudi Arabia and Qatar, all of which called for Syria to be held accountable for the suspected chemical attack. It remained unclear, however, whether any of the allies would participate. Mr. Trump canceled a trip to Peru and Colombia that was scheduled to start Friday to oversee the response to the Syria attack, but as of early evening, had made no comment about Syria on Twitter or in his public appearances on Tuesday. Instead, he left it to a guest, the visiting emir of Qatar, to express the determination to stop the atrocities in Syria. “We see the suffering of the Syrian people,” Emir Tamim bin Hamad AlThani said with Mr. Trump in the Oval Office. “And me and the president, we SYRIA, PAGE 5 TRUMP FUMES OVER RAID ON LAWYER The raids by the F.B.I. on President Trump’s personal lawyer have sent him to new heights of outrage. PAGE 6 dior.com The United States will be making an exit from Syria “very soon,” President Trump said late last month in Ohio. “Let the other people take care of it now.” In making this announcement, the president ignored a cardinal principle of an author he holds in very high regard: himself. According to “The Art of the Deal,” Mr. Trump’s 1987 best-selling guide to business strategy, success in negotiations requires developing leverage. The crux of the matter is appearing unflappable while making the other guy sweat. “The worst thing you can possibly do in a deal is seem desperate to make it,” Mr. Trump wrote. “That makes the other guy smell blood, and then you’re dead.” Mr. Trump’s Syria In proannouncement fosclaiming an tered the impression imminent of a president deswithdrawal perate to get out of from Syria, the Middle East. It also violated another the president oft-repeated has violated Trumpian principle: his own never, ever telegraph principles. your military moves. “I don’t want to broadcast to the enemy exactly what my plan is,” Mr. Trump said during the 2016 presidential campaign. The announcement generated considerable unease in the foreign policy establishment. Senator John McCain, among others, claimed that Mr. Trump’s call for a withdrawal emboldened Bashar al-Assad, convincing him he could launch a chemical weapons attack a mere 10 days later. The claim is speculative, but not outrageous. Mr. Assad has a strong imperative to clear insurgents from eastern Ghouta, the stronghold of the most formidable Damascus-based militia. Believing that the United States was headed for the exits may have made him even more willing to hold back nothing. Mr. Trump probably assumed that his announcement would spur America’s allies like Israel, and, especially, Saudi Arabia to step up. That tactic is dangerous. If allies conclude that an American departure is inevitable, they will hedge their bets. Some will lie low. Others will make a beeline to Vladimir Putin. Russia, they know, will never quit Syria. Washington, someone once said, might be indispensable, but Moscow is immovable. After the departure of American troops, Mr. Putin’s first goal will be to .. 2 | THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION page two Rugby player vanished in the outback Creator of evocative anime films ISAO TAKAHATA 1935-2018 KEITH MURDOCH, 1943-2018 BY DANIEL E. SLOTNIK Isao Takahata, a film director who founded Japan’s premier animation studio, Studio Ghibli, with Hayao Miyazaki in 1985 and made sophisticated animated films like the elegiac World War II drama “Grave of the Fireflies,” died on April 5 in Tokyo. He was 82. The cause was lung cancer, Studio Ghibli said in a statement. Studio Ghibli has released some of the highest-grossing anime films ever, like “Ponyo,” “Howl’s Moving Castle,” “Princess Mononoke” and “Spirited Away,” which won an Academy Award for best animated feature in 2003 after an English version was released. These lushly animated fairy tales were all written and directed by Mr. Miyazaki, whose name is more recognizable to international animation aficionados than that of Mr. Takahata. “If Studio Ghibli is your favorite band, then Takahata has the deep cuts from the back catalog,” Dave Jesteadt, now the president of GKIDS, which distributes many Ghibli films in the United States, told The Los Angeles Times in 2014. The disparity in their recognition might have had to do with Mr. Takahata’s output, which was considerably smaller than Mr. Miyazaki’s. Mr. Takahata took longer to complete films than Mr. Miyazaki, who is known for his unflagging work ethic. Mr. Takahata’s pace sometimes caused resentment — Mr. Miyazaki jokingly compared Mr. Takahata to “a real slugabed sloth” in 1990 — but it also led to meticulously crafted films. Many of Mr. Takahata’s movies were popular, particularly in Japan, and many critics praised his work, especially “Grave of the Fireflies” (1988), a harrowing tale of a brother and sister trying to survive after Japan is devastated by American firebombing during World War II. The film, written and directed by Mr. Takahata and adapted from a story by Akiyuki Nosaka, dealt frankly with cruelty and death but had moments of innocence, beauty and grace. The critic Roger Ebert of The Chicago Sun-Times called the film “an emotional experience so powerful that it forces a rethinking of animation.” “This film proves, if it needed proving, that animation produces emotional effects not by reproducing reality, but by heightening and simplifying it, so that many sequences are about ideas, not experiences,” Mr. Ebert wrote. Mr. Takahata’s other films include “Only Yesterday” (1991), a contemplative tale of a woman who reminisces about her past on a trip to the countryside, and “Pom Poko” (1994), an environmentalist fantasy about shapeshift- BY HUW RICHARDS GKIDS A calm moment in “Grave of the Fireflies,” Isao Takahata’s wrenching World War II drama, which drew on his experience of an American bombing raid. Below, Mr. Takahata in 2015. “If Studio Ghibli is your favorite band, then Takahata has the deep cuts from the back catalog.” SHIZUO KAMBAYASHI/ASSOCIATED PRESS ing raccoon-like animals called Tanuki that struggle to maintain their lifestyle against encroaching suburbs. Both of those films were drawn in naturalistic styles, even when they de- picted fantastical subjects, a hallmark of a lot of anime and many of Studio Ghibli’s films. Mr. Takahata, who was not an animator himself, chose a different approach in later films like “My Neighbors the Yamadas” (1999), a surrealistic family story drawn like a comic strip; and his last film, “The Tale of the Princess Kaguya” (2013), a dreamy, watercolored portrayal of a Japanese folk tale. “It is about the essence that’s behind the drawing,” he said of his aesthetic in “Princess Kaguya” in an interview with The Associated Press in 2015. “We want to express reality without an overly realistic depiction, and that’s about appealing to the human imagination.” “The Tale of the Princess Kaguya” took Mr. Takahata about a decade to finish, though he worked on other films at the same time. It was nominated for an Academy Award for best animated feature in 2015. “The film’s tone — the sense of characters grasping to hold on to innocence as the civilized world whisks it away — is all Takahata,” the critic Ty Burr wrote in The Boston Globe in 2014. Mr. Takahata was reported to have been born on Oct. 29, 1935, in Mie Prefecture, in southern Japan. He grew up further west in the city of Okayama. He told The Japan Times in 2015 that as a boy during World War II he fled an American bombing raid that killed more than 1,000 people in Okayama. He remembered rushing, barefoot and in his pajamas, past piles of bodies — an experience he drew on for “Grave of the Fireflies.” He graduated from the University of Tokyo, then started his career in animation in the late 1950s at Toei studio, where he met Mr. Miyazaki. Mr. Takahata worked on television anime series like “Lupin the 3rd” and “Heidi: A Girl of the Alps,” and directed the film “Gauche the Cellist” (1982) before he and Mr. Miyazaki created Studio Ghibli. There was no immediate information on survivors. Museum selects outsider adept in technology MUSEUM, FROM PAGE 1 Minecraft map of the pyramids there; and offered free online courses to help encourage access for all audiences — not only the young. At a time when museums are making a concerted effort to expand the cultural conversation to include more women and people of color, Mr. Hollein said it was also important to him that the Met “open up” to incorporate a range of perspectives. He cited his current institution’s acquisition last year of 62 works by African-American artists, from the Souls Grown Deep Foundation in Atlanta. (The Met acquired 57 works from the foundation in 2014, some of which will go on view in an exhibition that opens May 22). Many in the art world had wondered whether the Met director job would draw first-rate candidates, given the museum’s recent reorganization of its leadership structure. Rather than governing from the top of the pyramid, like Mr. Campbell, who also served as chief executive before he was forced to step down last year, Mr. Hollein will report to Daniel H. Weiss, the president and chief executive who has also been serving as acting director of the Met. “We are going to be genuine partners,” Mr. Weiss said. Nevertheless, some of the names said to have been under consideration, according to a person familiar with the selection process who declined to be identified discussing internal deliberations, included Adam D. Weinberg, the director of the Whitney Museum of American Art in New York; Julián Zugazagoitia, the chief executive and director of the Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art in Kansas City, Mo.; Emilie Gordenker, the director of the Mauritshuis, the museum in The Hague; Timothy Rub, the director of the Philadelphia Museum of Art; and Taco Dibbits, the director of the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam. Mr. Hollein’s art world peers seem to think highly of him. “Max is an excellent choice,” said Glenn D. Lowry, the director of the Museum of Modern Art in New York. “He’s an esteemed colleague, he’s known to many of us, he’s been an interesting director for a while.” Michael Govan, the director of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, said Mr. Hollein “is extremely personable and he has had a tremendous amount of experience in management — both of organizations and friendships.” Still, the selection of Mr. Hollein could lead to complaints that the Met has again chosen a white man for the top job. “This could have been a moment for the Met to take a leap into the present,” said Tom Eccles, executive director of the Center for Curatorial Studies at Bard College. “This is a moment when we’re really trying to unearth different histories, different viewpoints, new ways of thinking about geographies and identities.” The Met would not disclose Mr. Hollein’s salary. As director and chief executive, Mr. Campbell’s total compensation was $1.4 million, including a salary of $942,287 and the use of a Fifth Avenue apartment (which the Met plans to sell), according to recent tax records. Mr. Campbell was forced out in the wake of the museum’s financial problems and low morale, departing amid revelations about a close personal relationship he had with a female staff member. To right its finances, the Met cut its staff and recently started charging nonNew Yorkers mandatory admission of $25. The museum also scaled back plans for its new modern and contemporary wing, initially expected to cost $600 million. Mr. Hollein will have to raise money for that reconceived project at a time when many cultural projects are vying for funds, namely the Museum of Modern Art’s $400 million expansion; the Studio Museum in Harlem’s $175 million new home; the Frick Collection’s $160 million redesign; and Geffen Hall’s renovation, initially estimated at more than $500 million. Although European museum directors are typically assumed to require fewer fund-raising skills, given government support for the arts, that is changing. Mr. Hollein said he raised half the cost of the Städel extension from private donations, an impressive feat and unusual for Germany, where large cultural AMY LOMBARD FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES The Metropolitan Museum of Art has started charging $25 admission to visitors from outside the region. projects are mostly state funded. Some have accused Mr. Hollein of going too far; in 2012, he had to defend the museum against accusations that he had turned the acquisition of a Raphael painting of Pope Julius II — with questionable provenance — into “a mass public spectacle.” He said at the time: “We knew that the attribution was going to be controversial. That’s why it was so important for us to not simply hang it in the museum, but to present all the facts we had gleaned over the years. I don’t see this as sensationalist, but rather as a very open and transparent process.” Nevertheless, the Met job will present a learning curve for Mr. Hollein, who began his career at the Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation, as the chief of staff and executive assistant to its former director, Thomas Krens. But he has never led a museum in New York, and the Met can be something of a shark tank, requiring a constructive working relationship with its powerful curators. The Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco receive a healthy 1.6 million visitors, but that pales in comparison with the Met’s seven million annual visitors across its three locations. In San Francisco, Mr. Hollein managed an operating budget of $60 million and more than 500 employees; the Met has a budget of $305 million and a staff of 2,200. Mr. Hollein grew up in an artistic household, the son of Hans Hollein, the Viennese postmodern architect. Max Hollein studied art history at the University of Vienna and business administration at the Vienna University of Economics. As a curator, he specialized in art of the 1980s and ’90s and organized the Austrian pavilion at the Venice Art Biennale in 2005. While running the de Young in San Francisco, Mr. Hollein added its first contemporary art curator, and he is not risk averse. The museum’s first major show since his arrival, “Contemporary Muslim Fashion,” opening in September, will explore Muslim dress codes and their influence on fashion worldwide. (Mr. Hollein’s wife, Nina Hollein, is an Austrian clothing designer; they have three teenagers.) “On the one hand it’s a fashion show, on the other hand it will address complex social, political questions,” Mr. Hollein said. “Museums these days are one of the few areas where you can have a complex cultural discussion in a nonpolemical way.” The New Zealand rugby player Keith Murdoch had a “wild man” reputation almost from the start of his career, when, at 20, he made the tough Otago provincial team. In an already punishing sport, he was ferocious. A barrel-chested 248 pounds, with a thick, drooping mustache, Murdoch was a prop forward, a player in the front row of a rugby scrummage who specializes in direct combat with the opposition and is expected to be the hardest of hard men. Murdoch’s fearsome reputation preceded him. When he was chosen to tour Britain, Ireland and France in 1972 with the All Blacks, New Zealand’s national team, a British newspaper cartoonist drew him arriving in London in a cage. The team would later be described by The Guardian as “arrogant, boorish and prone to hurling expletives at autograph-hunting fans.” The tour proved to be both the high point of Murdoch’s career and its end. The first match was in December, against Wales, in Cardiff, a de facto world title contest in the era before rugby had a World Cup. Murdoch played an enormous part in New Zealand’s 19-16 win in that match and scored its only touchdown (called a try in rugby) — a victory that resonated throughout New Zealand, which treats its rich heritage in the game with unmatched seriousness. After a night of celebrating with teammates, Murdoch, in the early morning hours, went into the kitchen of the Angel Hotel in Cardiff seeking further refreshment. GEORGE STROUD/DAILY EXPRESS, HULTON ARCHIVE, VIA GETTY IMAGES The New Zealand rugby player Keith Murdoch in London in 1972. There he encountered a security guard who, several All Blacks later reported, was clearly spoiling for a fight. There are conflicting accounts as to what was said and done next, but there was little doubt that the brawny Murdoch had gratified the guard’s wish and left him with a black eye. Given the guard’s provocation, most teammates expected Murdoch to face limited disciplinary action. Instead he was ordered to leave the tour and go home. His teammates accused the tour manager, Ernie Todd, who was struggling with the cancer that would kill him, of caving in to pressure from British officials and the news media. To this day Murdoch remains the only All Black to have been sent home from an international tour. But Murdoch, in fact, did not go home. Issued a ticket back to New Zealand, he got off the plane in Singapore and diverted to Australia — to the city of Darwin, on the northern coast, the gateway to the vast, sparsely populated Northern Territory. And there, for all intents and purposes, he disappeared. He “went bush,” as the Australians say. He became a rugby version of Bigfoot and the subject of a play, his legend growing in inverse proportion to the confirmed sightings of him. Indeed, the world outside the drilling sites and sheep stations of the outback heard about him only a handful of times and not at all after 2001. Until, that is, on March 31, when the All Blacks, having received word from members of his family, announced on its Twitter feed that Murdoch had died the day before at 74. Doug Baughan, the chairman of Zingari Richmond, the club for which Murdoch once played in his home city, Dunedin, said of the death that “the exact circumstances are not yet clear” — a statement that could have applied to almost the last 46 years of Murdoch’s life. Keith Murdoch was born in Dunedin on Sept. 9, 1943. He was educated at King Edward Technical College and played his first adult rugby match for Zingari Richmond before joining the Otago team in 1964. Vying to join the vaunted All Blacks, he played in several trials, but it wasn’t until 1970 — when he toured with Otago in South Africa — that he was invited to join the national team. The Wales match was his third and last international contest for the All Blacks. 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THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 | 3 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION World They reported a massacre; now they’re in jail In October, two ethnic Kachin Baptist community leaders, Dumdaw Nawng Lat and Langjaw Gam Seng, were found guilty of unlawful association and sentenced to 27 months in prison after they helped reporters document damage from military airstrikes near a Catholic church in the eastern state of Shan. Mr. Dumdaw Nawng Lat got an extra two years for defaming a military officer. Last month, a former child soldier, Aung Ko Htway, 27, was sentenced to two years of hard labor after he described in an interview with Radio Free YANGON, MYANMAR Reporters who documented Rohingya atrocities have been detained for months BY RICHARD C. PADDOCK Once a week, the two Reuters reporters are shuffled out of their prison cells in Yangon, Myanmar, loaded into the back of a police truck and driven to a nearby courthouse. Wearing handcuffs, the reporters, U Wa Lone and U Kyaw Soe Oo, hear one or two witnesses testify against them on the charge of violating Myanmar’s Official Secrets Act. Then they are taken back to their cells in Insein Prison, where they wait for the next week’s hearing. The grim ritual, in its third month, took place again Wednesday, when the judge in the case, U Ye Lwin, ruled that there was enough evidence for the reporters to face trial. The two journalists, who were investigating a massacre of 10 Muslim Rohingya men in Rakhine State, face up to 14 years in prison under the British colonial-era secrets act. The massacre in Inn Din village that the two brought to light occurred in September during violent attacks on Rohingya Muslims by Myanmar’s military and local Buddhist mobs, driving hundreds of thousands of refugees into Bangladesh in what is broadly seen as calculated ethnic cleansing. The Reuters journalists were arrested Dec. 12 after they left a northern Yangon restaurant where they met with two police officers, who handed them some rolled-up papers. Human rights groups have accused the police of entrapping the two journalists by handing them the documents. The reporters’ lawyers say they never had a chance to look at them. This is the method of Myanmar’s judicial system, where speed and fairness are not necessarily the goal. “It is not a just system,” a lawyer for the journalists, Khin Maung Zaw, said during a recent break in the court pro- Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s years under house arrest were covered by the same news media that her government now seeks to punish. LYNN BO BO/EPA, VIA SHUTTERSTOCK The Reuters journalist U Wa Lone being escorted by the police from a court in Yangon, Myanmar. ceedings. “There are many obstacles.” The case has highlighted the suppression of free speech in Myanmar under the government of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the state counselor and Nobel Peace Prize laureate. She has yet to speak out on behalf of the Rohingya, and has instead blamed “terrorists” for an “iceberg of misinformation” about the crisis in Rakhine. During the 15 years Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi spent under house arrest by the country’s military rulers, her plight was widely covered by the same international news media that her government now seeks to punish. Many top officials in her government also were political prisoners during mili- tary rule. But today, efforts to suppress criticism of the government have blossomed under her party, the National League for Democracy, including through the use of a harsh criminal defamation law that targets online speech. Two of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s top appointees have enabled the prosecution of Mr. Wa Lone and Mr. Kyaw Soe Oo. Shortly after they were arrested, the country’s president at the time authorized the police to proceed with the case. The attorney general, a former military officer, has overseen the prosecution. Not everyone in the National League for Democracy favors such harsh treatment. U Nyan Win, secretary of the party’s central executive committee, said in an interview that the charges against Mr. Wa Lone and Mr. Kyaw Soe Oo should be dismissed because they never reported on any official secrets. He recommended that the journalists appeal to the Supreme Court to quash the proceedings. “By law, they have not committed any offense at the time they were arrested,” he said. “They had not released any information about the news they collected. They have not committed any offense.” Human rights advocates here and abroad have expressed concern about the growing crackdown on free speech by Myanmar’s government. Asia how the military abducted him at 14 and forced him to serve as a soldier for nearly a decade. He was prosecuted for circulating information that could cause public fear or alarm. “We have no rule of law in this country,” he told reporters as the police took him away. One of the most powerful tools for stifling dissent has been a section of the telecommunications law, 66d, which allows anyone to file charges of online defamation, even if they have no connection to the supposed victim. Under the previous government of President Thein Sein, which enacted the law, 11 such cases were brought. But in two years under Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, more than 100 such cases have been filed, including against journalists and government critics. One target is U Swe Win, a co-founder of the news website Myanmar Now. He is charged with defamation for criticizing hateful comments spread by a Buddhist nationalist monk. He faces two years in prison. An occasional contributor to The New York Times and other foreign publications, Mr. Swe Win served seven years in prison for taking part in a 1998 demonstration that protested military rule and backed Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi. He said he has had to attend court hearings in his case every other week for nearly a year, but the case has moved so slowly he has never had a chance to present his defense. “This is a very dangerous place to speak the truth,” he said. In the case of the two Reuters journalists, the evidence presented by the prosecution has not been compelling. Prosecution witnesses have disagreed on whether the journalists were arrested outside the restaurant or at a traffic checkpoint some distance away. One police officer admitted that he burned his notes of the arrest. Another testified that he was unfamiliar with police arrest procedures. A local official who testified that he was present during the arrest admitted under cross-examination that he had written the checkpoint location on his hand so he would not forget it while he was testifying. One police witness acknowledged that the information in the documents had already been published in newspaper reports before the journalists’ arrest. Sean Bain, a legal adviser in Yangon for the Geneva-based International Commission of Jurists, attended the hearing last week and said the prosecution had not produced credible evidence. He urged the government to step in and dismiss the case. “The outcome of these hearings doesn’t rest solely on the judge,” he said. “The government should instruct prosecutors to immediately drop the charges.” Reuters has mounted a vigorous campaign to keep the case before the public eye. The human rights lawyer Amal Clooney recently announced that she would assist in their defense. The reporters’ coverage has been honored with several awards since their arrest, including the PEN/Barbey Freedom to Write Award. “No journalists in the history of our country betrayed the country,” Mr. Kyaw Soe Oo told reporters after one hearing. “We reported the news to get the right information.” Saw Nang contributed reporting from Yangon. Togo’s broken hospitals LOMÉ, TOGO Health care workers stage walkouts to protest deplorable conditions BY TIM MCDONNELL The air-conditioner was broken in the sweltering neonatal ward of Togo’s largest hospital, and only one nurse was on duty to attend to the two dozen infants with life-threatening conditions. Mothers with babies in the ward were imploring friends and family for loans to buy basic medical supplies from pharmacies around Lomé, the capital, because items like drugs, saline solution, latex gloves and packets of clean water were not available at Sylvanus Olympio University Teaching Hospital. One infant, Tresor Tsolenyanou, was born in February with gastroschisis, a condition in which the intestines are partly exposed through a hole in the abdominal muscles. He shared a crib with several other babies, his bulging torso wrapped in gauze. In the United States, the survival rate for gastroschisis is 90 percent. But because of the high risk of infection in this overcrowded, understaffed and undersupplied hospital, Tresor was likely to die, said Steven Kagni, the ward’s attending nurse. Fed up with situations like Tresor’s, Togo’s public hospital workers are demonstrating their disgust with the level of care they are able to provide, adding their voices to a growing swell of political protests that have shaken this small West African country. As they have done half a dozen times since the beginning of the year, doctors and nurses went on strike in late March, walking out of the central hospital, blocking new patients from entering and encouraging existing patients to seek private treatment elsewhere. “When you accept to work in these conditions, you might be complicit in a situation that could cause death. You are responsible,” said Dr. David Dosseh, a surgeon at the central hospital who helped organize the strikes. “So at a certain moment, you have to ask if it’s better to just stop working.” Critics say the pervasive problems in Togo’s medical system — where equipment frequently malfunctions, electricity and water supplies are unreliable and new doctors earn less than taxi drivers — are the result of government corruption and ineptitude. But the current unrest in Togo extends far beyond the nation’s troubled health care system. Dr. Dosseh and his colleagues said their frustrations with the government were aligned with those of university students, public schoolteachers and oth- ers who have led a recent wave of protests against President Faure Gnassingbé, whose family has ruled Togo for 50 years. While doctors have kept clear of street demonstrations and confined their opposition to strikes, their status as medical professionals, and their intimate involvement with the daily miseries of life in the capital, has put them at the forefront of the movement calling for Mr. Gnassingbé to be removed from power. “People have a lot of respect and consideration for the doctors,” said Farida Nabourema, a prominent opposition activist. “The strikes are a key part of the resistance.” Mr. Gnassingbé, who succeeded his father as president in 2005 in an election marred by violence and accusations of fraud, supported legislation introduced last fall that would put in place presidential term limits — but which exempted his current and previous terms, allowing him to run again in 2020 and 2025. That bill was angrily voted down by opposition lawmakers and led to demonstrations around the country. Protesters’ frustrations were also stoked by a dismal economy, crumbling MAURITANIA MALI SENEGAL NIGER BURKINA FASO GUINEA BENIN SIERRA IVORY LEONE COAST LIBERIA TOGO GHANA Lomé Gulf of Guinea 400 MILES THE NEW YORK TIMES schools and expectations raised by the ouster of other longstanding African leaders like President Yahya Jammeh, Gambia’s ex-president, who was voted out of office in 2016 and Robert Mugabe, who resigned in November after 37 years as president of Zimbabwe. Mr. Gnassingbé’s government countered with sweeping arrests of opposition politicians, internet blackouts, crackdowns on social media, and, according to Amnesty International, beatings and torture by the federal police. In February, the government agreed to negotiate with opposition party members, a meeting brokered by President Nana Akufo-Addo of Ghana. Since then, large-scale political protests have waned, with activists awaiting the outcome of the discussions. But the health care workers continue to forge ahead with strikes, regularly leaving the central hospital with few or no staff members for days at a time. I. Glenn Cohen, a professor at Harvard Law School and an expert on health law and bioethics, said medical ethicists generally agree that the potential benefits of a doctors’ strike can justifiably outweigh the potential risk to patients, if the dispute is about the quality of patient care (as opposed to, for example, pensions or vacation time). A recent peer-reviewed study of doctor’s strikes around the world found no evidence that they lead to an increase in patient mortality, he said. “When you agree to become a doctor, you do not agree to work under any possible condition with whatever quality of care that might mean for patients,” Professor Cohen said. The government in Togo has retaliated against some leading doctors. Two weeks ago, Ihou Majesté, the vice dean at the University of Lomé medical school, was arrested and detained by the federal police for several days after an audio clip, said to be in his voice, circulated comparing the Health Ministry to a broken down car. Experts at the United Nations say that Togo scores about average for a country of its income on metrics like vaccine availability, deaths from noncommunicable diseases and average life expectancy. Its newborn mortality rate, 26 per 1,000 births, is better than war-torn Sierra Leone, but worse than countries like Niger and Burkina Faso that are less developed than Togo. Moustafa Mijiyawa, the health minister, did not respond to email inquiries asking for an interview. Reached on his cellphone, he hung up without commenting. Doctors in the city point to their own statistics: only four doctors per 10,000 residents of Lomé, when the international standard calls for 20; five often broken CT scanners for a city of 837,000; one nurse for every 13 beds at the central hospital, when experts recommend a ratio of one to four. The government spends $16 per capita on primary health care, among the lowest in the world, according to research backed by the Gates Foundation. A French-trained neurosurgeon at the central hospital said he recently had to perform brain surgery on a motorcycle accident victim with no electricity, using his cellphone for light. By the time the power returned, the man was in a coma and has yet to regain consciousness. The central hospital is known around Lomé as “the Morgue,” as locals say you’re more likely to come out dead than alive. Patients are routinely forced to pay out of pocket for basic supplies, even in emergency situations, before they can receive treatment. “In the emergency room, if you don’t pay, you die,” said Dr. Atchi Walla, a surgeon there. RARE AND MAGNIFICENT JEWELS LONDON GENEVA HONG KONG COURCHEVEL Tel: +44 (0)20 7290 1536 moussaieff-jewellers.com email@example.com .. 