.. 2 | TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION page two Is ‘RuPaul’s Drag Race’ TV’s most radical show? RUPAUL, FROM PAGE 1 Drag has been featured in popular culture for decades. Movies like “Kinky Boots,” “Tootsie,” “The Birdcage” — even “Mrs. Doubtfire” — have showcased men, some gay, some not, who dress and perform as women. But most tended to treat drag as high jinks. Nothing about the inner lives of queens has hit critical mass quite like “Drag Race,” not even the 1991 documentary “Paris Is Burning,” which followed the black and Latino drag ball circuit in New York during the 1980s. “It is a popular movie, but it didn’t reach everyone the way a weekly television show does,” said Lady Bunny, a drag queen in her 50s who is regarded as one of the legendary figures of American drag culture. “Many people have never had any interaction with a drag queen, and barely know what it is. Anytime Middle America gets a taste of a community that they’re not familiar with, it does normalize the L.G.B.T. experience,” Bunny said, referring to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people. Charles has said that he feels he is beyond categorization — he’s black but he’s not; he’s gay but he’s not. These days, when someone says that, it’s usually met with a polite eye roll, the kind reserved for out-of-touch elders. The personal politics of this moment are almost entirely defined by naming. There’s space for every pronoun, every hyphen and every politically correct portmanteau. But Charles belongs to a different generation, one that fought so hard for visibility that it feels that it has earned the right to eschew all political decorum and enjoy the anarchy of reinvention, co-opting and bending language beyond recognition. When “Drag Race” first began, it seemed like a fun window into an underground culture, but over the nine years it has aired, the show has evolved to reflect America’s changing relationship to queer rights and acceptance. Anyone familiar with reality television will recognize the premise of “Drag Race”: Loosely modeled on “America’s Next Top Model,” hosted by Tyra Banks, the show features 12 (or so) contestants who gather to compete for the title of America’s Next Drag Superstar and a cash prize that varies per season but can be as much as $100,000. To determine who will advance to the next round, the queens are given elaborate challenges, like creating haute-couture runway looks from scratch or starring in music videos. In 2009, the year that the first season of “RuPaul’s Drag Race” was broadcast, the buzziest reality shows on television tended to be the most melodramatic and cattiest — “Survivor” or “The Hills.” “Producers were just looking for the nasty side of the human experience, and I definitely didn’t want to be a part of that,” Charles told me. Randy Barbato and Fenton Bailey, founders of the production house World of Wonder, talked him into it. The trio had been collaborating since the 1980s, when Barbato and Bailey were in an electro band called the Fabulous Pop Tarts. Charles appears in one of their videos in a skin-tight leopard dress. At first, “Drag Race” wasn’t an easy sell. “Everyone felt like it was too much,” Barbato said. Even when Viacom’s L.G.B.T. channel, LogoTV, picked it up, Charles had to fight to realize his vision. It was the most-watched show in the history of Logo. Last year, the show moved to VH1 and grew significantly: The ninth season averaged nearly 1.2 million viewers per episode, more than double that JON WITHERSPOON Above, RuPaul Charles in the 1980s, when he was a fixture in New York’s club scene. Below, Charles is rarely in drag these days — only for special occasions and during his show. GRAEME MITCHELL FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES of Season 8, according to data collected by Nielsen. In 2016, Charles won an Emmy for host of a reality show, and in 2017, he won again and the show picked up two more. Time magazine recently named Charles one of its 100 Most Influential People of the year. “Drag Race” has become a staple of modern television for the way it skewers expectations and attitudes about gender, much as a show like “black-ish” works to challenge stereotypes about black families in America. That isn’t to say contestants on “Drag Race” don’t bicker or trade petty insults, as in other reality-TV shows, but the program doesn’t leave viewers with the same existential dread about the future of humanity as, say, any of the “Real Housewives” franchises. Each season is imbued with a sense of optimism in the face of relentless adversity; Charles believes that is central to the gay and queer experience. “There is a sisterhood here,” he told me. “It has to do with the shared experience of being outsiders and making a path for ourselves.” Amid the glitz and glamour of drag, the show doesn’t obscure the violence and terror that accompanies the life of the marginalized. When I asked Charles if there was a deliberate decision to infuse the show with overt political messaging, he shook his head. “It’s inherent in our experience. We don’t have to do much to infuse a consciousness into the show. It is such a part of our story, and we walk with it.” RuPaul Andre Charles was born in November 1960. His parents were poor, and Charles’s mother suffered from a debilitating depression throughout his youth. “My folks, and other folks in the South, had such traumatic experiences. I was able to dissect and deconstruct some of my feelings. I could afford to do it. They couldn’t afford to do it.” In the summer of 1976, his sister Renetta and her husband, Laurence, moved to Atlanta and invited Charles, who was 15, to join them. “It was like my bar mitzvah,” Charles told me. “Southern culture has always had a place for eccentrics. I was ready to bust out and become who I am today.” He saw his first drag performance: Crystal LaBeija, an icon in drag-queen history, was singing Donna Summer in black fishnets and a bustier. Charles was floored. He started bands, made music videos with friends, appeared on public-access variety Each season is imbued with optimism in the face of adversity; RuPaul Charles believes that is central to the gay experience. shows and worked as a go-go dancer. When Charles settled in Manhattan in the late 1980s, drag was a full-on cultural phenomenon in the city, and Charles was determined to be at its center. At 28, he became a fixture as a dancer at downtown clubs like Pyramid, Tunnel and Limelight. His popularity and career exploded when he teamed up with a D.J. named Larry Tee for the roving underground party Love Machine. It quickly became a trendy scene. By then, Charles had transformed his look from what he called “fright drag” to something much more glamorous. Charles released the album “Supermodel of the World” on Tommy Boy Records, a label that had introduced acts like De La Soul and Queen Latifah. The album featured the song “Supermodel (You Better Work),” in which he gave models runway advice like “shantay,” a word Charles described as casting a bewitching spell. The song became a club anthem. Since “Drag Race” first aired in 2009, the conversation around identity and gender has shifted tremendously. For all the show has done to challenge its audience’s notions of masculinity and femininity, it has shied away, until the most recent season, from any serious discussion about the ways the drag community intersects the transgender one. There have been transgender queens on the show, but the topic is a touchy one in the drag community. For most drag artists, the point is the performance; it is not their sole identity. But for those queens who identify as transgender or nonbinary, their stage persona is not necessarily a performance. The centerpiece of the show is the contestants’ transforming themselves into queens, and then, after each competition, taking off their wigs and removing synthetic breasts to reappear as men. For years, “Drag Race” prioritized entertainment over any nuances of the culture. Much of the queens’ vernacular, body language and movements come from the drag world’s — especially white queens’ — interpretation of black femininity. I’ve always been uncomfortable with that phenomenon, despite how much I enjoy the show. In his essay “ ‘Draguating’ to Normal,” the academic Josh Morrison argues that by using the bodies of women, minorities and other marginalized groups, “through an often loving, well-intentioned impersonation of them,” drag “unintentionally does them discursive violence.” Throughout my conversations with Charles, I got the sense that he is a sensitive person who is actively trying to evolve with the times. “Every season the girls come and they challenge me. A new nose contour technique or a new way to see themselves and identity, and it helps me stay on my game and stay engaged in the conversation.” Last season, midway through the show, a queen in her late 30s named Peppermint revealed she was transgender, the first time being transgender became a significant part of a character’s narrative arc. Peppermint talked openly about her transition with Charles and the other contestants. Peppermint noted the ways the popularity of “Drag Race” has bolstered an entire community, and in turn, an entire economy. In the ‘90s, she recalled, it was only lucrative to be a drag queen if you were one of the chosen queens — Lady Bunny, Candis Cayne, Miss Understood and, of course, RuPaul. She reminisced about doing drag seven days a week to pay the rent. “Really, only 10 or 15 queens were benefiting,” she said. “And now the show has given so much exposure that it gives everyone a chance to earn very good money and recoup all the investments that we’ve put in over the years — you know, the money we’ve spent on glitter and rhinestones.” Charles frequently described his relationship to drag as “the Superman to my Clark Kent.” The first time he stepped into his drag persona, Charles felt fully alive, electric with a power to command attention and desire. One day his therapist told him he could be Superman regardless of his attire. “She said, ‘The power you feel in drag is available to you 24/7,’ ” he told me. That realization, he said, is what he is trying to relay in each season of the show, to both the queens and the viewers. Charles is rarely in drag these days — only for special occasions, and during the judging and elimination rounds on the show — a shift that he made about a decade ago. Charles has been with his husband, Georges LeBar, since 1994, when they met on the dance floor at Limelight. On their second date, they flew from London to Düsseldorf, Germany, on Elton John’s private jet. They married in early 2017, 23 years after they met. The couple split their time between Los Angeles and Wyoming, where LeBar, a ruggedly handsome man somehow taller than Charles, has a 60,000-acre ranch. It’s a reprieve from the celebrity status of Charles’s world. I arrived at a Midtown Manhattan convention hall early on a Sunday morning in September to find the new drag economy, the one that Peppermint noted, at work. In 2015, Charles and World of Wonder created RuPaul’s DragCon, a multiday convention about all things drag. Charles had mentioned to me it several times — he is nothing if not media-savvy — as the future of his empire and a way to widen the culture of drag beyond a television show and nighttime acts. Hordes of young people swarmed around the queens, eager to have their photos taken with them. The atmosphere was the freakiest I’d ever seen in Midtown during daylight. I flashed back to a conversation with Charles when he told me about the early days of throwing wild, gender-bending parties in New York. People came out for the simple sake of experimenting. They dressed weird and let loose on the dance floor — the only place such liberation was possible back then. At one point, I spied a pack of children, of indeterminate gender, outfitted in suits and dresses. They could have been dressed for the occasion, or just in their daily wear. Amid of sea of six- and seven-foot queens in stilletos, they stood out, doll-size and adorable. Their cuteness drew gasps and oohs, but I also couldn’t help thinking that we were also captivated by them for another reason: They felt like a glimpse of a future — and maybe even, someday, the new normal. Adapted from an article that originally appeared in The New York Times Magazine. Writer was the conscience of Israel’s founding generation HAIM GOURI 1923-2018 BY ISABEL KERSHNER Haim Gouri wrote of the terrible sacrifice of war, and of memory and camaraderie. A celebrated and often critical voice of Israel’s founding generation and its conscience, he also wrote of the wrenching inner dilemmas, complexities and contradictions of the Zionist enterprise that tormented him. Mr. Gouri, who was also a journalist, author and documentary filmmaker, died before dawn on Wednesday at his home in Jerusalem. He was 94. The youngest of his three daughters, Hamutal, said, “His body was exhausted.” Mr. Gouri was often described as the last of Israel’s national poets. One of his early poems, “I Am a Civil War,” encapsulated the search for elusive justice with the line, “And there, those in the right fire on the others in the right.” Rendered economically in five words in Hebrew, it was “the most important line I have ever written in my life,” Mr. Gouri said in an interview last year. He grew up in a socialist Zionist family, spending his childhood in the 1920s and ¢30s in Tel Aviv, the first Hebrew city in what was then British-ruled Palestine. As a young man he joined the Palmach, the elite strike force of the Hagana underground, which fought in the 1940s to establish the state of Israel. Some of his most beloved poems com- memorated the 1948 war surrounding Israel’s creation, during which he fought in the Negev Desert. Those include “Hareut” — the word is Hebrew for friendship or comradeship — and “Bab al-Wad,” a haunting memorial to those who fell in battle trying to open the road to Jerusalem. Set to music, the poems have become hallowed anthems for Israeli Jews, secular hymns to fellowship and the emerging identity, language and culture of a young but divided country. “Through your pen we learned whole chapters of the history of the state of Israel,” Reuven Rivlin, the president of Israel, said on Thursday in a eulogy as Mr. Gouri’s coffin lay in state in the courtyard of the Jerusalem Theater. The theater stands a block from Mr. Gouri’s home of more than 50 years, a modest book-lined apartment on the third floor of a walk-up building in a leafy, genteel neighborhood of his adopted city. “For you,” Mr. Rivlin added, “the Hebrew Israeli life was always a wonder not to be taken for granted, a lesson to be learned.” The Hagana sent Mr. Gouri to Hungary in 1947 to help Holocaust survivors in displaced-persons camps reach Palestine, an experience that deeply affected him. As a filmmaker, Mr. Gouri was best known for his work on a trilogy of documentaries, notably “The 81st Blow” (1974), a film about the Holocaust that was nominated for an Academy Award. The two others, made in the 1980s, were “The Last Sea,” about Jewish immigration to Palestine, and “Flames in the Ashes,” about Jewish resistance during World War II. As a journalist he covered, in 1961, the trial of Adolf Eichmann, the Nazi war criminal who oversaw the lethal logistics of the Holocaust. Eichmann had been captured by Israeli agents in Argentina the year before. For many Israelis, the trial was the first time they heard the shocking testimonies of Holocaust survivors. Mr. Gouri said it was only during the trial that he understood what had happened to the Jews. After fighting as a reservist in Jerusalem in the 1967 war, caught up in the euphoria of victory, Mr. Gouri joined the Land of Israel Movement, a political organization of intellectuals from across the Israeli political spectrum who advocated holding on to all the newly conquered territories. Mr. Gouri later changed his mind and left the movement. In more recent years, he became increasingly critical of the right-wing government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and of what he saw as rising nationalism and religious extremism in some sectors of Israeli society. Mr. Gouri seemed anguished by the lack of any resolution between Palestinians and Jews in the competition over the land, as if the 1948 and 1967 wars had never ended. When people asked Mr. Gouri how he was, his daughter Hamutal related, he would reply, “I fare as well as my people.” ABIR SULTAN/EUROPEAN PRESSPHOTO AGENCY Haim Gouri in Jerusalem last June. Some of his most beloved poems commemorated the 1948 war surrounding Israel’s creation, during which he fought in the Negev Desert. Mr. Gouri fought a final battle in the fall of 2016, gathering with other former commandos of the Palmach for weekly protests in a forest clearing at Bab alWad, known in Hebrew as Shaar Hagai. On the road to Jerusalem, it is where the Palmach fought some of its toughest campaigns. Their objective was to overturn a government decision to dedicate the site in memory of Rehavam Zeevi, a former Israeli general turned right-wing politician, and to preserve the legacy of their fallen comrades. Mr. Zeevi, who was assassinated in 2001 by Palestinian militants, had fought with the Palmach but not on the road to Jerusalem. He had been accused of having dealings with criminals and, posthumously, of sexual assault. The government eventually acceded to the group’s demands. Mr. Gouri was born Haim Gurfinkel in Tel Aviv on Oct. 9, 1923. His parents, Israel and Gila Gurfinkel, had arrived on a ship from the Black Sea city of Odessa in 1919. The family Hebraized their surname to Gouri at some point. His father, who belonged to Mapai, a precursor of the Israeli Labor Party, was a member of the Knesset, the Israeli Parliament, from 1949 until 1965, the year he died. As a young teenager, Haim moved to Kibbutz Beit Alfa, in northern Israel, to live out his pioneering socialist ideals. He studied at the Kadoorie Agricultural High School at the same time as Yitzhak Rabin, who would become prime minister. Mr. Gouri later studied at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the Sorbonne. In 1952 he married Aliza Becker, who was from Jerusalem. They had met in 1948 at a hospital when Mr. Gouri was visiting a wounded commander. Ms. Becker, then 18, was an officer there tending to casualties. Mr. Gouri began his journalistic career writing for left-wing party newspapers before moving on to Davar, a nowdefunct Hebrew daily. Besides his daughter Hamutal, he is survived by his wife; two other daughters, Yael and Noa; and six grandchildren. Mr. Gouri also wrote poems about love and childhood and, in his later years, his mortality. His last book of Hebrew poems, published in 2015, was titled “Though I Wished for More of More.” In the title poem, he wrote: Know that time, enemies, the wind and the water Will not erase you You will continue, made up of letters That is not a little Something, after all, will remain of you. Printed in Athens, Denpasar, Beirut, Nivelles, Biratnagar, Dhaka, Doha, Dubai, Frankfurt, Gallargues, Helsinki, Hong Kong, Islamabad, Istanbul, Jakarta, Karachi, Kathmandu, Kuala Lumpur, Lahore, London, Luqa, Madrid, Manila, Milan, Nagoya, Nepalgunj, New York, Osaka, Paris, Rome, Seoul, Singapore, Sydney, Taipei, Tel Aviv, Tokyo,Yangon. The New York Times Company 620 Eighth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10018-1405, NYTCo.com; The New York Times International Edition is published six days per week. 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TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 | 3 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION World Court frees Samsung heir held in bribery case After his burial, he turned up alive KABUL, AFGHANISTAN Afghan policeman’s family thought he had been killed in a Taliban bombing HONG KONG BY MUJIB MASHAL AND JAWAD SUKHANYAR The war in Afghanistan takes about five dozen lives a day. Sometimes the bodies have just one bullet hole. Other times, after intense explosions, there is no body left at all. In between, families receive pieces of flesh and bone in a sealed coffin — something to help them find closure. And every once in a while, the dead turn up alive. On the edges of a crowded Kabul cemetery last week, friends dug a grave for Ahmad Tameem, 22, a police officer, as about 200 mourners took cover from the snow under a tent. Officer Tameem’s relatives shouldered his sealed coffin up a winding, muddy lane for a brief final audience with his mother, then lowered him to rest near his father’s grave. At home, loved ones prepared for the rituals of moving on. Someone opened the door of a cage to set Officer Tameem’s two pet parrots free. Large, grainy pictures of him were printed with “Martyr Ahmad Tameem” in red ink. Notices for a memorial service were sent out. Mohammed Qaseem, Officer Tameem’s cousin, was buying groceries for a meal after the memorial service when he received a call. “Tameem is alive,” one of Officer Tameem’s brothers said. Mr. Qaseem thought it a cruel joke. “I just got a call from the intelligence agency hospital,” the brother continued. “He has become conscious, and he borrowed the doctor’s phone to call me.” Mr. Qaseem rushed to the hospital. There was his cousin, badly burned and breathing with the help of a ventilator as he went in and out of consciousness. But he was not dead. Mr. Qaseem called home. “Listen carefully to what I am about to tell you, and please don’t scream,” Mr. Qaseem instructed one of Officer Tameem’s sisters. He was worried that someone might drop dead from shock. “Tameem is alive,” Mr. Qaseem told her. “We found him at the hospital.” There was a moment of silence. And then she screamed. Mr. Qaseem was briefly forgotten. He could hear only screams of joy. One of the sisters fainted. “Maybe it was the prayer of those parrots who were freed from the cage,” Ghulam Naqshband, an older neighbor, said with a smile. Officer Tameem was on duty in Kabul on Jan. 27 when a Taliban bomber drove an ambulance past two checkpoints on a busy street and detonated explosives. More than 100 people were killed and at least 200 wounded. BY RAYMOND ZHONG AND CHOE SANG-HUN ANDREW QUILTY FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Ahmad Tameem’s grave in Kabul, center, was draped in the Afghan flag last week. After an attack near his station, relatives had gone to every city hospital and found no trace of him. Speaking from his hospital bed as a nurse attended to his neck wound, Officer Tameem said he does not remember the moment of the blast. When he regained consciousness, he said his first thought was to make sure his mother did not hear about his wounds — not knowing his family had already given him a burial. “I had asked them not to tell my mother about my situation, so she doesn’t die. I am her youngest son,” Officer Tameem said. After each attack in Kabul, the bodies arrive at the city’s forensic medicine department. Families go there to identify and collect the remains. Often, there is not enough to identify — just a torso, or limbs. The department does not have the capabilities for DNA testing. Some unclaimed bodies remain at the morgue for weeks or months. Then, quietly, municipal workers pick them up for burial. The explosion that wounded Officer Tameem was so large that Mohammed Roeen, another of the officer’s cousins, said he could see the smoke from his rooftop across town. Once it became clear that it had happened near the officer’s duty station, the search began. Officer Tameem’s phone was switched off. Relatives went from the site of the attack to every city hospital. They found no trace of him. Mr. Roeen said they managed to reach the company commander. “He said: ‘Look, he was standing here. This is the container. This is where the car bomb detonated. How can we expect him to be alive?’ ” After two days of searching, they returned to the morgue. The bodies that remained were in bad shape. Mr. Qaseem said they settled on a torso that was skinny and young — like Officer Tameem’s. The forensic staff members did some blood tests and said it was him. They said they would wash and prepare him in a coffin for pickup the next morning. The government gave the family a death payment of about $2,000. Then Mr. Qaseem turned to the more difficult task: breaking the news to Officer Tameem’s mother and sisters. “We prepared and convinced his mother that this was God’s will, that the women should not open the coffin,” Mr. Qaseem said. When the coffin was placed in the yard, the women wailed and threw themselves at it. Quickly, the men lifted the coffin again and made their way to the cemetery. No one knows whom they buried. As Officer Tameem’s family and friends celebrate his second life, another family is still searching. After the call of good news, Officer Tameem’s mother and sisters went to the hospital. But they had to wait outside for about two hours because the Afghan president was visiting the wounded. When his mother got in to visit her son, many in the room were trying to keep it brief so that the emotions would not overwhelm Officer Tameem. “They were both crying,” Mr. Qaseem said. “Tameem had tears, and he was able to move his hand.” With her son given a second life, Officer Tameem’s mother has left for their village in Kapisa Province. Four others from their village were killed in the ambulance bombing, and she wanted to mourn with their families. Mr. Naqshband, the neighbor, said that distant relatives who had not been informed of the twist still arrive at the house to pay their respects. “Even today, I was just standing here and a woman came asking for directions: ‘Where is the house of martyr Tameem?’ ” Mr. Naqshband said. “I said: ‘He is alive. Don’t you go into their house saying martyr.’ ” Officer Tameem is on the mend, though his wounds are concerning. When healed, he wants to return to the force. “I want to go back to my work, God willing,” he said. “I have given an oath that I will serve.” Around Kabul, word has gotten out about the officer’s survival. Mr. Qaseem said hospital workers ask visitors if they are there to see “the dead policeman who became alive.” Fahim Abed and Fatima Faizi contributed reporting. Waltzes and wurst, with protesters along the way VIENNA JOURNAL VIENNA A political subtext lurks behind the dazzling scenes of Vienna’s ball season BY KIMBERLY BRADLEY Black tie and satin gowns. Horse-drawn carriages. Waltzes, cha-chas and tangos until the wee hours. High-society revelers scarfing down wienerwurst with their fingers. And now, police blockades and marching protesters. This is peak ball season in Vienna, 2018. A tradition deeply embedded in the Viennese soul, the formal dance events of the ball season are held by the city’s professional guilds, political parties and universities from November until Lent, with the highest concentration of parties from early January until the end of February. Many are stiff high-society affairs, like the New Year’s Ball and the Opera Ball — the “official ball of the Federal Republic of Austria,” which dates in its various forms to the 1800s, and this year takes place on Thursday. Others, like the Confectioners’ Ball, Coffee Brewers’ Ball and Flower Ball, all held last month, are just as formal but attended by a wider audience. A political subtext often lurks behind the dazzling scenes, but this year’s season has proved especially fraught. On Jan. 26, around 3,000 police officers blocked off a broad section of the city center to prevent protesters from clashing with members of the right-wing Freedom Party, who were attending the Academics’ Ball in the former imperial palace. The Vienna faction of the party, which returned to government last year, has sponsored the Academics’ Ball since 2013. Attendees include members of Austrian right-wing fraternal societies, who wear pillbox hats to show their affiliation. Outside the venue, 8,000 to 10,000 CHRISTIAN BRUNA/EUROPEAN PRESSPHOTO AGENCY GEORG HOCHMUTH/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES Debutantes before the 61st Vienna Opera Ball last year. Right, demonstrating against the right-wing Freedom Party’s presence at the Academics’ Ball in Vienna last month. protesters marched through the streets, carrying banners and signs saying “Resistance” and “Don’t Allow Nazis to Govern.” The night after the Academics’ Ball, more than 3,000 guests attended the Vienna Ball of Sciences, which was founded in 2015 in part as a “counterball” to the Academics’ Ball, in a subtle protest by university rectors and scientists. The guests filled the spired City Hall’s vaulted, chandeliered ballroom, colonnaded hallways and red-carpeted staircases. The original idea for the ball came from scientists’ irritation at the right wing’s use of the word academic, therefore “hijacking” the reputation of education and research, said Oliver Lehmann, a co-chairman of the Ball of Sciences’ organizing committee. He added, “We’re about diversity, openness and excellence.” Case in point: Some of the women in attendance glided over the dance floors in floor-length saris or accessorized their gowns with matching hijabs. Politics aside, the balls transform this city. At this time of year, women emerge from the city’s salons with elaborate coifs. Crash courses in ballroom dancing are booked to capacity. Tux rentals become scarce though most locals own their own formal wear. “I own four and a half ball gowns,” joked Monika Kanokova, a communications consultant who attended her first event, the Flower Ball, at 18. Each ball requires a certain look. “The Opera Ball is very traditional, with classic, tight hairstyles” said Danijel Vladimir, the proprietor of All About Hair, an intimate salon in Vienna’s tony First District. “The others are more casual and modern — blowouts or loose updos. The Hunters’ Ball is braids, braids, braids.” Debutantes bring their required tiaras to their styling appointments, where they’re affixed with copious hair teasing, hair spray and many, many bobby pins. Most balls feature food stands in addition to booked table service, making gown-clad guests dipping pairs of long sausages into mustard and horseradish a common sight — especially after the midnight quadrille, a coordinated dance that fills the ballroom. As much as Viennese balls mirror their city’s complex history, intricate social hierarchies and political affiliations, they are also big business. A recent study published by Vienna’s Chamber of Commerce predicted that a record 505,000 people would attend balls this season, spending an estimated 139 million euros at the balls alone, or about $173 million. At the Ball of Sciences, as at other balls, guests floated from room to room, which the Viennese call “flanieren.” An orchestra played waltzes in the cathedral-like grand ballroom of City Hall while a jazz ensemble entertained in a smaller hall. Yet another space featured a D.J. playing disco tracks and walls festooned with neon-painted artwork by students from the city’s University of Applied Arts. Vienna’s new mayor-elect, Michael Ludwig, dropped by, as did Michael Häupl, who is retiring as mayor after nearly 24 years and is a biologist. The pinnacle of peak season is the Opera Ball, which always takes place on the Thursday before Ash Wednesday. The sole ball held in Vienna’s opera house, it attracts 5,000 guests, who wit- ness around 150 debutantes in snowwhite gowns waltz with their partners, a rehearsed and tightly choreographed extravaganza televised by Austria’s national broadcaster, ORF. The event also attracts dignitaries and celebrities. President Alexander van der Bellen will attend this year, as will Chancellor Sebastian Kurz. The actress Melanie Griffith is also scheduled to attend. At the Ball of Sciences, Caroline Weinberg, a national co-chairwoman of the March for Science in Washington, was attending at the invitation of Mr. Lehmann, of the organizing committee. In the V.I.P. area, she met Austrian scientists and politicians, and “talked politics in formal wear.” Could she waltz? Not as well as the locals. Yet the experience was remarkable nonetheless. “It was like walking into a time machine,” she marveled. “I had this image in my head of what a Viennese waltz looks like, because I watched old movies.” “I didn’t expect it to be like that,” she said. “But it was.” Lee Jae-yong, heir to South Korea’s Samsung corporate empire, walked out of prison on Monday after an appeals court reduced and suspended his sentence for bribery and corruption. His release deals a blow to prosecutors who had hoped Mr. Lee’s original five-year sentence would send a signal that the courts would no longer mete out only light punishments for lawbreaking corporate titans. Other senior executives at some of South Korea’s biggest companies have been accused and convicted on corruption charges over the years only to receive reduced sentences or get pardoned entirely. Many South Koreans see that kid-glove treatment as proof that major corporations hold too much sway over the country. Mr. Lee’s case is now likely to go to the country’s Supreme Court, where prosecutors are expected to ask that the appeals court ruling be overturned, and his attorneys are likely to continue to ask that the charges against him be thrown out. Mr. Lee — the 49-year-old de facto leader of the conglomerate and vice chairman of Samsung Electronics, the empire’s most valuable business — spent nearly a year in custody. He was arrested on charges that he paid bribes to a confidante of Park Geun-hye, then South Korea’s president, in exchange for political favors. Mr. Lee’s attorneys have said the payments were coerced. In August, a lower court found Mr. Lee guilty of paying $6.7 million in bribes to help bankroll the equestrian career of a daughter of Choi Soon-sil, a longtime confidante of Ms. Park. It said Mr. Lee provided the bribes to win Ms. Park’s YONHAP/EUROPEAN PRESSPHOTO AGENCY Lee Jae-yong at court on Monday, after nearly a year in custody. A lower court had found him guilty of bribing a confidante of the former South Korean president. help in strengthening his control of Samsung, which he is inheriting from his father, Lee Kun-hee, the company’s chairman, who is in a coma. He was sentenced to five years in prison, an unusually lengthy term for a senior South Korean business leader. But the appeals court on Monday ruled that about half of the sum cannot be seen as bribes. It also reversed several of the lower-court decisions, including the conviction of Mr. Lee on charges of violating the country’s laws limiting the use of foreign currency in connection with the payments. It reduced his sentence to two and a half years and suspended it, leading to his release. Mr. Lee, wearing a dark suit and no tie, emerged from the court with a slight smile, then was taken to the prison in Seoul, the capital, where he had been held since his arrest. He emerged shortly afterward as a free man. “I want to say once again how sorry I am that I have failed to present a good image of myself,” Mr. Lee told reporters after he walked out of prison. “The past one year has been a valuable time for me to reflect upon myself. I will be more careful in the future.” He said he was going to visit his father in the hospital. Samsung is the largest and most powerful of South Korea’s chaebol, as the country’s giant family-run companies are known. Its businesses include smartphones, microchips, insurance and shipbuilding. The chaebol have dominated the country’s economy for decades. Early South Korean governments gave them tax benefits, cheap electricity and protection from overseas competition. In return, the chaebol were expected to contribute to government projects. Over the years, executives at a number of chaebol have been accused of funneling money to the coffers of officials and their relatives and associates. South Korea has often responded with light punishments for business leaders caught in corruption scandals. Many chaebol bosses convicted of crimes have been pardoned or given suspended sentences. Some have even continued to run their empires from behind bars. Mr. Lee’s father has been convicted of white-collar crimes twice — and twice he has been spared prison time. Raymond Zhong reported from Hong Kong, and Choe Sang-Hun from Seoul, South Korea. Park Jeong-eun contributed reporting from Seoul. .. 4 | TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION world Vying for power, 2 collide in South Africa JOHANNESBURG New A.N.C. chief’s election leads to calls for unpopular president to step down BY NORIMITSU ONISHI It is, in South Africa’s political parlance, the season of the two centers of power. In December, Cyril Ramaphosa was elected leader of the African National Congress and, given the party’s pre-eminence, he immediately became the nation’s president in waiting. That left President Jacob Zuma — the former leader of the party who had backed Mr. Ramaphosa’s rival — still in charge of the government, possibly until the next national elections in mid-2019. And now the single question driving the politics of South Africa has become one of timing. When will Mr. Zuma cease to be South Africa’s president? As that question hangs in the air, the people around the two men have to decide which one to back, how strongly and when. It is as if an older sun has lost its gravitational pull to a newer one — and the orbiting planets, in some confusion, have been realigning themselves. Under South Africa’s Constitution, the Parliament elects the president. That leaves the A.N.C., which dominates the legislative body, with two options if it wants to recall Mr. Zuma before the end of his term in 2019: Order him to step down and avoid bringing the matter to Parliament; or allow the anti-Zuma camp to join forces with opposition lawmakers to impeach him. Mr. Ramaphosa’s allies are pressing Mr. Zuma — whose corruption-plagued eight years in office have damaged South Africa’s economy and reputation — to step down as early as possible. His successor, they argue, should be the one to deliver the state of the nation address, scheduled for Thursday, to give the nation a badly needed reset. Among Mr. Zuma’s supporters, the reaction has been more complicated. A few high-profile former allies of the president, including the finance and police ministers, have leapt into Mr. Ramaphosa’s camp with head-spinning speed. Others have dug in, clearly hoping to extend Mr. Zuma’s presidency — and their own power — as long as they can. The vast majority of officials, though, appear open to negotiations with Mr. Ramaphosa, who has made his career — in labor, business and politics — by being the best negotiator in the room. Mr. Ramaphosa, known for always keeping in mind the political long game, has been carefully nudging Mr. Zuma even as the new leader of the A.N.C. seeks to unite a fractured party behind him. The matter of Mr. Zuma’s departure, he told the South African news media, should be approached with “maturity” and “decorum.” “We should never do it in a way that is going to humiliate President Zuma,” said Mr. Ramaphosa, who has been the nation’s deputy president since 2014. Even as negotiations over Mr. Zuma’s departure continue, power has begun to shift in real ways. Mr. Ramaphosa led the nation’s delegation to the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, effectively acting as South Africa’s leader on the world stage. More significantly, there have been domestic developments that would have been highly unlikely before Mr. Ramaphosa’s election as party leader in December. At some state enterprises, which have been the source of much public corruption in recent years, Mr. Zuma’s allies have been quickly replaced by respected officials chosen by Mr. Ramaphosa. State prosecutors have begun investigating some senior political allies of the president, along with the Guptas, a powerful family with close business ties with Mr. Zuma’s relatives and his inner circle. “It does reflect the changing of the guard at the A.N.C. — it has freed up some of the good pockets in some of the law-enforcement agencies to start acting,” said David Lewis, the executive director of Corruption Watch, a nonprofit organization, adding that state prosecutors and police investigators tend to be heavily influenced by politics in South Africa. Mr. Zuma’s fate now lies with the A.N.C.’s top leadership, which remains divided, with an edge in Mr. Ramaphosa’s favor, political analysts said. While Mr. Zuma’s allies initially kept quiet, some have begun pushing back in recent days, including his two supporters among the party’s half-dozen most senior leaders. Jessie Duarte, the deputy secretary general, said that Mr. Zuma would serve out his full term until elections next year. The secretary general, Ace Magashule, denied news reports that the party’s leaders had decided to remove Mr. Zuma, adding of Mr. Ramaphosa’s allies, “It’s only factional leaders who want to be populist, the ones who are loved by the papers, the ones who don’t know the A.N.C., who are making noise outside.” Mr. Magashule, who is also the leader of Free State Province, spoke a few days after the police raided his office there in search of documents related to a Guptalinked dairy farm project thought to have been used to misappropriate public funds. He spoke at a rally in Mr. Zuma’s home province, KwaZulu-Natal, where loyalists voiced strong support. The province, which is the A.N.C.’s biggest source of votes nationally, remains one of Mr. Zuma’s strongest cards in his negotiations with Mr. Ramaphosa — as does the party’s youth league, which held the rally. Mandla Shange, the youth league’s spokesman in KwaZulu-Natal, dismissed any talk of removing Mr. Zuma. “That’s not a decision you just take,” he said in an interview. “There must be a transition plan between President Zuma and President Ramaphosa. That is why President Zuma’s term of office ends in 2019, so we expect President Zuma to continue to be president until 2019.” But analysts say that because of the survival instinct of the A.N.C., which has governed South Africa since the end of apartheid in 1994, it is unlikely that Mr. Zuma will be allowed to serve out his full GULSHAN KHAN/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES JOAO SILVA/THE NEW YORK TIMES Top, President Jacob Zuma of South Africa, center, risks facing impeachment if he tries to hang onto power until the 2019 election. Above, the new African National Congress leader Cyril Ramaphosa, second from right, has been nudging Mr. Zuma to leave office. term. The longer Mr. Zuma stays in power, the harder it will be for Mr. Ramaphosa to rebuild the party’s brand before next year’s elections. “Remember, all they want at the end of the day is to make sure that the A.N.C. can win elections,” said Lukhona Mnguni, a political scientist at the University of KwaZulu-Natal. “It’s not that they want Zuma gone because of misgovernance. They want him gone so that they, as A.N.C. members, can remain at the top of South African politics. It’s in their best interest that he goes, but they have to manage the timing and any fallout.” If Mr. Zuma hangs on to power, he risks facing impeachment in Parliament after a recent ruling by the nation’s highest court. The A.N.C., which holds more than 60 percent of parliamentary seats, would face two unattractive options: defending a deeply unpopular president or impeaching a leader it has steadfastly supported for the past eight years. Mr. Zuma also faces other embarrassing legal challenges, including 783 counts of corruption related to an arms deal before he became president in the 1990s when he was a top party leader. He has successfully avoided prosecution over the years, and he argued again last week that he should not be indicted. State prosecutors are expected to make a decision this month. How and when Mr. Zuma leaves office, experts say, will influence how much Mr. Ramaphosa can reinvent the A.N.C. before next year’s elections. Mr. Ramaphosa and his allies enjoy strong support