4 | THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION world Battle destroyed a city. China will rebuild it. MARAWI, PHILIPPINES Filipinos who lost homes in fight with Islamists have little control over future BY BEN C. SOLOMON AND FELIPE VILLAMOR As she approached her house for the first time since militants took over the neighborhood, evidence of a disaster unfolded around Haydee Dimalawang: “ISIS” spray-painted on the door of the family’s completely stripped car, walls gouged by bullets, a kitchen ripped in half by a mortar shell. She felt lucky — relatively. At least her house, in a central neighborhood of Marawi, was still standing. Her neighbor across the street, Alpata Utto, was left with an empty lot. His house had burned down early in the fighting, and weeds had sprouted from the ashes. Islamic State loyalists seized Marawi, a predominantly Muslim city of more than 200,000 people on the Philippine island of Mindanao, more than 10 months ago, leading to months of military siege and devastating American airstrikes. The residents are finally being allowed to return, but only for a day or two per family to salvage what they can and then leave again. What happens next will depend on how and when the city is rebuilt. And in a central example of how the political wind is shifting in the Philippines, the destruction enabled in part by American military assistance will be repaired by a Chinese-led consortium, officials say. This week, President Rodrigo Duterte visited China to discuss the project, worth an estimated $1.5 billion, with President Xi Jinping, among other issues, officials said. As residents’ visits to Marawi began, three New York Times journalists were given exclusive access both to those neighborhoods and to some parts of the city still cut off to civilians and littered with ordnance and rubble. Since Mr. Duterte declared victory over the Islamic State loyalists in October, residents have been kept out. For the past five months, they have been scattered across the country. Some moved in with relatives, but many were stuck in government-sponsored openair camps for the displaced. After residents protested the delayed return to their city, the military scheduled the short-term visits. Last year, President Duterte admitted that the Philippine security forces had been caught off guard by the militants’ assault on Marawi, and he grudgingly asked for help from the country’s traditional military allies, the United States and Australia. What followed were five months of the most intense clashes the Philippine military had faced, with the militants killing hundreds, taking dozens of people hostage and beheading victims on video. In total, the government estimates that some 1,200 people were killed. The insurgent leader Isnilon Hapilon was killed in October, near the end of the siege. But about 200 fighters had managed to escape, and sporadic clashes continued weeks later. Long known as the “Islamic capital” of the Philippines, Marawi has a history of marginalization by the government of the predominantly Catholic country. Even before the siege began, residents would stay away from banks in favor of keeping their money in vaults and doing business among themselves. Many refused to register their property, preferring to stay off government books. As people began returning this week, some said they believed that the Philippine military, not the Islamist militants, had looted their homes. That has only added to the sense of isolation. “Our practice was staying together PHOTOGRAPHS BY JES AZNAR FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES The government is allowing small groups of residents to return to Marawi, Philippines, to examine their homes and recover some belongings. But they cannot stay because unexploded ammunition makes the city still dangerous. Long known as the “Islamic capital” of the Philippines, Marawi has a history of marginalization by the government of the predominantly Catholic country. Displaced residents of Marawi at Friday Prayer in the city of Iligan. People from Marawi have been scattered across the country for months, waiting to return. and closely guarding each other,” said Saimra Gutoc, a community organizer from Marawi. “Now, if you’re a Muslim Filipino, you’re going to be suspected of being a part of this.” Across the city, the residents tried to gather up whatever belongings they could: scrap metal to sell in the market, old family photo albums, half-burned high school diplomas. In the center of the city, Dr. Bedoria Macabalang, 52, was inspecting what remained of the family-owned, 50-bed Salaam Hospital, which was one of the city’s most modern health facilities before the siege began. Militants had tak- as he addressed a business conference on the Chinese island of Hainan, with Mr. Xi in attendance. “As sovereign equals, the Philippines and China are partners in the building of much-needed infrastructure,” Mr. Duterte said, according to a government transcript. “We are building bridges of greater understanding between our peoples.” Rommel Banlaoi, a political and security analyst, said Marawi’s future would be a critical indicator of the Philippines’ relationship with China. “It is not only a case of counterterror,” he said. “It’s a test for Duterte’s foreign policy.” en over the hospital and used it as an infirmary for their wounded. On the walls were pro-Islamic State graffiti. “I have had to also let go of the hospital’s 80-plus staff. No one knows what’s going to happen to us,” Dr. Macabalang said. “I can’t cry anymore because all the tears have dried up.” Plans to rebuild the city have been coming together slowly. Mr. Duterte announced last week that most of the contract will be bid out to a group of Chinese companies. But it could be months before the actual work can start. On Tuesday, Mr. Duterte seemed to hint at that relationship — and others — Over the past year, the Duterte administration has been edging toward closer ties with Beijing. Though the two countries have a territorial dispute over islands in the South China Sea, the prospect of becoming part of China’s Belt and Road infrastructure initiative — which has provided highways, bridges and tunnels to neighboring countries like Thailand, Laos and Cambodia — appears to be moving the Philippines further out of the United States’ orbit. “The Philippine relationship with the U.S. has already changed,” Mr. Banlaoi said. “Duterte doesn’t want the U.S. to lay on the terms anymore.” With the level of destruction so high, Marawi will probably need to be completely razed and rebuilt. But residents are holding on to hope that they will be able to do the work. “We don’t want the Chinese to come in and be paid to destroy our homes,” Ms. Dimalawang said. “This is our city, and we can rebuild it ourselves.” In January, the government made moves to take control of the reconstruction away from the residents. Mr. Duterte released a presidential proclamation classifying much of Marawi’s present area as a military reservation, offering to repay residents for whatever areas are claimed. So far, no payments have been discussed. “I will do what is best for you, so do not hurry me up,” Mr. Duterte said at a news conference this week. “Can you rebuild it with how many billions? Just stay put.” There is certainly danger in any largescale return right now. Around Marawi, volunteers for the Swiss Foundation for Mine Action distributed leaflets to returning evacuees warning them of unexploded ordnance. Posters showed different types of bombs. One soldier walked past carrying the empty shell of a rocket-propelled grenade, while spent shells of World War II-era ammunition still littered the ground. A “cadaver recovery team” from the health department continues to retrieve remains from the bombed-out areas. When the Times journalists visited, Dr. Khadafi Mapandi’s recovery team had found 12 sets of skeletal remains, and expected to find more. Campaigning against El Salvador’s strict abortion ban EL SALVADOR, FROM PAGE 1 and organized support from doctors, legal experts and economists, said Keyla Cáceres, a campaign organizer. Lorena Peña, a lawmaker from the leftist Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front who proposed the bill with the broader exceptions in 2016, said there was “less fundamentalism now” about the issue. “The debate has been much wider.” Whatever happens over the next couple of weeks — Ms. Peña said right-wing legislators feared that breaking ranks to support the changes would alienate their wealthy conservative backers — the campaign will continue. “I’m not pessimistic,” she said. “It’s not written in stone that it can’t change.” Mr. Wright argued that resistance to changing the law “responds to a violent society, to machismo, to poverty,” rather than to the conservatism of Salvadoran society. “As a politician, the easy way out is to say, ‘I’m pro-life and I’m against abortion,’” he said. “It’s a way of not delving deeper into the issues that are causing so much of our problems.” Even if the public discussion has won the sympathy of some undecided legislators, many of them argue privately that abortion is not that important to Salvadorans, whose greatest worry is crime, said Morena Herrera, a longtime women’s rights activist who leads the Citizens’ Group, an organization that supports the exceptions to the abortion ban. “That shows how they value the problems that poor women face,” she said. “If we don’t succeed with the change now, we are condemning another generation of girls to live with this injustice, this uncertainty.” Abortion is punishable by up to eight years in prison, but a good lawyer can win a reduced sentence or house arrest, said Ms. Peña, the lawmaker. Poor women who suffer late-term miscarriages or stillbirths have been convicted of aggravated or attempted homicide in trials that seem to push them all down the same hall of mirrors. Ms. Vásquez, 34, was at her job as a school cafeteria cook when she began bleeding and asked for medical help before losing consciousness and suffering a stillbirth. Prosecutors initially charged her with abortion and then changed the accusation to aggravated homicide. She never met her public defender. She was released in February after the Supreme Court commuted her sentence. Four weeks later, Maira Figueroa Marroquín left Ilopango after the government commuted her 30-year sentence. In 2003, when she was a 19-year-old maid, Ms. Figueroa began bleeding heavily at work toward the end of her pregnancy and, like Ms. Vásquez, was charged first with abortion and then aggravated homicide, according to the Citizens’ Group. “If we don’t succeed with the change now, we are condemning another generation of girls to live with this injustice.” In its verdict, the court acknowledged that there was no direct proof of a homicide, but it said that the “demonstrated facts” had led to its conclusion. She served almost 15 years. Since 2015, lawyers have won the release of five women. But 24 women convicted of aggravated or attempted homicide remain in jail, and another is on trial, said Elida Caballero Cabrera, the advocacy adviser for the Center for Reproductive Rights in Washington. In a recent study that looked at how anti-abortion rhetoric had seeped into these prosecutions, Jocelyn Viterna, a Harvard sociologist, and José Santos Guardado Bautista, a lawyer in the Salvadoran attorney general’s office, found that the words “abortion” and “homicide” were used interchangeably by news reports and high-ranking legal officials. It was “not surprising that this same blurring of abortion and homicide in cultural discourse became institutionalized” in the country’s judicial system, they wrote. Anti-abortion groups say that the cases of the imprisoned women are unrelated to the abortion ban, and that the main concern should be improving health care for pregnant women. “If there was any injustice against these women, it was an error in the legal process,” said Sara Larín, the spokeswoman for a Catholic anti-abortion group Vida SV. Activists who oppose relaxing the ban have begun their own campaign, arguing that El Salvador’s falling rate of maternal mortality shows that doctors can manage high-risk pregnancies without a lifting of the ban. In cases of rape, “removing the child won’t remove the trauma,” said Dr. Mario López Saca, the medical adviser of the El Salvador Bioethics Association, a group that argues that human life begins at conception. When a fetus is unviable, palliative care is the best option for the mother, Dr. López Saca said, adding, “Abortion is a cowardly solution.” But the health minister, Dr. Violeta Menjívar, has said that between 2011 and 2015, 13 women died from ectopic pregnancies, in which the embryo develops outside the uterus with no possibility of survival. Another 36 women died during that period when their chronic illnesses were exacerbated by pregnancy. In 2015, 1,445 girls aged 10 to 14 became pregnant, according to the ministry’s statistics. Girls and young women face a high risk of rape in the home and by gangs, the government says. Dr. Guillermo Ortiz Avendaño, who led the unit overseeing high-risk pregnancies at the National Women’s Hospital in San Salvador for 20 years, said the argument about mortality rates was misguided. The improvement has resulted from new protocols for complications at the very end of pregnancy, he said, and the ban prevents doctors from offering swift treatment at early stages. “It’s absolutely reproachable from the medical point of view,” Dr. Ortiz said of patients whose lives are at risk. “We are waiting until her condition is critical to be able to intervene.” “When just one woman dies, it’s 100 percent of all the cases for her family,” added Dr. Ortiz, who is now a medical adviser for Ipas, a North Carolina reproductive rights group. Dr. Victoria Ramírez, a gynecologist who supports a change in the law, said the abortion ban was never questioned during her training. But she now chafes at its restrictions. Recently a 16-year-old mentally disabled girl who had been raped arrived with a high-risk pregnancy at the provincial hospital where Dr. Ramírez practices. “I couldn’t give her any options,” she said. “As doctors we are trained to do triage, and in this case I couldn’t.” The girl, who was poor, went into labor about two months early and was taken to San Salvador, where specialized doctors saved both mother and baby after a dangerous birth. But the premature child will have severe developmental problems and no means of support, Dr. Rámirez said. “When a woman is pregnant, she loses all her rights,” Dr. Rámirez said, “because the baby has more rights than she has.” Gene Palumbo contributed reporting. .. THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 | 5 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION world Trump considers harsher strike on Syria SYRIA, FROM PAGE 1 see eye to eye that this matter has to stop immediately. We cannot tolerate with a war criminal, we cannot tolerate with someone who killed more than half a million of his own people.” Mr. Trump spent part of the day huddled with John F. Kelly, his chief of staff, John R. Bolton, his new national security adviser, and other officials. But his spokeswoman declined to discuss the deliberations. “As we’ve said, all options are on the table,” said Sarah Huckabee Sanders, the White House press secretary, “but I’m not going to get ahead of anything the president may or may not do in response to what’s taken place in Syria.” Heavily backed by Russian air support and Iranian ground forces, Syria is in a different league than adversaries in other places where the United States is at war. Unlike the Islamic State in various parts of the Middle East, the Taliban in Afghanistan or the Shabab in Somalia, the Syrian government has extensive air defense and missile systems capable of shooting down foreign planes. Sending bombers and fighter jets, with American or French pilots, to strike Syrian airfields or other facilities is considered risky because it could deepen the conflict if a pilot was shot down. That is why the Pentagon is looking at the same sort of retaliation used last year when two Navy destroyers unleashed a fusillade of 59 Tomahawk cruise missiles at Al Shayrat airfield that was believed to have been used to launch chemical attacks. But less than 24 hours after that strike, Syrian warplanes were again taking off from the damaged airfield, according to the Syrian Observatory for “As we’ve said, all options are on the table.” Human Rights, a monitoring group. Beyond Al Shayrat base, Syria still had numerous others from which it could launch flights. While Mr. Trump’s advisers argued last year that the strike affected Mr. Assad’s calculations, in the end its limited nature ultimately did not thwart the Syrian government’s ability to carry out chemical attacks. “There’s a tension between the desire to do something bigger than last time and the president’s clear desire not to stay engaged in sustained operations,” said Michèle A. Flournoy, an under secretary of defense under President Barack Obama. “Conceivably, they could design a larger one-off strike or a series of smaller strikes.” “But at the end of the day, it’s sustained pressure on Assad that’s going to change his calculation about whether to use chemical weapons,” Ms. Flournoy said. David F. Gordon, policy planning director at the State Department under President George W. Bush, said Mr. Trump was almost certainly looking to punish Mr. Assad more severely while limiting American engagement. “What they’re probably searching for is: What can we destroy that weakens this guy?” Mr. Gordon said. “He has to do more than he did last time, and I think he does want to disrupt their capabilities. But I think it’s basically still the one shot — it may be in two waves or something, but I don’t think there’s an ongoing response to this.” Already, there were indications that Mr. Assad was moving key aircraft to a Russian base near Latakia, a port city on the Mediterranean Sea, and taking pains to secure important weapons systems. The Pentagon does not have an aircraft carrier in the area at the moment, which focuses attention on the U.S.S. Donald Cook or the U.S.S. Porter, two Navy destroyers already in the Mediterranean. The Donald Cook departed Larnaca, Cyprus, on Monday after completing a scheduled port visit, Navy officials said. The Donald Cook is one of four Arleigh Burke-class guided missile destroyers that generally serve Europe and are part of a NATO rotation, officials said. The United States can use the Donald Cook or the Porter to launch multiple Tomahawk cruise missiles at sites in Syria similar to last year’s operation. Since the previous strikes, the United States Central Command has been updating lists of possible military and government targets in Syria, including aircraft hangars, ammunition depots and command headquarters. Defense officials said one possibility was to render certain Syrian airfields incapable of being used in the future to carry out chemical attacks. Last year’s strike destroyed a number of aircraft and their hangars, the Pentagon said at the time, but did not hinder the base’s ability to launch aircraft for long. The American missiles used in the attack, BGM-109 Tomahawks, have a range of around 1,000 miles and carry a warhead that weighs half a ton. The Donald Cook and the Porter are most likely loaded with roughly two dozen Tomahawk cruise missiles each. The U.S.S. New York, an amphibious landing ship and part of the 26th Marine Expeditionary Unit, is also nearby. The New York can launch transport helicopters and landing craft loaded with Marines, but sending in ground forces is highly unlikely, officials said. In the coming days, the U.S.S. Harry S. Truman, a nuclear-powered aircraft carrier, is scheduled to head to the region. While part of a regular deployment, the Truman will sail to the Mediterranean with a complement of strike and reconnaissance aircraft and surface warships alongside it. Whether allied forces would participate remained unclear. President Emmanuel Macron of France said Tuesday that the allies were still discussing a plan and would announce a decision “in the coming days.” “We do not wish for any escalation in the region,” said Mr. Macron, who was hosting Mohammed bin Salman, the crown prince of Saudi Arabia. “But we simply wish that international law, and in particular international humanitarian law, be respected.” Adel al-Jubeir, the Saudi foreign minister, said that those behind the reported chemical attack in Syria must be “held accountable,” although he did not say whether Saudi Arabia would join any response. “We are discussing with our allies the steps to respond,” Mr. Jubeir told reporters in Paris. Prime Minister Theresa May of Britain, who spoke by telephone with Mr. Trump on Tuesday, also stressed the responsibility of Mr. Assad’s government for the attack “if confirmed.” In a statement summarizing the leaders’ call, the British government said, “They agreed that the international community needed to respond to uphold the worldwide prohibition on the use of chemical weapons.” In Washington, most lawmakers remained either supportive of military action or noncommittal, but some liberal Democrats objected. Leaders of the Congressional Progressive Caucus issued a statement calling on the administration to “redouble its efforts to engage our allies and enforce international prohibitions on chemical weapons diplomatically” rather than use force again. Aurelien Breeden and Eric Schmitt contributed reporting from Paris, and Ben Hubbard from Beirut. AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES Saqba, on the outskirts of Damascus, Syria. Trump administration officials have said that they expected any new strike on Syria to be more expansive than last year’s. CORRECTIONS • An article on Tuesday about a bus crash that killed 15 members of a Canadian hockey team misstated the given name of a resident who has hosted the team’s players in the past. He is Devin Cannon, not David. The article, relying on incorrect information from the chief coroner of Saskatchewan, also misidentified one of the victims killed in the crash. He was Parker Tobin, not Xavier Labelle. • An article on Saturday about gains made in solar power capacity worldwide overstated the amount by which solar energy has increased. Solar accounted for more than a third of all net new power capacity added worldwide in 2017, not more than a third of all electricity generated. • An obituary on Friday about the writer, executive and Republican fundraiser Ann Chennault misidentified the founder and the location of the Flying Tiger Line, a lucrative postwar cargo operation. It was founded and run by Robert Prescott in the United States, not by Maj. Gen. Claire L. Chennault in Taipei. ANDREW TESTA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Sarajevo is the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a country riven by corruption, weak leadership and ethnic and nationalist strains among communities. Testing ground in new cold war MEMO FROM SARAJEVO SARAJEVO, BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Balkan area at the center of new competitiveness between Russia and West BY STEVEN ERLANGER Cradle of the First World War, the Balkans have been a flash point, a place where empires, ethnicities and religions abut and contest. Now, analysts warn, the region is becoming a battleground in what feels like a new cold war. Russia, they say, is expanding its influence and magnifying ethnic tensions in countries that hope to join the European Union. Its involvement has already spurred Brussels to revive dormant aims for enlargement. It is also prompting fresh attention from Washington about security risks to NATO members. After the concerted Western response to the poisoning in Britain of a former Russian spy and his daughter, which expelled around 150 Russian diplomats and intelligence officers, “the Balkans become even more important,” said Mark Galeotti, a senior researcher at the Institute of International Relations in Prague. “Russia is looking for ways to retaliate that are asymmetric and provide Moscow opportunities,” he said. In a new paper for the European Council on Foreign Relations, Mr. Galeotti says that “Russia looks to the Balkans as a battlefield in its ‘political war,’” seeking “to create distractions and potential bargaining chips with the European Union.” Charles A. Kupchan, who was Europe director of the National Security Council under President Barack Obama, said that “the Russians are taking advantage of the last part of Western Europe that remains politically dysfunctional.” The situation bears distant echoes of Ukraine, where Russia originally agreed that Kiev could join the European Union — though not NATO — and then changed its mind, leading to the revolution that prompted Moscow to annex Crimea and foment secession in eastern Ukraine. In the Balkans, the competition with Russia has the potential to sow fresh instability in a region still emerging from the vicious war of 1992-95 that broke apart the former Yugoslavia. In Sarajevo, many of the scars of the war have been erased. The former Holiday Inn, once a nearly windowless shelter for reporters near Snipers’ Alley during the Bosnia war, is restored and busy. The neo-Moorish City Hall, a monument to multiculturalism that was shelled and burned, has been burnished to a high standard. Yet Bosnia and Herzegovina, the broken country patched together in 1995 at the end of the war, remains a fragile construct, riven by corruption, weak leadership and ethnic and nationalist strains among communities — an encapsulation of the Balkans. It is one of several key entry points that Russia is seeking to exploit, Mr. Kupchan said, as the leader of the Serb semiautonomous region known as Republika Srpska, Milorad Dodik, continues to press for an independence referendum. Others include Macedonia, where relations between ethnic Albanians and ethnic Slavs remain tense, and between Kosovo and Serbia. Wary of Russian meddling, the European Union is holding out a renewed prospect of membership to Bosnia and to the other five nations of the western Balkans — Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania and Kosovo — in return VALERIE GACHE/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES Demonstrators in Athens protesting the use of the name Macedonia by Greece’s neighbor, one of many conflicts shaking the western Balkans. LAURA BOUSHNAK FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Milorad Dodik, right, leader of the Serb autonomous region Republika Srpska in Bosnia and Herzegovina, has called for an independence referendum. for fundamental structural reform. The skepticism among these countries about Brussels is deep. Many doubt the sincerity of a European Union that is turning more populist, more wary about migration and more cautious, after Romania and Bulgaria, about taking in nations before they are ready for membership. No one believes any of these countries is yet ready to join. But the urgency for reform fell away as the goal receded. Four years ago, the head of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, said there would be no more quick enlargement of the bloc, sending the process into somnolence. It has been, as the Macedonian foreign minister, Nikola Dimitrov, often says, like “being locked in a waiting room with no exit.” “Juncker made a mistake to say that he was not interested in enlargement,” said Carl Bildt, a former Swedish foreign minister and United Nations special envoy to the Balkans. “The E.U. took its eye off the ball for several years, with detrimental effects.” But with Britain leaving the bloc and Russia playing on the fissures of the region, the European Union has now laid out a relatively detailed plan for the Balkans. It has even gone on record to say that if all goes well, Serbia and Montenegro, the only two countries now engaged in an accession process and hence the front-runners, could join by 2025. The bloc’s strategy for the Western Balkans, published in February, laid out six initiatives: rule of law; security and migration; socio-economic development; transport and energy connectivity; digital agenda; and “reconciliation and good neighborly relations.” Bulgaria, the current president of the bloc, will hold a special Balkans summit meeting in May. The Balkans are on the agenda for the European Council in June, and the British will be hosts of a Western Balkans summit meeting in July, just before NATO has its own meeting in Brussels. “It is time to finish the work of 1989,” said Johannes Hahn, the European Union commissioner in charge of enlarge- Russia has made it clear that it considers new NATO expansion to the Western Balkans as unacceptable. ment. “We have set 2025 as an indicative date for Serbia and Montenegro, which is realistic but also very ambitious.” Mr. Bildt said tartly: “Whether this is realistic or not remains to be seen.” Many think it is too ambitious, given that the bloc insists that all these countries settle their numerous, passionate border disputes. There are also serious internal problems, the bloc’s report acknowledged. “Today the countries show clear elements of state capture, including links with organized crime and corruption at all levels of government and administration, as well as a strong entanglement of public and private interests,” it said. There is strong evidence of “extensive political interference in and control of the media” and lack of independence in the judiciary, it noted. Add to that uncompetitive economies and the flight of young people looking for better jobs, and prospects seem dim. But now the Americans are suddenly more interested, too. Renewed Washington concern “stems in part from concerns about expanded Russian influence,” said A. Ross Johnson, noting that Congress now demands that the Defense Department provide “an assessment of security cooperation between each Western Balkan country and the Russian Federation.” Russia has made it clear that it considers new NATO expansion to the Western Balkans as unacceptable, and Moscow was implicated in a strange coup attempt in Montenegro in 2016 before that country joined NATO. Russia is trying to establish itself in the region, both with government and business, so when these countries do enter the European Union, “they will bring Russian influence with them,” Mr. Galeotti said. The strategy is similar to what China and Russia are doing with Greece and Cyprus, widely considered places where Russian money can be laundered into euros. Russia is also deeply engaged in local language media, both with Kremlinowned websites like Sputnik and with bots that harp on local grievances. Mr. Bildt points in particular to Russian investment in critical Serbian infrastructure, like energy. Though Russian investment pales compared with that of the European Union countries, Serbia has a natural affinity to its Russian Orthodox brethren and remembers Russian support during the Kosovo war. “Is the E.U. sensitive enough to what is happening in Serbia?” Mr. Galeotti asked. He thinks not. “E.U. policy has generally been to support whatever keeps the Western Balkans quiet,” Mr. Galeotti said. “It’s deeply dangerous and creates the perfect environment for Moscow to play its games.” Brussels, he and others say, should put more weight behind both the carrots and the sticks — offering genuine incentives for institutional reform, and genuine sanctions for falling short. A former senior United States official called the region a new cold war battlefield, and said that Brussels was too rigid with the ways it tried to keep people on the good behavior track, while the money is not as connected as it should be to reform goals. The official, who asked for anonymity to preserve influence in the region, said that the countries reformed only when Brussels and Washington worked together to push leaders hard to break old habits of corruption, state capture, a politicized judiciary and Russian shell companies trying to take over key infrastructure and media. But Europe is not eager to import more problems. “The argument is that only by taking in the Balkan states are we assured to strengthen stability,” said Norbert Rottgen, the chairman of the German Bundestag’s foreign affairs committee. “But is that true?” “If we import fragile states into the E.U., we import fragility,” he added. The irony of history, Mr. Bildt mused, is that had Yugoslavia remained together, it almost surely would have been in the European Union by now, having been well ahead in 1990 of current members Romania and Bulgaria. “If the wars of dissolution hadn’t happened, all of this area would have been an E.U. member,” he said. “The Balkans have always lived best when integrated into a wider framework, as necessary today as in the past, and the one available today is the European Union.” Mr. Kupchan remains an optimist. “We know where this story will ultimately end, with all the former Yugoslav states integrated into the European Union,” he said. “But when?” .. 6 | THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION world ‘Ultimate Trump loyalist’ in F.B.I.’s sights President’s personal lawyer scrutinized over payments made to silence women BY MIKE MCINTIRE, JIM RUTENBERG AND MAGGIE HABERMAN During the United States presidential campaign, Michael D. Cohen got a Google alert for a breaking story: “Russian President Vladimir Putin Praises Donald Trump as ‘Talented’ and ‘Very Colorful.’” For most American politicians, that article in December 2015 would hardly have been welcome news. But Mr. Cohen, whose role as personal lawyer and fixer for President Trump has been firmly rooted in the transactional world of his boss, saw opportunity. He emailed an old friend who had been talking about seeking Kremlin support to build a Trump Tower in Moscow, and sent him the article. “Now is the time,” Mr. Cohen wrote. “Call me.” Mr. Cohen’s efforts put him under scrutiny in the Trump-Russia inquiries and hinted at the somewhat murky space he occupied in the Trump Organization, where his precise duties were unclear. Since then, a series of disclosures have revealed the unusual range of Mr. Cohen’s portfolio. Agents at the Federal Bureau of Investigation raided his office and hotel room on Monday, seeking records related to payments made shortly before the 2016 election to two women who claimed to have had sexual encounters with Mr. Trump. The investigation poses a legal threat to Mr. Cohen — and possibly his client. Few people closer to Mr. Trump have more knowledge of what the president has been involved with over the years. “Michael Cohen would lay his life down for Donald Trump,” said Hank Sheinkopf, a veteran New York political strategist who knows both men. “He is the ultimate Trump loyalist.” Mr. Trump values few things more than loyalty, but secrecy is one of them. For years, to keep the circle of people involved as small as possible, he chose to have Mr. Cohen serve as his legal attack dog from a perch inside Trump Tower in Manhattan instead of having outside counsel deal with his problems, according to two people familiar with their relationship. In private, Mr. Cohen has compared himself to Tom Hagen, the smooth consigliere to the mafia family in the movie “The Godfather.” His detractors have used other descriptions, with one longtime Trump associate saying that the words “finesse” and Mr. Cohen have rarely been yoked together in a sentence. If nothing else, the federal investigation, which has also drawn in a tabloid company friendly to Mr. Trump, has cast a harsh light on a partnership that, until recently, at least, worked out well for both Mr. Cohen and Mr. Trump. Mr. Cohen, who met Mr. Trump nearly two dec- STEPHANIE KEITH/REUTERS Michael D. Cohen has for years served as President Trump’s legal attack dog, cleaning up messes, whether local zoning disputes or negative stories in the news media. Few people closer to Mr. Trump have more knowledge of what the president has been involved with over the years. ades ago when he bought units in several Trump buildings in New York, later played the role of point man and adviser on some of Mr. Trump’s efforts to expand his brand internationally. Mr. Cohen also became his boss’s goto guy for cleaning up messes, whether local zoning disputes or negative stories. The lawyer seemed to relish his reputation as Mr. Trump’s “pit bull” and embraced an aggressive — some say bullying — approach to solving problems. Though Mr. Cohen has been sidelined from the Trump inner circle since the election — he never got a senior administration job, which people who know him say he expected — he has remained devoted to the president. On Twitter, he regularly speaks up on Mr. Trump’s behalf and assails critics. On Sunday, the day before the F.B.I. raid on his office, Mr. Cohen posted a quote about the importance of loyalty, adding: “I will always protect our @POTUS.” One such attempt at protection was his effort in July 2015 to quash a Daily Beast article about an old complaint that Mr. Trump’s first wife, Ivana, had made during their divorce, in which she claimed marital rape. She later withdrew the allegation. Mr. Cohen told a reporter for the website that marital rape was not legally possible and threatened the reporter if the story went forward. After that, he mostly kept out of the public eye, helping the campaign build African-American and religious coalitions and raising money. In recent months, Mr. Cohen’s efforts to protect Mr. Trump from claims by two women of extramarital affairs have emerged as a major distraction — and possibly worse — for the White House. Mr. Cohen’s efforts to silence the pornographic actress Stephanie Clifford, known as Stormy Daniels, began as early as 2011, when he threatened legal action against a tabloid website that tried to publish her story. During the 2016 campaign, he says, he decided on his own to draw $130,000 from a home equity line of credit and pay Ms. Clifford to keep quiet, channeling the payment through a limited liability company. Mr. Cohen has repeatedly denied any impropriety around the efforts to restrain Ms. Clifford from speaking out. And he has maintained that he was simply trying to deal with a potentially damaging story even though, he said, it was false. What is more, Mr. Cohen has also insisted that he made the payment to Ms. Clifford without consulting Mr. Trump. Asked recently whether he knew about the payment, Mr. Trump told reporters he did not, and referred questions to Mr. Cohen. Still, Mr. Cohen’s claim that he struck a nondisclosure agreement with Ms. Clifford by himself, coupled with his effort to force her to comply with it, has exposed Mr. Trump to possibly having to testify about his knowledge of what his lawyer was up to. Ms. Clifford sued Mr. Trump last month, and her lawyer, Michael Avenatti, has filed court papers seeking to depose the president. “As we predicted and as the F.B.I. raid shows,” Mr. Avenatti said on Twitter on Tuesday, “Mr. Cohen and Mr. Trump are in a lot of trouble.” In a text message on Tuesday, Mr. Cohen said the investigation had been difficult. “This has not been easy and has taken a terrible toll on me, my wife and children,” Mr. Cohen said. Another payment that the F.B.I. is said to be investigating, for $150,000, was made by American Media Inc., the parent company of The National Enquirer. The tabloid business bought the rights to the former Playboy model Karen McDougal’s story alleging an affair with Mr. Trump and never published it. David J. Pecker, now the chairman of A.M.I., was the chief executive of Hachette in the 1990s and for a time published Mr. Trump’s in-house hotel magazine. Mr. Trump, who was from Queens, and the Bronx-born Mr. Pecker viewed themselves as outsiders looking in at an elitist Manhattan establishment. First at Hachette and later, when he took over the chairmanship of A.M.I., Mr. Pecker acquired a reputation for buying and burying stories in ways that protected associates like Mr. Trump. Several people close to A.M.I. and Mr. Cohen have said that the lawyer was in regular contact with company executives during the presidential campaign, when The Enquirer regularly heralded Mr. Trump and attacked his rivals. The Times reported in February that A.M.I. had shared Ms. McDougal’s allegations with Mr. Cohen, though the company said it did so only as part of efforts to corroborate her story, which it said it could not do. Ms. McDougal’s lawyer at the time, Keith Davidson, and Mr. Cohen communicated around the time as she and A.M.I. were completing their deal. The agreements for Ms. McDougal’s and Ms. Clifford’s silence formed the basis of complaints by the public interest group Common Cause to the Justice Department and the Federal Election Commission. The group claims the payments amounted to improper campaign contributions. On Monday, as news of the F.B.I. raids broke, The Times reported that the special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III, was looking into a $150,000 donation to Mr. Trump’s charitable foundation from a Ukrainian billionaire that was solicited by Mr. Cohen during the 2016 campaign. In addition, Mr. Mueller has examined Mr. Cohen’s postelection role in forwarding to the administration a Ukraine-Russia peace proposal pushed by a Ukrainian lawmaker. And Trump-Russia investigators have also examined the 2015 Moscow deal that Mr. Cohen pushed at a time when his boss was campaigning for the Republican nomination for president. Mr. Trump’s long-held desire to build a Trump property in Russia found new life when Felix Sater, a friend of Mr. Cohen’s and a longtime associate of Mr. Trump’s, surfaced with a fresh proposal. He exchanged emails and phone calls with Mr. Cohen in late 2015 saying that he had a developer lined up, and that he could use his contacts in Russia to garner Kremlin support for the project. Mr. Cohen wasted no time, arranging for Mr. Trump to sign a letter of intent for the Moscow tower deal. But the project seemed to stall in the coming months. Rather than let it go, Mr. Cohen reached out directly to Mr. Putin’s press secretary in January 2016, asking for assistance. Later, he asserted that his effort was unsuccessful. “I decided to abandon the proposal less than two weeks later for business reasons,” he said, “and do not recall any response to my email.” Seething over raid on his lawyer He eventually calmed down and the anger abated. But it was stoked anew on Monday, after the F.B.I. raids on Mr. Cohen. Mr. Rosenstein in particular was a source of Mr. Trump’s anger on Monday, and some aides believed the president was seriously considering firing him, to a degree he has not in the past. Mr. Trump’s foul mood continued into Tuesday as he watched more coverage of Mr. Cohen’s problems. Mr. Trump told allies and advisers that Mr. Mueller had gone too far and WASHINGTON BY JULIE HIRSCHFELD DAVIS AND MAGGIE HABERMAN Outside the White House, President Trump grinned for selfies with the University of Alabama’s football team, telling the champions that they had beaten their rivals so brutally, “you flatout made them quit” — a feat he said he knew something about himself. Inside the White House, Mr. Trump — furious after the Federal Bureau of Investigation raided the office and the hotel room of his longtime personal lawyer, Michael D. Cohen — spent much of the day brooding and fearful and near what two people close to the West Wing described as a “meltdown.” Mr. Trump’s public and private wrath about the special counsel’s investigation into Russia’s meddling in the 2016 election are nothing new. But the raids on Monday on Mr. Cohen’s Rockefeller Center office and Park Avenue hotel room have sent the president to new heights of outrage, setting the White House on edge as it faces a national security crisis in Syria and more turnover of staff. On Tuesday, top White House aides described themselves as deeply anxious over the prospect that the president might use the treatment of his lawyer as a pretext to fire Robert S. Mueller III, the special counsel. But Mr. Mueller still had a job by the end of the day, as Mr. Trump sought solace in allies like Alan Dershowitz, a professor emeritus at Harvard Law School and a frequent Fox News commentator. Mr. Dershowitz met Tuesday with Mr. Trump at the White House and then stayed for dinner. “This is a very dangerous day today for lawyer-client relations,” Mr. Dershowitz said Monday night on Fox in an interview with Sean Hannity, one of Mr. Trump’s favorite hosts. “Shoe on the other foot. If this were Hillary Clinton being investigated and they went into her lawyer’s office, the A.C.L.U. would be on every television station in America, jumping up and down.” Mr. Trump took up the theme on Twit- Mr. Trump has long felt he has been unfairly hit by the Mueller investigation, and he has wanted to hit back. DOUG MILLS/THE NEW YORK TIMES President Trump was smiling when he welcomed Alabama’s championship football team. But aides say he was not happy in private. ter on Tuesday morning, posting that “attorney–client privilege is dead!” Mr. Dershowitz, who has argued that Mr. Trump should not agree to be interviewed by Mr. Mueller, said Mr. Cohen’s treatment had vindicated that point of view. “This sends a powerful message that cooperation is not going to be rewarded by Mueller,” Mr. Dershowitz said on Fox. “The result may very well be far less cooperation” with the special counsel. Elsewhere in the White House, as the president considered options on Syria and absorbed cable news chyrons about Mr. Cohen, staff members at the National Security Council were rattled by the ouster of the homeland security adviser, Thomas P. Bossert. Two White House officials said the move came at the urging of the new national security adviser, John R. Bolton, whom one of the officials described as serving as the president’s shiny new object. Mr. Trump’s mood had begun to sour even before the raids on his lawyer. People close to the White House said that over the weekend, the president engaged in few activities other than dinner at the Trump International Hotel. He tuned into Fox News, they said, watched reports about the so-called deep state looking to sink his presidency and became unglued. Mr. Trump angrily told his advisers that people were trying to undermine him and that he wanted to get rid of three top Justice Department officials — Jeff Sessions, the attorney general; Rod J. Rosenstein, the deputy attorney general who appointed Mr. Mueller; and Christopher A. Wray, the F.B.I. director — according to two people familiar with what took place. that his actions would backfire, according to a person with knowledge of the president’s thinking. The president indicated to some advisers that he had been proved right that Mr. Mueller was out to get him, after nearly a year of hearing from some of his lawyers that he should cooperate with the investigation and turn over everything that the special counsel requested. His participation in an interview with Mr. Mueller, which the special counsel has sought, seemed less likely, three people close to the president said. Mr. Trump has long felt as if he has been unfairly hit by the Mueller investigation, and he has wanted to hit back. But there were few people on cable TV defending the president on Tuesday. White House advisers were particularly alarmed by the president’s tirade in front of reporters on Monday, when he called the raids on Mr. Cohen “an attack on our country” in far angrier terms than he has ever referred to the Russian assault on the 2016 election. Few people still at the White House are able to restrain Mr. Trump from acting on his impulses after the departures of crucial staff members who were once able to join forces with other aides to do so. That included Hope Hicks, his former communications director; Rob Porter, his former staff secretary; and, in 2017, the chief of staff Reince Priebus and the chief strategist Stephen K. Bannon. John F. Kelly, the current chief of staff whose influence over the president has waned for months, appeared beaten down and less hands-on, according to two White House officials. Mr. Kelly has told Mr. Trump it is frustrating for staff members that the president deems most news media stories fake news but believes the ones accusing various advisers of leaking, according to people familiar with the discussions. It is not clear whether Mr. Trump can fire Mr. Mueller himself. Many legal experts believe the president would have to direct Mr. Rosenstein to do so because Mr. Sessions has recused himself from the case and Mr. Rosenstein technically oversees Mr. Mueller. Mr. Rosenstein has told Congress that he would dismiss Mr. Mueller only for cause, and people close to Mr. Rosenstein have indicated he would resign if the president ordered him to fire Mr. Mueller. Bipartisan legislation has been introduced to protect Mr. Mueller, with senators urging the president to let it go forward “without impediment.” The Republican leadership has dismissed such legislation as unnecessary. But the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Charles E. Grassley, Republican of Iowa, warned Mr. Trump on Tuesday to not fire Mr. Mueller, saying in an interview on Fox Business Network it would be “suicide” to continue to talk about firing him. On Tuesday on the South Lawn, Mr. Trump appeared to leave such concerns behind during the event with the University of Alabama’s football team. Mr. Sessions, a former Alabama senator, was on hand to salute his home state players, but the president did not acknowledge him. Instead, he praised the team’s pugnacious spirit, saying that they “fought back as they did all season long.” “They kept fighting and fighting,” the president said. Julie Hirschfeld Davis reported from Washington, and Maggie Haberman from New York. .. THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 | 7 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION world Climate skeptics adopt polar bears as a tool BY ERICA GOODE Furry, button-nosed and dependent on sea ice for their survival, polar bears have long been poster animals for climate change. But at a time when established climate science is being questioned at the highest levels of government, climate denialists are turning the charismatic bears to their own uses, capitalizing on their symbolic heft to spread doubts about the threat of global warming. The scientific evidence that the polar bear’s Arctic home is warming twice as fast as the rest of the planet is overwhelming, supported by reports like the National Climate Assessment, which was compiled by 13 federal agencies. In some Arctic regions, scientists have documented declines in polar bear numbers and disturbing signs of physical deterioration linked to the loss of sea ice. And in January 2017, the Obama administration called human-driven climate change the biggest threat to the bears’ continued existence. But to hear climate denialists tell it, polar bears are doing just fine. On Watts Up With That, Climate Depot and other websites that dispute climate science, bloggers insist that the Arctic’s receding ice is part of a natural warming cycle unrelated to human activities. Predictions about devastating declines in polar bear populations, they say, have failed to materialize. In effect, many scientists say, the bears have been co-opted by climate denialists, and in an article published on Tuesday in the peer-reviewed journal BioScience, 14 prominent researchers argue that denialist blogs with wide followings are using the bears to spread misinformation about the causes and consequences of climate change. The researchers also singled out Polar Bear Science, a blog run by Susan J. Crockford, a Canadian zoologist, as a primary source of dubious information about the status of polar bears. About 80 percent of the contrarian websites that the researchers studied referred to Dr. Crockford’s blog as a primary source, they said. The publication of the article is likely to intensify a furor in contrarian circles that began four months ago after an “early view” version of the paper appeared on the BioScience website. The reaction was swift and fierce. A post on Climate Audit, a blog popular with climate skeptics, called the article JOSH HANER/THE NEW YORK TIMES A polar bear near whale remains in Alaska. Though the sea ice that the bears require to hunt is melting, doubters of climate science have posited that bear populations are healthy. “a hit piece” and dismissed it as “yet another piece of propaganda to push a Climate Change agenda.” The Global Warming Policy Foundation, a pro-fossil fuel think tank in Britain that has published briefing papers by Dr. Crockford, chimed in with the headline, “14 Climate Bullies Attack Susan Crockford for Telling the Truth About Polar Bears.” Dr. Crockford said on Twitter that the article amounted to “academic rape” and demanded that it be retracted. The authors of the paper also came under fire. Freedom-of-information re- quests were filed at universities for three of the authors’ correspondence, with at least one request by Dr. Crockford. (Two of the requests have been turned down, while one, at the University of California, Davis, is still under review.) Jeffrey A. Harvey, an ecologist and the article’s lead author, said the paper grew out of the increasing frustration he and other scientists felt about the disregard of established evidence and the harassment of researchers that has in some cases accompanied the public de- Sifting tweets for threats WASHINGTON Environmental agency scoured posts to justify security detail for chief BY ERIC LIPTON, LISA FRIEDMAN AND KENNETH P. VOGEL The Environmental Protection Agency has been examining posts on Twitter and other social media about Scott Pruitt, the agency’s administrator, to justify his extraordinary and costly security measures, which have included first-class travel and full-time protection even on personal trips to Disneyland, the Rose Bowl and college basketball games, according to interviews and agency and congressional documents. The social media efforts have come under scrutiny by some Democratic lawmakers, as well as by senior officials at the E.P.A., who said the review had uncovered individuals sounding off against Mr. Pruitt but had found no actionable threats against him. One top E.P.A. official said in an interview that he had objected to the efforts when they were first discussed last year, to no avail. Suspicious posts are referred to the E.P.A. inspector general’s office, which is charged with investigating threats. Spokesmen for both the inspector general and the E.P.A. declined to comment on the nature of specific threats, citing security concerns. The E.P.A. spokesman, Jahan Wilcox, said in a statement, “Scott Pruitt has faced an unprecedented amount of death threats against him.” But two Democratic senators said on Tuesday that an agency whistle-blower had provided them with an internal E.P.A. memo concluding that a threat assessment prepared by Mr. Pruitt’s security detail did not appear to justify the increased protection. The internal memo was prepared in February by the intelligence unit of the agency’s homeland security office, according to the senators, Tom Carper of Delaware and Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island. The security detail’s assessment “DOES NOT employ sound analysis or articulate relevant ‘threat specific’ information appropriate to draw any resource or level of threat conclusions regarding the protection posture for the Administrator,” the memo said, according to a letter written by the two senators that called on the Senate to investigate the matter. An individual involved in writing the memo, Mario Caraballo, has been removed from his job as deputy associate administrator of the homeland security office, although an E.P.A. official said the dismissal was unrelated to the memo. The senators also said the social me- dia activity — described in their letter as “open-source review of social media” — had uncovered “no evidence of a direct threat” to Mr. Pruitt. Mr. Pruitt is being protected round the clock by a team of about 20 people — three times as many as on his predecessor’s security detail — at an estimated cost of $3 million a year, according to E.P.A. officials as first reported by The Associated Press. Mr. Pruitt’s calendar, recently made public, shows that the security detail accompanies him even on days when he has no scheduled work events. Mr. Whitehouse said his office had documents showing that members of Mr. Pruitt’s security detail had been present during a trip to California when the administrator visited Disneyland and the Rose Bowl. The review of social media postings turned up commentary related to the E.P.A. and its management under Mr. Pruitt, including one “social media post in which an individual ‘stated he is not happy with some of the Administrator’s policies and wanted to express his displeasure,’” according to the letter on Tuesday from the two Democratic senators. TOM BRENNER/THE NEW YORK TIMES Security for Scott Pruitt, the E.P.A. administrator, costs $3 million a year. Mr. Carper and Mr. Whitehouse declined to release copies of the materials quoted in the letter, saying they included sensitive details about security arrangements. Senator John Barrasso, Republican of Wyoming, who is chairman of the Senate committee that oversees the E.P.A., said that the Democrats had inappropriately released selected parts of an internal agency security memo. “Any reasonable reading of these documents supports the Office of the Inspector General’s statements that Administrator Pruitt faces a ‘variety of direct death threats,’” Mr. Barrasso said in a statement. “This is exactly why members should not publicly disclose information that relates to the safety of a cabinet member. It is also why this committee will not hold a hearing on this issue.” Briefings on threats to Mr. Pruitt, which included posts on social media, were delivered by E.P.A. security personnel to top agency officials, including bate on climate change. By contesting scientific findings about polar bears, denialists hope to instill doubt about climate science as a whole, Dr. Harvey said. “Every time these deniers make some outlandish claim in the media and we don’t respond to it, it’s like a soccer match and we’ve given them an open goal,” he added. Michael Oppenheimer, a professor of geoscience and international affairs at the Woodrow Wilson School at Princeton who was not involved with the article, said that scientists have a right to publicly question someone’s expertise, as the authors did with Dr. Crockford. “If people are going to make claims that are contrary to scientific understanding, then it’s perfectly appropriate to call them out for it,” he said. Although many contrarian websites pick up discussion about polar bears from Dr. Crockford’s blog, the article noted that she has no demonstrated expertise in climate science or its effects on polar bears. The credentials of many of the BioScience paper’s authors include long lists of peer-reviewed articles and studies on these subjects. An adjunct professor in anthropology at the University of Victoria in British Columbia, Dr. Crockford also studies evolution and paleoecology. She has published some peer-reviewed articles that touch on polar bears. She has also published reports and articles that have not been peer-reviewed, like those through the Global Warming Policy Foundation. Scott Collins, BioScience’s editor in chief, said the journal took Dr. Crockford’s demand for retraction seriously but “determined that there was no grounds to do so.” The final version, Dr. Collins said, includes “corrections that slightly change two sentences,” in one case narrowing a statement about Dr. Crockford’s credentials to specify that her lack of expertise is in “the effects of sea ice on the population dynamics of polar bears.” Dr. Crockford declined to be interviewed, but said in an email: “This paper is a smack-talk response to my pointing out that polar bear numbers did not plummet as predicted when midcentury-like sea ice conditions arrived unexpectedly in 2007. The paper is not only devoid of science, it lacks the professional decorum that other science journals demand.” Mainstream scientists are in agreement that polar bear numbers will decline drastically as Arctic sea ice disappears, since the bears use the ice as a platform to hunt seals. Studies have found disturbing changes in the bears’ physical condition, body size, reproduction and survival rates, some of which have been linked to sea ice loss and more ice-free days. Of the 19 polar bear subpopulations in the Arctic Circle, three have shown substantial declines. One subpopulation has increased, and scientists know little or nothing about nine of the others, which are either in Russian territory or in locations so remote that resources are not available for surveys. Andrew Derocher, a biology professor at the University of Alberta who has studied polar bears for more than 30 years and was not involved in the paper, said that in his view, the contrarians were missing the big picture. The issue, he said, boiled down to something simple: Polar bears need sea ice. “It’s just a habitat loss issue,” Dr. Derocher said. “There’s nothing more complicated than that.” THE ENERGY WORLD COMES TO THE NORDIC COUNTRIES Mr. Pruitt’s chief of staff, Ryan Jackson, according to an employee