among urban, middleclass black voters who, disillusioned by Mr. Zuma’s presidency and with the party’s transformation from Nelson Mandela’s heroic liberation movement to an organization associated with corruption and mismanagement, began abandoning the A.N.C. in recent years. In local elections in 2016, the A.N.C. lost control of most of the country’s major cities as those disenchanted voters backed the opposition or stayed home. Mr. Ramaphosa needs to win them back. “The A.N.C.’s continued, foolhardy inability to remove President Zuma clearly indicates that the A.N.C. cannot be trusted and cannot be relied upon to bring about the changes promised by its newly elected leadership,” Bantu Holomisa, leader of the opposition United Democratic Movement, said in a news conference. In one suburb that turned against the A.N.C. in 2016, Danny Zitha, a retired high school teacher, was so angry with the party that he vowed never to back it again. But recent changes in the A.N.C. have softened his position. He was disappointed that the A.N.C.’s top leaders had not tried to remove Mr. Zuma at their first meeting in January. But he was impressed by prosecutors moving against some of Mr. Zuma’s political and business allies, and the thought of returning to the A.N.C. was no longer inconceivable to him. “Once Ramaphosa gets rid of Zuma and all those corrupt guys are taken to task, perhaps then I can have another way of thinking — but only then,” Mr. Zitha said. “Zuma must be toothless. But right now he still has teeth. He can chew whatever he wants to chew.” Fears for democracy rise as Kenya silences dissent NAIROBI, KENYA The events in Kenya are a stunning about-face in a country praised mere months ago as a shining example of democracy. BY JINA MOORE The most widely watched television stations in Kenya are shuttered, and the government has defied a court order to return them to the air. Opposition politicians are under arrest, and journalists have also been threatened with jail. And the government has officially designated some of its opponents “an organized criminal group.” “This is a new crisis for democracy,” said Willy Mutunga, a former chief justice of the Kenyan Supreme Court, who left the bench in 2016. “Defying a court order is subverting the rule of law.” The events in Kenya over the past week are a stunning about-face in a country praised mere months ago as a shining example of democracy, when the Supreme Court overturned a presidential election, and the winner, President Uhuru Kenyatta, agreed to abide by the ruling. That case was hailed as a powerful display of judicial independence and a win for the rule of law. But now many Kenyans fear their country is sliding away from democracy. The coming days, they say, may be critical in determining what direction the country will take. “Kenya hasn’t seen anything like this before — this is unheard-of,” said Ahmednasir Abdullahi, who represented Mr. Kenyatta before the Supreme Court last year in several election cases. “When there is a court order you don’t obey, you look like a rogue state.” The United States said in a statement last week that it was “deeply concerned” about the interference with the media, and the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights called on the government to “respect and implement” the court order to end the blackout. In Kenya, some are now likening Mr. Kenyatta to Daniel arap Moi, the authoritarian president who ruled the country for 24 years, before finally leav- DANIEL IRUNGU/EUROPEAN PRESSPHOTO AGENCY ANDREW RENNEISEN/GETTY IMAGES An electronic store in Nairobi, Kenya. The government has taken television stations off the air after they reported on an opposition leader’s “swearing-in” ceremony. Raila Odinga sitting before a mock ceremony to swear him in as “the people’s president.” The government’s reaction to the event has created a constitutional crisis. ing office in 2002. Mr. Moi outlawed political parties, banned many foreign and local newspapers and magazines, and detained and tortured those designated as political opponents, including writers and intellectuals. But shutting down broadcast stations “never happened, even under Moi,” said George Kegoro, executive director of the Kenya Human Rights Commission, a nongovernmental group that is a leading human-rights authority in the country. The current tensions have their roots in last year’s presidential election, when Raila Odinga, Mr. Kenyatta’s longtime political rival, challenged his loss to the president. The Supreme Court ordered a new election, but Mr. Odinga withdrew before the second vote, saying the process remained unfair. When Mr. Odinga’s supporters boycotted the polls, they handed Mr. Kenyatta an easy victory. Mr. Odinga refused to concede defeat and threatened Thursday night in a safe house, and on Friday, a court granted them anticipatory bail, effectively protecting them from arrest. So far, they have not been charged with any crime. A court in Nairobi on Thursday ordered the government to restore the stations “with immediate effect.” But by early Monday morning, it had still not complied. The government’s aggressive stance toward the media and the political opposition may have ended up lending legitimacy to what many observers had dismissed as political theater by Mr. Odinga. “The whole world was condemning Raila Odinga for what he had done,” said Mr. Abdullahi, the president’s onetime lawyer. “The government had the moral high ground. For me, this is the government shooting itself in the foot.” Though Kenya’s Constitution guarantees freedom of expression and freedom of the press, the Kenyatta government, to take a parallel “oath” as “the people’s president.” The government said it would regard the action as treason, and Western diplomats pleaded with Mr. Odinga to cancel the ceremony. But he pushed forward with the “oath,” and the United States, in a formal statement, stopped just short of denouncing the move as unconstitutional. Mr. Kenyatta summoned media owners last week and warned them not to cover the Odinga event at Uhuru Park, in downtown Nairobi, Kenya’s capital. But on Tuesday morning, Kenya’s biggest stations broadcast live from the park before Mr. Odinga’s arrival. Government officials then disconnected them. Mr. Odinga did take the oath that day. On Wednesday, three journalists at NTV slept in the newsroom after being tipped off by police sources that officers were stationed around the building, waiting to arrest them. They spent and the president personally, have long had a rocky relationship with the media. Mr. Kenyatta has said on several occasions that newspapers are useful only for “wrapping meat.” Last year, Kenyatta aides issued a directive to suspend all government advertising in four major newspapers, and several journalists have been fired for refusing to toe the government line in their coverage. But the television blackout is universally agreed to be the most dramatic showdown between the government and the news media in the history of Kenya’s young democracy. The shuttered stations reach nearly 70 percent of Kenyan viewers, according to the latest figures from GeoPoll, a survey firm. None but the wealthiest Kenyans can watch television online, where the stations continue to broadcast. The government is discussing reopening the stations with the media outlets, conditioning a return to the air on their agreement to coverage restrictions, according to an official with knowledge of the confidential conversations. The media outlets deny any negotiations. If government officials continue to disregard the order to turn the stations back on, the court could cite them for contempt, or even order them jailed, lawyers say. If those orders are also ignored, that would be a clear sign of a weakened judiciary — and a teetering democracy. But a bigger concern now is whether the government takes action against Mr. Odinga. An arrest, many fear, might be greeted by widespread public resistance and set off violence — especially since the crackdown seems to have polarized ordinary Kenyans. “We are hurting as a country,” said Job Ogutu, a mechanic who works in downtown Nairobi. “The gains we made are no more. The government is supposed to be the custodian of all laws, but it’s using these same laws to hurt and oppress its people.” Many have abandoned hope for dialogue between the two political leaders and are instead digging in behind the man they support. That’s the turn of events that Mr. Mutunga, the former chief justice, finds most worrying, because each political heavyweight could muster crowds of thousands to do his bidding. “I keep on having nightmares about a possibility of an ethnic civil war,” he said. Mr. Mutunga pointed to the widespread conflict that followed the 2007 election. “That’s our history,” he said. “We have had these issues before. And now one side controls the machinery of violence — they have the army, they have the police. Who is going to restrain them?” .. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 | 5 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION world U.S. following Russia into a new arms race NUCLEAR, FROM PAGE 1 the report issued on Friday, known as the Nuclear Posture Review, focuses intensely on Russia. It describes Mr. Putin as forcing America’s hand to rebuild the nuclear force, as have other documents produced by Mr. Trump’s National Security Council and his Pentagon. The report contains a sharp warning about a new Russian-made autonomous nuclear torpedo that — while not in violation of the terms of the treaty, known as New Start — appears designed to cross the Pacific undetected and release a deadly cloud of radioactivity that would leave large parts of the American West Coast uninhabitable. It also explicitly rejects Mr. Obama’s commitment to make nuclear weapons a diminishing part of American defenses. The limit on warheads — 1,500 deployable weapons — that went into effect on Monday expires in 2021, and the nuclear review shows no enthusiasm about its chances for renewal. The report describes future arms control agreements as “difficult to envision” in a world “that is characterized by nuclear-armed states seeking to change borders and overturn existing norms,” and in particular by Russian violations of a series of other arms-limitation treaties. “Past assumptions that our capability to produce nuclear weapons would not be necessary and that we could permit the required infrastructure to age into obsolescence have proven to be mistaken,” it argues. “It is now clear that the United States must have sufficient research, design, development and production capacity to support the sustainment and replacement of its nuclear forces.” The new policy was applauded by establishment Republican defense experts, including some who have shuddered at Mr. Trump’s threats to use nuclear weapons against North Korea, but have worried that he was insufficiently focused on Russia’s nuclear modernization. “Obama’s theory was that we will lead the way in reducing our reliance on nuclear weapons and everyone else will do the same,” said Franklin C. Miller, a nuclear expert who served in the George W. Bush administration and was an informal consultant to Pentagon officials who drafted the new policy. “It didn’t work out that way. The Russians have been fielding systems while we haven’t, and our first new system won’t be ready until 2026 or 2027.” “This is a very mainstream nuclear policy,” Mr. Miller said of the document, arguing that new low-yield atomic weapons would deter Mr. Putin and make nuclear war less likely, rather than offer new temptations to Mr. Trump. “Nothing in it deserves the criticism it has received.” A senior administration official, who would discuss the policy only on the condition of anonymity, said Mr. Trump had been briefed on the new nuclear approach, but was leaving the details to Even Mr. Trump’s harshest critics concede that America must take steps as Russia and China have made their arsenals more lethal. Mr. Mattis and to his national security adviser, Lt. Gen. H. R. McMaster. The president, the official said, was primarily concerned about staying ahead in any nuclear race with Russia, and to a lesser degree with China. Even Mr. Trump’s harshest critics concede that the United States must take steps as Russia and China have invested heavily in modernizing their forces, making them more lethal. The administration’s new strategy describes the Russian buildup in detail, documenting how Moscow is making “multiple upgrades” to its force of strategic bombers, as well as long-range missiles based at sea and on land. Russia is also developing, it adds, “at least two new intercontinental-range systems,” as well as the autonomous torpedo. Russia has violated another treaty, the United States argues, that covers intermediate-range missiles, and is “building a large, diverse and modern” set of shorter-range weapons with less powerful warheads that “are not accountable under the New Start treaty.” Yet Mr. Trump has not publicly complained about the allegations of treaty violation or the new weapons. Though members of the Obama administration were highly critical of the Trump administration document, there is little question that Mr. Obama paved the way for the modernization policy. He agreed to a $70 billion makeover of American nuclear laboratories as the price for Senate approval of the 2010 New Start. The new document calls for far more spending — a program that at a minimum will cost $1.2 trillion over 30 years, without inflation taken into account. Most of that money would go to new generations of bombers and new submarines, and a rebuilding of the landbased nuclear missile force that still dots giant fields across the American West. While those systems are the most vulnerable to attack, and the most decrepit part of the force, they are also among the most politically popular in Congress, because they provide jobs in rural areas. In some cases, Mr. Trump’s plan speeds ahead with nuclear arms that Mr. Obama had endorsed, such as a new generation of nuclear cruise missiles. Other weapons, though, are completely new. For example, the policy calls for “the rapid development” of a cruise missile that would be fired from submarines, then become airborne before reaching its target. Mr. Obama had eliminated an older version. It also calls for the development of a low-yield warhead for some of the nation’s submarine ballistic missiles — part of a broader effort to expand the credible options “for responding to nuclear or nonnuclear strategic attack.” But critics of the low-yield weapons say they blur the line between nuclear and nonnuclear weapons, making their use more likely. Andrew C. Weber, an assistant defense secretary during the Obama administration who directed oversight of the nation’s nuclear arsenal, called the new plan a dangerous folly that would make nuclear war more likely. “We’re simply mirroring the reckless Russian doctrine,” he said. “We can already deter any strike. We have plenty of low-yield weapons. The new plan is a fiction created to justify the making of new nuclear arms. They’ll just increase the potential for their use and for miscalculation. The administration’s logic is Kafkaesque.” One of the most controversial ele- ments of the new strategy is a section that declares that the United States might use nuclear weapons to respond to a devastating, but nonnuclear, attack on critical infrastructure — the power grid or cellphone networks, for example. All of the new or repurposed warheads would come from the National Nuclear Security Administration, an arm of the United States Energy De- partment that officials say is already stretched thin. “We’re pretty much at capacity in terms of people,” Frank G. Klotz was quoted as saying after retiring last month as the agency’s head. “We’re pretty much at capacity in terms of the materials that we need to do this work. And pretty much at capacity in terms of hours in the day at our facilities.” .. 6 | TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION world Whispers of Haiti become a Mardi Gras shout NEW ORLEANS An Arcade Fire founder celebrates the island’s influence on New Orleans BY RICHARD FAUSSET Régine Chassagne was standing barefoot in her rambling New Orleans home on a recent weekday, showing members of the Preservation Hall Jazz Band how to play the horn parts for her latest musical project. It was a galloping Carnival anthem played in the Haitian style and sung largely in Haitian Creole, a language the jazz players did not understand. Ms. Chassagne, a Canadian-born daughter of Haitian exiles, described their parts with swooping hand gestures. At one point, she told them to play “like fireworks — poof!” The jazzmen, masters of translating emotion into sound, nodded along, unfazed. Ms. Chassagne, 41, is a founder of the rock group Arcade Fire, a French speaker of mixed racial heritage who grew up in Montreal playing the piano to old Louis Armstrong recordings. More recently, she has become a prominent advocate for the Haitian people and for a Haitian culture that has had an outsize, if not always recognizable, influence on New Orleans, where she and her husband, Win Butler, have lived for about three years. For this year’s Carnival season, the period of revelry before Lent, Ms. Chassagne and Mr. Butler, the Arcade Fire frontman, will highlight their adopted city’s Haitian connections with the kind of primer its residents readily understand: a raucous procession by the couple’s Haitian-themed Mardi Gras troupe, the Krewe du Kanaval. Founded in collaboration with the New Orleans jazz hub Preservation Hall and rounded out by local and Haitian musicians, the krewe plans to parade through the streets of the French Quarter and Treme on Tuesday, a week before Mardi Gras, and put on a free street party. It is likely to be the loudest love song to Haiti to emanate from New Orleans in many decades, at a time when many are still stinging from a coarse insult from President Trump and the end of a humanitarian program that allowed more than 45,000 Haitians to live and work in the United States. “I’m the one pushing for it,” Ms. Chassagne said of the band’s focus on Haiti, “and I’m pushing for it because it’s the story of my parents, and the culture. Their culture is what made me who I am.” Some in New Orleans say the same could be said for the city. “There’s this huge connection between the cultures that hasn’t really been explored,” said Branden Lewis, 30, a trumpeter with the Preservation Hall Jazz Band. “My existence is testament to that fact, and I don’t really know anything about Haiti.” Mr. Lewis grew up in Southern California, but his family members are Louisiana Creoles who trace their roots to people of African descent who came to Louisiana from Haiti in the 19th century. It is a common New Orleans story. In 1809 and 1810, the population of the city roughly doubled when more than 10,000 French speakers from the colony of St. Domingue — whites, slaves and free people of color — arrived from eastern Cuba, according to Ned Sublette, the author of the 2008 book “The World That Made New Orleans.” They had gone to Cuba from what is now Haiti amid the tumult of the Haitian revolution, but PHOTOGRAPHS BY WILLIAM WIDMER FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Régine Chassagne, center, rehearsing for the Haitian-themed Mardi Gras troupe, Krewe du Kanaval. Ms. Chassagne, a founder of the rock group Arcade Fire, has become a staunch advocate for the island’s people and culture. were subsequently expelled by the Spanish. The new arrivals made a profound mark on New Orleans, influencing its legal profession, cuisine, journalism, politics and music. In the book, Mr. Sublette argues that they delayed the Americanization of the city “for perhaps two generations.” But Americanization eventually won out, and the French language faded. And while family names familiar to any Haitian — Dumas, Toussaint, Barthelemy — remain common in New Orleans, the Haitian influence has become so prevalent, so deeply mixed into the city’s complex cultural stew, that it can be difficult to pick out. “Haiti definitely had an influence on New Orleans, but it’s hard to see if you’re not looking,” said Donald Link, a local chef who has been researching the city’s culinary ties to the Caribbean world. The idea of outsider rock stars making a mark on Mardi Gras has prompted some grumbling in a city that fiercely guards its cultural traditions. Mr. Lewis said some locals had criticized the Krewe du Kanaval as an act of cultural appropriation. It would not be the first time such charges have been made against Ms. Chassagne or her band, whose other members are white and which has come under fire before for adopting Haitian influences and iconography. In 2016, they set off an intense online debate among New Orleanians when they joined with the Preservation Hall Jazz Band for a New Orleans-style parade for David Bowie, who died in January of that year. “Shouldn’t you have at least some tie to New Orleans to get a second line?” one commenter said, referring to the city’s tradition of jazz funeral parades. Mr. Butler shrugged off the complaints on a recent evening while sipping rum on his back porch with Ben Jaffe, Preservation Hall’s creative director. Thousands turned out for the Bowie parade, Mr. Butler said. Thousands were moved. “There’s not even one part of me that’s like, that was a bad idea — like, ‘Oh no, we’ve ruined New Orleans,’ ” he said. Ms. Chassagne’s attraction to the Caribbean world feels like an effort to reclaim a heritage that history tried to rob from her. Her parents fled, separately, from Haiti in the 1960s, amid the violence imposed by supporters of the Haitian dictator François Duvalier. Ms. Chassagne would not visit the island until after the band became famous. She describes a Montreal childhood absorbing wisps of Haiti: her parents chatting in Creole, the way her mother danced in the kitchen, the Christmas parties with kompa music on the stereo. A fair-skinned member