who participated in a briefing. The employee said the briefing highlighted mostly criticisms of Mr. Pruitt’s policies as having a deleterious effect on the environment, rather than instances of threats to his personal safety. The employee said that the agency’s social media reviews had been the subject of a recent meeting that included representatives from the agency’s inspector general’s office and its homeland security office, which had produced the internal memo that was critical of the threat assessments. Mr. Wilcox, the E.P.A. spokesman, said threat assessments were conducted within the agency’s office of compliance, using information collected from Mr. Pruitt’s security detail, the E.P.A.’s homeland security office and its inspector general’s office. “Americans should all agree that members of the president’s cabinet should be kept safe from these violent threats,” Mr. Wilcox said. Other government agencies and companies have used social media to monitor protesters or to look for information on emerging incidents. It is unclear whether the E.P.A. has looked to social media in the past to determine threats to an administrator. The practice, as deployed by police departments, has brought criticism from the American Civil Liberties Union, and social media companies including Twitter have cut off access to certain software programs that authorities use to track postings. Faiza Patel of the Brennan Center for Justice, a nonpartisan law and policy institute, said she had seen a rise in social media monitoring within law enforcement agencies, and cautioned that what people say in an Instagram post or a tweet can be open to interpretation. “The fact that 10,000 people say, ‘I hate Scott Pruitt’ on Twitter doesn’t suggest to me there is a threat against Scott Pruitt,” said Ms. Patel, who is co-director of the center’s liberty and national security program. “It suggests there are a lot of people who dislike Scott Pruitt.” If the E.P.A.’s review of social media was aggressively monitoring critics of Mr. Pruitt, Marc Rotenberg, president of the Electronic Privacy Information Center, a nonprofit group based in Washington, said that it might violate federal law. He cited a 2011 case that successfully challenged the Department of Homeland Security when it moved from searching for potential terror threats to tracking individuals in the United States who had been critical of the agency and its senior officials. “The collection of data on individuals, based solely on their criticism of public officials, raises both First Amendment and federal Privacy Act questions that need to be answered,” Mr. Rotenberg said. Major economies across the globe are meeting for the 9th Clean Energy Ministerial and 3rd Mission Innovation to accelerate the green transition worldwide JOIN A WEEK OF ENERGY RELATED EVENTS n n n to take an active role on the global energy policy agenda to explore Nordic technologies and business models to contribute to the Paris Agreement goals for a fossil free future www.nordiccleanenergyweek.com Supported by Coordinated by .. THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 | 9 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION style Imagining a world after Anna Condé Nast denies rumors Anna Wintour is leaving — but what if she did? BY VANESSA FRIEDMAN For the last seven days, pretty much every conversation I have had with pretty much anyone — fashion friends, book agents, parents at the school gates, my mother — has started with the five-word question: “Do you think it’s true?” “It” being a report that came out last week in The New York Post that the reign of Anna Wintour, the editor of Vogue since 1988 and the artistic director of Condé Nast since 2013, the woman memorialized by Meryl Streep in “The Devil Wears Prada” and typically referred to as either the most powerful editor in fashion or the most feared editor in fashion, was ending. The article — citing “stunned” anonymous sources — said that she was going to move on this summer after finishing her September issue, traditionally the largest of the year, and which she made famous in 2009 when she agreed to let the documentarian R. J. Cutler into the Vogue offices to film its making. The rumors had been swirling around the fashion ether for the last few months but, until The Post article appeared, no one had dared voice them in anything except a whisper. It was just so hard to imagine. Ms. Wintour has been shaping our experience of fashion and fame for as long as most people can remember. Yet, though Condé Nast denied the article via spokesmen, and Robert A. Sauerberg Jr., chief executive of Condé Nast, sent an internal note to his editors telling them to dismiss the gossip (and though the section of the article stating Ms. Wintour had arranged an exit interview with The New York Times is incorrect), it didn’t shut down the buzz. Matters were not helped by the fact that while Jonathan Newhouse, the chairman and chief executive of Condé Nast International, whom The Post suggested was coming back to the United States to be chairman of the American arm, denied his part of the story to the Business of Fashion website, its article didn’t say anything about Ms. Wintour. The smoke continued to rise until, at the end of last week, Mr. Sauerberg had finally had enough. “I am happy to tell you there is no truth to the rumors of Anna’s departure,” he wrote in an email to me. He called Ms. Wintour “a great partner as we continue our ongoing efforts to transform the company into the future.” So where did the rumors come from, and what do they mean? Perhaps for the first time in a very long time, maybe the first time ever, people are beginning to entertain the possibility of a fashion world after Anna. Think it won’t matter to anyone outside the lint-picking world of One World Trade Center, the shiny new headquarters of Condé Nast, and Avenue Montaigne? Just close your eyes for a moment, and think again. WHAT WOULD IT LOOK LIKE? Chaos, probably. Confusion! This is not necessarily a bad thing. Ms. Wintour has exercised both obvious and behind-the-scenes power for so long that it’s hard to parse her influence. To put her tenure in context: She has been empire building through five presidential administrations. Since before Tom Ford made his debut at Gucci, before the Marc Jacobs grunge collection and before Stella McCartney or Alexander McQueen graduated from fashion school. As David Carr once put it in The Times: “She does not put a finger in the wind to judge trends: She is the wind.” She effectively exerts her own gravitational force field, magnetized by strategically deployed invitations, introductions, magazine features and messages JOYCE DOPKEEN/THE NEW YORK TIMES Above, Anna Wintour, in 2003 at the former Condé Nast headquarters. Left, Ms. Wintour at the 2012 Met Costume Gala with Donald Trump, Melania Trump, Barry Diller, Miuccia Prada, Diane von Furstenberg and Carey Mulligan. CASEY KELBAUGH FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES of support. If that disappears, particles previously held together by her atomic network will disperse and collide before renegotiating themselves into some sort of new order, which is one way of saying her departure would affect not just magazines, but also the broader fashion establishment and the Hollywood-sportsfashion industrial complex. Ms. Wintour has been, if not formally a headhunter or employment agency, a very active sounding board and adviser for numerous brands in the game of designer musical chairs. She helped get Marc Jacobs his job at Louis Vuitton and Thom Browne his job at Brooks Brothers, though both have since left those posts. She helped engineer John Galliano’s return to fashion after he was fired from Dior following an anti-Semitic rant (fueled, he later said in an interview with Charlie Rose, by a drug and alcohol addiction). She has seeded her protégés around Condé Nast and beyond, including Amy Astley, the editor of Architectural Digest, who began in the Vogue beauty department, and Phillip Picardi, the current boy wonder of the building, now at Teen Vogue. The industry is full of Anna alumni (including yours truly, who was a contributing editor at Vogue for a year in the mid-1990s). She has recast many of the Condé Nast magazines in her own image. (Some say she has presided over the demise of internal rivals: If there’s to be a shrinking ad base, the pickings will go to Vogue, still very much her magazine.) Ms. Wintour was a driving force behind creating an entire generation of New York designers, post-9/11, including Lazaro Hernandez and Jack McCollough (of Proenza Schouler), Joseph Al- Perhaps the idea of a single person as the ultimate arbiter of style may be as much a vestige of the past as print itself. tuzarra and Jason Wu, thanks to the Vogue/CFDA Fashion Fund, which thrust new names into the limelight with increasing speed. Though for a while their aesthetic was so weirdly consistent that the designs were called by onlookers “please Anna clothes.” Still, the award helped spawn a host of similar prizes around the world and created a pathway to market for emerging designers. Ms. Wintour’s understanding of the mutually beneficial exploitation that could result from putting the star of a new film on the cover of a magazine, and all the tertiary events involved, was just as formative, changing the Hollywood/fashion calculus, as well as the model/actress cover star ratio, which now heavily favors the celebrity — even the nascent celebrity. She also realigned the philanthropic poles of New York via the Met Gala, turning a generic opportunity for cultural beneficence into an “A.T.M. for the Met” that raised so much money that it got her name etched on the Costume Institute door. In the process she made the gala a paparazzi magnet, which gave rise to a special issue of Vogue, thanks to her vetting of guests, dictating which brand got which celebrity, and the Vogue-orchestrated dressing of attendees. So much of the red carpet is composed of the people she wants, wearing what she wants, hoping to be in the pages she approves. Then she began to extend that formula, or versions of it, into other arenas (Broadway, with the Tony Awards, for one). What would happen to all of that if Vogue ceased to be her base is unclear. A triangular relationship (Anna-brandstar) may once again become a two-way street. Celebrities and socialites may have to choose their clothes without her guidance. It could be traumatic at first — mistakes would be made! — but it’s kind of an interesting idea. We would all have to redefine our ideas of what a fashion magazine editor is. Bob wearers everywhere would lose their most visible icon. The whole darkglasses-at-the-runway trope could disappear. While many of Ms. Wintour’s peers have style, it is impossible to think of another who took it to the same calculated, rigorous extreme. She is certainly the only editor since Diana Vreeland who has parlayed her public persona into a pop culture character but unlike Ms. Vreeland, she now regularly plays herself in not just documentaries but also feature films. And, of course, tennis could lose one of its most high-profile boosters. It is a singular job description, probably impossible to replicate, in part because fashion has become as splintered as every other industry in the age of digital and identity politics. Her hold, and the idea of a single person or magazine as the ultimate arbiter of style, may be as much a vestige of the former world as print itself. SO WHY IS THIS RUMOR TRENDING? Certain macro trends and a conjunction of events have given the gossip momentum. Magazines in general are widely acknowledged to be struggling: Condé Nast has closed the print versions of Teen Vogue and Self as part of a drive to emphasize digital; cut the number of print issues of W; and reorganized the company so that some staffers work on several magazines. S. I. Newhouse Jr., the long-term chairman and one of Ms. Wintour’s champions, died last year (he became chairman emeritus in 2015). Reports of Harvey Weinstein’s sexual misconduct broke the same month as Mr. Newhouse’s death, and Mr. Weinstein’s friendship and working relationship with Ms. Wintour came under scrutiny. Later she had to cut ties with three of Vogue’s favored photographers — Bruce Weber, Mario Testino and Patrick Demarchelier — when allegations of histories of sexual harassment became public. Of the three most formative Vogue editors in recent decades, all of whom started around the same time, she is the last still working: Franca Sozzani, the editor of Italian Vogue, who was hired the same week as Ms. Wintour, died in December 2016; Alexandra Shulman, the former editor of British Vogue, stepped down in January 2017. And this year will be Ms. Wintour’s 30th at the Vogue helm, and anniversaries are such classic watersheds. There have been rumors around for a while that she was interested in a final career. At least since the Obama administration, when Ms. Wintour’s role as a highly effective “bundler” gave rise to much speculation that she was interested in an ambassadorship, either to France or to Britain. Though both ideas were dismissed by political insiders and denied by those involved, they emerged again during the Hillary Clinton campaign, and even (bizarrely, given Ms. Wintour’s political views) made a brief reappearance earlier this year in Michael Wolff’s book “Fire and Fury,” vis-à-vis the Trump administration. And then there’s the current reality of the fashion world, which has gotten so accustomed to rumor and gossip because of endless leaks about designer change, that the industry has been lulled into a state of believing anything we hear is possible. Hedi Slimane is leaving Saint Laurent? The gossip was taken as gospel months before it happened. Kim Jones going to Vuitton? Ditto. Riccardo Tisci is going to Versace? Absolute truth, except then it wasn’t. (He ended up going to Burberry.) Yet if there’s one thing all the designer gossip should make clear it’s that it’s not over till the designer comes out to take a bow. Or the power editor signs her departure contract. Or something. Besides, Ms. Wintour has been here before — surrounded by rumors that her end was nigh, and that she was suddenly human, and hence vulnerable. In 1999, New York magazine ran a cover story, “The Summer of Her Discontent,” that included the following: “‘The general feeling is that people are abandoning Anna,’ says one Vogue editor. ‘And that her heart isn’t in it anymore.’” Eight years later, whispers had it that she was going to be replaced by Carine Roitfeld from Paris Vogue. Ms. Roitfeld ended up announcing her Vogue resignation in 2010. (She is now global fashion director at the Vogue rival Harper’s Bazaar, and has her own magazine, CR Fashion Book, which comes out twice a year.) Ms. Wintour is still here. Alexander Liberman, the former Condé Nast editorial director, worked into his early 80s. Ms. Wintour is 68. She has outlasted not just rivals but also designer carping; competition from other magazines, not to mention the internet; criticism about her manner and her model choices; and multiple trends, fashion and social. She has adapted her magazine and herself to changing times and cultures to an unmatched extent, dispassionately (or ruthlessly) jettisoning her catechisms when they cease to work, from magazine sections to Vogue spinoffs. Such longevity is impossible to achieve without a certain amount of casualties and chafing, and it is little wonder there are those who have embraced the recent speculation as a long-awaited comeuppance. And yet, as Marco Bizzarri, the muchcelebrated C.E.O. of Gucci, who previously was the much-celebrated C.E.O. of Bottega Veneta and before that the much-celebrated C.E.O. of Stella McCartney, regularly jokes in interviews, he doesn’t wonder whether he will be fired but when. The only person in fashion who doesn’t own the company he works for and is widely known to have permanent job security is Karl Lagerfeld, who has a lifetime contract with Chanel. Which means that as far as Ms. Wintour goes, no matter the rumors and their particulars, the question is not actually “Will she leave?” Of course she will, at some point. The question for her, as for all of us, is when, and how. Fashion a big offender in Britain gender pay gap LONDON Businesses say that men in top executive roles distort reports’ results BY ELIZABETH PATON As the final hours ticked down last week to the deadline for British companies to report their gender pay gap data or face a fine, a flurry of last-minute filings revealed a stark and unflattering trend: Fashion and beauty brands, predominantly focused on female consumers and audiences, and often with overwhelmingly female staffs, are among the worst offenders in the country when it comes to paying men more than women. The explanation, according to several companies? A coterie of men in a handful of top-tier executive roles, while the majority of entry-level, retail, design and distribution center jobs are held by women, creating a gendered, pyramid employment structure. Take Condé Nast Publications, publisher of magazines such as Vogue, Vanity Fair, Glamour and GQ. The company reporteded data on April 3 that showed it had the largest mean gender pay gap among all British media publishers and broadcasters, despite having more women than men in every pay quartile. The company reported a mean gender pay gap of 36.9 percent (in other words, when comparing mean hourly rates, women earn 63 pence, or 83 cents, for every 1 pound, or $1.40, that men earn) and a median gap of 23 percent (when comparing median hourly rates, women earn 77 pence, or $1.08, for every £1, or $1.40, that men earn). In a statement published alongside the data, Condé Nast attributed its salary skew to its longstanding and maledominated senior leadership team. The chairman of Condé Nast Britain, Nicholas Coleridge, for example, has held various roles across the executive team since 1991. Jonathan Newhouse has led Condé Nast International for more than 30 years. The statement said that across three-quarters of its business, the company had not found evidence of an appreciable gender pay gap. Three-quarters of all Condé Nast employees are female, with the bottom two salary quartiles particularly dominated by women. The disparity of wages within most fashion businesses was further underscored by the figures produced by many brands and retailers. The middle market women’s wear brand Karen Millen paid women 49 percent less than men on a median hourly basis, meaning that, BEN STANSALL/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES The Burberry fall 2018 show. Its report showed a 26 percent gender pay gap. companywide, men’s median pay was double that of women. Women filled 84 percent of the company’s top positions, with a female chief executive and chief financial officer, and the same proportion of men and women received bonuses, yet women’s median bonus pay was 96 percent less than men’s. In a statement, the company said that this was because the majority of its retail assistants and distribution center staff were women, and that the small percentage of male employees worked mostly in its head office. “Our gender gap paints a misleading picture about our commitment to gen- der diversity and equality,” the statement read, adding that when head office roles were excluded, the gender pay gap dropped to 6 percent. It did not, however, address why so many head office roles were filled by men. Other high-profile names included Victoria’s Secret, with a median hourly rate gap of 19 percent, and Benefit Cosmetics, which had a 30.7 percent median hourly rate gap, although women made up more than 90 percent of each pay quartile at the company. At Burberry, where women were 70 percent of the luxury fashion group’s employees, there was a 26 percent gender pay gap in favor of men, who get larger bonuses, too. None of the companies in this article would provide further comment beyond the statements released with their data. “While we continue to take steps to ensure employees at all levels are able to fulfill their potential and further their careers at Burberry, and are recognized for their contribution, we know we can do more,” said the Burberry chief executive, Marco Gobbetti, when the company released its data last month. “This report shows that we have a gender pay gap in the U.K. The gap is influenced by the fact that we have fewer women in senior positions. However, we are committed to narrowing this gap as we work to develop more women leaders to drive the growth and success of our business.” More than 2,500 companies, equivalent to one in four, submitted their gender pay gap figures in the 48 hours before the deadline. Last year, the government ordered all British companies with more than 250 employees to publish their gender pay gap reports by midnight on April 4. The hope, it said, was to shame companies into doing more to close the divide. On the final day of results, findings indicated that 78 percent of companies showed a pay gap in favor of men, 14 percent had a gap favoring women and 8 percent had no gender pay gap. The government calculated that Britain’s overall pay gap was 18.1 percent. Prime Minister Theresa May called the gender pay gap a “burning injustice,” and added that the whole of society would remain “poorer” if outdated employment practices went unchallenged. The effort in Britain is one of a growing number of initiatives among countries to promote equal pay. Australia recently mandated gender pay gap reporting for most companies, while in Germany a new law will require businesses with more than 500 employees to reveal their pay gaps. In Britain, the fashion industry, riding high on selling female empowerment via T-shirt slogans and social media hashtags, is starting to look like the employer equivalent of the emperor’s new clothes. .. 10 | THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION FRONT ROW CENTER Classical Music and Opera A new audience for Debussy’s vocal music BERLIN Music and muse At left, the composer Claude Debussy vacationing in Normandy in 1904, two years after “Pelléas et Mélisande” brought him instant fame, and Marie Vasnier, an amateur soprano with whom he had an affair. 100 years after his death, a look into less-known corners of his oeuvre BY REBECCA SCHMID It may seem a paradox that one of the most influential composers of modern sung theater completed only one opera. “Pelléas et Mélisande” brought the French composer Claude Debussy instant fame in 1902, but the stage work achieved such a perfection of his artistic ideals that he never managed to repeat the success. Skeptical of the theater establishment, relentlessly self critical and plagued by illness in his final years, Debussy left behind a legacy that musicologists are, to some extent, still working to reconstruct. Even after a premiere performance, he would continue making adjustments, sometimes to more than one copy of a given score. And he left the majority of his stage works unorchestrated before dying at age 55. The centennial of the composer’s death this year provides an occasion to revisit the less-known corners of his oeuvre. The label Warner Classics in January released the first compilation of Debussy’s complete works, a 33-CD set that includes four premiere recordings of vocal music. On May 1, the Staatskapelle Berlin, under its music director, Daniel Barenboim, will perform “La Damoiselle Élue,” which Debussy called a “little oratorio,” and the “Trois Ballades de François Villon,” among the few songs he orchestrated himself. The légende dansée (danced legend) “Khamma,” which had its premiere posthumously in an orchestration by the Fauré protégé Charles Koechlin, will be heard at the Philharmonie de Paris on June 9 in a program of the Orchestre de Paris under Fabien Gabel. “Pelléas” also remains in repertoire on the world’s stages, with a new production by the Norwegian-German director Stefan Herheim coming up at the Glyndebourne Festival on June 30 and a revival of Ruth Berghaus’s 1991 production at the Staatsoper Berlin from May 27 to June 14. Mr. Barenboim said that Debussy, despite being “one of the most important composers in the history of music,” had “yet to really achieve his place in musical life.” He emphasized the composer’s deep connection to both literature and nature: “I think he was fascinated by nature not in the sense of what nature inspires the human being to think about but what nature in itself is. “Pelléas” represents the culmination of years of exploring the possibilities of vocal music. Debussy wrote about 100 songs, half of which he produced from 1880 to 1886, before he turned 30. The composer was the first to set the poetry of Paul Verlaine, in 1882, while involved in a passionate affair with the amateur soprano Marie Vasnier, the wife of a building clerk. “In this amorous, intellectual and friendly relationship, there is an extraordinary stimulation,” the musicologist Denis Herlin, general editor of the “Complete Works of Claude Debussy,” UNIVERSAL HISTORY ARCHIVE/UIG, VIA GETTY IMAGES The composer explained that his characters “try to sing like real people, not in an arbitrary language made up from worn-out clichés.” ADOC-PHOTOS/CORBIS, VIA GETTY IMAGES said by phone from Paris. “He finds a means of expression, through poetry and the French language.” Among the premiere recordings on the Warner Classics collection is “Chanson des brises,” an 1882 work for soprano, female chorus and four-hand piano whose complete score was first reconstructed in 2010. Written for Ms. Vasnier, the song further reveals the extent of Debussy’s experimentation with the female voice. Half of the 40 songs that the composer wrote for Ms. Vasnier, who had a high enough range to sing coloratura, remained unpublished in his lifetime. He returned to the Verlaine collection “Fêtes galantes” in 1891, however, entirely rewriting two songs with what Mr. Herlin said reveals a “heightened sensitivity to poetic structure.” Around this time, Debussy was working on his first opera commission, “Rodrigue et Chimène,” based on the legend of the Spanish nobleman and warrior El Cid. He wrote but never orchestrated as many as three acts, only to desert the project — whose subject matter he declared too traditional — upon discovering Maurice Maeterlinck’s Symbolist play “Pelléas et Mélisande.” “‘Pelléas’ was the literary work that inspired him,” Mr. Herlin said. “He goes from a vocal style that is very lyrical and passionate to one that is more restrained.” In the essay “Pourquoi j’ai écrit ‘Pelléas’” (“Why I Wrote ‘Pelléas’”), penned at the request of the manager of the Opéra Comique in 1902 and published posthumously, Debussy cited the need to “obey a law of beauty that seems to be singularly neglected when it comes to dramatic music: the characters of this opera try to sing like real people, not in an arbitrary language made up from worn-out clichés.” In “Pelléas,” there are no big arias, foreshadowing the operas of Bartok, Berg and other 20th-century composers. His harmonies and inventive in- strumentation create an otherworldly realm. As the composer Pierre Boulez once remarked, the characters “float” in time and remain “phantoms.” The preparation of a critical edition for the opera’s orchestral score has yet to completed, however. Of the 37 volumes underway for the “Complete Works of Claude Debussy,” published by Éditions Durand, 21 are currently available. David A. Grayson, a professor of musicology at the University of Minnesota who is preparing the “Pelléas” volume, explained in an email from Minneapolis that “the objective of the critical edition is to offer Debussy’s last thoughts with respect to the score.” While the composer’s personal copy remains the primary source, with revisions entered after not only the Paris Through the years Far left, Mary Garden played Mélisande in the premiere of “Pelléas et Mélisande” in Paris in 1902; at left, Dale Duesing and Maria Ewing in a production of the opera in 1979 in San Francisco; bottom, in a new production last year at Garsington Opera in England, Andrea Carroll played Mélisande and Johnathan McGovern was Pelléas. DEA PICTURE LIBRARY/DE AGOSTINI, VIA GETTY IMAGES IRA NOWINSKI/CORBIS/VCG, VIA GETTY IMAGES JOHN SNELLING/GETTY IMAGES premiere but also most likely the Brussels and London premieres, Professor Grayson is also taking into account three other annotated scores. After Maeterlinck, it was Edgar Allan Poe who captured Debussy’s imagination. From 1907 to 1911, and again from 1916-17, a year before the composer died of cancer, he was heavily invested in writing an opera based on “The Fall of the House of Usher,” going through three versions of the libretto based on the translation of Charles Baudelaire. He also made sketches for “The Devil in the Belfry,” which would have formed a double bill. “He wanted to arrive at something new with ‘Usher’ and went to great pains,” Mr. Herlin said. “But maybe he thought that it resembled ‘Pelléas’ too much.” Unlike opera composers such as Handel or Wagner, who were not afraid to recycle signature dramatic and musical elements, Debussy was committed to a creative process in which inspiration arose naturally. “They say some composers can write, regularly, so much music a day,” he told The New York Times in a 1910 interview. “I have forced myself to work when I least feel like it, and I have done things which did not seem bad at the time. I would let those compositions lie for a couple of days. Then I would find that they were only fit for the wastebasket.” Had Debussy lived longer, however, he might have revisited some of those sketches and fragments. “It’s true that he might have given us remarkable works,” Mr. Herlin said. “To the point of the musical avant-garde.” .. THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 | 11 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION FRONT ROW CENTER Between rehearsals with Katie Mitchell sonal. There’s a lot of heat and temperature on it. Theater is just an art form that got stuck. There are lots of invisible gatekeepers. They are very alive, and they’ve got very sharp teeth. Sometimes the gatekeepers are in the organizations, sometimes they’re the critics, sometimes they’re the audience. People go to watch the performing arts for something about the past, something to forget the present. If you’re an artist like me who wants to interrogate the present, they find that a bit hard. LONDON The director of ‘Lessons in Love and Violence’ looks back, and ahead BY FARAH NAYERI Depending on whom you ask, the director Katie Mitchell is either a guiding light or a destructive force of the British stage. Though she mostly works abroad now, her staging of the new opera “Lessons in Love and Violence” — composed by George Benjamin and written by Martin Crimp — opens at the Royal Opera House here on May 10. It’s a story of the medieval King Edward II’s relationship with a young man. Backstage, between rehearsals, Ms. Mitchell, 53, spoke about her career, sitting next to a modern set with dark blue paneling and an Ikea-style double bed. The following conversation has been edited and condensed. It used to hurt a bit. The thing is, I really love my job. I love making things. Obviously you’d like them to be liked. It’s not the most joyful thing. Then I had a child. I have a 12-year-old daughter. That was an enormous change. If things go bad in work, they just go bad. I have my lovely child at home which keeps everything in total perspective. Sometimes, I feel very schizophrenic. I have that problem here, and then I go to Germany, where the idea of historical costumes and naturalism is so outdated. Had you been French or German, would you be as well known? Britain is the place that crowned you queen. I very much love working with George and Martin. They make amazing operas, so who would say no? It’s a really exciting reimagining of a bit of English history, with exceptional music. You often like to reinterpret plays. Are operas more constraining? Different art forms have different constraints. When you’re working on a new opera and you’re doing the first production, you are really wanting to realize the vision of the person who wrote the text and the person who composed it. You could call that constraint. I would just say that’s a given circumstance. Your love of music was passed onto you by your father, right? Yes. My father, a dentist who became a book designer and bookmaker, loved classical music. He was a working-class boy who’d never had it at home, never had any books at home. So in his 30s, he was playing music all the time. I slept above the record player, and I would You often talk about how opera portrays women through the male gaze. What effect does nasty feedback have on you? Why did you accept this commission? PAUL ZINKEN/PICTURE-ALLIANCE/DPA, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS Her vision Katie Mitchell is reimagining a piece of English history in her staging of George Benjamin’s new opera, “Lessons in Love and Violence,” at the Royal Opera House in London. dream inside Shostakovich or Bach. There was one rule that we had as a kid: You could buy as much music and as many books as you wanted. In Britain, people have often been harsh about your treatment of classics of the stage. A healthy culture is a culture that has a spectrum of interpretation of classical material. Sometimes I feel that there’s a nervousness about things on the more avant-garde end of the spectrum. I just think, “Come on guys, let’s just embrace it!” We don’t have to all do very default realism — very earnest, conventional productions. In Britain, visual artists have torn up the rules. But in theater. . . . It’s really old-fashioned. Very quickly, there’s anger, and very quickly, it’s per- lation has always been a tendency, but because we’re part of a large group, you can fight it a little more easily. Once we break from that group, that tendency to self-isolate culturally will be worsened, I’m afraid. The oxygenating air from mainland Europe is really important to this practice. The young go to Germany and come back here with new ideas. If that becomes harder, then that would be a cultural problem. I had a very lucky career. At different moments, I had advocates. But they were of a certain duration. The more I settled into the relationship, the more radical I became. And then I found in all instances that there were ceilings. I come back and do stuff, but 70 percent of my time, I’m in France or Germany. The thing that I craved more than anything was acceptance on mainland Europe. That’s the highest accolade. If you want to look globally at where theater practice is the most radical, the widest spectrum of interpretation, you have to go to Germany. You’ve been very vocal in condemning Brexit. It’s awful, isn’t it? There’s a worsening of the economic circumstances, and an increase in racism, and a consolidation of a tendency towards isolation. The iso- In all 30 years of my career, I’ve focused on female experience. I chose to be more outspoken about it, because I felt that I should, as a senior female artist — before #MeToo, four or five years ago, to help the younger generation. Also, we started a policy of allowing people to watch rehearsals. We normally have a lot of young women watching. Opera is really dominated by male directors, and there are very few women at my level. It’s useful if I’m very careful about how women are represented, in an art form where the unconscious gender biases can affect the representations of women on stages — which can be very off-putting for women in the audience, particularly younger women. How does #MeToo feel to you? Great! I just think it’s for the good. I’m cautious. Why cautious? Because I’m a different generation, brought up in the 1970s, who lived through quite a lot of gender bias behavior in my working life for a long time. It’s been understood that the way to function as a woman, if that happens, is to weather it and not call it out. So of course you feel slightly nervous about a culture where that’s now being called out. This moment of great optimism and hope — I want to see it embedded in our laws. I want to see safeguarding made legal, because of the risks attached to the women who are speaking out. It’s an enormously brave thing to do to speak about any type of abuse or gender-bias behavior. You won’t know for a long time how safe it is, really, to have done that. Celebrations and collaborations Manuel Legris, was named danseur étoile (star dancer) by Nureyev at the Paris Opera Ballet in the 1980s. A selection of opera, music and dance around the world LAUSANNE, SWITZERLAND BY REBECCA SCHMID From live film accompaniment in Paris to a ballet gala in Vienna, the spring season offers classical music programs of all kinds. The work of living composers such as Thomas Adès and Unsuk Chin continues to travel. And theaters are mounting exciting productions of operas whose styles range from bel canto to modernism. Here are some performances to look for in the coming weeks. VINCENT TULLO FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES COPENHAGEN Danish National Symphony Orchestra, DR Koncerthuset May 17 The Danish National Symphony Orchestra presents two national premieres under the baton of the guest conductor Juanjo Mena. Stravinsky’s “Funeral Song” arrives in Denmark for the first time, as does Thomas Adès’ “Powder Her Face Suite,” based on the British composer’s 1995 chamber opera. NEW YORK “Cendrillon,” Metropolitan Opera April 12-May 11 The Metropolitan Opera mounts Massenet’s “Cendrillon” for the first time. The director Laurent Pelly, who has previously staged Massenet’s “Manon” and Donizetti’s “La Fille du Régiment,” adopts a storybook aesthetic for the Cinderella fairy tale. The international soloist Joyce di Donato returns to the title role. TORONTO PARIS “On the Waterfront,” Philharmonie de Paris May 6 As celebrations of Leonard Bernstein’s centennial continue, the Orchestre National d’Île-de-France performs his only film score, “On the Waterfront” (1954), live to high-definition video. COLUMBIA PICTURES/SUNSET BOULEVARD/CORBIS, VIA GETTY IMAGES AMSTERDAM Van der Aa Spotlight, Musiekgebouw April 19 The Musiekgebouw, a concert hall for contemporary music that opened in 2005, presents an evening of chamber music and electronics. The Dutch composer Michel van der Aa’s “For the time being,” the first part of an eponymous song cycle, receives its world premiere. BRUSSELS “Bluebeard’s Castle” and “The Miraculous Mandarin,” Théâtre de la Monnaie June 8-24 A double bill of Bartok brings the Belgian, Los Angeles-based designer, artist “Frame by Frame,” National Ballet of Canada June 1-10 The Canadian director Robert Lepage makes his company debut in an homage to the filmmaker and animator Norman McLaren. The production interweaves digital media with the analogue world. TOKYO BERLIN “Macbeth,” Staatsoper Unter den Linden Select dates, June 17, 2018-May 30, 2019 At the recently reopened Staatsoper, the music director Daniel Barenboim joins the veteran stage director Harry Kupfer for a new production of Verdi’s “Macbeth,” looking back on three decades of collaboration. “La Donna del Lago,” Opéra de Lausanne April 22-29 Up-and-coming singers come together for a new production of Rossini’s melodrama “La Donna del Lago.” The countertenor Max Emanuel Cencic plays the role of the warrior Malcolm and presides over direction. MARCUS EBENER Performing soon From top, Joyce di Donato appears in “Cendrillon” in New York; the Orchestre National d’Île-de-France in Paris performs the film score of “On the Waterfront,” which stars Marlon Brando and Eva Marie Saint; and the Staatsoper in Berlin hosts “Macbeth.” and stage director Christophe Coppens together with the theater’s music director Alain Altinoglu. Yomiuri Nippon Symphony Orchestra, Tokyo Opera City May 24 The Yomiuri Nippon Symphony Orchestra gives the Japanese premieres of three works by the Korean-born, German-based composer Unsuk Chin. The program revisits her Clarinet and Cello Concertos as well as “Mannequin,” a four-movement orchestral piece. SALZBURG, AUSTRIA Aria Recital – Homage to Manuel García, Salzburg Whitsun Festival May 20 At the Pentecost Festival, the tenor Javier Camarena sings a recital in memory of the Spanish singer, composer, impresario and teacher Manuel del Pópulo Vicente Rodríguez García. García was a sensation in the baritone roles of Mozart operas, but could also stretch his voice up to a high C. VIENNA Nureyev Gala, Wiener Staatsoper June 29 The Vienna State Ballet, or Wiener Staattsballet, pays tribute to the legendary dancer and choreographer Rudolf Nureyev with its annual gala. The company’s current ballet director, ROME “Billy Budd,” Teatro di Roma May 8-15 The British director Deborah Warner makes her house debut in a production of Britten’s opera that was first seen at Madrid’s Teatro Real last year. .. 12 | THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION Business U.S. tariffs on steel start to hit home Digging deep in your data Facebook closely monitors what users do online, not just on the social network BY NATASHA SINGER Facebook has been called on the carpet for its failure to protect the personal data of its users. But lost in the drama of hearings with American lawmakers is an understanding of the extent to which Facebook meticulously scrutinizes the minutia of those users’ online lives. Facebook’s tracking stretches far beyond the company’s well-known targeted advertisements. And details that people often readily volunteer — age, employer, relationship status, likes and location — are just the start. The social media giant tracks users on other sites and apps. It collects so-called biometric facial data without users’ explicit “opt-in” consent and helps video game companies target “high-value players” who are likely to spend on inapp purchases. The sifting of users gets into personal — even confidential — matters. The company allows marketers to target users who may have an interest in various health issues, like the 110,000 Facebook users who were listed under the category “diagnosis with HIV or AIDS,” the 51,000 people listed under erectile dysfunction and 460,000 users listed under “binge-eating disorder awareness,” according to 2015 data submitted as an exhibit in a lawsuit. Facebook says it has since removed those “targeting options.” “Facebook can learn almost anything about you by using artificial intelligence to analyze your behavior,” said Peter Eckersley, the chief computer scientist for the Electronic Frontier Foundation, a digital rights advocacy group. “That knowledge turns out be perfect both for advertising and propaganda. Will Facebook ever prevent itself from learning people’s political views or other sensitive facts about them?” Facebook’s chief executive, Mark Zuckerberg, faced testimony this week on Capitol Hill about how his company conducts its business and how it has failed to protect users’ privacy. The hearings were prompted by revelations that Cambridge Analytica, a voter-profiling company, had inappropriately harvested the detailed personal information of up to 87 million Facebook users and that foreign agents have repeatedly used the social media platform to spread misinformation. Facebook executives have promised that the social network is working to prevent similar missteps from happening again. “There are common parts of people’s experience on the internet,” Matt Steinfeld, a Facebook spokesman, said in a statement. “But of course we can do more to help people understand how Facebook works and the choices they have.” Still, privacy advocates want lawmakers and regulators in the United States to have a more pointed discussion about the stockpiling of personal data that remains the core of Facebook’s $40.6 billion annual business. While a series of actions by European judges and regulators are trying to limit some of the powerful targeting mechanisms that Facebook employs, federal officials in the United States have done little to constrain them, to the consternation of American privacy advocates. Eduardo Porter ECONOMIC SCENE JASON HENRY FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Privacy advocates want lawmakers and regulators in the United States to have a more pointed discussion about the stockpiling of personal data at the core of Facebook’s business. Many other companies, including news organizations like The New York Times, mine information about users for marketing purposes. But privacy advocates say Facebook continues to test the boundaries of what is permissible. Some fault the Federal Trade Commission for failing to enforce a 2011 agreement that barred Facebook from deceptive privacy practices. “Congress needs to begin to ask questions like, ‘Why did the F.T.C. allow this to happen?’ ” said Marc Rotenberg, executive director of the Electronic Privacy Information Center, a nonprofit group in Washington. “We most certainly have to take a different approach if we don’t want it to happen again.” A Federal Trade Commission spokeswoman said the agency could not comment on the case and referred to an agency statement in which it said it was committed to “using all of its tools to protect” consumer privacy and had opened a nonpublic investigation into Facebook’s privacy practices. Facebook says it requires outside sites that use its tracking technologies to clearly notify users that they’re being monitored, and that it gives users the “right to opt-out of having data collected on sites and apps off Facebook.” That has not stopped angry users from airing their grievances over Facebook’s practices. In 2016, for example, a Missouri man with metastatic cancer filed a class-action suit against Facebook. The suit accused the tech giant of violating the man’s privacy by tracking his activities on cancer center websites outside the social network — and col- lecting details about his possible treatment options — without his permission. Facebook persuaded a federal judge to dismiss the case. The company argued that tracking users for ad-targeting purposes was a standard business practice and one that its users agreed to when signing up for the service. The Missouri man and two other plaintiffs have appealed the judge’s decision. Facebook is quick to note that when users sign up for an account, they must agree to the company’s data policy. It plainly states that its data collection “includes information about the websites “Facebook can learn almost anything about you.” and apps you visit, your use of our services on those websites and apps, your use of our services, as well as information the developer or publisher of the app or website provides to you or us.” In Europe, some regulators contend that Facebook has not obtained users’ active and informed consent to track them on other sites and apps. Their general concern, they said, is that many of Facebook’s two billion users have no idea how much data Facebook could collect about them and how Facebook could use it to influence their behavior. “Facebook provides a network where the users, while getting free services most of them consider useful, are subject to a multitude of nontransparent analyses, profiling and other mostly obscure algorithmical processing,” said Johannes Caspar, the data protection commissioner for Hamburg, Germany. In February, a judge in Brussels ordered Facebook to stop tracking users on other websites. Facebook has appealed the decision. And last Friday, the Italian Competition Authority said it was investigating Facebook for exercising “undue influence” by requiring users to let the company automatically collect all kinds of data about them both on its platform and off. “Every single action, every single relationship is carefully monitored,” said Giovanni Buttarelli, the European data protection supervisor who oversees an independent European Union authority that advises on privacy-related laws and policies. “People are being treated like laboratory animals.” Regulators have won some victories. In 2012, Facebook agreed to stop using face recognition technology in the European Union after Mr. Caspar, the Hamburg data protection commissioner, accused it of violating German and European privacy regulations by collecting users’ biometric facial data without their explicit consent. Outside of the European Union, Facebook employs face recognition technology for a name-tagging feature that can automatically suggest names for the people in users’ photos. With facial recognition, brick-andmortar stores can scan shoppers’ faces looking for known shoplifters. But civil liberties experts warn that the technology could threaten the ability to remain anonymous online, on the street and at political protests. “What the F.T.C. failed to do, which are still live issues, are things like facial recognition,” said Mr. Rotenberg, the privacy expert. “How in the world did the F.T.C. let that happen?” Now a dozen consumer and privacy groups in the United States have accused Facebook of deceptively rolling out expanded uses of the technology without clearly explaining it to users or obtaining their explicit “opt-in” consent. Last Friday, the groups filed a complaint with the Federal Trade Commission, saying that the expansion last month violated the terms of the 2011 agreement. On Facebook, users upload about 350 million photos every day, according to one estimate. Facebook said it provides a page where users can easily turn off the facial-recognition feature. Facebook has other powerful techniques with implications users may not fully understand. One is a marketing service called “Look-alike Audiences” which goes beyond the familiar Facebook programs allowing advertisers to directly target people by their ages or likes. The lookalike audience feature allows marketers to examine their existing customers or voters for certain propensities — like heavy spending — and have Facebook find other users with similar tendencies. Facebook says it is clear with its users that it intends to show them relevant ads. The fear is that this “look-alike” marketing is a manipulative practice — on par with subliminal advertising — that critics say should be prohibited. Mark Zuckerberg’s I’m sorry suit NEWS ANALYSIS BY VANESSA FRIEDMAN How do we know that Mark Zuckerberg, chief executive of Facebook and a man currently under scrutiny, really does feel contrite and humbled by his company’s failure to protect users’ personal data, as he said during his testimony before the United States Congress this week? Well, he donned, if not a penitent’s robes, then what seems like his equivalent: a suit and tie. It began on Monday, when Mr. Zuckerberg made the rounds of congressional leaders in a dark suit, white shirt and dark blue tie. On Tuesday, when he took his seat on the committee room floor, the suit was navy and the tie was Facebook blue. It was somber. It was on brand. And for someone who has made a professional and personal signature out of the plain gray tee and jeans — who has posted pictures of the row of gray Tshirts and hoodies hanging in his closet on his Facebook page; whose success has made those gray tees and hoodies into shorthand for a new generation of disrupters, as aspirational an outfit as a Savile Row suit once was — it was as much a visual statement of renunciation and respect as any verbal apology. Cosmetic, perhaps. Superficial, sure. Presumably once he is back on the West Coast he’ll go right back to hoodies and tees. But it was strategic and optically effective nonetheless. “As a symbolic gesture it was abso- lutely the right message,” said Alan Flusser, a tailor in New York and the author of “Clothes and the Man.” It said to suspicious, establishment lawmakers: I am in your house, I will accept your rules. It said, O.K., maybe we in Silicon Valley really don’t know best. It said: I acknowledge the responsibility I bear and take this seriously. It acceded to the general interpretation that this was a growing-up moment, because in the iconography of clothing, the suit is the costume of the grown-up, while the T-shirt is the costume of the teenager, the off-duty, the breaker of rules. It took away one of the signifiers of difference between the old guard and the new, and replaced it with an olive branch of similarity. (Mr. Zuckerberg’s suit and tie almost matched the suit and tie worn by John Thune, Republican of South Dakota, the chairman of the Senate Commerce Committee.) And it closed off an avenue of attack. The day before Mr. Zuckerberg’s testimony, Larry Kudlow, President Trump’s new chief economic adviser, had said to reporters who asked about regulating Facebook: “Is he going to wear a suit and tie and clean white shirt? That’s my biggest question. Is he going to behave like an adult, as a major corporate leader, or give me this phony-baloney — what is it? — hoodies and dungarees?” Mr. Zuckerberg “knew people would be on the lookout” for the answer, said Joseph Rosenfeld, a personal style adviser who specializes in the tech world in Silicon Valley and New York, and whose clients work at companies such as Apple, Intuit and Google. This was not, of course, the first time TOM BRENNER/THE NEW YORK TIMES Mark Zuckerberg, the chief of Facebook, at the Hart Hearing Room in Washington. His choice not to wear his usual gray T-shirt seemed to be a visual statement of respect. Mr. Zuckerberg has worn a suit. It’s just that it is seemingly possible to count on two hands the times he has done so: always on public occasions and (not counting his wedding) always when heads of state or other dignitaries are involved. He wore a suit, for example, to address the Group of 8 summit meeting in France in 2011; to the state dinner for President Xi Jinping of China in 2015; to interview Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India at Facebook the same year; and to testify in a Dallas courtroom during the Oculus intellectual property trial in 2017. Still, it is such a rarity that former President Barack Obama made a joke out of it in a 2011 Facebook Town Hall, referring to an earlier meeting and calling himself “the guy who got Mark to wear a jacket and tie.” And though we know the utterly plain gray cotton T-shirts and hoodies Mr. Zuckerberg favors are not nearly as simple as they seem — they come from Brunello Cucinelli, an Italian brand that specializes in what might be called utopian casual, and begin at about $295 (for the tee) — it’s a mystery where he gets his suits. A Facebook spokeswoman declined to comment on his choice of suit for Congress. Mr. Rosenfeld said he had no idea of the maker or whether Mr. Zuckerberg was getting outside advice. Certainly Mr. Zuckerberg has publicly acknowledged, a few times, the very conscious way he uses clothes. Just because he is known for wearing the same thing every day doesn’t mean he doesn’t think about fashion or how what he wears gets interpreted. In fact, it is exactly the opposite. His Facebook timeline of “Life Events” includes the milestone “Wore a tie for a year” in 2009, along with “became a vegetarian” (in 2011) and “Married Priscilla Chan” (2012). “I wanted to signal to everyone at Facebook that this was a serious year for us,” he wrote in an post about the tie wearing. “My tie was the symbol of how serious and important a year this was, and I wore it every day to show this.” Then, in 2014, during another Facebook Town Hall, he was asked about the gray tees, and responded: “I really want to clear my life to make it so that I have to make as few decisions as possible about anything except how to best serve this community. And there’s actually a bunch of psychology theory that even making small decisions around what you wear, or what you eat for breakfast, or things like that, they kind of make you tired and consume your energy.” Which is to say, he wears the same thing because that way he thought about it once and never had to think about it again. Though the current situation does somewhat demonstrate the limits of that approach. CP Industries just got an expensive lesson in the unintended consequences of protectionism. Based in McKeesport, Pa., the company makes seamless vessels to store gases at high pressure — steel cylinders of up to six tons that it sells to customers like the United States Navy, NASA and T. Boone Pickens’s Clean Energy. It has received the first bill from the 25 percent tariff that President Trump placed on steel from China and a few other countries: $178,703.09 assessed on a steel-pipe shipment scheduled to arrive at the Port of Philadelphia on Thursday. That’s equivalent to about two weeks’ payroll. Over all, tariffs on steel pipe that the company has ordered from China — some already on its way across the Pacific — will add more than half a million dollars to rawmaterial costs over six months alone. “How long can we last?” mused Michael Larsen, the company’s chief executive. “I don’t know. We could go down relatively fast.” The tariff will add about 10 percent to the cost of CP Industries’ cylinders, which can sell for up to $35,000. And foreign rivals are already swooping in to lure away some of the company’s biggest clients. “We haven’t lost a big one yet, but the discussion over who is going to pay for the tariffs has started,” Mr. Larsen told me. ROSS MANTLE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Michael Larsen, chief executive of CP Industries, said steel tariffs had added 10 percent to the cost of his cylinders. What most sticks in the executive’s craw is that he will probably end up losing business to the company’s main rival in China, Enric Gas Equipment Company of Shijiazhuang, which also makes jumbo vessels. Noting that Enric’s goods are imported under a classification not subject to the tariff, a CP Industries news release added, “It is impossible for CPI to compete with its Chinese competitor on this basis.” This is what economists mean when they warn about the costs of protectionist policies. A tariff to protect one industry amounts to a tax on all of its customers. The steel tariffs tax the nation’s more high-tech manufacturing — carmakers, aerospace companies, makers of vessels to store hydrogen for use in fuel cells — to pay for a ring of protection around an aging industry that makes a raw material. As Lawrence H. Summers, a top economic adviser to Presidents Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, quipped at a conference in China a couple of weeks ago, the trade moves amount to “a bit of a ‘Stop, or I’ll shoot myself in the foot’ kind of strategy.” None of this is unknown to Mr. Trump’s trade advisers, by the way. Democratic and Republican administrations have repeatedly granted protection to the American steel industry since the 1960s, when foreign producers started making inroads into the United States. In 1969, President Richard M. Nixon imposed “voluntary restraint” agreements on exporters from Japan and Europe. About a decade later the Carter administration established a system that allowed some steel imports as long as they were sold above a certain price. President Ronald Reagan established a limited pool of imports that it apportioned among foreign producers. The first President George Bush renewed it. Mr. Clinton deployed diplomacy and antidumping measures to protect American steel makers. And in 2002 President George W. Bush put a new ring of “safeguards” around steel that lasted 20 months, until the World Trade Organization ruled them illegal. They mostly shrugged off the repercussions for the many manufacturing companies that relied on steel. But in 2003, the United States International Trade Commission surveyed manufacturers about the effects. Not only did the tariffs imposed by the Bush administration put many American companies at a competitive disadvantage, but PORTER, PAGE 13 .. THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 | 13 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION business Tariffs on steel start to hit home PORTER, FROM PAGE 12 companies also reacted in ways that did the American economy no good. Almost 500 steel consumers responded to at least some of the questions asked by the commission. About half of the respondents reported higher prices. And roughly half reported problems procuring steel of the quality and quantity they needed. Over a third reported delayed deliveries; 132 reported steel shortages. About one in six said these problems had reduced sales, and one in three said they had cut into profitability. A total of 82 companies — including 11 makers of auto parts, nine welded-pipe producers and five makers of fasteners — said they had lost sales to foreign competitors because of the higher cost of steel. Some steel consumers shifted from importing steel to importing assembled steel parts that were not subject to the new tariffs. York International — which makes air-conditioning systems, furnaces and the like — reported importing steel assemblies and complete products from overseas. The auto-part maker Metaldyne simply moved some of its operations to South Korea, where it could obtain cheaper steel. Mr. Larsen is sympathetic to the plight of American steel companies. Though it is owned today by Everest Kanto Cylinder based in Mumbai, India, CP Industries emerged as an independent company in a 1989 spinoff from U.S. Steel. And still, whatever old loyalties persist, it makes little sense to force the company to obtain its steel domestically. For starters, no company in the United States produces pipes big enough to make its six-ton containers. The company estimated that it could get only a fifth of the steel pipe it needed domestically, from only one American firm. Domestic pipe is, moreover, delivered in random lengths and requires additional milling, cutting and testing, raising processing costs by about 16 percent. And Chinese pipes are much cheaper, the company added: Pipes from China delivered in Philadelphia cost $1,680 per metric ton, while U.S. Steel is charging $2,728 per metric ton at its works in Lorain, Ohio. A 25 percent tariff will not close the gap. CP Industries isn’t simply going to let itself be pushed out of business. An option to consider is importing German steel — which so far has been exempted from the protectionist fusillade. But it will take time to shift suppliers. And German steel will be more expensive. Of course, there is lobbying. CP Industries has requested a waiver ROSS MANTLE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Manufacturing steel cylinders at the CP Industries plant in McKeesport, Pa. Tariffs on steel pipe that the company has ordered from China will add more than half a million dollars to raw material costs over six months. from the tariffs, and it is working to get Pennsylvania’s congressional delegation on its side. Something else it could do is move part or all of the manufacturing process overseas to avoid the steel tariffs. “We have a whole list of ideas that we could execute,” Mr. Larsen told me. “But nothing we do will be more efficient than what we are doing now. And it will mean less value added in the United States.” Mr. Larsen is not, by the way, an evangelist for free trade at all costs. Pressure on British banks Six years ago, when he was at TaylorWharton International, a manufacturer of smaller vessels for high-pressure gas, he teamed up with Norris Cylinder to bring an antidumping case