of a family of many hues, Ms. Chassagne also remembers listening as darker-skinned rela- Ms. Chassagne, a Canadian-born daughter of Haitian exiles, and her husband, Win Butler, the Arcade Fire frontman, have lived in New Orleans for about three years. tives talked about the way white people would treat them. Now, she and Mr. Butler stand out in other ways. New Orleans is still adapting to having the famous indie-rock couple in its midst: One city government official recalled seeing the pair on the street at Halloween, and mistaking them for local residents in really convincing Arcade Fire costumes. In the past few days, Ms. Chassagne and Mr. Butler have been scrambling with last-minute details. They have corralled into their Carnival project Haitian-Americans including Leyla McCalla, an unclassifiable multi-instrumentalist who performs some songs in Creole, and Charly Pierre, a chef and a winner of the Food Network’s “Chopped” contest, who will be providing some of the food. The couple has also been reaching out to the Haitian immigrant community. On Jan. 11, Ms. Chassagne and Mr. Jaffe pro- moted the festivities on Radio Gonbo Kreyol, a New Orleans internet radio station that serves Creole speakers, as stories began to circulate that President Trump had crudely disparaged Haiti in a White House meeting. The United States Census Bureau estimates that fewer than 500 people in metropolitan New Orleans claim Haitian ancestry, but Barthelemy Jolly, a Haitian native and vice president of the radio station, believes the Haitian immigrant community is thousands strong. Many of them are taxi drivers and hotel maids, he said, and they have tended, over the years, to keep a low profile. But Mr. Trump’s comments prompted scores of Haitians to march together at the Women’s March on Jan. 20, which passed through the city’s central business district and the French Quarter, bearing Haitian flags. Mr. Jolly said that he expected many more to come to the Krewe du Kanaval party. “The Haitian community, they’re going to be out there,” he said. So the possibility looms of a party where second-line rhythms bleed into the Haitian mizik rasin style, where the vestiges of Caribbean roots mingle with the new. If nothing else, it will probably be a good time, though Ms. Chassagne hopes it will be something more. “If we want things to move forward we need to experience each other’s company,” she said. “You can’t just retract in your corner.” Trump’s call to aid only ‘friends’ may not be so easy BRUSSELS BY STEVEN ERLANGER Distinguishing friends from enemies can be difficult. Sometimes friends disagree, and even enemies will occasionally do things for you that friends will not. So President Trump’s insistence in his State of the Union address last week that Congress pass laws to ensure that “American foreign-assistance dollars always serve American interests, and only go to America’s friends” may not be as easy as it seems. Threats to cut American foreign aid have long been a talking point, particularly among Republicans trying to stir their base by tapping a popular, if inaccurate, perception that the money sent abroad is vast. Previous presidents have threatened to cut foreign aid, too, often to punish countries for violating human rights. Mr. Trump appears more motivated by the notion that the United States gets little in return. That view, several experts noted, overlooks the fact that the United States has always given aid to promote American interests, even if Mr. Trump’s conception of the national interest is narrower than that of many of his predecessors. Whether or not Congress actually follows through, the president’s warning left the impression of a superpower threatening to pick up its marbles and go home, they said. And they said it may MOHAMMED SALEM/REUTERS A protest against American aid cuts in Gaza City. Mr. Trump ordered that $65 million in aid be withheld from the United Nations refugee agency that serves the Palestinians. only succeed in stoking resentment abroad and diminishing American influence in the world. Carl Bildt, the former Swedish prime minister and foreign minister, said damage has already been done. “Everyone knows the money serves U.S. interests, which is also true of European money,” he said. “But this feels ugly. And this is in the State of the Union, so it has gone through a policy process, so it matters more. There’s a difference between the Twitter and the Teleprompter version of Trump policy.” In any case, only about 1 percent of the United States federal budget goes to foreign aid — and about 40 percent of that is considered security assistance, rather than economic or humanitarian aid. Americans nonetheless remain convinced that the country spends far more. In a 2015 study by the Kaiser Family Foundation, the average respondent thought that 26 percent of the federal budget went to foreign aid. More than half the respondents thought the United States was spending too much on foreign aid. Even if the amounts of American aid are relatively small, the payoff can be substantial in leverage for the United States, in enhancing its image and promoting its values, others noted. That is changing. Mr. Trump, in his speech, referred to the many countries that voted disapproval of his decision to eventually move the American Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem. On Thursday, his ambassador to the United Nations, Nikki R. Haley, told Republican legislators that she was “taking names’’ at the body, adding: “I can’t tell you how helpful it is to have a Congress that backs us up. When y’all play the heavy, it makes it so much easier for me to play the bad cop with a smile.” Beyond retribution, however, Mr. Trump has also made a theme of “America First,” proclaiming his dislike of programs like democracy promotion and generic humanitarian aid. “I’m sure Trump thinks it’s different, but in practical terms the U.S. has always been giving aid based on U.S. interests and needs,” said Xenia Wickett, a former United States official who runs the Americas program at Chatham House, a foreign affairs research institution. “What’s changing is the view of American soft power,” she added. “With Jerusalem and the State of the Union, there is a view that America is no longer doing the right thing and no longer for the right reasons. Its self-interest is explicit, as if it doesn’t care, so those who gave Americans the benefit of the doubt no longer do so, and it does damage.” Marc Otte, the former European Un- ion special representative for the Middle East peace process and a senior fellow at the Egmont Institute, also known as the Royal Institute for International Relations in Belgium, said that cutting American aid reduces, not enhances, American influence. But the “broader question is whether America is reliable,” Mr. Otte said. “These are long-term commitments, and what does this mean for the U.N. system, for refugees, for Syria and Yemen if U.N. agencies are constrained?” “Everyone knows the money serves U.S. interests.” As a government, America gives less as a percentage of its gross national income than other countries — only 0.17 percent, well below the 0.3 percent average for developed countries. But because the economy is so large, Americans still provide more foreign aid in total than any other country, and aid cuts do cause disruptions. Even before the United Nations vote in December against the American decision on Jerusalem, Mr. Trump said he wanted to cut the Obama administration’s spending on foreign aid, about $42.4 billion, to $27.3 billion, and fold the United States Agency for International Development into the State Department. And he warned that he would withhold “billions” from countries that voted against him. “Let them vote against us,” he said. “We’ll save a lot. We don’t care.” “But this isn’t like it used to be where they could vote against you and then you pay them hundreds of millions of dollars,” he added. “We’re not going to be taken advantage of any longer.” Mr. Trump’s warning appeared aimed largely at countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America who are regarded as more vulnerable to American pressure. More recently, offended by the sharp criticism from Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president, of the Jerusalem move, Mr. Trump ordered that $65 million in American aid be withheld from the United Nations refugee agency that serves the Palestinians. At least 11 countries, including Russia, Belgium and Norway, have rushed to pay their own annual contributions early and in full, to fill the gap. Pressed by Norway, the European Union recently held an emergency session to seek faster contributions to the refugee agency. Even the Israeli government has quietly criticized the cut to the agency, which provides much of the schooling and health care in Gaza and the West Bank, meaning that Israel, considered by most of the world as an occupying power, is not under obligation to do so. Mr. Trump has also suspended aid to Pakistan over its ties to the Taliban, and that is a more popular act, said Ian Lesser, a former American official who runs the German Marshall Fund office in Brussels. “On Egypt and especially Pakistan,” which receive large amounts of United States aid, “a lot of the foreign policy establishment will agree,” he said. .. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 | 7 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION Business Pay-gap stories: ‘I almost died inside’ Women of different age, background and profession have one thing in common BY VALERIYA SAFRONOVA Early in her career, Jewelle Bickford, now a partner at Evercore Wealth Management, worked at a global bank in New York with a male colleague who was on his best behavior during the first half of the day, she said, but during and after lunch, his work ethic devolved. “When he came back, you would walk by his office and he would have his head down,” Ms. Bickford said. “And you knew he had had quite a few drinks.” At the end of the year, when bonuses were announced, a friend of Ms. Bickford’s who worked in human resources told her how much that male colleague had received. “It was many multiples of what I made,” Ms. Bickford said. “He stayed there. I left.” It was a Monday in late January, and Ms. Bickford was at a table with four other women in a semiprivate room at Kiki’s, a Greek restaurant in the Chinatown neighborhood of Manhattan. They included Gayl Johnson, a director of administration at the city Department of Sanitation; Alix Keller, the director of product technology at Hello Alfred, a home concierge service; Melissa Robbins, a Philadelphia-based political strategist; and Kimberly Webster, formerly a lawyer at a New York firm. The women were of different backgrounds, ages and professions, but they had one thing in common: All said they had experienced gender-based wage discrimination over the course of their careers. Though the pay gap has long been in the public consciousness — on average, American women make 80 cents for every dollar men make — three recent incidents have brought renewed scrutiny to an issue many women in the workplace say they continue to confront on an almost daily basis. Early last month, Debra Messing and Eva Longoria chastised E! on the Golden Globes red carpet for paying Catt Sadler, the former co-host of E! News, half of what her male colleague, Jason Kennedy, made. (Ms. Sadler left the network in December.) The next day, Carrie Grace resigned as China editor of the BBC, after salary figures released by the broadcaster showed a gap between male and female talent. And, of course, there is the perhaps the most famous recent incident: The HILARY SWIFT FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES From left, Gayl Johnson, Melissa Robbins, Alix Keller, Jewelle Bickford and Kimberly Webster, who gathered in New York to discuss pay disparity. revelation that Michelle Williams was paid $80 a day for reshoots on “All the Money in the World” while her male costar, Mark Wahlberg, was paid $1.5 million in total (he later donated it to charity, following an outcry) — that got many women in offices around the country swapping tales of when in their own careers they found out they were being paid less than their male counterparts and what they did about it. “I never really complained about the pay discrepancy,” Ms. Bickford, 76, said, pausing between bites of moussaka. “I was brought up in a culture where it was considered gauche.” “I missed that class,” said Ms. Johnson, the city administrator. (Age? “You can say ‘55 plus.’ ”) Ms. Johnson took a bite of her lamb chop. “I’ve been doing this job for over 20 years,” she said. “I started as a clerk and worked my way up. I’ve had five promotions. But my white male counterparts earn $25,000 to $30,000 more a year than I do.” Ms. Johnson is one of 1,000 women on whose behalf a local union filed a complaint with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, a federal agency, in 2013, claiming that New York City paid women and minorities substantially less than their white male col- leagues. In 2015, the commission ruled in favor of the women and recommended that the city negotiate a payout. The suggested starting point was $246 million. Though the city and the union came to a broad agreement last April, the details are still being worked out. To help the union build its case, Ms. Johnson spent years gathering information. And she was not shy about demanding her rights. Once, she said, she called a supervisor and asked why she was making less than a male counterpart. The answer, she said: “He has a family to support.” Ms. Johnson is a single mother of three. Her experience is one example of what’s called the motherhood penalty, a term for the economic and career setbacks women experience when they have children. (Men’s earnings went up by more than 6 percent when they had children, if they lived with them, and women’s decreased 4 percent for each child they had, a study found. And research has shown that employers rate fathers as the most desirable employees.) Ms. Keller, 35, is raising a 9-year-old son alone. “I’ve made about 40 percent less than a colleague that’s maybe only a tiny level above me, someone I didn’t re- port to,” Ms. Keller said. “I’ve been in a situation where a male colleague was making 100 percent more. I almost died inside.” Next to Ms. Keller was Ms. Robbins. “The last campaign I was working on, I told my campaign manager, ‘We’re going to lose if we do this your way,’ ” said Ms. Robbins, who declined to provide her age. “Sixty-five percent of my salary was cut. My leadership as a black woman meant nothing to them.” Ms. Robbins described another job in sales where she asked for a raise, from $14 an hour, after bringing in a major client. According to Ms. Robbins, the company’s owner refused. After quitting, Ms. Robbins said, a man was hired to replace her. His salary? More than twice as much. “That was the most humiliating experience that I have ever had,” she said. Ms. Webster, 36, says she left the law firm she was working for in 2016 after she wrote a letter to the partners suggesting that they were acting out unconscious bias. “At least for one case, and it may have been for multiple cases, my time was being billed out at a lower rate than two of the three white male paralegals,” Ms. Webster said. “The very next business day, I got put on a performance improvement plan,” she added. “They were putting the paperwork in motion to either justify firing me or getting me to leave.” Retaliatory practices toward employees who complain about discrimination are far from abnormal. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission reported that 48.8 percent of the complaints filed by workers in 2017 contained an allegation of retaliation. Toward the end of the evening, entrees were forgotten and talk turned to the current moment and the future. “I believe we’re at a tipping point,” Ms. Bickford said. “The computer has really helped us disseminate information, and I think men are on notice now.” Ms. Bickford and her colleagues in the business world have formed the Paradigm for Parity, which provides a five-step plan for gender equality that they have persuaded dozens of corporate leaders to implement. Ms. Robbins was recently one of the speakers at the Women’s March in Philadelphia and is working to help elect more female leaders. And Ms. Johnson plans to stick around in city administration and in the union as long as she can. “We have to look out for the ones who follow behind us,” Ms. Johnson said. “There are more battles to be fought. Everyone deserves a chance.” Vast patience in Amazon was a virtue for investors BY MICHAEL CORKERY AND NICK WINGFIELD Allen Gillespie is one lonely stock analyst. Of the dozens of Wall Street analysts covering Amazon, he is the only one tracked by Bloomberg who recommends that investors sell the company’s shares. Mr. Gillespie, a partner at FinTrust Investment Advisors, a wealth management firm in Greenville, S.C., questions whether Amazon deserves such a stratospheric share price. “Everybody thinks I am crazy,” said Mr. Gillespie, who also serves on the board overseeing South Carolina’s pension fund. “I have had people I’ve never met email me to ask if I was serious.” It is a bold call indeed. Since Mr. Gillespie put a sell rating on the company last July, Amazon’s shares have increased 37 percent, to $1,429. On Friday, one day after Amazon reported the biggest quarterly profit in its history, Amazon’s market value briefly crossed the $700 billion mark, and its share price increased 3 percent even as the Dow fell 2.5 percent. For most analysts, the end is not yet in sight. When the investment firm D. A. Davidson & Company predicted last month that Amazon’s shares could rise to $1,800, Morgan Stanley upped the ante the next day, forecasting a possible $2,100 share price. “It’s an infatuation,” said Scott Galloway, a professor of marketing at New York University’s Stern business school, who recently published a book about Amazon, Google and other tech giants. How that infatuation developed is the story of a company that figured out how to tame Wall Street. In a business environment that demands, and rewards, quarterly profits and short-term strategic thinking, Amazon showed extraordinary resolve in focusing on long-term goals, persuading investors to go along. Over its first decade in existence, including long stretches where it consistently reported losses, Amazon enjoyed a luxury afforded few companies: leeway. “I think it comes down to a consistent message and consistent strategy, one that doesn’t deviate when the stock goes down or goes up,” said Bill Miller, the chief investment officer at Miller Value Partners, whose largest holding is Amazon. In part, Amazon has inured itself to pressure from Wall Street by ignoring it. While many chief executives devote significant time to fielding questions from investors, Amazon’s founder and chief executive, Jeff Bezos, is famously stingy about the time he spends with major stockholders. He hasn’t appeared on an Amazon earnings calls in years. In a 2014 interview with Business Insider, Mr. Bezos said he spent a measly six hours a year on investor relations and then only with long-term shareholders, who have been willing to weather the company’s ups and downs. Mr. Miller is one of them. Mr. Bezos has constantly reminded the market of his philosophy. Each year in the company’s annual letter to shareholders, Amazon attaches a copy of a letter from 1997, its very first as a publicly traded company. “We will continue to make investment decisions in light of long-term market Whole Foods Market. It may sound like a Pollyanna view of stock investing, particularly in a market increasingly dominated by trading algorithms and macro bets on the direction of interest rates. But in the case of Amazon, it is actually true. “If Wall Street would allow more companies to reinvest like Amazon, it would create great benefits for the economy,” said Henry Blodget, a former stock analyst, who first came to prominence in 1998 by setting a $400 price target for Amazon shares. (He is now editorial director of the online publication Business Insider, in which Mr. Bezos was an investor.) The reality of the economy, however, is that most other companies are still playing by Wall Street’s old rules, which demand consistent profit growth. And to compete with Amazon and meet those profit expectations, many retailers and manufacturers are laying off workers, closing stores and shedding factories. Last month, Kimberly-Clark, under pricing pressure from Amazon and Walmart, said it was laying off more than 5,000 workers and closing or selling 10 of its factories. It wasn’t always so easy for Amazon. During the tech boom of the late 1990s, Amazon was one of a number of promising tech start-ups that were losing money. But it showed the potential for longer term profit, as it moved from selling books into music and toys. But like the rest of the tech sector, Amazon’s shares tumbled in 2000 and 2001 as investors began to wonder if these Amazon Gets a Free Pass companies could ever make money. A young debt analyst at Lehman Brothers warned in June 2000 that Amazon might soon run out of cash, causing investors to worry about its survival. Mr. Bezos had squirreled away enough capital to get through those dark days. But it took many years for investors who had been burned by the dot-com crash to give Amazon a second chance. For long stretches from 2002 to 2006, Amazon’s stock price languished while it invested in researching and developing new technologies and businesses. Mark Mahaney, a tech analyst at RBC Capital Markets, looked at the company’s slipping profit margins during that period and warned investors to stay away. Mr. Mahaney said he failed to realize $1,500 AMAZON STOCK PRICE Monthly, adjusted for splits Early on, Amazon figured out how to tame Wall Street and its fixation on short-term results. The company has persuaded investors to evaluate its performance not based on its quarter-to-quarter profits, but on its long-term potential. JAN. 31, 2018 $1,450.89 $1,200 JUNE 2017 Amazon announces it is buying Whole Foods. $900 APRIL 2015 Amazon discloses cloud computing profits for the first time. MELISSA GOLDEN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Allen Gillespie of FinTrust Investment Advisors is one of the few wondering whether Amazon merits its share price. leadership considerations rather than short-term profitability considerations or short-term Wall Street reactions,” Mr. Bezos wrote in a section of the letter titled, “It’s All About the Long Term.” Mr. Bezos has been true to his word. Amazon has reported an annual profit in only 13 of the 21 years that it has operated as a publicly traded company, according to FactSet, a financial data firm. An Amazon spokesman declined to comment. And its profit margins, already low by some measures, have fluctuated from year to year — hardly moving in the straight upward line that Wall Street usually likes to see. Yet investors have rewarded Amazon for plowing its profits back into growing its businesses, whether in online retail, cloud computing or, most recently, in grocery stores, with the acquisition of JUNE 2000 JANUARY 2002 NOVEMBER 2007 Bond analyst issues report warning that Amazon could run out of cash in a year. Amazon announces a quarterly profit for the first time ever. Amazon releases the Kindle e-reader. $600 $300 $0 ’98 ’99 ’00 ’01 ’02 ’03 $180 billion ’04 ’05 ’06 ’08 ’09 ’10 ’11 + $3 billion REVENUE 150 ’07 ’12 ’13 ’14 ’15 ’16 ’17 ’18 $12 billion NET INCOME FREE CASH FLOW + 2 8 + 1 6 0 4 + 1 2 120 90 60 30 No data before ’01 0 + 2 ’97 Sources: Reuters; Amazon.com ’07 ’17 0 ’97 ’07 ’17 ’97 ’07 ’17 THE NEW YORK TIMES “that all that spending on R.