against Chinese rivals and won. The government imposed an antidumping duty on U.S. sanctions require that they sever their ties with Putin’s associates BY NEIL IRWIN BY ELLEN BARRY OLGA MALTSEVA/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES The industrialist Oleg Deripaska is on the list of 24 influential Russians sanctioned by Washington. Russia’s wealthiest families have long found a haven in London. The ruble slid sharply in value for a second day on Tuesday. The mining giant Glencore, which is based in Switzerland, began loosening its ties with Mr. Deripaska’s company, Rusal, which is one of the world’s largest aluminum producers. Glencore announced it had canceled a planned swap of its stake in Rusal for shares in another Deripaska company, and Glencore’s chief executive, Ivan Glasenberg, who has served on Rusal’s board since 2007, said that he would step down. The new American sanctions expose financial institutions outside the United States to penalties if they “knowingly facilitate significant financial transactions” on behalf of the listed Russian oligarchs. The wording is similar to secondary sanctions imposed against Iran. These “essentially prohibit the individuals involved from taking part in the dollar economy,” said Daragh McDowell, an analyst for Europe and Central Asia at Verisk Maplecroft, a consulting firm based in Bath. It is likely to compel risk-averse British banks to cancel the Russians’ accounts altogether, said Brian O’Toole, a former senior official at the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control, which administers and enforces American sanctions. London’s real estate market might also be affected, having benefited from waves of investment from Russians with ties to the Kremlin, some of it routed through shell companies registered in overseas territories like the British Virgin Islands. Banks and estate agents might take steps to increase financial transparency, including trying when you are suddenly granted a 10 percent cost advantage. That’s roughly the kind of edge that the steel tariffs gave the makers of high-pressure gas vessels in China. “As it stands today,” Mr. Larsen lamented, “they cannot be overcome.” Countering Trump’s bluster LONDON The United States has ratcheted up its efforts to block Kremlin-linked industrialists from doing business in the West, warning that British banks will have to sever their relationships with the tycoons if they want continued access to American financial institutions. Sigal P. Mandelker, a top United States Treasury official who was in London to meet with her counterparts, said British banks could face “consequences” if they continued to carry out significant transactions on behalf of the 24 influential Russians sanctioned by Washington on Friday. The list includes the industrialists Oleg Deripaska and Viktor Vekselberg, along with Kirill Shamalov, whom American officials have identified as President Vladimir V. Putin’s son-in-law. “These are blocking sanctions,” Ms. Mandelker, under secretary of the Treasury for terrorism and financial intelligence, said at a briefing with reporters. “There of course would be consequences for U.K. financial institutions” that continued to do business with the Russians. The warning has resonated in London, which for decades has served as a haven for Russia’s wealthiest families. Russian investors own iconic British assets like the Chelsea Football Club and swaths of high-end London real estate, and they support thriving networks of lawyers, financial advisers and estate agents. The United States has long prodded its European partners to match its economic sanctions against high-ranking Russians, but it has encountered resistance because Russia’s business ties to Europe are so much deeper than those to the United States. Ms. Mandelker said there had been great unity on Russia among European nations since March 4, when Sergei V. Skripal, a former Russian double agent, was found poisoned in southwestern England. She said the United States was consulting intensively with British financial institutions and oversight agencies as it prepared to impose the latest round of sanctions. “We have very strong and close allies and partners in the U.K.” she said. “They understand clearly what the risks are. We continue to communicate those risks to them.” Chinese imports. He would love to try that approach against his new Chinese competitors. But Mr. Trump nipped the strategy in the bud: Dumping — selling below cost to drive rivals out of business and gain market share — is not necessary harder to identify the source of funds used by foreign buyers of real estate. “The amount of Russian real estate in Mayfair is well known. It’s kind of a running gag in the financial industry,” said Mr. O’Toole, now a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council. “This is something London should have a done a while ago, to clean this up. I think London knows that, and 10 Downing Street knows it as well. I think that’s the next thing to come.” He added that the United States has similar vulnerabilities, having allowed many foreigners to purchase valuable properties without having to identify themselves as the owners. British officials have not always been enthusiastic about the American sanctions, but British businesses have tended to comply, largely out of fear of being penalized by the United States, said Ian Bond, director of foreign policy at the Center for European Reform. “The reality is that for most companies dealing with the United States, the U.S. is much more important than dealing with Russia or Cuba or Iran or Libya,” he said. Bill Browder, an investor based in the United Kingdom who has led international campaigns to impose sanctions on Mr. Putin and his associates, described the sanctions imposed by Washington last week as the most forceful “by orders of magnitude” to hit Russia in years. If Mr. Deripaska, for example, wanted to buy a house in Europe now, he would be hard-pressed to find a seller willing to accept money from him, Mr. Browder said. “There is no safe haven when this type of stuff happens,” he said. These are unsettled times in financial markets. Stock prices in the United States rose or fell by more than 1 percent in four of five days last week, and if anything those closing numbers masked even larger swings within each trading session. A common measure of expected stock market volatility is about to double its level from early January. The proximate cause is pretty obvious: President Trump is threatening a trade war with China and perhaps other trading partners. But beneath those daily headlines are two fundamental questions: Is there a Kudlow Put? And is there a Powell Put? More specifically, will the White House economic adviser Larry Kudlow (and his free-trader allies within the administration) be able to rein in the Trump administration’s trade stance if markets keep falling? And will the Federal Reserve’s chairman, Jerome Powell, be ready to take action, such as delaying interest rate increases or even cutting rates, if markets tumble further? If the answers are “yes,” there isn’t much to worry about and the stock market should be able to keep humming along at its current high levels. If it’s a “no,” well, in a word, uh-oh. A “put” is an option contract that offers its buyer protection against losses. If you own a stock worth $100 and buy a put with a strike price of $80, you are ensuring the ability to sell for that price if you wish, so you can’t lose more than 20 percent of your money. Back in the 1990s, traders started referring to the “Greenspan Put,” the notion that the stock market as a whole had the equivalent of a giant put option in the form of the Fed chairman Alan Greenspan. Amid an emerging markets debt crisis in 1998, the Fed cut interest rates to try to guard the United States against economic fallout, which helped the stock market gain a whopping 29 percent that year despite the global troubles. This notion that the Fed is always ready to act when the stock markets start to dip has almost become a piece of conventional wisdom in market circles over the years — often said with a bit of snark and implicit criticism of the Fed for supposedly bailing out investors whenever the going gets tough. Fed officials themselves hate the idea and argue that they’re looking out for the economy, not markets. Nonetheless, in the popular discourse the Greenspan Put gave way to the (Ben) Bernanke Put, and to the (Janet) Yellen Put, as Mr. Greenspan’s successors engaged in multiple rounds of “quantitative easing” in recent years. Which brings us to the 2018 equivalents. Early last week, the stock market was losing ground as the Trump administration rolled out plans for punitive tariffs on $50 billion in Chinese imports, and the Chinese government said it would retaliate with comparable tariffs on American goods. The market sell-off abruptly halted on Wednesday after Mr. Kudlow told reporters in the White House driveway, in effect, not to sweat the incipient trade war. He said it was possible the tariffs would never come to pass and that the president was “ultimately a free trader” who “wants to solve this with the least amount of pain.” The Standard & Poor’s 500 index ended that day up 1.2 percent. So the question is whether Mr. Kudlow — not so much the individual, but the trade war-averse faction within the administration of which he is perhaps the most visible member — and others are going to be in position to prevent the administration from doing anything economically destructive on trade. DOUG MILLS/THE NEW YORK TIMES Larry Kudlow, the White House economic adviser, has tried to calm fears about an American trade war with China. The pattern on trade policy through the first 14 months of the Trump administration has been to pair blustery talk — about pulling out of the North American Free Trade Agreement, for example — with more modest policy actions and negotiations that may avert real economic damage. But the question is whether that dynamic is changing, with the departure of more internationalist voices within the administration like Mr. Kudlow’s predecessor, Gary D. Cohn, and the former secretary of state, Rex W. Tillerson. If Mr. Kudlow is able to offer only soothing words in the White House driveway — and those words aren’t matched by restraint in policymaking — the Kudlow Put will turn out to be fairly worthless. A warning sign about that possibility came April 5, when the administration threatened tariffs on an additional $100 billion in Chinese imports, in retaliation to China’s retaliation. This is the kind of escalation that would, if it became policy rather than mere threat, be quite ominous for financial markets. Again on Friday, Mr. Kudlow offered calming messages, saying “there are all kinds of back-channel discussions going on.” But given the continued escalation after his attempts at calm, the Kudlow Put didn’t quite work, and the market fell 2 percent that day. Then there is Mr. Powell, who is in his second month as Federal Reserve chairman. He delivered a speech Friday that threw into doubt whether the Powell Put exists — at least with respect to potential economic disruption from a trade war. He mentioned that business contacts had told Fed officials they were worried that trade tensions could spill into broader economic distress. But he did not go the next step of giving any hint that this might lead the Fed to reconsider its plans to raise interest rates gradually in the year ahead. There’s good reason for that. If the trade skirmish escalates into a trade war, it will harm economic growth, but it will also be inflationary. Prices would rise for American consumers in the near term because of the new tariffs, and would rise in the medium term as production of goods moved to less economically advantageous locations. It is an economic problem that the Fed’s tools would be particularly ill suited to solve; the Fed can help address weak demand in the economy but can’t do much about a negative supply shock, which is what a trade war would be. So it’s understandable that Mr. Powell would be quiet on the subject, and disinclined to float the possibility that Fed interest rate policy could or would prevent damage from a trade war. But if things continue to escalate, expect markets to hang on his every word even more, in search of evidence that the Powell Put is real. The way to think of fluctuations in the stock market, both last week and in the months ahead, is as a continuing effort to determine whether the Kudlow Put and the Powell Put exist, and if so, how powerful they may be. But given President Trump’s newfound willingness to chart his own aggressive path on trade policy, and the limits of the Fed’s tools in the event of a trade war, these may not be options contracts you want to rely on. .. 14 | THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION business Farmers race Amazon to reach remote shoppers EAST SMITHFIELD, PA. “People ask, ‘Why do you cost so much?’ The better question is how are others like Walmart able to sell it so cheaply?” Couple’s start-up collects food locally and delivers it weekly to residents afford “pasture raised” chicken breasts that cost $7.95 a pound in an area where household incomes are far below the national median. “People ask, ‘Why do you cost so much?’” Mr. Nowacoski says. “The better question is how are others like Walmart able to sell it so cheaply?” BY MICHAEL CORKERY AND GEORGE ETHEREDGE Huge retailers like Walmart, Amazon and Peapod are fighting for a piece of the online food delivery business. So is David Nowacoski, a chicken and pig farmer here in East Smithfield, Pa. Last month, Mr. Nowacoski started a service that delivers locally produced meats, cheeses and vegetables across three counties in northern Pennsylvania. His start-up collects food from farflung farms and transports it weekly to residents who place their orders online. We recently spent the day with Mr. Nowacoski and his wife, Marla, traveling about 92 miles in the family minivan, picking up and dropping off food from three farms, one cheese room, one tavern and a bakery. Even in this rural patch of natural gas fields and deer hunting grounds, where the closest Whole Foods is more than 100 miles away, Amazon’s influence is deeply felt. Mr. Nowacoski says Amazon and other big retailers have conditioned consumers to expect a higher level of convenience. “This is where society is going, and we have to figure out how the small farm plays a role in it,” he says. A day on the road with the Nowacoskis shows how exhausting and costly e-commerce can be. They rise at dawn to feed the chickens, then battle icy roads, burning through gasoline — all to “build baskets” of items like cheese curds, lettuce and sourdough loaves for a relatively small number of families who are willing to pay for the service. 10:36 A.M. With the minivan loaded with three large coolers, the Nowacoskis pull out of their driveway and head west. The first stop is a small dairy farm about 35 minutes away in Roseville, to pick up cheese. To reach the farm, we climb a long, lonely hill that cuts through a snow-encrusted field. Near the top of the hill, we turn right and glide down a paved road that resembles a bobsled run. The cheese shop is at the bottom of the driveway, next to a barn. Amanda Kennedy is in her “cheese room,” wearing a white smock. She got up at 1:30 in the morning to start making the cheese. She milked the cows at 3 and helped her three children onto the bus at around 7. Ms. Kennedy, who was raised on a farm down the road, hopes that she can weather the turmoil in the dairy industry — which has been roiled by years of low milk prices — by finding a market for her specialty Cheddar and dill cheese curds. Most people are not going to make regular trips to a local farm for a block of cheese, Ms. Kennedy says. “The biggest thing I struggle with is getting the cheese into the customer’s hands,” she says. Ms. Nowacoski packs the curds into a cooler and leaves Ms. Kennedy a check for $24, and we are back on the road. 7:09 A.M. Dressed in overalls and a purple sweatshirt, Mr. Nowacoski walks over to a shed that smells like diesel fuel, dirt and garlic. He mixes garlic powder into the chicken feed as a natural antibiotic. Mr. Nowacoski raises about 4,000 chickens a year for meat and an additional 600 hens for eggs. In warmer months, the birds live in fields, eating grass, herbs and insects. But on a morning like this — with the temperature well below freezing and a snowy mist making it feel even colder — the chickens are kept in a coop with a vaulted ceiling and walls made of clear plastic. Mr. Nowacoski walks among the birds, carrying a blue feed bucket in each hand. The hens flock to him, while the rooster hangs back, crowing with jealousy and alarm. “That bird hates me,” Mr. Nowacoski says. With the chickens fed, we walk down a winding dirt road to the pig pen. The sky has gone from light purple to blue-gray, and the snow has stopped. The pigs are still sleeping when we poke our heads into their hut, carpeted with hay. They lie side by side like a band of brothers — warm, plump and blissfully unaware that they have about three weeks left on earth. “Yeah, boys. Yeah, boys,” Mr. Nowacoski calls to them. Most of the 300-pound pigs are opting to sleep in, but a few amble out onto the snowy ground, grunting, snorting and looking for breakfast. Mr. Nowacoski rubs and scratches their haunches vigorously, sizing up their meat. Confirmed. Three weeks left. 9:10 A.M. A pot of coffee brews in the kitchen, and bacon sizzles on the stove. Ms. Nowacoski stands at the counter organizing online orders on her tablet. There are two dozen orders this week, up from just two during their first week in business. The Nowacoskis grew up in East Smithfield, a town of about 200 residents 75 miles west of Scranton. 1:10 P.M. Thursdays and Fridays. For now, most orders are dropped off at central locales like farm stands or church parking lots. Eventually, Mr. Nowacoski hopes to expand delivery directly to the homes of as many customers as he can. He buys the items from the farmers at a discount and charges a premium to customers, generating a 25 percent margin that pays for gas, the software he uses to process the orders and advertising. It’s not clear how many shoppers can After dropping off chicken thighs at a tavern along the way, the Nowacoskis drive to Milky Way Farms in Troy, Pa., to pick up bottles of milk for the week’s online orders. The lunch menu at the Milky Way restaurant features broccoli salad, vegetable beef soup, lemon pineapple cake and gluten-free bread. The hamburgers are made from beef raised at a farm next door. We arrive at the restaurant two weeks before it closes for good. The couple who own it, Ann and Kim Seeley, decided to shut down the family business after 55 years. “It is the middle of lunch time,” Ms. Seeley says, taking our order. “And there is nobody here.” Tourist traffic to the area has dropped, her husband says, and most people no longer take time to sit down for lunch. Even as the restaurant fades, Mr. Seeley will keep running a store at the farm that sells his chocolate milk, ice cream and egg nog. He’s counting on online deliveries to extend his reach farther. “We have high hopes,” he says. Fred McNeal, another farmer, joins us for lunch. He runs a farm market in Towanda, Pa., called Farmer Fred’s that sells everything from lawn furniture to turkey bone broth and garden seeds. Mr. McNeal says he never worried about competition from Amazon until the company bought Whole Foods last June. He is convinced that Amazon will find a way to deliver fresh food locally, eating into the market for local goods. “We see this coming,” Mr. McNeal says. “We have to figure out how to give customers what they want or we are going to be another story about a business that didn’t adapt.” After lunch, the Nowacoskis return to their farm to pick up heads of lettuce and then drive to a bakery, minutes before it closes at 4:30 p.m. The couple have been on the road for more than six hours. They will visit more farms the next day. rant it. An executive order from Mr. Trump last year called for that arrangement to be re-examined. With the Treasury Department now playing a greater role in policymaking — for instance, overseeing enforcement of parts of the Affordable Care Act and trying to limit corporations from engaging in mergers to avoid taxes — Mr. Mulvaney and other White House officials think that the I.R.S. should be subject to greater accountability when making decisions that often go beyond technical clarifications. Greater accountability, however, could come with costs. If Mr. Mulvaney wins the argument, “it will slow the process down,” said John A. Koskinen, a former I.R.S. commissioner whose term ended last year. “If you had all the regulations coming out of Treasury and I.R.S. subject to more review and delays, it would not be making taxpayers, accountants and lawyers happy. They are pushing to get that information as quickly as they can.” Officials from previous administrations also say that opening the tax regulation effort beyond Treasury would invite comments, not just from the budget office, but from the White House political team and other advisory groups in the government. “Midlevel political appointees get their fingers in there, find out when the meetings are and have their opinions,” said Adam Looney, a senior fellow in economic studies at the Brookings Institution who served in President Barack Obama’s Treasury Department. Such an expansion, Mr. Looney said, also offers more avenues for lobbyists to press their case for why their clients should receive more preferable tax treatment. “The swamp is going to be enriched by this one,” he said. Administration officials have suggested that a compromise could be reached within weeks. “We have been working productively with O.M.B. and are very pleased with the process,” said Tony Sayegh, assistant secretary for public affairs at the Treasury. “We look forward to a resolution in the near future.” Meghan Burris, a budget office spokeswoman said, “We do not discuss ongoing, pre-decisional processes and negotiations.” PHOTOGRAPHS BY GEORGE ETHEREDGE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES David Nowacoski, top, feeding chickens he and his wife, Marla, raise in East Smithfield, Pa. Center, the Nowacoskis sell milk from a local farm and eggs from their own farm to customers who order online. Bottom, from left: Two of the Nowacoskis’ pigs; the couple preparing to make deliveries; and eating breakfast at home. KEEPING IT LOCAL Friends since high school, they got married and moved to Princeton, N.J., where Mr. Nowacoski worked for an employee benefits firm. In 1993, they returned to East Smithfield and bought 80 acres of rolling fields, maple groves and a swamp that they dug out into a lake stocked with catfish and largemouth bass. Like many farms in the area, the Nowacoskis’ land sits above the Marcellus Shale formation, a huge natural gas deposit. The couple lease some of their land to gas companies for hydraulic fracturing, or fracking. When gas prices were high, the Nowacoskis received enough money to send two of their three children to college without amassing debt. But as prices slumped, the infusion of wealth from the fracking boom all but evaporated. “Everyone thought they would be millionaires,” Mr. Nowacoski says. “Then it just stopped.” The gas money is vanishing while milk prices are also low, putting pressure on farms and the broader economy. The Nowacoskis hope their e-commerce business, Delivered Fresh, can help farmers find new markets for their milk, meat and produce. Every week, shoppers can log into the Delivered Fresh website and pick from a range of locally produced foods. The offerings will grow more bountiful as the weather turns warmer — carrots, beets, kale and potatoes. The Nowacoskis spend Wednesdays picking up food from as many as 20 farms — a loop that sometimes totals 300 miles. They make deliveries on A turf battle over who interprets tax rules WASHINGTON BY ALAN RAPPEPORT AND JIM TANKERSLEY A power struggle between two of President Trump’s top cabinet members threatens to delay implementation of the new tax law and could give lobbyists and political hands in the White House greater ability to shape critical decisions about which types of businesses benefit from the law. The White House’s Office of Management and Budget, headed by Mick Mulvaney, and the Treasury Department, run by Steven Mnuchin, are at odds over whether to end Treasury’s traditional independence in writing tax regulations and to give the budget office more oversight for those rules. If an agreement is not reached soon, the president may have to weigh in and make the decision himself. The debate is more than just a West Wing turf war. How it plays out could affect several big decisions that will define the breadth and scope of the new tax law, including whether small businesses like veterinary clinics and dentists may claim a new 20 percent tax deduction and to what degree multinational corporations such as Microsoft and Eli Lilly will be hit with a new minimum tax on the profits they earn overseas. Mr. Mnuchin and Mr. Mulvaney, who are among Mr. Trump’s top economic lieutenants, have largely been in sync on the shape and direction of the tax law. Both supported lowering corporate taxes and using the tax code to discourage companies from shifting operations overseas. Where they differ, however, is over who has the ultimate authority to interpret the many lingering questions that will need to be answered in the coming months and years, including which types of companies qualify as “passthrough” businesses eligible for the 20 percent deduction and how broadly the international tax provisions aimed at preventing profit shifting should apply. The Treasury Department, which issues tax regulations through the Internal Revenue Service and offers guidance that dictates how the tax code is applied, will have broad discretion in de- termining the effects of the law. It has long been exempt from the type of costbenefit analysis that the Office of Management and Budget performs on most rules that government agencies issue. With a host of unintended or unclear provisions stemming from the rapid passage of the law, the Treasury will need to decide how the legislation is implemented. It has already begun issuing guidance to clarify the law’s intent and in March moved to block hedge funds and private equity firms from trying to circumvent a new rule aimed at limiting the use of the so-called carried interest tax break. Some congressional Republicans are rooting for Mr. Mulvaney’s office to wield greater oversight of the tax law, in the hope that it would push for the most lenient interpretations of regulations that enable the largest number of businesses to pay lower rates under the law. Other lawmakers and business groups are pulling for Mr. Mnuchin, believing that adding review by the Office of Management and Budget could slow the creation of regulations that businesses say they need to make investment and tax planning decisions this year. How the debate plays out could affect several big decisions that will define the breadth and scope of the new tax law. Mr. Mulvaney has taken the view that tax regulations issued by the Treasury are of significant economic importance and that decisions that determine the fate of hundreds of millions of dollars are being made without sufficient scrutiny by his office. The budget office analyzes regulations issued by agencies across the federal government, with its Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs determining whether agencies have sufficiently addressed problems during rule-making and either accepting regulations or sending them back to be reworked. The Treasury Department does consult the budget office on some of its rulemaking, but since a 1983 memorandum of understanding, the office has not had the authority to review the Treasury’s tax guidance, on the theory that it is not economically significant enough to war- .. THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 | 15 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION Opinion Testing Brazil’s democracy Does democracy have anything to gain from the former president’s arrest for corruption? We don’t know yet. ADALIS MARTINEZ Carol Pires SÃO PAULO, BRAZIL On Saturday, the former president of Brazil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, surrendered to the federal police to start a 12-year one-month prison sentence for corruption. Judge Sergio Moro had ordered Mr. da Silva to turn himself in to the police by 5 p.m. on Friday. But before doing so, Mr. da Silva had laid down a few rules of his own. He would surrender only after attending an ecumenical service in honor of the birthday of his deceased wife, Marisa Letícia. Flanked by his political allies, among them two other presidential candidates, Mr. da Silva celebrated his wife at the same union headquarters where he first met her in 1973 and where he mourned her death last year. Up until the minute before his surrender and subsequent transfer to the prison in the southern city of Curitiba, Mr. da Silva played politics, spending much of the day lecturing from his campaign bus and using the media attention to reiterate that jailing the country’s favorite candidate in the October elections would only further weaken Brazil’s democracy. “This will not be the end of me,” he said to a throng of supporters. “I am no longer a human being. I am an idea. An idea that is mixed with all of your ideas.” Many in the crowd responded, “Don’t surrender!” The police transport vehicle tried to leave the scene twice, but the former president’s followers blocked the way. Mr. da Silva’s conviction and imprisonment have further inflamed Brazil’s political crisis. And in a nation that escaped the grip of dictatorship only in 1985, it is unclear whether democracy will survive or whether supporters of authoritarian government will gain the upper hand. On April 4, the day before the Federal Supreme Court rejected Mr. da Silva’s habeas corpus appeal, the commander of the Brazilian Army, Gen. Eduardo Villas Boas, summoned the ghost of the dictatorship when he announced on Twitter that the military, “along with all good citizens, repudiates impunity and respects the Constitution, civic peace and democracy.” The message was widely interpreted as an attempt to intimidate the court into convicting Mr. da Silva. Another general, Luiz Gonzaga Schroeder, went even further, stating in an interview that if Mr. da Silva were elected again, it would be “the duty of the armed forces to restore order.” Both generals believe that Mr. da Silva’s presidential bid is an affront to the war against corruption, known here as Operação Lava Jato (Operation Car Wash), a far-reaching campaign started in 2014 that has uncovered a network In a nation of graft and corrupthat escaped tion in the public the grip of service, shaking the dictatorship political class. And only in 1985, so, while Mr. da it is unclear if Silva’s imprisonment is a very visible high supporters of point of this investiauthoritarian gation, it doesn’t government mean the end of will gain the Brazil’s political upper hand. crisis — if anything, it marks the start of some very intense uncertainty in the months leading up to the election. Mr. da Silva remains at the top of the opinion polls among would-be voters, and he can still continue to appeal his sentence and become the official Workers’ Party candidate in the October elections. Alternatively, he could run his campaign from prison as