&D. was a bullish sign for the future.” He has had a buy rating on the company for more than a decade. Those long-term investments, which Amazon didn’t detail at the time, eventually gave rise to some of the company’s most profitable businesses, like its cloud-computing unit, Amazon Web Services. The success of the cloud-computing business proved a tipping point. If investors allowed Amazon to spend time and money investing, patience would pay off. Investors are now awaiting the payoff from Amazon’s foray into groceries with its $13 billion acquisition of Whole Foods last spring. How it plans to integrate hundreds of brick-and-mortar stores with its core e-commerce business is far from clear. By now, Wall Street has been well trained to believe that Amazon has a strategy for Whole Foods and that it will take time to carry it out. “What the market finally figured out is Amazon is extremely good at investing those dollars,” said Mr. Miller, of Miller Value Partners. Ultimately, much of the investor confidence in Amazon reflects a belief in its future opportunity — what investors frequently call a company’s “addressable market.” For Amazon, the addressable market in retail is roughly $5 trillion in the United States and many times that globally, Mr. Miller said. And that’s not even including the traditional informationtechnology market that Amazon Web Services is attacking. “I asked Jeff what the addressable market is for A.W.S.,” Mr. Miller said. “He just looked at me and said, ‘Trillions and trillions.’ ” Online spending represents less than 10 percent of total retail spending, and Amazon captures almost half of every dollar spent in online shopping by Americans. Even Mr. Gillespie, the skeptic, acknowledges that Amazon is “operating extremely well.” But he questions whether years of low interest rates have helped inflate Amazon’s value because investors are so starved for return, they are willing to overlook some of the risks. Those risks, he said, include regulators deciding the company is growing too large or not paying its fair share in taxes. “People tend to assume away these things,” he said. Stephen Grocer contributed reporting. .. 8 | TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION business How sales can stumble over culture and biology DEODORANT, FROM PAGE 1 PHOTOGRAPHS BY GEORGE ETHEREDGE FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Colossal Media painters — who call themselves “wall dogs” — working on a mural in Manhattan. The advertisement, showing the rapper Kendrick Lamar, was for Spotify, which could have paid half as much for a vinyl billboard. Hand-painted ads in a digital age BY JAMIE LAUREN KEILES Some punk kids have no dreams at all. Paul Lindahl was a skater and a drummer in a band when he found himself dreaming of painting advertisements. “There was a paint production company in Portland, Oregon,” he said. “I was like, oh my God, that’s amazing. Big-format murals — I want to do that.” Before the advent of low-cost vinyl plotters, large-format hand-painted murals were the norm for advertisements in cities across America. Mural painting was a trade passed on through a system of informal apprenticeship, much like plumbing or tattooing. By the mid-1990s, when Mr. Lindahl started dreaming, opportunities for new painters were few and far between. Hand-painted ads had become a niche product, an expensive last resort in landmark districts with strict signage laws. Mr. Lindahl got a job and worked his way up at a local paint production company, sometimes making stencils in 30hour shifts. “I eventually got canned from there because I was out doing graffiti, got arrested, couldn’t come to work or whatever,” he said. He moved around, repeating this pattern at the last remaining hand-painting companies in San Francisco and Los Angeles. “I thought, let me just try out all these different cities, chase the tail of the dragon of this thing that’s dying,” he said. Like many others who are chronically unemployable, Mr. Lindahl eventually went into business for himself. He founded a company, Colossal Media, in 2004, from a one-car garage in Brooklyn. His co-founders were his friends Adrian Moeller and Patrick Elasik, who had started the graffiti magazine Mass Appeal. (Mr. Elasik died in 2005.) The slogan was “Always Handpaint.” By then, even vinyl plotters had been replaced by affordable digital printing. “As we got into it, we realized nobody wanted it. It was archaic. It was untrustworthy,” Mr. Lindahl said. “Up until that point, the quality had just nose-dived because people were trying to get to the dollar.” Some of Colossal’s earliest murals were for video games and alcoholic drinks — products that profit from a grittier aesthetic. It took a few years for Colossal’s hand-painting to earn the trust of more conservative brands. Mr. Lindahl attributes his eventual success to meticulous quality but also coincidence. The nascent hipster culture of the mid-2000s favored D.I.Y. and “homegrown stuff.” Its consumers associated obsolescence with authenticity, reviving bygone trades like butchering, woodworking and, yes, hand-painting. On newly influential social media platforms, corporate brands increasingly sought to associate their products with meaningful experiences. Colossal’s murals fostered on-the-street engagement, which often spilled over to Instagram. Today, the brand is no longer tied to a warehouse aesthetic. Recent clients include Adidas, Coca-Cola and the Gagosian Gallery. “We’re doing work with Gucci, Yves Saint Laurent — fashion brands that I can’t even say because they’re French companies or whatever,” Mr. Lindahl said. “They get the value. It’s more than just this flashing ad, forcing information Jason Coatney, above, one of Colossal’s painters, working on the Spotify mural. Paul Lindahl, below, a Colossal Media founder, at the company warehouse. “It’s more than just this flashing ad, forcing information down your face,” Mr. Lindahl said of hand-painted ads. down your face. People that like what we do stop and choose to enjoy it.” Colossal may be the world’s largest hand-painting-only advertisement company, leasing 120 walls across America. In New York City, 20 of those are in Manhattan, and 68 are in Brooklyn. Many of these walls are at sidewalk level. Others, like the wall at 305 Canal Street in the Soho neighborhood of Manhattan, are several stories above the street. On a recent Tuesday, around dawn, Colossal’s team of “wall dogs” rode out to SoHo to prep the Canal Street space for a Spotify mural that would feature an image of the rapper Kendrick Lamar. Six stories up, on a 28-inch-wide plank, they transferred the outline of his 12-foot face, using handmade stencils and bags of charcoal dust. The mural would take five days to complete and require 13 shades of paint. It cost Spotify twice as much as a vinyl billboard. “Hanging off the side of a building and painting somebody’s advertisements just doesn’t add up,” said Jason Coatney, one of Colossal’s 27 wall dogs. “It’s more expensive. It’s more dangerous. It’s time-consuming.” Like other novelties of the post-hip- ster age, the source of the value is not just the finished work, but also the tedious and rarefied conditions of its production. The spectacle of painters hanging from a wall is as much Colossal’s product as the murals themselves. Colossal offers time-lapse footage and photos for clients to share on social channels. While studio painters can step back and check their work, wall dogs paint close up at a large scale. A few wrong strokes can quickly send a mural off course. “Kendrick Lamar’s face isn’t like anybody else’s face, but it’s similar,” said Mr. Coatney, painting high above Canal Street. “You start with the big similarities, and then you make it him.” Mr. Coatney helps run Colossal’s training program, a formalized version of the apprenticeships that preserved hand-painting knowledge in the past. His apprentice on the Spotify mural was Will Krieg, 24, whose father also works as a sign painter, in Colorado. “Half our crew has an art history background,” Mr. Coatney said. “You know, they went to art school and have a degree. And then the other half has no traditional art experience, and they came in really raw with a lot of drive.” Mr. Lindahl describes his staff as mostly “punk kids” and “misfits.” They range in age from 21 to 67 and are almost exclusively male. This gender imbalance reflects a broader imbalance in physical, hands-on trades in general. “If you’ve got the heart, if you’ve got the persistence, if you’ve got the desire — and you’ve got some life experience that supports that — we can make a wall dog out of you,” Mr. Lindahl said. Mr. Lindahl recognizes the sellout-ish nature of a bunch of punks painting advertisements, but he’s proud to offer a conventional path for artists who may otherwise contend with instability. He says the average wall dog makes $80,000 per year, with health insurance and a retirement savings plan. To him, these are better terms than working in the studio of a contemporary artist like Jeff Koons. “They’ll get 60 artists because there’s a show coming up. Then the show passes and everybody’s fired,” he said. “Here, if you come in the door, we’re not a steppingstone. The hope is that you spend your entire career with us.” Five days later, from down on the street, the face of Kendrick Lamar looked so precise that nobody would have guessed it was painted by hand. Then one person stopped to take a photo, and others began to look skyward and do the same. The mural was scheduled to stay up for a month. By the end of January, it was painted over with white. “Some of the really old walls, if you took a big chip off, there would be, like, a quarter-inch of years and years of corporations trying to sell you stuff,” Mr. Coatney said. This cycle may seem bleak, but for Mr. Coatney, ephemerality is another day at work. “I don’t feel sad, because when I see that happening I know that it’s putting food on a bunch of people’s tables,” he said. “If they’re just sitting there dormant, it means we’re not doing something right. They’re not meant to last forever. It’s just paint.” have prospered in part by selling aspirational products to Chinese consumers who want to show the world that they have made it. That task is tougher for products that nobody sees. “It has to be something visible or something you can smell,” said Ye Tan, an independent economist in Shanghai. “Deodorant fails partly because it is invisible.” The products have their Chinese adherents. Cai Qianyi, a 38-year-old media professional in Beijing, started using deodorant in 2006, when he was studying in France. He doesn’t think he has body odor but sees a problem with sweat stains. “Sweat leaving wet spots on your Tshirt in the summer is extremely ugly, especially around the armpits, which could be really socially embarrassing,” Mr. Cai said. But most of his family and friends have no idea what deodorant is, he said. Once, a cousin mistook his deodorant stick for perfume and asked him why it was solid. When global deodorant makers began their foray into China, they highlighted the social embarrassment caused by perspiration. Their central message was a proven winner in the West: Sweating will get you shunned socially and ruin your chances for romance. That pitch fell on deaf ears in China, said Lucia Liu, an assistant manager for skin care at Unilever who was involved in Rexona’s marketing from 2011 to 2016. “The traditional thinking here is that sweating is good because it helps people detox,” Ms. Liu said. “There is a marketing barrier that is really hard to overcome.” Chinese health websites have long promoted the benefits of sweating, including immunity raising, memory enhancement and skin rejuvenation. To many Chinese, perspiration is a natural part of metabolism that should not be blocked. There’s another reason few Chinese consumers buy deodorant: biology. Scientists in recent years have shown that many East Asians, a group that includes China’s ethnic Han majority, have a gene that lowers the likelihood of a strong “human axillary odor” — scientist-speak for body stink. That lowers the likelihood that they will use deodorant to begin with, accord- Companies have prospered in part by selling aspirational products to Chinese consumers who want to show the world that they have made it. ing to a 2013 study by researchers at the University of Bristol and Brunel University in Britain, after a survey of nearly 6,500 women of various backgrounds. “It is likely that deodorant usage is not widely adopted because there is, for much of the East Asia population, no need for it,” the researchers said. (For those curious about such matters, that same genetic difference also leads to drier earwax.) Unilever was not deterred. It deployed traditional marketing tools, including signing top celebrities to appear in TV ads, in-store product sampling and sweat tests, and concert sponsorships. Many of its efforts seem tone deaf in retrospect. A series of Rexona print ads portrayed a person’s armpits as potential threats to others. In one, a gunslinger — his armpit hovering over the scene in the foreground — appears to take down his opponent without touching his revolver. In a similar ad, a boxer appears to knock out his opponent with little more than his aroma. Ng Tian It, a Singaporean creative director who oversaw the ad campaign, was proud of the look. But he said the ads appeared to be out of touch with many Chinese consumers unfamiliar with Old West shootouts, professional boxing and the prospect of offensive underarm smells. “The series of advertisements we designed relied on the Western sense of humor,” he said. “Not many Chinese would understand this.” Deodorant sales in the United States reached $4.5 billion in 2016, according to Euromonitor, a market research firm. China’s total: $110 million. Deodorant also does not sell well in other East Asian markets: Japan’s sales that year were about one-tenth those of the United States. Companies hoping to sell deodorant in China have had to appeal to other senses. Nivea, a brand owned by the Germany company Beiersdorf, has tried to lure female Chinese consumers by introducing deodorants with whitening functions, to cater to a market where fair skin often confers social status. Simon Cao, Nivea’s China marketing director, said that the deodorant was popular but that “the room for growth is very limited.” “We will not spend too much energy on deodorant, because the investment is not proportional to the return,” Mr. Cao said. .. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 | 9 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION Opinion Latin America’s female leadership void Quota laws for female political candidates have not fully changed traditional attitudes about who should lead a country. Jennifer M. Piscopo SANTIAGO, CHILE After President Mi- chelle Bachelet of Chile leaves office in March, Latin America will have no female presidents. There was a time in 2014 when the region had four: Laura Chinchilla in Costa Rica, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner in Argentina, Dilma Rousseff in Brazil and Ms. Bachelet. Now, Latin America is left with few prospects for female presidents in the near future. More than most regions, Latin America has used affirmative-action laws to close the gender gap in political leadership. But to hold these gains, and to help ensure that women continue to rise to top political positions, Latin America needs to understand the limits of legal remedies for pulling women up. Quota laws for female legislative candidates have created opportunities for women to advance in politics, but they have not fully transformed traditional attitudes about who should Parties with fewer seats to lead a country. Women entered win appear national congresses less likely to in significant numtake chances bers thanks to genon women. der quotas. Argentina passed the world’s first quota law for female candidates for Congress in 1991, requiring political parties to nominate women for at least 30 percent of the open positions. It was recently updated so that half of parties’ congressional slates must be women. Today, all but two Latin American countries have a quota or parity law for legislative candidates. Women hold more than 35 percent of legislative seats in Costa Rica, Ecuador, Mexico and Nicaragua. Bolivia has a majority-female legislature. In the United States, by comparison, women make up just 19 percent of the House of Representatives and 22 percent of the Senate. Many of these quota laws do more than increase the number of female candidates. Many require political parties to place women in favorable ballot positions and to allocate portions of their budget to training female leaders. But while affirmative-action laws help women get ahead, they do not save them from political crises. Ms. Bachelet, Mrs. Kirchner, Ms. Rousseff and Ms. Chinchilla led popular incumbent parties when they were elected president, in a region already accustomed to female leaders. The three presidents on the left — Ms. Bachelet, Mrs. Kirchner and Ms. Rousseff — also benefited from the “pink tide,” a wave of leftist leadership that swept Latin America from 1998 to 2016. In this period, the region was buoyed by a commodities boom. Flush with resources, countries expanded social protections for workers, the poor, indigenous peoples, L.G.B.T. people and women. Then the party ended: Economies declined and security concerns increased. Citizens became disillusioned, and the traditional parties and their coalitions broke apart. Voters decided to throw most incumbents out, men and women alike. But the women fell harder than the men, making clear that there is still a double standard for male and female SARAH MAZZETTI leaders. Ms. Chinchilla’s presidency was widely seen as a failure, even though the economy grew 4 percent to 5 percent during her term. Ms. Bachelet’s favorability nose-dived following allegations that her son and daughter-inlaw profited illicitly from real estate, while President-elect Sebastián Piñera apparently suffered no ill effects from allegations that he faked invoices to illegally finance a campaign. In 2016, Congress impeached Ms. Rousseff and removed her from her office for accounting practices that were long held as normal in Brazil, and with no evidence of her personal en- richment. Upon taking over from Ms. Rousseff, President Michel Temer chose only white men for his new cabinet, in a country where nonwhites are the majority. Mr. Temer recently faced accusations of corruption more serious than those against Ms. Rousseff, including allegations that he ordered his subordinates to pay hush money. He survived his impeachment vote. Neither the left nor the right in Latin America appears to want female candidates these days. The left, favored to win after Ms. Chinchilla’s departure in Costa Rica, passed over the longtime political leader Epsy Campbell Barr. A prominent politician of African descent, Ms. Campbell Barr lost her bid for the party’s nomination for president despite having approval ratings higher than those of her male competitors. And on the right, the Mexican politician and former first lady Margarita Zavala had strong poll numbers but no path to winning the nomination. She recently started an independent campaign for the presidency — in a video criticizing the party for closing ranks against her. These are not isolated events. My research shows that political parties from the left and right nominate fewer women when voters think the economy is doing poorly. Political parties on both sides also nominate fewer women when there is increased competition. In Latin America, disillusionment has fueled the growth of new parties. More choices for voters means fewer seats for each party — and parties with fewer seats to win appear less likely to take chances on women. More women in office also does not mean less discrimination or harassment. The glass ceiling remains. While Latin America outpaces the global average for women in senior management roles, women hold only 5 PISCOPO, PAGE 11 #MeToo and law’s limitations Sexual harassment laws couldn’t work until society started believing women. Catharine A. MacKinnon The #MeToo movement