long as the electoral courts don’t disqualify him by invoking the Clean Slate law, which bars those convicted of criminal offenses from seeking public office. If things don’t go well for Mr. da Silva, the biggest loser will be the Brazilian left, which has been looking to him as its anchor and promise. With the left in disarray — its reputation is tarnished, its members divided, and it has no other strong presidential candidate — Brazil could well follow the recent trend in other Latin American countries, where right-wing parties that stubbornly refuse to cut ties with their former dictatorships are now on the rise, enjoying the support of the growing evangelical Christian communities, as is the case in Chile. Does democracy have anything to gain with Mr. da Silva’s imprisonment? We don’t know yet. What we do know is that the one person who stands to gain from his downfall is Jair Bolsonaro, the retired military officer and presidential candidate who is No. 2 in the polls. Mr. Bolsonaro was among the first to publicly endorse General Boas’s remark about corruption, yet another cause for concern among many Brazilians already troubled by Mr. Bolsonaro’s repeated praise for the former chief of Brazil’s dictatorship-era torture center. Meanwhile, political radicalization and violence are on the rise. On March 29, as Mr. da Silva traveled through the state of Paraná in southern Brazil on his campaign to defend his name, shots were fired at his convoy. After his habeas corpus plea was rejected, a man who yelled insults at Mr. da Silva in front of a school was hospitalized with brain trauma after a Workers’ Party activist jostled him and his head was struck by a passing truck. Protesting Mr. da Silva’s arrest, the Landless Workers’ Movement blocked roads in 11 states. Several journalists were attacked while trying to cover his arrest on Saturday. For the moment, the army’s resurgence suggests that when the government loses political control, the desire for political power is stoked anew among those in green. In an extreme situation, a mass riot could become a dangerous excuse for those who seek to undermine the democratic system by using the upsurge of radicalism as its pretext. This is no small detail in Brazil, where the past may be dark but the future remains murky. is a political reporter and a regular contributor to The New York Times in Spanish. CAROL PIRES It’s Mueller, not Trump, who is draining the swamp The special counsel, avatar of justice, is revealing the depth of white-collar corruption before our eyes. Quinta Jurecic Following the investigation of the special counsel, Robert Mueller, is an enduring lesson in humility, and not merely because no one — not the president, not legal analysts or anyone else — has been able to predict what his office will do next. Mr. Mueller is much more than a prosecutor. To many, he has become Mr. Trump’s opposite: an avatar of justice and probity. As special counsel, he’s also a storyteller, unwinding the tale of what happened during the 2016 election, while revealing only glimpses of the overall narrative. It’s not clear whether he’ll ever make public the whole of what he knows, or whether the regulations governing his appointment even allow him to do so. The country is living through an astonishing story without a full sense of what that story is. But as the public waits to discover who on the Trump team knew what and when they knew it, Mr. Mueller has been telling another story, about “draining the swamp.” And how that story plays out stands to have a major effect on how our politics moves forward after the investigation is complete. The themes of corruption and whitecollar malfeasance link the cases of those caught up in the special counsel’s inquiry. Their indictments shed light on the culture of influence peddling and less-than-savory financial transactions that Mr. Trump promised to dismantle if elected president. (He has done the opposite.) The special counsel’s indictments of Paul Manafort, Rick Gates and Alex van der Zwaan sketch out a system of international graft. Mr. Manafort and Mr. Gates are charged with laundering millions of dollars gained from their work for unscrupulous oligarchs. Mr. van der Zwaan entered the picture when Mr. Manafort commissioned his law firm to help clean up the image of the corrupt Ukrainian government — an effort in which numerous wellconnected Washington lobbyists were involved, though none disclosed their work publicly. Mr. Mueller is also investigating the money that came in to Mr. Trump’s business and campaign from Russia and Eastern Europe, in some cases examining whether wealthy Russians provided campaign donations improperly. Yesterday, The Times reported that Mr. Mueller is probing contributions made to the Trump Foundation by the Ukrainian steel magnate Victor Pinchuk in exchange for a video campaign speech by Mr. Trump at a conference in Kiev, raising questions over whether Mr. Trump allowed the line to be blurred between charitable donations and political influence. Mr. Mueller hasn’t hinted at any conclusions, but it is clear that the Russian trolls indicted in February were able to run political advertisements on Facebook in part because of lax and under-enforced regulations that failed to constrain foreign spending in American elections. Senator J. SCOTT APPLEWHITE/ASSOCIATED PRESS Robert Mueller, the special counsel, is also telling a story about Washington corruption. Sheldon Whitehouse, Democrat of Rhode Island, has argued that it will be difficult to restrict such spending in the future, even on grounds of national security, because stricter campaign finance legislation runs counter to the interests of donors on whom lawmakers rely for funds. Then, of course, there’s Stephanie Clifford, also known as Stormy Daniels. On Monday, F.B.I. agents raided the home, office and hotel room of Mr. Trump’s longtime attorney, Michael Cohen, who is reportedly being investigated for bank fraud, wire fraud and violations of campaign finance law. Among the materials reportedly seized by the F.B.I. were documents relating to Ms. Daniels, to whom Mr. Cohen made a $130,000 payment under the terms of a nondisclosure agreement to prevent her from speaking out about her sexual encounter with Mr. Trump. As legal analysts have written, who- ever was behind the payment to Ms. Daniels — Mr. Cohen claims that his client, then running for president, had no knowledge of the agreement — it’s likely that it ran afoul of disclosure requirements for campaign contributions. Though Ms. Daniels has disclaimed any connection to the #MeToo movement, Mr. Trump’s efforts to keep her quiet are strikingly similar to what has been uncovered about the legal mechanics used to silence victims of Harvey Weinstein’s abuse. Her experience is an illustration of how powerful men use money and connections to shield themselves from consequences, perhaps straying over the line of what the law allows. Part of Ms. Daniels’s appeal is her willingness to explain how these things work, recalling Mr. Trump’s own insistence that he could “drain the swamp” precisely because he knew how it was filled. Keep in mind that Watergate, too, was a story about anonymous flows of money to political campaigns. Two chronicles of Richard Nixon’s downfall stand out as particularly insightful right now: Elizabeth Drew’s “Washington Journal,” a diary of the author’s life while covering the scandal, and Leon Neyfakh’s “Slow Burn,” a podcast on Watergate ephemera. These works don’t tell the story of Watergate straight through but, instead, describe the experience of blundering through the scandal in a state of perpetual confusion, not knowing which parts of the story were important or what the overall story was. JURECIC, PAGE 17 .. 16 | THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION opinion A third way for Muslim feminism? Ursula Lindsey A.G. SULZBERGER, Publisher DEAN BAQUET, Executive Editor MARK THOMPSON, Chief Executive Officer JOSEPH KAHN, Managing Editor STEPHEN DUNBAR-JOHNSON, President, International TOM BODKIN, Creative Director JEAN-CHRISTOPHE DEMARTA, Senior V.P., Global Advertising RABAT, MOROCCO Last month, Asma SUZANNE DALEY, Associate Editor ACHILLES TSALTAS, V.P., International Conferences Lamrabet, a well-known Moroccan feminist, resigned from her position at the Mohammedan League of Scholars, where she headed a center of women’s studies in Islam. She was pushed to resign, she explained in a statement, by the backlash over her support for a demand that remains controversial in the Arab and Muslim world: an equal share for women. In Muslim countries, laws governing inheritance are derived from verses in the Quran; men generally receive larger, sometimes double, the shares that women get. Distant male relatives can supersede wives, sisters and daughters, leaving women not just bereaved but also destitute. Raising the issue of inheritance and inequality has long been considered blasphemous. When Tunisia’s modernizing first president, Habib Bourguiba, did so in 1974, he was targeted by a fatwa from a Saudi cleric and forced to backtrack. Yet recently, in several North African countries, the debate over equality in inheritance has been picking up steam. Last summer, President Beji Caid Essebsiof Tunisia created a commission to study how to institute an equitable inheritance law. Recently, a couple of thousand demonstrators gathered in downtown Tunis, the capital, to encourage him to follow through. In Morocco, where I live, the National Council on Human Rights in 2015 recommended instituting equality in inheritance; it was browbeaten by Islamists, but the topic hasn’t gone away. Last spring, an art gallery in Rabat held an exhibition on the subject and a reformed extremist religious preacher caused an uproar when he supported it on a TV talk show. In the past year, at least three books have been published on the topic. (One of them, edited by a woman, is an anthology of male writers entitled “Men Defend Inheritance Equality.”) And in January, the Moroccan government took a symbolic but important step: It announced that women would be allowed to become adouls, traditional notaries who witness acts of marriage, divorce and inheritance. Opening this profession to women, Ms. Lamrabet told me at the time, brought women a step closer to equality and to the legal and religious authority from which they have been traditionally excluded across the Muslim Arab world. Ms. Lamrabet is one of a small group of women who have staked a claim to exercising that authority. “Patriarchy is this: to refuse women authority over religious texts,” she told me. “One of our demands is to accept women’s readings of religious texts and let women be religious authorities.” I first met Ms. Lamrabet last fall, in her office at the Mohammedan League of Scholars, a stately building decorated with traditional stucco molding, tiles and wooden latticework. The league is Morocco’s pre-eminent official institution of religious scholarship, and Ms. Lamrabet’s presence within it was in and of itself remarkable. In her many books and public speeches, Ms. Lamrabet argues for a progressive, contextual reading of the CHARLOTTE GORDON, V.P., International Consumer Marketing JAMES BENNET, Editorial Page Editor HELEN KONSTANTOPOULOS, V.P., International Circulation JAMES DAO, Deputy Editorial Page Editor HELENA PHUA, Executive V.P., Asia-Pacific KATHLEEN KINGSBURY, Deputy Editorial Page Editor SUZANNE YVERNÈS, International Chief Financial Officer THE LAW IS COMING, MR. TRUMP The president has spent his career cutting corners, lying, cheating and in poor company. That behavior may be catching up to him. Why don’t we take a step back and contemplate what Americans, and the world, are witnessing? Early Monday morning, F.B.I. agents raided the New York office, home and hotel room of the personal lawyer for the president of the United States. They seized evidence of possible federal crimes — including bank fraud, wire fraud and campaign finance violations related to payoffs made to women, including a porn actress, who say they had affairs with the president before he took office and were paid off and intimidated into silence. That evening the president surrounded himself with the top American military officials and launched unbidden into a tirade against the top American law enforcement officials — officials of his own government — accusing them of “an attack on our country.” Meanwhile, the president’s former campaign chairman is under indictment, and his former national security adviser has pleaded guilty to lying to investigators. His son-in-law and other associates are also under investigation. This is your president, ladies and gentlemen. This is how Donald Trump does business, and these are the kinds of people he surrounds himself with. Mr. Trump has spent his career in the company of developers and celebrities, and also of grifters, cons, sharks, goons and crooks. He cuts corners, he lies, he cheats, he brags about it, and for the most part, he’s gotten away with it, protected by threats of litigation, hush money and his own bravado. Those methods may be proving to have their limits when they are applied from the Oval Office. Though Republican leaders in Congress still keep a cowardly silence, Mr. Trump now has real reason to be afraid. A raid on a lawyer’s office doesn’t happen every day; it means that multiple government officials, and a federal judge, had reason to believe they’d find evidence of a crime there and that they didn’t trust the lawyer not to destroy that evidence. On Monday, when he appeared with his national security team, Mr. Trump, whose motto could be, “The buck stops anywhere but here,” angrily blamed everyone he could think of for the “unfairness” of an investigation that has already consumed the first year of his presidency, yet is only now starting to heat up. He said Attorney General Jeff Sessions made “a very terrible mistake” by recusing himself from overseeing the investigation — the implication being that a more loyal attorney general would have obstructed justice and blocked the investigation. He called the A-team of investigators from the office of the special counsel, Robert Mueller, “the most biased group of people.” As for Mr. Mueller himself, “we’ll see what happens,” Mr. Trump said. “Many people have said, ‘You should fire him.’” In fact, the raids on the premises used by Mr. Trump’s lawyer, Michael Cohen, were conducted by the public corruption unit of the federal attorney’s office in Manhattan, and at the request not of the special counsel’s team, but under a search warrant that investigators in New York obtained following a referral by Mr. Mueller, who first consulted with the deputy attorney general, Rod Rosenstein. To sum up, a Republicanappointed former F.B.I. director consulted with a Republican-appointed deputy attorney general, who then authorized a referral to an F.B.I. field office not known for its anti-Trump bias. Deep state, indeed. Mr. Trump also railed against the authorities who, he said, “broke into” Mr. Cohen’s office. “Attorney-client privilege is dead!” the president tweeted early Tuesday morning, during what was presumably his executive time. He was wrong. The privilege is one of the most sacrosanct in the American legal system, but it does not protect communications in furtherance of a crime. Anyway, one might ask, if this is all a big witch hunt and Mr. Trump has nothing illegal or untoward to hide, why does he care about the privilege in the first place? The answer, of course, is that he has a lot to hide. Among the grotesqueries that faded into the background of Mr. Trump’s carnival of misgovernment during the past 24 hours was that Monday’s meeting was ostensibly called to discuss a matter of global significance: a reported chemical weapons attack on Syrian civilians. Mr. Trump instead made it about him, with his narcissistic and self-pitying claim that the investigation represented an attack on the country “in a true sense.” No, Mr. Trump — a true attack on America is what happened on, say, Sept. 11, 2001. Remember that one? Thousands of people lost their lives. Your response was to point out that the fall of the twin towers meant your building was now the tallest in downtown Manhattan. Of course, that also wasn’t true. FADEL SENNA/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES Asma Lamrabet, who is part of a school of thought referred to as “Islamic feminism,” argues for a progressive reading of the Quran. Quran. She doesn’t claim, as Islamists do, that Islam already gives women all their rights. She argues that it could, if it was stripped of centuries of misogynist interpretation by male scholars. When Ms. Lamrabet rejects practices such as polygamy, unequal access to divorce or a husband’s authority over his wife, she either shows there is no textual basis at all in the Quran for these practices, or she argues that the historical context needs to be taken into account when interpreting what the text says. With regard to inheritance, Ms. Lamrabet and others note that women were allotted a smaller share on the Asma assumption that Lamrabet’s male relatives would arguments provide for all their for a feminist material needs. Islam anger That is no longer the case; many both Muslim households in Moconservatives rocco today depend and those who see Islam largely on a woman’s income. So Ms. Lamas uniquely rabet argues that the bad for law should be rewomen. evaluated on the Is she basis of the Quran’s original spirit of the future? justice and fairness. But apparently making this argument, repeatedly and publicly, was too much for the religious establishment in Morocco. Ms. Lamrabet says her goal is the “deconstruction of religious patriarchy.” She argues from a religious basis because, she told me, religion is the No. 1 weapon used against women in her country today. She wants to furnish women with arguments with which to reclaim their religion, and to reject inequality and discrimination in the name of Islam. But she is also critical of the way women’s rights have been deployed by Western powers to justify colonialism, military intervention and attacks on her religion. Her arguments will displease both Muslim conservatives who see feminism as an immoral, unnecessary foreign import and those who believe women’s subjugation is a unique and unchangeable feature of Islam. Ms. Lamrabet is part of a school of thought often referred to as “Islamic feminism” — which includes the late, great Moroccan sociologist Fatema Mernissi and scholars such as Amina Wadud and Leila Ahmed. She is also part of a larger field of activists, artists and intellectuals trying to articulate a feminist third way — one that doesn’t have to choose between religion and universal rights, between critiquing the West and kowtowing to local conservatives. The broaching of inheritance reform — which would be a truly revolutionary change — is taking place as a number of Arab countries are giving women new legal rights. In Tunisia, Muslim women will be allowed to marry non-Muslim men (in most Muslim countries only men are allowed to marry outside their religion). Lebanon is the latest country in the region to outlaw the practice of rapists being exonerated for their crime by marrying their victims. Even in Saudi Arabia, the authorities have announced that women will finally be granted the right to drive, as well as to set up their own businesses without a male guardian’s consent. Skepticism over these announcements is sometimes warranted. Male rulers and autocrats in the region have figured out that branding themselves champions of women’s rights is a winning P.R. move in the West — but even “enlightened” rulers are unlikely to undermine a religious discourse from which they derive much of their own legitimacy. And legal reforms that favor women are only as strong as the rule of law over all. Even as we celebrate every gain that makes women’s lives better, what counts most is the degree to which women are able to voice and to advance their own arguments for equality. Conservatives would like to simply declare the conversation on inheritance off-limits, but I doubt it is going to fade away. In the same week she resigned, Ms. Lamrabet was one of 102 Moroccan public figures who penned an open letter calling for a reform of inheritance law. The truth is that discrimination against women in the name of Islam is a question to which religious and political authorities today simply have no good answer. The debate over women’s rights and Islam is so politicized and riddled with stereotypes that it is extremely hard to write about. Muslim women are not all victims, renegades or standard-bearers for religious or cultural authenticity. They are not foils with which to bash Islam or through which sympathetic Westerners can congratulate themselves on their cultural superiority. True solidarity with women in this part of the world means paying less attention to self-serving male rulers and to cosmetic official initiatives and more to the lively, often contentious debate taking place within Muslim societies, to the diverse voices of women here and to their ideas of how they want to advance their own cause. These voices are secular and religious, young and old; they are also often critical of Western policies in the region. Inheritance inequality, Ms. Lamrabet told me, is part of an ideology that assumes that women are worth less and deserve less. She and others will continue to insist that women get their fair share. writes about culture and politics in the Arab world. URSULA LINDSEY FETHI BELAID/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES Demonstrating for women’s rights under religious law last month in Tunis. In several North African countries, the debate over equality in inheritance has been picking up steam. .. 18 | THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION Culture ‘Is it possible to tell the truth kindly?’ Folk-rock duo conjures an idyllic childhood, torn by violence, with music BY LAURA COLLINS-HUGHES There’s a line near the start of the new musical “The Lucky Ones” that’s a deliberate hedge — an explanation of the rules of the show that also leaves those rules a little murky. “This is a true story,” Shaun Bengson tells the audience from the stage of the Connelly Theater in Manhattan. “Even the parts that never happened.” And with those words, Mr. Bengson and his wife, Abigail — the other half of the folk-rock duo the Bengsons, the indie-theater darlings who created the show for Ars Nova — try to draw a cloak of privacy around themselves and the people they love. Ms. Bengson, 35, has a tale to tell about the autumn she was 15, when her family shattered and the seemingly safe Eden she grew up in was lost forever. Yet she is terrified of compounding anyone’s anguish. So “The Lucky Ones” is wounded autobiography veiled in fiction. Set in crunchy small-town New England (“a part of Vermont that happens to be in Maine”), it’s a follow-up to “Hundred Days,” a musical memoir of the Bengsons’ beginnings as a couple that was a hit last fall at New York Theater Workshop. Like “Hundred Days,” “The Lucky Ones” is directed by Anne Kauffman and has a book co-written by the playwright Sarah Gancher, who is the Bengsons’ neighbor across the hall in Ridgewood, Queens. In the new show, an extended family runs a school together, raising their children — Abigail, her sisters and their cousins — in a kind of hippie idyll. Then, in one cataclysmic season, it all falls apart, beginning with a killing that might have been prevented if only the parents hadn’t been so committed to a you-choose-your-feelings worldview that they dismissed the signs of mental illness in one of the kids. “It’s possible that we have all been raised in a way that hurt us,” Abigail says in the show. “And maybe hurt us so badly that we will hurt other people.” Like Abigail, the character she plays in “The Lucky Ones,” Ms. Bengson grew up in an extended hippie family that revolved around a school. In reality, though, the person in her clan who killed someone was not a blood relative but rather a person she had been raised to consider an older sibling — someone she loved and admired, who “wrote strange and beautiful music,” who claimed to hear voices and did as they instructed. This is the person, no longer institutionalized, whose life Ms. Bengson is most fearful of harming with “The Lucky Ones,” an ensemble piece in which a cascade of events results in the dissolution of her family, including her parents’ marriage. A large-scale show with a chorus, it’s intended as the second part of a trilogy that will continue with a musical about Mr. Bengson’s early life. Critical reception of “The Lucky Ones” has been mixed, with Jesse Green of The New York Times calling it “a gawky, powerful work in progress,” while Sandy MacDonald, in Time Out New York, found it “harrowing.” Ms. Bengson is sure of her right to tell such a story onstage because it is a fundamental trauma of her past, overlapping though it does with other people’s pain and struggles. Yet the acceptability of drawing bystanders into one’s own SARA KRULWICH/THE NEW YORK TIMES Adina Verson, at center, in “The Lucky Ones,” a theatrical production that considers the impact of a killing on Ms. Bengson’s seemingly idyllic childhood. recently, in the tone of someone checking to make sure she doesn’t have lipstick on her teeth. “I recognize it’s a little codependent.” Mr. Bengson, 34, cracked up at this, seated beside her in the apartment in the Alphabet City neighborhood of Manhattan where they stayed through early previews, to be close to the theater. Ms. Bengson says that she and her husband are both “profoundly introverted,” but you wouldn’t know it from talking with them. He seems gentle, diffident but steely underneath, while there’s a sparkle to her, and a healthy dash of punk spicing her earth-mother serenity. Louie, their blond-ringleted toddler, is a year and a half old, and Ms. Bengson throws up her hands at the challenge of not swearing in front of him. “It’s possible that we have all been raised in a way that hurt us. And maybe hurt us so badly that we will hurt other people.” ANNIE TRITT FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Abigail and Shaun Bengson, a married pair of singer-songwriters who have turned their personal stories into theater. art is one of the great ethical debates in any kind of autobiography. That’s true even when you change names and details, and create what Mr. Bengson called “the novel-myth version” of the story. “Is it possible to tell the truth kindly?” Ms. Bengson said. “I don’t know. But it’s what I’m trying to do.” “One of my sisters, she said, ‘Don’t let your fear get in the way of the truth of this,’” Ms. Bengson added. “I know that in taking this on, I can’t be meek, I can’t glaze over, I can’t allow fear or denial to be the story of our family, because that was toxic, too.” Ars Nova, which also co-produced “Sundown, Yellow Moon,” a Rachel Bonds play with music by the Bengsons, has an estimable record with nontraditional musicals that includes birthing “Natasha, Pierre & the Great Comet of 1812.” It was the company that matched Ms. Gancher with the Bengsons several years ago. To whatever degree “The Lucky Ones” is fictionalized, she finds it “really lovely to be working on a true story.” “I spend so much of my life making up characters or brainstorming situations or coming up with scenarios,” Ms. Gancher said. “The beauty part of this is that any question that I can think of to ask, there’s an answer to, and the answer is always weirder and more interesting and more surprising and sort of brighter than anything that I could make up.” And she has a deep affection for the Bengsons. “They’re people with a lot of pain and a lot of damage,” she said, “but also a lot of strength and a lot of magic.” They are also so intertwined, personally and professionally, that they share a bio in the program for “The Lucky Ones.” “Is that gross?” Ms. Bengson asked “He’s going to be a pirate by 5,” she said, and her husband laughed again. “But I can’t stop. So, you’re welcome, Louie.” The Bengsons married 10 years ago, three weeks after their first date. Four years ago, shortly after they got the commission from Ars Nova that would result in “The Lucky Ones,” Ms. Bengson had a miscarriage — an event that “rocked us very deeply,” she said, and “set us on this path of wanting to write about family and trauma.” Part of that was an awareness, new to Mr. Bengson, of what a fragile thing a family can be. Part of it was a wish to examine how to go about making a family — thoughtfully, unconventionally, as their own parents did — even while aware of the unintended harm that parents can cause children in the process. At least at the start, they also nursed the naïve wish to repair what had been broken in Ms. Bengson’s adolescence — “to Parent Trap the family,” as Mr. Bengson put it. “Sometimes there are wounds so deep that they never all the way heal,” he said. “And I really hoped that wasn’t so.” Some people in the family Ms. Bengson grew up in don’t talk to one another anymore, but for the musical the Bengsons interviewed all of them — including the older sibling, so-called, who committed the crime. Those interviews be- came part of the piece. Primarily for ethical reasons, Ms. Bengson said, they did not contact relatives of the person who was killed. In her own family, opinion about the existence of the show is divided — some of those depicted vehemently in favor, some opposed. Some have come to see it. The Bengsons’ nightmare scenario is to have family drama break out in the audience, where they would have to witness it from the stage. A few performances deeper into previews, after they had moved back home to Queens, Ms. Bengson sat at their blond-wood kitchen table, a plastic bag of old cassette tapes in front of her. Some of those tapes, she said, have been to prison and back — cassettes on which her budding-songwriter self set down in music the fraught emotions she couldn’t speak. Her older sibling, socalled, would respond with feedback on her craftsmanship that helped to shape her as an artist. “I’d be like, ‘Hey, it’s Friday,’ talking about nothing, and then I’d sing this heavy piece of music, talking about everything,” she said, and she realized that’s not so different from what she’s doing with the show itself. “I’m like, here I am, sending tapes to them, 20 years later.” By “them,” she means her family. A half-hour into an emotionally delicate interview, there was a soft knock on the front door: Ms. Gancher, bringing over some eggs in the shell. “Thank you,” Ms. Bengson said from the kitchen. “I’ll eat those eggs. I love you so much!” “I love you, too,” Ms. Gancher said, and exited. A while later, this cameo struck Ms. Bengson as curious. “I wonder if she really wanted to give me eggs, or if she just wanted to make sure I was O.K.” Either way, the closest Ms. Bengson has felt to how she did before her family cracked apart is with the artistic family behind “The Lucky Ones,” a show that allows her to spend time again in her childhood Eden, if only in her imagination. But she thinks of Eden now as a place you have to outgrow, accepting the complexity of life and the presence of darkness — without fixating on the darkness. “The task, I think, of storytelling,” she said, “is the reintegration of the dark and the light — going back and saying, ‘Yes, this darkness is here and it’s true.’ And, ‘There was light on us once, and there will be again.’” Wagner’s ‘Tristan und Isolde’ is ‘like a drug’ BOSTON Opera’s stars analyze duet, a lengthy and intense challenge for performers BY JOSHUA BARONE The love duet at the heart of Wagner’s “Tristan und Isolde” makes little sense. Breathless ecstasy is conveyed through made-up, often bafflingly long words as the titular lovers declare their devotion — over and over — for 40 minutes. So why is this scene one of the most enrapturing and adored duets in opera? “This music is like a drug, extremely addictive,” said the star tenor Jonas Kaufmann, who made his much-anticipated debut as Tristan in concert performances of the opera’s second act with the soprano Camilla Nylund and the Boston Symphony Orchestra before bringing the program to Carnegie Hall on Thursday. “You can never get rid of it. It is always there, stuck in your brain.” In an interview during rehearsals here, the two singers and Andris Nelsons, the Boston Symphony’s music director, tried to grapple with the forces at play in the scene, which is so difficult in the context of a four-hour score that it is often cut by up to 10 minutes. (At these concerts, it will be performed in its entirety.) At this point in the story, Tristan and Isolde have drunk a love potion so powerful it makes Tristan forget the name of his king, who by Act II is married to Isolde. The furtive lovers meet in the darkness of night — which, likely influenced by Schopenhauer, is an otherworldly plane free from the bounds of reality — where they can finally be together, at least until daylight returns. The music alternates, often without warning, between grandiosity and, as Mr. Nelsons said, the intimacy of Schubert lieder. The dialogue is a volley of sweet nothings that verge on nonsense as passion renders the characters a bit insane. (One moment, when Tristan says he is now Isolde and she is Tristan, seems to prefigure the all-consuming love of “Call Me By Your Name.”) Mr. Kaufmann and Ms. Nylund are both Wagner veterans, but neither has sung this opera before. In the interview, they said that the love duet has challenges unlike any other in Wagner’s major works. Here are edited excerpts from the conversation. What is Wagner saying about love here? The first “Tristan” score I had was the “Vorspiel” [prelude] in Russian, with a written Wagner quotation, NELSONS I think they are playing some kind of word game. KAUFMANN This has alliteration and all these games Wagner loved to play, like nine-syllable words that I’ve never heard put together, because sometimes he wanted to express things in a way that probably was never done before. It’s like children that play a game and try to overtake each other with something more. It’s insane. By the end of Act II he’s completely cuckoo. NYLUND That doesn’t sound like romance in other Wagner operas. Real love, or even straightforward love, doesn’t exist in Wagner. In “Tannhäuser” you have love: one is innocent and pure, and the other is sexual. In “Walküre” you have brotherand-sister love. Then you have Siegfried’s love for the old lady, Brünnhilde. All kinds of strange loves. NYLUND And betrayals. KAUFMANN Of course opera lives for that. But usually you have the happy innocent moment of love, and then destiny strikes. NYLUND Which is here in “Tristan,” kind of. It makes this moment of happiness even worse. KAUFMANN M. SCOTT BRAUER FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES The conductor Andris Nelsons, left, the soprano Camilla Nylund and the tenor Jonas Kaufmann are collaborating on the sprawling second act of “Tristan und Isolde.” like: “I don’t really believe in love as a feeling. But it is so strong, I want to write an opera about it.” I wonder whether he actually thought that it’s a crazy state of mind which is not healthy. But I find that this goes beyond the norm of what we expect of love. It’s all exaggerated, over the top. It is as if it is not a real thing in life, not possible. I think he doesn’t believe in this himself. For that, I think he did it very well. NYLUND Maybe Wagner was also looking for something. What is love? It has to be something more than this love we speak about, the usual stuff. It’s something more. But it’s not something you can achieve here in your life. KAUFMANN How do these ideas play out in the text? How do you pace yourselves? NYLUND You can never lose control. NELSONS For the orchestra it is chal- lenging. Wagner writes a lot of “più forte,” but then you have to drop down without losing any of the intensity. But it’s also like when you run a marathon and there is a moment when you think you can’t anymore — once you overcome that, then you lose time and go on. KAUFMANN It’s not a marathon. It’s like one high jump after another. And you don’t have time in between to come properly back to the ground and accelerate for the next one. It’s just jump, jump, jump. If on just one of those notes you hesitate — you wait a little bit because you’re not sure where the harmony is or whatever — you can completely break your neck and lose your voice in a second. Is it the same with the orchestra? Yes, but I also always think that when conducting or hearing Wagner’s music it actually takes you to another psychic world as well. I feel these emotions that I cannot put into words, and the music has to show that, how you think this is going to explode. It’s orgasmic. NYLUND It’s actually very dangerous to drive a car and listen. You always drive much too fast. NELSONS A few conductors have died during “Tristan.” The reason is Act II. It might seem relaxing, but actually the heartbeat and the intensity and level of excitement — it’s so high that you can’t stand it for a long time. So I don’t want yet to die, but I might. NELSONS .. THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 | 19 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION culture Revisiting a grim Kennedy scandal, soberly MOVIE REVIEW Without sensationalism, ‘Chappaquiddick’ is a complex character study BY A. O. SCOTT I admit that I approached “Chappaquiddick” with a measure of skepticism and a tremor of dread. The ongoing, morbid fascination with all things Kennedy is an aspect of American culture I find perplexing and somewhat dispiriting. Compulsive Kennedyism encourages our unfortunate habit of substituting mythology for history, of dissolving the complexities of American political life into airy evocations of idealism and tragedy. The lives and deaths of Kennedy family members provide grist for endless conspiracy theorizing, tabloid salaciousness, celebrity-worship and superstition. A movie about one of the sadder, tawdrier episodes in the saga could only feed this syndrome. But it turns out that “Chappaquiddick,” directed by John Curran from a script by the first-timers Taylor Allen and Andrew Logan, is more diagnosis than symptom. Forsaking sensationalism for sober, procedural storytelling, the film examines the toxic effects of the Kennedy mystique on a handful of people involved in a fatal car crash in the summer of 1969. The basic facts are hardly obscure. Late on the night of July 18, an Oldsmobile driven by Senator Edward M. Kennedy ran off a bridge on an island near Martha’s Vineyard and plunged into a pond. Mary Jo Kopechne, a former aide to the senator’s brother Robert, died inside the car. Kennedy waited until the next day to report the incident and provided an account that was, to put it mildly, less than fully credible. Exactly what happened remains unknown, and the gaps and ambiguities in the record provide the filmmakers with room for speculation and embellishment. (A recent article by Jenna Russell in The Boston Globe performs a sensitive and thorough fact-check.) In this version, Kopechne (played by Kate Mara) stays alive while trapped in the car, fighting for air as Kennedy (Jason Clarke) dawdles. Nothing beyond a close collegial friendship between them is implied. They were drawn together by shared grief over the death of Robert Kennedy, who had been assassinated the year before, and left a party together for a heart-to-heart talk. The test that “Chappaquiddick” sets for itself is not accuracy but plausibility. Whether or not events actually unfolded this way, the story the film tells is an interesting and complicated character study, with something to say about the corrosive effects of power and privilege on both the innocent and the guilty. ENTERTAINMENT STUDIOS “Chappaquiddick” stars Jason Clarke as Senator Edward M. Kennedy, the last surviving Kennedy son, and Kate Mara as Mary Jo Kopechne, who died in 1969 when a car he was driving ran off a bridge. At the center is Kennedy himself, whom Mr. Clarke plays as a decent, thoughtful man never quite comfortable in his own skin. That is partly because he has been denied possession of an independent identity. The last surviving Kennedy son, Ted lives in the shadow of his three dead brothers, Joseph, John and Robert. His weekend of sailing and partygoing coincides with the Apollo 11 moon landing, a reminder of John Kennedy’s legacy and of Ted’s inadequacy. Before the accident, he shows himself to be a bit of a bumbler, steering his sailboat into a buoy during a regatta and freezing up during a television interview. He is more at ease with his The film has something to say about the corrosive effects of power and privilege on both the innocent and the guilty. friends Joe Gargan (Ed Helms) and Paul Markham (Jim Gaffigan), who will also be called upon for damage control when things go wrong. The question of Ted’s possible presidential candidacy hovers in the air, and comes up in his conversations with Mary Jo and her colleague Rachel Schiff (Olivia Thirlby). The film tries to make Mary Jo an equal participant in the story — more than just a victim or a mystery woman — and succeeds in individualizing her enough to underscore the horror of her death. What happens afterward is in some ways even more disturbing. Once the management of Ted’s case is turned over to his father’s inner circle, Mary Jo’s humanity is quietly but decisively erased. She is treated as a problem rather than a person. The villains in “Chappaquiddick” are Robert McNamara (Clancy Brown); Ted Sorensen (Taylor Nichols); and Ted Kennedy’s father, Joe (Bruce Dern), a fearsome patriarch even though he has been paralyzed by a stroke. He humiliates his son and turns matters over to a squad of fixers who manipulate the local authorities and the news media to protect Ted’s political viability and the family’s power. Which is not to say that the movie lets Ted Kennedy off the hook. Its portrayal of his weakness — his cowardice, his self-pity, his lethal indecisiveness — is devastating. It offers a partial explanation for these failures without excusing them, and also without denying some of his better qualities. When Ted first calls his father, the old man has one word for him: “alibi.” For a time, “Chappaquiddick” explores an alternative meaning, the possibility that Ted, rather than saving his career and reputation, will take advantage of disgrace and free himself from a role he never really wanted. His guilt would excuse him from the burdens of family expectation. What happened was more complicated, and Mr. Curran and Mr. Clarke honor that complexity. Ted Kennedy never became president, but the people of Massachusetts re-elected him to the Senate seven more times. His political career was longer and arguably more consequential than those of his brothers. That isn’t to say he redeemed himself, or that anything he accomplished diminishes the awfulness of Mary Jo Kopechne’s death. Redemption and damnation are the stuff of mythology. This is just a sad piece of history. outcome (he is the pope, after all) are seen as “stage-managing” and “deckstacking.” The synod fathers’ disputes are rolled down the slippery slope and deemed a “full-scale theological crisis” in which the hope that Francis would foster unity and renewal is undone by the supposed liberals’ supposed desire to accommodate “the sexual revolution and all its works.” Douthat’s own position is traditionalist-cum-literalist: Any relaxing of the Catholic teaching on marriage — one man, one woman, one time — means that core teachings can be changed; if core teachings can be changed, the Catholic Church is no longer the Catholic Church; and if the church is not the church, all hope is lost. From this fixed position, he slyly derides other positions, especially the liberal outlook. As a first draft of history, “To Change the Church” is a high-wire act, an effort to maintain a balance between theology and polemics for a wide public. And yet the air is thin up there, the wire narrow and tight. From above, Douthat, seeing every act as a tactical move in the culture wars, pushing every hypothesis to its limit, ignores human experience. Left out is the prospect that Francis called a synod about marriage and family not because he wanted to fly the flag of the sexual revolution but because marriage and family are where so many people in our time encounter the paradoxes of body and soul, self-fulfillment and self-sacrifice. Left out is the fact that Catholics don’t skirt the church’s teaching on marriage just to make things easier for themselves; they say, “By what right do those child-abuse-indulging clerics tell me that my marriage is adulterous while twice-divorced, thrice-married Newt Gingrich is now a Catholic in good standing, living in Rome as the spouse of his ex-aide/ girlfriend who is the United States ambassador to the Vatican?” Left out are the signs that the traditionalists don’t want to tamp down divorce so much as bar the door to same-sex marriage. Left out is the truth that sexual behavior is more fluid than the culture-war schema allows: that there are conservative libertines as well as liberals who live marriage faithfully (even chastely). Left out are people like Gabby, who live off the grid of the culture wars — as does Douthat himself, a conservative whom liberal institutions have educated, sponsored and let thrive. Left out, especially, is the home truth that the Catholic Church has changed already. Vatican II was at once the church’s response to a crisis and the perpetuation of it. In less than five years the council fathers made changes whose number and scale dwarf the modest proposals floated in Francis’ pontificate — made them over the objections of Bill Buckley and other pundits who styled themselves as more Catholic than the pope. The biggest change had to do with the church’s relationship to Judaism, other churches and other religions. In a few strokes, Jesus’ hard saying “No one comes to the Father except through me” and its Catholic expression (“Outside the church there is no salvation”) were softened and qualified. The change was profound and traditiondefying. Ever since, the church has affirmed the integrity of other faiths; ever since, Catholics have had to ask themselves, “Why be Catholic, when other ways are O.K., too?” Ever since, there has been no one clear answer. This is not to say that people entering into Catholic marriage shouldn’t fully grasp the church’s understanding of the sacrament and its obligations. It is to say that the view of marriage as a marker in a culture war — a doctrinal asymptote, a line that may be approached but not crossed — is itself a greatly diminished view of marriage. Fidelity is going into new forms; like it or not, Catholics, right up to the pope, have to work out the implications as we go. The slope is slippery now and forevermore. Truly, it has been all along. Lead us not into temptation BOOK REVIEW To Change the Church: Pope Francis and the Future of Catholicism By Ross Douthat. 234 pp. Simon & Schuster. $26. BY PAUL ELIE Gabby (as she is called) is a woman Ross Douthat knew at Harvard, where they were students in the 2002 class whose experience is the subject of his first book, “Privilege” (2005). Arriving at college, he is a Catholic convert from a country-day school in Connecticut, already recognizable as “that rarest of breeds, the college conservative.” And she — well, who she is, in his estimation, changes across freshman year. The first week, she is “a homeschooled Canadian from a windswept rock somewhere off the coast of Prince Edward Island.” Two months later she is “the artsy, home-schooled Canadian girl who hung out with cross-dressers and dated a gothish townie.” By spring she is tight with “bisexuals and men who majored in women’s studies; she moved off-campus within a year to live with her shaved-head sister and smoke to her heart’s content.” Gabby came to mind as I read Douthat’s new book, “To Change the Church,” which fits with “Privilege” and his 2012 book “Bad Religion” to form a loose triptych about institutions in decline. It is high-minded cultural criticism, concise, rhetorically agile, lit up by Douthat’s love for the Roman Catholic Church. In some respects it goes to the root of the discontent that drives all three books; in others it is a simple sour mash, applying to Pope Francis insinuative caricatures like the ones he applied to Gabby. Douthat came of age during the culture wars of the 1990s, and the culture-war schema pervades his work. At Harvard, he decides that the place is unmoored from Western humanism, a superluxury cruise on which the “overclass” consolidates itself through relentless networking, sucking up, résumé-enhancing and grooming in fast-track behavior. Ditto sex at Harvard, which he sees as an extracurricular mix of know-how and status-seeking. “The regimen of diaphragms and dental dams, masturbation and oral sex and porn, has replaced the older forces of family, religion and shame that policed the sexual landscape for generations. Instead of telling young people to save sex for marriage, the new sexual orthodoxy tells us to have as much as we want, but to do it carefully.” In “Bad Religion,” Douthat in effect spells out how such a state of affairs came to pass. It involves “the slowmotion collapse of traditional Christianity and the rise of a variety of destructive pseudo-Christianities in its place.” Given two options — accommodation or resistance — most churches accommodate, leaving the culture to make an idol of the self. Six years later, Douthat, a columnist for this newspaper, has become the successor to the conservative Catholic doyen William F. Buckley Jr. (who once took him sailing — and skinny-dipping — on Long Island Sound). His ascendance has come at an odd moment: The right wing dominates politics, but so-called conservatives have traduced the ideals that drew him to the movement. Small-government congressmen have dropped commitments to rein in federal spending; evangelicals (those champions of traditional marriage) are supine in their support of the sexual predator in the White House. And after a third of a century in which John Paul II made the papacy “a rallying point for resistance to the redefinition of Christianity,” the church is led by a pope who has no use for the culture-war schema of resistance and accommodation — who sees the church called to “go to the peripheries” rather than strive to restore Christianity as the vital center. To Douthat, Francis is an accommodationist, and decline has reached the apex of the church. “This is a hinge moment in the history of Catholicism,” he declares, “a period of theological crisis that’s larger than just the Francis LUKA GONZALES/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES Ross Douthat argues in his book that Catholicism is in “a period of theological crisis.” pontificate but whose particular peak under this pope will be remembered, studied and argued about for as long as the Catholic Church endures.” What immediately follows is an adroit, perceptive, gripping account of Catholic controversializing. Douthat sets out the liberal and conservative “master narratives” about the Second Vatican Council and then offers a third narrative that deftly blends the two. He sketches the life and times of the future pope, Jorge Mario Bergoglio, the Argentine Jesuit archbishop of Buenos Aires. There’s commentary on past controversies and a brief history of Catholic teaching on marriage, from Matthew 19 (“What God has joined, let not man put asunder”) to Humanae Vitae, the 1968 encyclical in which Pope Paul VI upheld the ban on artificial birth control. It’s strong stuff, conversationally lively and expressive. Apt on-the-spot paraphrase abounds: “In his famous in-flight news conference coming back from Rio” Francis “seemed to indicate an interest in the remarriage issue, offering a positive-seeming mention of Eastern Orthodoxy’s practice on divorce. . . . But the furor over gay priests and ‘Who am I to judge?’ overshadowed these remarks.” And then, as Douthat reaches what he sees as the heart of the matter — the Vatican synods on marriage and the family in 2014 and 2015 — his culture-warrior tendencies stir fully to life. He casts the synods as a battle: warring factions, attacks and frontal assaults, purges and collaborators. Francis’ openness to the German cardinal Walter Kasper’s proposal to relax the ban on divorced-and-remarried people in Germany receiving Communion at Mass is framed as a liberal pope’s “crusade to change the church.” Although Francis has invited free discussion more than any previous pope, his efforts to shape the synod’s Paul Elie is the author of “The Life You Save May Be Your Own” and “Reinventing Bach.” . .. 20 | THURSDAY, APRIL 12, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION travel In Basque country, cider house rules PURSUITS There’s a ritual involved in pouring a glass correctly — and the result is worth it BY JASON WILSON No one really tells you what to do when you first arrive at a sagardotegi, or traditional Basque cider house, especially if you don’t speak Basque. You’re simply given a glass, led to one of the long wooden tables in a vast room and immediately served a plate of chorizo, followed by a cod omelet. It’s left up to you to figure out how to get a drink. My brother, Tyler, and I learned this on our first night in Astigarraga, 15 minutes southeast of San Sebastián, which happens to be the cider capital of Spanish Basque Country. In this town of just under 6,000 people, there are an astonishing 19 cider houses. We were spending several days here in late January, at the start of the traditional cider season that runs through April. At Garziategi, a sagardotegi in a big stone barn on the outskirts of town, we learned that when a guy with a bucket yells “txotx!” (pronounced “CHOACH”) that means he’s about to open the tap on one of dozens of huge 13,000-liter barrels, shooting out a thin stream of cider. You’re supposed to stand up from your meal, get in line, and hold your glass at just the right angle to catch a few fingers of cider from that hissing stream. You drink the small amount in your glass and then follow the cider maker to the next barrel. Thinking it was a free for all, I made my first faux pas in coming at the stream from the wrong side and essentially butting in line. Then, I couldn’t quite figure out how to hold my glass so that the cider hit at the right angle, to “break” the liquid and create foam. Thankfully, the crowd at the Basque cider house was very forgiving. A kind white-haired man in a sweater, whose group was eating next to us, showed me the ropes, hopping up and waving me along with him at the next shout of “txotx!” We eventually learned on our cider house tour that advice was forthcoming if you sought it out. At a modern cider house in the town center, called Zapiain, a hand-painted mural of “don’ts” was on the wall: Don’t cut in line; don’t fill your glass all the way up; don’t sit on the barrels. Tyler grasped the technique much more quickly than I did. “Here, take it here, at an angle,” said Igor, our tour guide at Petritegi, another sagardotegi just down the road from Garziategi (the suffix “tegi” means “place of”). I did as Igor said, allowing the stream to hit the very rim of my glass, spraying a little bit on the floor, just as the locals do. (I got the hang of it on my fourth glass.) Some older sagardotegi actually have worn grooves in the cement floors from years of streaming cider. The point, Igór told us, was to make sure the cider has good txinparta, or foam; if the cider is healthy, that foam should dissipate quickly. The cider in the glass disappears quickly, too. The flavors are funky, crisp and acidic, and usually bone dry. In late January, Astigarraga was still relatively mellow. But as txotx season rolls on, more than 15,000 cider enthusiasts can crowd into the town’s cider houses each weekend. Txotx season follows the apple harvest of September and October, then fermentation of the cider in early winter. In late January, some of the barrels might not be fully finished fermenting. “The cider in the barrel is still evolving,” Igor said. “If you come back in two months and taste the same barrel, it will have evolved.” In Basque Country, most cider is made by spontaneous fermentation and with no added commercial yeast. Once the season ends in April, whatever is left in the barrel is bottled. The annual ritual harkens back to an era when cider makers would invite clients, perhaps innkeepers, restaurateurs or the famed gastronomic societies of PHOTOGRAPHS BY DANIEL RODRIGUES FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Lunch is paired with cider tastings at Petritegi, a sagardotegi, or traditional Basque cider house, in Astigarraga, Spain. San Sebastián, to taste and choose which casks they wanted to purchase. “Here, cider is not just an alcoholic beverage,” Igor said. “It’s a way of life.” Petritegi, for instance, dates to 1526. Over the years, a meal became part of the ritual. Every cider house serves the same basic menu for 30 euros ($37): chorizo; cod omelet; roasted cod with green peppers; thick, medium-rare chuleta steak; Basque cheese (such as Idiazabal) served with walnuts and quince paste. And all the cider you can drink. The cider house ritual is just one of many Basque Country cultural touchstones that make this autonomous coastal region a very different place than the rest of the Spain. “Twenty years ago, there wasn’t chairs,” Igór said. “The food was just served in the middle of the table.” While Petritegi did indeed offer chairs — and a beautiful hake in garlic and oil as an alternative to the cod — we were served roughly the same menu in all seven cider houses we visited, and we stood and ate in three of them. In Astigarraga, we took a lovely, steep and tiring hike up to an old church that had been a stop on the ancient Camino de Santiago pilgrimage. As we wandered past orchards overlooking the bay of San Sebastián, our guide, Ainize, told us stories of the Basque golden age. In the 16th century, Basque ships were built around the cider barrels, and each sailor drank up to three liters of cider per day to fend off scurvy. The result, according to lore, was that the Basque fishermen and whale hunters were the healthiest and most renowned on the sea, fishing far from home waters. Their range was so famous that, only two years ago, the remote West Fjords of Iceland repealed a 400-year-old law that ordered the murder of any Basque visitor on sight. “The 16th century was the golden age of cider, but cider making is much older than that,” Ainize said. “The original meaning of txotx, in our language, is ‘to speak’. Now it’s an invitation to drink cider.” As we descended back into the town square, Ainize pointed out the local pelota court, where a traditional handball game is played. Many believe this sport originated with the ancient Greeks. We also saw huge stones with handles that are used for lifting and carrying in yet another Basque sport. The day before, we’d drank cider with a woman named Olatz who told us, “I carry a stone of 550 kilos with eight women.” She added, with a laugh: “We have our own sports here.” At Petritegi, Igor took us through the orchards where we learned about Basque varieties of apples like Goikoetxe, Moko, Txalaka, Gezamina and Urtebi. A Basque cider can be made from more than 100 varieties — some bitter, some acidic, some sweet — and 40 to 50 might be blended in single cider. We were told that one kilogram of apples, about 2.2 pounds, will make one bottle. We were also told by a number of people that apples are sometimes trucked in from Normandy or Galicia to keep up with demand. In the town center, Sidería Bereziartua operates a tasting room, and so we booked a tasting. “Cider is deep in our culture,” said Mikel, our pourer. “We don’t even know when we started making it.” Ciders using the official denomination of origin, Euskal Sagardoa, created in 2016, must be made entirely from Basque apples. When he poured Bereziartua’s Euskal Sagardoa, Mikel said, “If you want to take one bottle, drink this one.” Then he poured a cider with a Gorenak label, one that can use foreign apples in the blend — but must adhere to strict standards and be approved by official tasters. “If you want to drink three bottles, you take this one,” he said. Buying bottles at the cider houses in Basque Country is relatively inexpensive. I never saw one priced above €10 , and most were under €5. On our last evening, we went to Lizeaga, a sagardotegi in a 16th-century farmhouse that’s next to Garziategi. Earlier, our stone-carrying friend Olatz had described the house as “the real tx- otx.” Our reservation at one of the long table was marked with a long baguette. There were no chairs. After the opening plate of chorizo, we strolled into the barrel room. Gabriel, the cider maker, was opening the ancient taps with what looked like pliers. Gabriel went from cask to cask, and we followed along, dashing back into the dining room for the omelet, the cod, the steak. After the eighth or ninth (or 10th?) txotx, and after some debating of technique with my brother, I thought I had finally gotten the catch down like a true A SUMMIT FOR INNOVATORS AND EXPERTS SPEAKERS INCLUDE AI WEIWEI Artist JAMES RONDEAU President and Eloise W. Martin Director Art Institute of Chicago AMY CAPPELLAZZO PAMELA J. JOYNER Founding Partner Avid Partners, LLC MICHAEL GOVAN C.E.O. and Wallis Annenberg Director Los Angeles County Museum of Art Executive Vice President and Chairman, Fine Arts Division Sotheby’s THADDAEUS ROPAC DOMINIQUE LÉVY Founder Galerie Thaddaeus Ropac Partner Lévy Gorvy JULIÁN ZUGAZAGOITIA Basque. But on the next txotx, when I put my glass under the stream, Gabriel gently corrected my form: “No, no,” he said, “have the cider hit here.” Well, no matter. Soon enough he tapped another barrel, and there was another chance to learn. This April, The New York Times will convene the new Art Leaders Network, a select group of the world’s most distinguished art experts and influencers—dealers, gallery owners, museum directors, curators, auction executives and collectors—to define and assess the most pressing challenges and opportunities in the industry today. Through provocative interviews and riveting discussions, senior New York Times journalists will explore myriad topics, from the impact of economic events on the arts to the outlook for galleries in the era of the mega-dealer, from the future of museums in this technological age to the undiminished fascination with contemporary art, and much more. This invitation-only gathering will take place in Berlin, a city whose story of renaissance and reinvention mirrors the essence of this groundbreaking event. FOUNDING SPONSOR HEADLINE SPONSOR SILVER SPONSOR BRONZE SPONSOR Menefee D. and Mary Louise Blackwell, Director and C.E.O. The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art APPLY TO ATTEND ARTLEADERSNETWORK.COM OFFICIAL WINE PARTNER For more information on sponsorship opportunities, please contact Carina Pierre at firstname.lastname@example.org. Zapiain, a modern cider house in the town center, has a mural listing the ‘‘don’ts’’ when it comes to enjoying cider.