is accomplishing what sexual harassment law to date has not. This mass mobilization against sexual abuse, through an unprecedented wave of speaking out in conventional and social media, is eroding the two biggest barriers to ending sexual harassment in law and in life: the disbelief and trivializing dehumanization of its victims. Sexual harassment law — the first law to conceive sexual violation in inequality terms — created the preconditions for this moment. Yet denial by abusers and devaluing of accusers could still be reasonably counted on by perpetrators to shield their actions. Many survivors realistically judged reporting pointless. Complaints were routinely passed off with some version of “she wasn’t credible” or “she wanted it.” I kept track of this in cases of campus sexual abuse over decades; it typically took three to four women testifying that they had been violated by the same man in the same way to even begin to make a dent in his denial. That made a woman, for credibility purposes, one-fourth of a person. Even when she was believed, noth- ing he did to her mattered as much as what would be done to him if his actions against her were taken seriously. His value outweighed her sexualized worthlessness. His career, reputation, mental and emotional serenity and assets counted. Hers didn’t. In some ways, it was even worse to be believed and not have what he did matter. It meant she didn’t matter. These dynamics of inequality have preserved the system in which the more power a man has, the more sexual access he can get away with compelling. It is widely thought that when something is legally prohibited, it more or less stops. This may be true for exceptional acts, but it is not true for pervasive practices like sexual harassment, including rape, that are built into structural social hierarchies. Equal pay has been the law for decades and still does not exist. Racial discrimination is nominally illegal in many forms but is still widely practiced against people of color. If the same cultural inequalities are permitted to operate in law as in the behavior the law prohibits, equalizing attempts — such as sexual harassment law — will be systemically resisted. This logjam, which has long paralyzed effective legal recourse for sexual harassment, is finally being broken. Structural misogyny, along with sexualized racism and class inequalities, is GABRIELLA DEMCZUK FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Democratic House members wore black last week in solidarity against sexual assault. being publicly and pervasively challenged by women’s voices. The difference is, power is paying attention. Powerful individuals and entities are taking sexual abuse seriously for once and acting against it as never before. No longer liars, no longer worthless, today’s survivors are initiating consequences none of them could have gotten through any lawsuit — in part because the laws do not permit relief against individual perpetrators, but more because they are being believed and valued as the law seldom has. Women have been saying these things forever. It is the response to them that has changed. Revulsion against harassing behav- ior — in this case, men with power refusing to be associated with it — could change workplaces and schools. It could restrain repeat predators as well as the occasional and casual exploiters that the law so far has not. Shunning perpetrators as sex bigots who take advantage of the vulnerabilities of inequality could transform society. It could change rape culture. Sexual harassment law can grow with #MeToo. Taking #MeToo’s changing norms into the law could — and predictably will — transform the law as well. Some practical steps could help capture this moment. Institutional or statutory changes could include prohibitions or limits on various forms of secrecy and nontransparency that hide the extent of sexual abuse and enforce survivor isolation, such as forced arbitration, silencing nondisclosure agreements even in cases of physical attacks and multiple perpetration, and confidential settlements. A realistic statute of limitations for all forms of discrimination, including sexual harassment, is essential. Being able to sue individual perpetrators and their enablers, jointly with institutions, could shift perceived incentives for this behavior. The only legal change that matches the scale of this moment is an Equal Rights Amendment, expanding the congressional power to legislate against sexual abuse and judicial interpretations of existing law, guaranteeing equality under the Constitution for all. But it is #MeToo, this uprising of the formerly disregarded, that has made untenable the assumption that the one who reports sexual abuse is a lying slut, and that is changing everything already. Sexual harassment law prepared the ground, but it is today’s movement that is shifting gender hierarchy’s tectonic plates. teaches law at the University of Michigan and Harvard. Her most recent book, on 40 years of activism, is “Butterfly Politics” (Harvard, 2017). CATHARINE A. MACKINNON .. 10 | TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION opinion Hanging up their head scarves A.G. SULZBERGER, Publisher Nahid Siamdoust DEAN BAQUET, Executive Editor MARK THOMPSON, Chief Executive Officer JOSEPH KAHN, Managing Editor STEPHEN DUNBAR-JOHNSON, President, International TOM BODKIN, Creative Director JEAN-CHRISTOPHE DEMARTA, Senior V.P., Global Advertising SUZANNE DALEY, Associate Editor ACHILLES TSALTAS, V.P., International Conferences CHARLOTTE GORDON, V.P., International Consumer Marketing JAMES BENNET, Editorial Page Editor HELEN KONSTANTOPOULOS, V.P., International Circulation JAMES DAO, Deputy Editorial Page Editor HELENA PHUA, Executive V.P., Asia-Pacific KATHLEEN KINGSBURY, Deputy Editorial Page Editor SUZANNE YVERNÈS, International Chief Financial Officer HOW MR. TRUMP CAN KEEP HIS PROMISES If the president wants to deal with the opioid crisis and fix America’s infrastructure, there are many good ideas for him to consider. President Trump has correctly identified two big challenges that Americans want him to tackle this year — the opioid epidemic and the country’s dilapidated and overstretched infrastructure. Mr. Trump promised to address these vexing issues last year, too, but made almost no progress. Perhaps this year he will take them seriously because he and his party want to impress voters ahead of the November elections. If so, there are many good ideas the White House and Congress ought to consider. The Opioid Crisis This is a daunting epidemic that has steadily gotten worse. Drug overdose deaths nearly doubled in 10 years, to more than 64,000 in 2016, a large majority of them from heroin and other opioids. Mr. Trump doesn’t have to look far to figure out what has to be done. His Commission on Combating Drug Addiction and the Opioid Crisis released a detailed report in November on this very issue. One recommendation was for the government to increase access to substance abuse treatment. The administration could do so by demanding that health insurance companies cover such care. Federal law already requires insurers to cover addiction treatment and other mental health services, but many do not include those services in their networks of doctors and hospitals, according to a recent report. The commission said the administration and Congress should give the Department of Labor the authority to penalize insurance companies that do not adequately cover addiction treatment. The president should also ask Congress to dedicate more money for treatment. But that’s unlikely since the White House is reportedly considering slashing the budget of the Office of National Drug Control Policy, which coordinates the federal government’s activities in this area. The commission also called on the government and insurers to encourage greater use of opioid alternatives like physical therapy and nonaddictive painkillers. Some doctors and hospitals have been moving in this direction. But experts say many health care providers are still prescribing opioids when they ought to be using alternative treatments. That’s because government programs and private insurers do not cover these alternative services and drugs. Other areas the government ought to focus on include cracking down on drug trafficking and the delivery of potent opioids, like fentanyl, through the postal system. But will Mr. Trump pursue any of these ideas? His record gives little cause for optimism. One indication of how seriously the White House has taken this issue was its appointment last month of a 24-year-old campaign volunteer with no experience in drug policy as the deputy chief of staff of the drug policy office. Outrage followed, and his tenure was cut mercifully short. Fixing Infrastructure Most Americans agree that the United States needs to substantially increase investments in transportation, energy, water and other public works. The American Society of Civil Engineers estimates that the country needs to increase infrastructure spending by $2 trillion to be globally competitive. In his State of the Union speech, Mr. Trump said he wanted to increase investment by $1.5 trillion. But leaked copies of the administration’s infrastructure proposal show that it will include only $200 billion in federal spending. And White House officials have said that this money could come from cutting existing infrastructure spending on things like public transit and Amtrak. Some Republican lawmakers are already arguing that the government cannot afford a big infrastructure package. It’s strange to hear them say that after they just passed a huge tax cut that will raise the federal deficit by $1.5 trillion over a decade. Congress could easily come up with money for transportation. Here are two suggestions: Raise the federal gas tax, which lawmakers last increased in 1993. Even the U.S. Chamber of Commerce supports raising this tax. Or Congress could enact a carbon tax, which would have the added benefit of cutting greenhouse gas emissions. Administration officials appear to think they can fix America’s infrastructure by giving developers tax incentives, moving some money around and eliminating environmental regulations, a favorite target for Mr. Trump and his cronies. These changes, they argue, will be enough to encourage the private sector and state and local governments to do what needs to be done. This is not credible because many states and cities will find it impossible to raise revenue after the Republican tax cuts reduce the deductibility of state and local taxes on federal tax returns. As for the private sector, it’s only likely to invest in projects that come with a lucrative stream of revenue, like toll roads, which have not proved as successful as their promoters had hoped. Mr. Trump has an opportunity to save and improve the lives of millions of people if he puts in place plans to end the opioid epidemic and upgrade the country’s infrastructure. He needs to start taking action, instead of talking about it. On Dec. 27, Vida Movahed stood bareheaded on a utility box on one of Tehran’s busiest thoroughfares, waving her white head scarf on a stick. Within days, images of the 31-year-old, who was detained and then released a few weeks later, had become an iconic symbol. In the weeks since Ms. Movahed’s peaceful protest of the compulsory hijab, long one of the most visible symbols of the Islamic Republic, dozens of women, and even some men, throughout Iran have followed her lead. So far, at least 29 women in cities throughout the country have been arrested. These bold acts of defiance against the hijab are unprecedented in the nearly 40-year history of the Islamic Republic, but a movement that may have helped inspire them has been going on for years. It began on the social media account of a Brooklyn-based Iranian journalist named Masih Alinejad. In 2014, Ms. Alinejad started a Facebook page called “My Stealthy Freedom,” urging women to post images of themselves without the hijab in public places. Last year, she launched “White Wednesdays,” inviting women to wear white scarves on Wednesdays in protest of the compulsory hijab law. (Ms. Movahed carried out her protest on a Wednesday and held a white scarf, though her actual allegiance to Ms. Alinejad’s campaign is unknown). Ms. Alinejad, who worked as a journalist in Iran before emigrating to England in 2009, says her campaign came about by chance. She posted a photo of herself driving her car in Iran without hijab and invited others to share “hidden photos” of themselves on her Facebook page. The overwhelming response — the page now has more than a million followers — prompted her to focus more on the issue. “I was a political reporter, but the women in Iran forced me to care about the issue of personal freedoms,” she told me. For Ms. Alinejad and the protesters, the struggle against the compulsory hijab is about regaining a woman’s control over her own body, not a matter of questioning the validity of the hijab itself. Now that bareheaded women are joined in these acts by women who proudly wear the full-body chador, it is clear that the movement on the ground is also about a woman’s right to choose how to dress — something that, over the past century, various Iranian leaders have tried to deny. The founder of the Pahlavi dynasty, Reza Shah, banned the hijab, in a gesture of modernization, in 1936, which effectively put some women under house For years, arrest for years since Iranian they could not bear to women have be uncovered in made protests public. The leader of against the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Ruhollah compulsory Khomeini, made the hijab hijab compulsory in secondary to 1979. their fight. Mass protests by Now, young women were unsucwomen are cessful in overturnmaking it ing the edict. Procentral. hijab campaigners invented the slogan “Ya rusari ya tusari,” which means “Either a cover on the head or a beating,” and supervisory “committees” — often composed of women in full chadors — roamed the streets and punished women they deemed poorly covered. Those who opposed the strict measure called these enforcer women “Fati commando,” a derogatory term that combines Islam — in the nickname Fati for Fatemeh, the prophet’s daughter — and vigilantism. While the requirements have remained firmly in place, Iranian women have been pushing the boundaries of acceptable hijab for years. Coats have gotten shorter and more fitted and some head scarves are as small as bandannas. This has not gone without notice or punishment: Hijab-related arrests are common and numerous. In 2014, Iranian police announced that “bad hijab” had led to 3.6 million cases of police intervention. But for years, many women’s rights activists have written off the hijab as secondary to other matters such as political or gender equality rights. In 2006, the One Million Signatures for the Repeal of Discriminatory Laws campaign, one of the most concerted efforts undertaken by Iranian feminists to gain greater rights for women, barely mentions the hijab. Iranian feminists have also been determined to distance themselves from the Western obsession with the hijab, almost overcompensating by minimizing its significance. Western feminists who have visited Iran and willingly worn the hijab have also played a hand in normalizing it. But fighting discriminatory policies has not resulted in any real change, as the crushed One Million Signatures campaign proved. So now Ms. Alinejad and a younger generation of Iranian women are turning back the focus on the most visible symbol of discrimination, which, they argue, is also the most fundamental. “We are not fighting against a piece of cloth,” Ms. Alinejad told me. “We are fighting for our dignity. If you can’t choose what to put on your head, they won’t let you be in charge of what is in your head, either.” In contrast, Islamic Republic officials argue that the hijab bestows dignity on women. The government has had a mixed response to the protests. On the day that Vida Movahed climbed on the utility box to protest the hijab, Tehran’s police chief announced that going forward, women would no longer be detained for bad hijab, but would be “educated.” In early January, in response to recent weeks of unrest throughout the country, President Hassan Rouhani went so far as to say, “One cannot force one’s lifestyle on the future generations.” In the past week, faced with a growing wave of civil disobedience, Iran’s general prosecutor called the actions of the women “childish” and the Tehran police said that those who were arrested were “deceived by the ‘no-hijab’ campaign.” But these young women appear undeterred. Their generation is empowered by a new media ecosystem, one that not only unites protesters but also helps to spread potent images of defiance. Ms. Alinejad believes that the movement has already, in a sense, succeeded. “Women are showing that they are no longer afraid,” she said. “We used to fear the government, now it’s the government that fears women.” is a postdoctoral associate of Iranian studies at Yale University and the author of “Soundtrack of the Revolution: The Politics of Music in Iran.” NAHID SIAMDOUST A young Iranian woman waves a white headscarf in protest of her country’s compulsory hijab rule. Driven down the road to war Lawrence Wilkerson Fifteen years ago this week, Colin Powell, then the secretary of state, took to the podium at the United Nations to sell pre-emptive war with Iraq. As his chief of staff, I helped Secretary Powell paint a clear picture that war was the only choice, that when “we confront a regime that harbors ambitions for regional domination, hides weapons of mass destruction and provides haven and active support for terrorists, we are not confronting the past, we are confronting the present. And unless we act, we are confronting an even more frightening future.” Following Mr. Powell’s presentation on that cold day, I considered what we had done. At the moment, I thought all our work was for naught — and despite his efforts we did not gain substantial international buy-in. But polls later that day and week demonstrated he did convince many Americans. I knew that was why he was chosen to make the presentation in the first place: his standing with the American people was more solid than any other member of the Bush administration. President Bush would have ordered the war even without the United Nations presentation, or if Secretary Powell had failed miserably in giving it. But the secretary’s gravitas was a significant part of the two-year-long effort by the Bush administration to get Americans on the war wagon. That effort led to a war of choice with Iraq — one that resulted in catastrophic losses for the region and the United States-led coalition, and that destabilized the entire Middle East. This should not be forgotten today for a clear reason: The Trump administration is using much the same playbook to create a false choice that war is the only way to address the challenges presented by Iran. Just over a month ago, the United States ambassador to the United Nations, Nikki Haley, said that the administration had “undeniable” evidence that Iran was not complying with Security Council resolutions regarding its ballistic missile program and Yemen. Just like Mr. Powell, Ms. Haley showed satellite images and other physical evidence only available to the United States intelligence community to prove her case. But the evidence fell significantly short. It’s astonishing how similar these moments are to Mr. Powell’s 2003 presentation on Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction. And how the Trump administration’s methods overall match those of Bush-Cheney. As I watched Ms. Haley at the Defense Intelligence Agency, I wanted to play the video of Mr. Powell on the wall behind her, so that Americans could recognize instantly how they were being driven down the same path as in 2003 — ultimately to war. Only this war with Iran — a country of almost 80 million people, whose vast strategic depth and difficult terrain makes it a far greater challenge than Iraq — would be 10 to 15 times worse than the Iraq war in terms of casualties and costs. If we want a slightly more official statement of the Trump administration’s plans for Iran, we need only look at the recently-released National Security Strategy, which says: “The longer we ignore threats from countries determined to proliferate and develop weapons of mass destruction, the worse such threats become, and the fewer defensive options we have.” The Bush-Cheney team could not have said it better as it contemplated invading Iraq. The strategy positions Iran as one of the greatest threats America faces, much the same way President Bush framed Saddam Hussein’s Iraq. With China, Russia and North Korea all presenting vastly more formidable challenges to America and its allies than Iran, one has to wonder where team Trump gets its ideas. Though Ms. Haley’s presentation missed the mark, and no one other than the national security elite will even read the strategy, it won’t matter. We’ve seen this before: a campaign built on the politicization of intelligence and shortsighted policy decisions to make the case for war. And the American people have apparently become so accustomed to executive branch warmongering — approved almost unanimously by the Congress — that such actions are not significantly contested. So far, news organizations have largely failed to refute false narratives coming out of the Trump White House on Iran. In early November, media outlets latched onto claims by unnamed AmeriI helped can officials that Colin Powell newly-released prepare his documents from speech Osama bin Laden’s supporting compound reprethe invasion sented “evidence of Iran’s support of Al of Iraq 15 Qaeda’s war with the years ago. United States.” Trump’s adIt’s a vivid remindministration er of Vice President is doing the Dick Cheney’s dessame thing perate attempts in today with 2002-2003 to conjure Iran. up evidence of Saddam Hussein’s relationship with Al Qaeda from detainees at Guantánamo Bay. It harks back to C.I.A. Director George Tenet’s assurances to Mr. Powell that the connection between Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden was ironclad in the lead-up to his United Nations presentation. Today, we know how terribly wrong Mr. Tenet was. Today, the analysts claiming close ties between Al Qaeda and Iran come from the Foundation for Defense of Democracy, which vehemently opposes the Iran nuclear deal and unabashedly calls for regime change in Iran, while taking money from hawks like Sheldon Adelson and Paul Singer, who have made clear what their goals are with Iran. It seems not to matter that 15 of the 19 hijackers on Sept. 11 were Saudis and none were Iranians. Or that, according to the United States intelligence community, of the groups listed as actively hostile to the United States, only one is loosely affiliated with Iran, and Hezbollah doesn’t make the cut. More than ever the Foundation for Defense of Democracies seems like the Pentagon’s Office of Special Plans that pushed falsehoods in support of waging war with Iraq. The Trump administration’s case for war with Iran ranges much wider than Ms. Haley’s work. We should include the president’s decertification ultimatum in January that Congress must “fix” the Iran nuclear deal, despite the reality of Iran’s compliance; the White House’s pressure on the intelligence community to cook up evidence of Iran’s noncompliance; and the administration’s choosing to view the recent protests in Iran as the beginning of regime change. Like the Bush administration before, these seemingly disconnected events serve to create a narrative in which war with Iran is the only viable policy. As I look back at our lock-step march toward war with Iraq, I realize that it didn’t seem to matter to us that we used shoddy or cherry-picked intelligence; that it was unrealistic to argue that the war would “pay for itself,” rather than cost trillions of dollars; that we might be hopelessly naïve in thinking that the war would lead to democracy instead of pushing the region into a downward spiral. The sole purpose of our actions was to sell the American people on the case for war with Iraq. Polls show that we did. Mr. Trump and his team are trying to do it again. If we’re not careful, they’ll succeed. LAWRENCE WILKERSON, a retired Army colonel who teaches at the College of William & Mary, was chief of staff to Secretary of State Colin Powell from 2002 to 2005. .. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 | 11 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION opinion The necessary immigration debate Ross Douthat A bottom-line presidency Timothy Egan Well before The Wall Street Journal reported that a porn star with the meteorological name of Stormy Daniels was paid $130,000 to keep quiet about sex with Donald Trump, it was clear that a bigger and more crass proposition would be emerging from the White House. Going into the midterm elections, Trump is offering this deal to his supporters: Say nothing about the lies, the bullying, the accusations of sexual misconduct from more than a dozen women, the undermining of the rule of law, the abdication of basic decency — and in turn he will make you rich. Essentially, it’s a payoff. Trump himself has framed it this way. When asked about his coming health exam last month, he said, “It better go well, otherwise the stock market will not be happy.” He used the same phrase when talking about his hard-line position on immigration. Both Barack Obama and Bill Clinton oversaw spectacular gains in the stock market — among the best in history. The Dow Jones industrial average rose 227 percent during Clinton’s eight years and 149 percent under Obama. Yet, neither of those men held the market out as hostage to a backward agenda and a deranged personality. Trump is running a bottom-line presidency — as soulless as a Kremlin bot on Facebook — in which people who know better are asked to stay quiet in exchange for a short-term payoff. Modern presidents, dating at least to Ronald Reagan, have urged voters to ask one question going into pivotal elections: Are you better off than you were before? It’s a reasonable standard. But it has never been the leverage for allowing a democracy to collapse. You heard some uplifting words during the State of the Union address, words with all the staying power of vapor from a sewage vent. But a more honest assessment of what this presidency represents came from Trump when he was in his element, surrounded by Mar-a-Lago cronies. “You all just got a lot richer,” he told a bejeweled and pink-faced crowd just a few hours after signing the $1.5 trillion tax cut in December. Even as Trump spoke before Congress on Tuesday, he monetized the speech, with donors paying to have their name live-streamed across a Trump campaign web page. A cartoon in Politico showed a naked Trump with a king’s crown and a golf club walking down a red carpet. “I know, I know,” one man says to another. “Just keep thinking about your “Are you stock portfolio.” better off The question for than you those yet to join the were before?” enablers is: What’s is a reasonthe price — a record able standard. stock market in which 10 percent of But it has Americans own 84 never been percent of the marthe leverage wealth, a tax cut for allowing a ket that burdens the democracy working poor in to collapse. years to come — for saying nothing? Evangelical Christians were among the first to sign on to a Stormy Daniels proposition. In the infamous words of Tony Perkins, president of the Family Research Council, Trump gets a “do-over” for the infidelity allegation. Yes, because nothing says family values like a thrice-married man who allegedly cheats on his latest wife just after she gives birth to their son. And Pat Robertson, the mush-headed moralist who still fogs up many a television screen with his gaseous utterances, told Trump last summer, “I’m so proud of everything you’re doing.” For these self-appointed guardians of the soul, the bargain is bigger than 30 pieces of silver: It’s a promise that Trump will continue to protect their tax-exempt empires, in the name of religious freedom. For Republicans in Congress, the pact is more consequential. They will ignore the pleadings of career law enforcement officials in order to stoke fantasies of a deep-state coup against the president. These politicians are counting on a base that will look the other way as they undermine Robert Mueller’s investigation into Russian tampering with the election. It’s a good bet. After Trump called the American justice system “a joke” and “a laughingstock,” after he fired the F.B.I. director because he would not pledge loyalty to him, after he told another top lawman that his wife was “a loser,” after he referred to members of the intelligence community as “political hacks,” it was all quiet on the Republican front. He can falsely say that his State of the Union speech drew the highest audience in history — in fact, it ranked ninth since 1993 — because this president has told more than 2,000 lies in a year and hasn’t been called out for them by the people who signed on to silence. But what happens if the bargain crumbles? What if the market tanks — as the Dow did in losing more than 500 points a few days ago? Do the sycophants bail? Or do they hold out for something more — like the lobbyists now drafting legislation and gutting regulations that affect the companies that pay them? Beware, those of you who have made your deal with the Stormy Daniels presidency. You can take your settlement money — as the people who signed up for the fraudulent Trump University did — but you still got suckered. TIMOTHY EGAN, a former national correspondent for The Times, writes about the environment, the American West and politics. A hackable political future Fewer female politicians FARRELL, FROM PAGE 1 Imagine what even less scrupulous activists could do with the power to create “video” framing real people for things they’ve never actually done. One harrowing potential eventuality: Fake video and audio may become so convincing that it can’t be distinguished from real recordings, rendering audio and video evidence inadmissible in court. A program called Face2Face, developed at Stanford, films one person speaking, then manipulates that person’s image to resemble someone else’s. Throw in voice manipulation technology, and you can literally make anyone say anything — or at least seem to. The technology isn’t quite there; Princess Leia was a little wooden, if you looked carefully. But it’s closer than you might think. And even when fake video isn’t perfect, it can convince people who want to be convinced, especially when it reinforces offensive gender or racial stereotypes. Another harrowing potential is the ability to trick the algorithms behind self-driving cars to not recognize traffic signs. Computer scientists have shown that nearly invisible changes to a stop sign can fool algorithms into thinking it says yield instead. Imagine if one of these cars contained a dissident challenging a dictator. In 2007, Barack Obama’s political opponents insisted that footage existed of Michelle Obama ranting against “whitey.” In the future, they may not have to worry about whether it actually existed. If someone called their bluff, they may simply be able to invent it, using data from stock photos and pre-existing footage. The next step would be one we are already familiar with: the exploitation of the algorithms used by social media sites like Twitter and Facebook to spread stories virally to those most inclined to show interest in them, even if those stories are fake. It might be impossible to stop the advance of this kind of technology. But the relevant algorithms here aren’t only the ones that run on computer hardware. They are also the ones that undergird our too easily hacked media system, where garbage acquires the perfumed scent of legitimacy with all too much ease. Editors, journalists and news producers can play a role here — for good or for bad. Outlets like Fox News spread stories about the murder of Democratic staff members and F.B.I. conspiracies to frame the president. Traditional news organizations, fearing that they might be left behind in the new attention economy, struggle to maximize “engagement with content.” This gives them a built-in incentive to Democracy spread informational assumes that viruses that enfeeble citizens share the very democratic the same institutions that reality. allow a free media to We don’t. thrive. Cable news shows consider it their professional duty to provide “balance” by giving partisan talking heads free rein to spout nonsense — or amplify the nonsense of our current president. It already feels as though we are living in an alternative science-fiction universe where no one agrees on what it true. Just think how much worse it will be when fake news becomes fake video. Democracy assumes that its citizens share the same reality. We’re about to find out whether democracy can be preserved when this assumption no longer holds. is a professor of political science and international affairs at the George Washington University. RICK PERLSTEIN is the author, most recently, of “The Invisible Bridge: The Fall of Nixon and the Rise of Reagan.” HENRY J. FARRELL PISCOPO, FROM PAGE 9 percent of board seats in six of Latin America’s largest economies. Within legislatures, women rarely lead their parties’ delegations, and they remain absent from the most prestigious committees. In Colombia, a study found that nearly a quarter of female elected officials felt silenced and were denied resources by their parties, and 40 percent of female mayors reported sexist treatment. Sometimes, resistance to female politicians takes violent forms. Parties have long undermined quotas by asking women to resign once elected: Juana Quispe, a councilwoman in Bolivia, was beaten to death for refusing to do so. Gender and parity laws matter, and they have too much public support for politicians to roll them back. Even conservative Chile now has a gender quota for the legislature, which almost doubled the number of women in Congress in the election where the right made a huge comeback. But ending the sexism and hostility that drives women from power requires changing cultural attitudes and ending impunity toward violence against women. Costa Rica has tackled traditional notions about who should lead by applying quotas to the civil-society sector. By law, nonprofit organizations must have gender parity in their top leadership positions. This includes charitable, humanitarian and socialservice organizations, bringing men into positions from which they’ve historically been absent. After all, if more women take power in politics and business, men will need something else to do. is an assistant professor of politics at Occidental College. JENNIFER M. PISCOPO One important task for a columnist is figuring out which ideas can be usefully argued over and which ones can’t. The responses to my column last week urging Democrats to negotiate with Stephen Miller and Donald Trump on immigration, because a deal hammered out with restrictionists would have more durability and democratic legitimacy, were helpfully divided between the first category and the second. The argument-ending rejoinders ran as follows: Trump is a racist, Miller is a racist, and making major deals with them normalizes presidential bigotry. Since I agree that Trump’s race-baiting is disgraceful, I respect that rejoinder, and I don’t think my own arguments are likely to dislodge people from a firm point of moral principle. But another kind of response is worth disputing. Instead of making a moral judgment, it purports to make an empirical one, implying that the serious case for immigration restriction is all but nonexistent, and that negotiating with restrictionists is therefore like negotiating with flatearthers. I want to challenge this view by expanding on two points that I mentioned last week, both of which offer reasons to regard immigration as a normal policy question with costs as well as benefits to any course you choose. First, as mass immigration increases diversity, it reduces social cohesion and civic trust. This is not a universal law, as the economics writer Noah Smith has pointed out; there are counterexamples and ways to resist the trend. However, it is a finding that strongly comports with the real-world experience of Europe and America, where as cultural diversity has increased so has social distrust, elite-populist conflict, and the racial, religious and generational polarization of political parties. Moreover, the trust problem is not a simple matter of racist natives mistrusting foreigners, since social trust is often weakest among minorities — which is one reason why the most diverse generation in American history, the millennials, is also the least trusting. So you can see the political effects of distrust even if you ignore the Trump Republicans entirely: It’s one reason why campus politics are so toxic, why Democrats struggle to keep their diverse coalition politically engaged, and why the Bernie-Hillary contest produced so many cries of racism and sexism. Then linked to these ethno-cultural tensions are the tensions of class, where mass immigration favors stratification and elite self-segregation. In the United States, as in France and England, regions and cities with the largest immigrant populations are often the wealthiest and most dynamic. But this doesn’t mean that poorer regions are dying from their own xenophobia, as is someWhy the case times suggested. The hinterlands are also for limits filled with people is worth who might want to hearing. move to wealthier regions (or who used to live there) but can’t because an immigrants-andprofessionals ecosystem effectively prices out the middle class. It is a testament to immigrants’ grit and determination that they can thrive working long hours for low wages while living in crowded housing with long commutes. But the social order of, say, the Bay Area or greater Paris is not one that can serve for an entire country — and it ill-serves not only lower-middle-class natives but also the descendants of the immigrants themselves, whose ability to advance beyond their parents is limited by a continued arrival of new workers who compete with them for jobs and wages and housing. Thus our rich and diverse states also often feature high poverty rates when their cost of living is considered, while second and third-generation immigrants often drift into the same stagnation as the white working class . . . . . . And they do so out of sight and mind for the winners in this system, who inhabit a world where they only see their fellow winners and their hard-working multiethnic service class. Which in turn encourages them toward mild contempt for their fellow SPENCER PLATT/GETTY IMAGES The Statue of Liberty still keeps a light on for immigrants. countrymen who don’t want to live under a cosmopolitan-ruled caste system, who feel alienated from the Californian or Parisian future. For some pro-immigration Republicans this contempt is Ayn Randian: We’ll all be better off with more hardworking immigrants and fewer shiftless mooching natives. For pro-immigration liberals it’s the predictable cultural triumphalism: The arc of history is long, but thanks to immigration we won’t have to cater to heartland gunclingers any longer. In both cases there’s a fantasy of replacement that’s politically corrosive, and that’s one reason why Donald Trump is president and Jeb! and Hillary are not. Now all of the foregoing is one-sided. It leaves out the real advantages of immigration, economic and humanitarian, which are part of the policy calculus as well — as is the recent decline in illegal immigration, and the fact that the problems I’ve identified are more manageable in America than Europe. Hence my own view that keeping current immigration levels while bringing in more immigrants to compete with our economy’s winners and fewer to compete for low-wage work represents a reasonable middle ground. But the calculus is not simple, a middle ground is actually worth seeking, and recent immigration plays a role not only in America’s greatness, but in our divisions and disappointments as well. Nordic Place Branding Conference 2018 March 7th, Copenhagen How to turn the soft values of your place DNA into digital conversion and business? What gives you the competitive advantage in place branding? Your chance to learn from the world’s most innovative examples, from Singapore to Barcelona to the best of the Nordics. NordicPlaceBranding.com .. 12 | TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION tech Q+a Keeping your older iPhone powered up Asking Siri for news On my Amazon Echo at home, I can ask “What’s new?” and get a briefing from sources I’ve selected for news, business, sports and so on. Is there anything similar to that for an iPhone so I can get this type of information read to me while I’m in the car? Brian X. Chen TECH FIX When Kathryn Schipper discovered in December that her iPhone had slowed down because it needed a new battery, she unknowingly walked into the middle of a growing Apple controversy — and is now mired in the continuing fallout. Late last year, Apple said a software feature was slowing down iPhones that had aged batteries, immediately drawing accusations that the company was trying to force people to upgrade to its newest iPhones. In response, Apple said customers could get their iPhone batteries replaced at its stores for a discounted price of $29, down from $79. Yet when Ms. Schipper, who lives in Seattle, took her iPhone 6 Plus, purchased in 2014, to an Apple store in early January, she was told that the store was out of replacement batteries for at least two weeks. An Apple representative later left her a voice mail message with a new estimated wait time: up to four months. “I feel like I’m waiting outside of a club and the bouncer won’t let me in because I’m not fashionably enough dressed,” Ms. Schipper said in a phone interview. “I’m at the back of the line because I don’t have a fancy phone.” For iPhone owners, Ms. Schipper’s experience does not have to be the way forward. Even as Apple appears to be struggling to keep up with customers asking for new batteries, there are other ways to make sure your smartphone is still running. The workarounds include finding a reputable third-party repair shop, using a battery pack or replacing the battery on your own. Apple may be dealing with the fallout for a while. The company published a lengthy memo in December saying that smartphone batteries became less effective over time and that its software was intended to prevent iPhones with older batteries from unexpected shutdowns. Apple also apologized to customers for the slowdowns, offered discounts for its battery-replacement program and said it would introduce software to gain visibility into the health of a battery. Yet since then, consumer advocacy groups have filed lawsuits against the company for failing to disclose that the software would throttle old iPhones. The United States Justice Department and Securities and Exchange Commission have also started an inquiry into the matter, according to a person with knowledge of the situation, who asked not to be identified because the details were confidential. Bloomberg earlier reported the inquiry. Last week, Apple said in a statement that it had received questions from some government agencies and that it was responding to them; the company did not specify the agencies it had heard from. The Justice Department MINH UONG/THE NEW YORK TIMES declined to comment. As for the wait times that Ms. Schipper and others are experiencing for a battery replacement, a spokeswoman referred to Apple’s support webpage, which states that battery supplies at its stores may be limited. Let’s not wait around. Here’s a guide to other solutions to keep an iPhone running in the absence of an Apple battery replacement. THIRD-PARTY REPAIR SHOPS Plenty of irate Apple customers are turning to local third-party repair shops to get their iPhone batteries replaced. At Mega Mobile Boston, twice as many customers are coming in for iPhone battery replacements than in years past, said Adam Fullerton, the store’s operations manager. Third-party repairs are a decent — but imperfect — solution. One drawback is that they vary in quality; some repair shops buy lower-quality batteries that don’t last. So to find a good shop, rely on word of mouth and reviews on the web, similar to how you might seek out a good car mechanic. Another issue is that if you service your phone with a third-party battery and later take your device in to Apple for repair, the company could refuse to service your phone. So if you go the third-party route, chances are you will have to stick with third-party repair shops through the end of your phone’s life. There’s a less risky route here. On Apple’s support webpage, you can look up third-party repair shops that are authorized by Apple as service providers. These are technicians who have been trained by Apple and carry original parts. But the list is short. If you find a good local fixer, there are plenty of benefits to sticking with one long term. For one, third-party shops tend to have shorter waits. Mr. Fullerton said his shop could typically get an iPhone battery replacement done in about 30 minutes. The process involves opening the device, cleaning away the old waterproofing adhesive, replacing the battery and applying a new waterproofing adhesive. For another, local repair shops make their prices competitive with the manufacturer’s. In the case of batteries, many shops are discounting their battery replacements to match Apple’s $29 pricing. “We’re probably losing money on it with the cost of a half-hour time from a technician,” Mr. Fullerton said. “But it’s like a loss leader in any other industry. If you’re Best Buy and you get them to buy one item at cost, maybe you can teach them something about your business.” Finding a good repair shop can feel daunting, but if you ask around, your peers will probably have recommendations. FIX IT YOURSELF You can always replace an iPhone battery by yourself. The pros: You can choose the best components for repairs and minimize costs. The cons: Learning repairs can be time consuming, and if you mess up, you have no one to blame but yourself. And again, Apple stores could refuse to service your phone if it sees you have repaired it with third-party parts. A good place to start for D.I.Y. repairs is iFixit, a company that provides instruction manuals and components for repairing devices. It is offering discounts on battery replacement kits for older iPhones, which cost $17 to $29. Each kit includes a new battery and the tools for disassembling iPhones. Installing a phone battery can be intimidating. Replacing an iPhone 7 battery, for example, requires eight tools and 28 steps. CARRY A BATTERY PACK If you don’t feel confident hiring a third-party fixer or installing your own battery, you can always wait for Apple to replace your battery. But since that could take weeks or months, don’t suffer with a sapped phone battery in the meantime. A better temporary solution is to invest in a battery pack that you can carry around until replacement batteries arrive at an Apple store. Wirecutter, a New York Times company that reviews products, has tested hundreds of battery packs to recommend a few. My favorite is the Anker PowerCore 20100, which can charge a smartphone every day for a week. Ms. Schipper, the Seattle resident, is considering buying a battery pack. In the meantime, she is constantly plugging her iPhone into a power outlet because her battery lasts only two hours a day. Yet she has resisted what she thinks Apple wants: for her to buy a new phone. “I was tempted to just chuck this phone and suck it up and spend $1,000plus and get the iPhone X,” she said. “I said, ‘No, darn it, I have a budget I’m saving up.’ I’m not going to let Apple push me around.” Uphill climb for installed car navigation units WHEELS BY ERIC A. TAUB How do you get someone to pay hundreds of dollars for an inferior product, when most people already have a better one in their pocket? That’s the problem facing carmakers trying to sell built-in navigation systems when superior alternatives such as Apple Maps, Google Maps and Waze are available for free to anyone with a smartphone — which is almost everybody. Most in-dash navigation systems aren’t as smart as your phone, perhaps lacking traffic data or point-of-interest information, and stuck with clunky update procedures. And solutions like Apple’s CarPlay and Android Auto, which essentially emulate your phone on the screen of your car’s console, force carmakers to cede an important driver experience to third parties. But improvements are on the horizon. In-dash navigation systems will be getting smarter, not just learning your preferences and using data connections for timely updates, but crowdsourcing sensor information from connected vehicles to assess traffic problems and road conditions. And next-generation navigation systems are not just an important way for carmakers to interact with drivers. They are also a crucial step in the development of autonomous vehicles. Garmin and TomTom — companies that became best known for GPS units that sit atop the dash — are also major providers of mapping data and in-dash user interfaces to car manufacturers. TomTom is “collecting data on a large scale, learning how to aggregate it to spot trends in traffic for autonomous vehicles,” its chief executive, Harold Goddijn, said. “All the car manufacturers will need to share that data.” But for now, many carmakers bundle their navigation systems with other features, requiring buyers to take one in order to get something else they actually want. Do you want your gauges to appear on a digital display, instead of a standard instrument panel? Buyers of certain trim levels of some Audi and Volvo models may have to purchase a bundle that includes navigation. Volvo charges an additional $1,400 in its XC60, while Audi’s could cost as much as $3,000, depending on the vehicle. Buyers of Alfa Romeo’s base Giulia model who want Sirius XM satellite radio must take the navigation system, too — at a cost of $1,900. “This business model is not sustainable,” said Don Butler, Ford’s executive director for connected vehicles and services. Even with their limitations, in-dash systems have some advantages. They’re convenient and uncluttered. There’s no need to find a way to suspend a smartphone and its dangling charge cable in the middle of the instrument panel. They use a vehicle’s built-in controls, and there’s no danger of running out of power. But in-dash systems typically store data locally, meaning information may be inaccurate and outdated. Upgrading such systems can be difficult or even impossible. Even when it can be done, it can be a multistep process of downloading new data to a flash drive and then transferring it to the vehicle. In a recent test of a 2015 model-year car, the built-in navigation system had no listing for a winery that has been in business for 15 years. Both Apple Maps and Google Maps found it in a split second. That’s because smartphone navigation apps are cloud-based, con- GERLACH DELISSEN/CORBIS, VIA GETTY IMAGES The 2019 Porsche Cayenne will have a next-generation navigation system from HERE. tinually updated with new information. But in-dash systems are closing the gap. On the way are products that are connected to the cloud and easily upgraded via an over-the-air data connection. Tesla uses over-the-air updates to occasionally renew its maps, while Ford has already used such updates to add CarPlay and Android Auto functionality to models with its Sync 3 system. And soon, maps will rely not just on stored information but on constantly updated data gleaned from a vehicle’s cameras and sensors and data from other drivers. “Pressure from Google Maps and Apple Maps made automobile manufacturers realize they have to step up with over-the-air updates of their maps and their software,” Mr. Goddijn said. Many manufacturers get their map data from third-party companies and then create their own user interface design. HERE, owned by Audi, BMW and Daimler, also supplies data to Ford. Garmin and TomTom provide user interfaces and mapping data for Apple Maps and many vehicle manufacturers, including Honda and Tesla. HERE’s next-generation in-dash navigation technology will debut this year in Audi’s new A8 sedan and the 2019 Porsche Cayenne. The A8 will, among other things, use HERE technology to learn a driver’s route preferences and then make more informed route suggestions. Drivers can use the HERE smartphone app at home to plan a route, which will be automatically transferred to the in-vehicle system. When the driver reaches his or her destination, the app will pick up from there for foot or public transit directions. Along the lines of Amazon’s Alexa flash briefing feature, Apple’s Siri virtual assistant has a new skill to help users keep up with current events. (Apple’s own Echo competitor, the HomePod speaker, is arriving soon.) In response to the command, “Hey, Siri, give me the news,” the software plays the latest newscast from NPR in the United States or other news outlets in some other countries. If you prefer another news source you can tell Siri to switch to Fox News, CNN or an audio update from The Washington Post. If you have news shows in your iPhone’s Podcasts app, you can also order the software to start playing a show by name. If the program does not respond to the sound of your voice saying “Hey, Siri,” check your settings to make sure the hands-free control is enabled. Tap the Settings icon on the home screen, select Siri & Search and turn on the button next to the “Listen for ‘Hey Siri’ ” option. The iPhone 6s or later (or at least an iPad Pro) does not need to be connected to power to use the “Hey, Siri” command, but older models must be plugged in to a charger or USB jack. Alternative ways of summoning Siri include pressing the Home or side buttons, depending on the model of your phone — but are not the safest way of interacting with the phone while driving. The Google Assistant app for Android and for iOS can also handle the request when you say something like, “O.K., Google, I want to listen to the news.” Other third-party apps that stream news shows are available in the App Store. Route-mapping will be handled on HERE’s servers, which will take into account traffic conditions far off the planned path that could nevertheless affect navigation. In addition, map data will include not just the road itself but information on weather, curves, inclines, junctions and city limits, allowing the vehicle to adjust its speed accordingly. In-dash navigation systems will also use information gleaned from a vehicle’s sensors and cameras to position a vehicle in a lane, with accuracy within eight inches. “Our sensor technology will allow us to tell drivers to remain in one lane on a road for the fastest travel time,” Mr. Butler, of Ford, said. Technology from TomTom will let drivers indicate whether they’re looking for the fastest route, or the one with the least stop-and-go traffic, and be instructed accordingly. When a single vehicle using HERE technology passes over a pothole, it will be recorded and subsequent vehicles directed around it. HERE is already accumulating such passively derived road data from 500,000 vehicles across the world. Currently, the company is sharing its data with only its three big German owners. In the United States, about 14 percent of cars on the road have the sensors necessary to transmit road conditions, Mr. Butler said. With the development of autonomous vehicles, that sort of information becomes even more important, enabling a car to learn about road conditions from other vehicles and safely navigate around accidents, tie-ups, potholes and flash floods. “Currently, our in-dash navigation systems are at a disadvantage compared to smartphone apps,” Mr. Butler said. “But soon, we’ll be at an advantage.” THE NEW YORK TIMES Tell the Siri assistant, “Give me the news,” and the software offers up a National Public Radio newscast. Viewing Netflix in French I have a Netflix account for streaming only. Is there a list of all the movies and shows available with Frenchdubbed audio? Netflix supports alternate audio and subtitles in multiple languages for much of its content, but not every show or movie is available in every supported language. One way to see what items are available in French (or another language) in your region is to log into your Netflix account and point your browser to netflix.com/subtitles. On the Audio & Subtitles page, use the drop-down menus to select Audio or onscreen Subtitles, and then choose a language. In the United States, 18 languages (including French, German, Hindi, Spanish, Tagalog and more) are currently listed. Once you have made your menu selections, Netflix shows you the available content. When you have chosen a show you know has French audio available, you need to enable the alternate dialogue track. For smartphones and tablets, start the show, then tap the screen and then tap the word-balloon icon that appears at the top. In the menu that opens, select the language you prefer, such as French, from the list to hear the audio track in that language. Getting to the language setting on a set-top streaming box varies by model, so check your help guide. On the Netflix app on a Roku box, for example, choose a video, select Audio & Subtitles on the description page and pick your language before going back to the description page and pressing the Play button. You can change your preferred default language, style of subtitle text, auto-play preference and more in your Netflix account settings. To get there, log in to Netflix.com, select your profile icon on the right side of the screen and choose Account. J. D. BIERSDORFER .. 14 | TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION Culture ‘Porgy and Bess’ with a white cast BUDAPEST Hungary’s state opera defies the creators’ wish for only black singers BY ALEXANDRA IVANOFF The Hungarian State Opera’s new staging of the Gershwin opera “Porgy and Bess” is raising eyebrows here and abroad. The production, whose fourperformance run will end Thursday, features a predominantly white cast in a work whose authors intended it to be staged by black performers. This landmark 1935 opera, based on a novel and a subsequent play, is set in the fictional African-American community of Catfish Row in Charleston, S.C. It is the love story of a beggar with a disability and a drug-addicted woman in an impoverished community, struggling with violence and racism. In the production in Budapest, the action has been transplanted to a refugee camp in an airplane hangar, at an unspecified time and place. The decision to use white singers is contrary to the clear wishes of George and Ira Gershwin, whose estates stipulate that the opera be performed only by black casts. The production raises questions about race and representation, and shows how differently the opera is regarded in the United States and Central Europe. A government-friendly website wrote, “Only blacks used to be able to perform this opera because of racist restrictions.” In 1935, George Gershwin turned down a hefty commission to have the Metropolitan Opera produce “Porgy and Bess,” and he rebuffed Al Jolson’s interest in performing the work, because both would have done it in blackface. The Hungarian State Opera did, however, present the opera using blackface in the 1970s and 1980s, for a total of 144 performances. Although the current production features mostly white performers, they do not present themselves as black. Szilvester Okovacs, the Hungarian State Opera’s general director, said that the current contract the opera house signed with the Gershwin estate’s agents, Tams-Witmark in New York, did not contain any clause specifying casting limitations. In recounting a conversation that took place during negotiations, Mr. Okovacs explained, “They said only an all-black cast, nothing else.” “But we didn’t see it in the contract,” he added. “We have the contract, and it is without this language.” However, he said, the opera house was instructed by Tams-Witmark to add a sentence to all printed materials stating that the production was taking place without authorization and “is contrary to the requirements for the presentation of the work.” Tams-Witmark confirmed this instruction but did not reply to requests for further information. This statement now appears on advertisements for the opera throughout the city. Mr. Okovacs said that the point of this production was to take the opera “out of context, so it can’t relate to any specific place.” Although the setting is said to be an airport, it is reminiscent of real-life scenes in a Budapest train station in 2015, where migrants and refugees camped for weeks before most of them PHOTOGRAPHS BY PETER RAKOSSY Top and above, two views of the new “Porgy and Bess” at the Hungarian State Opera, which presented it using blackface in the 1970s and 1980s. This time, the action has been transplanted to a refugee camp in an airplane hangar, at an unspecified time and place. proceeded to other countries. Hungary’s prime minister, Viktor Orban, and the right-wing government he leads have been on the offensive since then over the European Union’s migration policies, which require member states to resettle a quota of refugees. Last month, at a meeting in Budapest of the Visegrad Group, an alliance of Central European nations, Mr. Orban said, “We do not wish to become a destination country for migrants.” The media here has offered widespread support to Mr. Okovacs for bringing back a popular production after decades. Origo, a government-friendly news website, published an article with the headline “Only blacks used to be able to perform this opera because of racist restrictions.” And the online theater magazine Szinhaz welcomed what it referred to as the Hungarian State Opera’s “breaking the ice” by staging the opera with “its excellent Hungarian singers.” Many conservative columnists, including in the daily Magyar Nemzet, have denounced the “political correctness” of performing the opera only with a black cast. “Political correctness is slowly devouring aesthetics,” one columnist said. The director of the production, Andras Almasi-Toth, told Szinhaz that “while performance and staging solu- tions have progressed — we play, sing and stage Puccini differently from 50 years ago — this opera was left out, which makes for a very sterile production. It can only take place on Catfish Row in the 1930s, which gives it a fairytale like quality, devoid of its real-life aspects.” In a telephone interview, Dr. Ronald Crutcher, an African-American music scholar and president of the University of Richmond, in Virginia, said that he thought the idea of transplanting “Porgy and Bess” to somewhere other than Catfish Row was “fascinating” but added that “the whole notion of recasting the story as an immigrant struggle is hard to imagine. It’s an iconic piece that was written at a critically important time, particularly in America,” he continued. But awareness of this is limited here in Hungary. Adam Kertesz, 69, an academic who was in the audience for the production’s premiere, said he was unfamiliar with the opera’s historical context. “I didn’t know about all that,” Mr. Kertesz said. “I just love the music. I saw the 1983 production of ‘Porgy’ here. The singers blackened their faces, but I didn’t know what that meant in the U.S. The music is what I remember.” Palko Karasz contributed reporting from London. Sexy supernova to affable bro ALBUM REVIEW The first record since 2013 from Justin Timberlake largely avoids the present BY JON CARAMANICA We are now approaching the 12th year of the delusion that Justin Timberlake remains an essential pop star. This is partly because subsequent editions have lacked his flair, his comfort with the combination of expressiveness and neediness that’s essential to sustained stardom. And also his talents: Peak Timberlake was lithe, lightly carnal, effortless. His first two solo albums, “Justified” and “FutureSex/LoveSounds,” were standardbearers of how to grow boy-band unctuousness into grown-man smolder. He was a rocket. Since then, he’s returned to earth. Whether exploring funk or cheery soundtrack cheese, he’s been in a kind of slow retreat from the spotlight, while somehow remaining at its center. He remains one of pop’s leading figures — on Sunday, he was the featured performer at the Super Bowl halftime show, 14 years after his participation in the wardrobe malfunction that derailed Janet Jackson’s career but left him largely unscathed. Who is asking for this state of affairs to continue? Not Mr. Timberlake, who on his sometimes convincing, sometimes limp new album “Man of the Woods” — his first since the two volumes of “The 20/20 Experience” in 2013 — is at his most idiosyncratic, his most historically minded and his most anonymous. Mr. Timberlake, in his post ‘N Sync years, has had two real friends: Timbaland and the Neptunes. They made his first two albums beacons of forwardthinking soul, buffeting a still soft-atthe-edges Timberlake with a strong conceptual framework he could claim as his own. But in the years since “FutureSex/ LoveSounds,” the last great Timberlake album, those producers have evolved from reliable, zeitgeist-shaping hitmakers to preservationists. For this phase of Mr. Timberlake’s career — he is 37 now, a sometime actor and Jimmy Fallon foil, and far from the warp-speed engines that change the sound of pop — that’s a perfect fit. “Man of the Woods” posits Mr. Timberlake not as a sex-symbol soul supernova, but as an affable bro who enjoys the funk, soul and disco of the 1970s. The music here is tactile and warm: erotically lush disco on “Montana,” offhand Southern gospel on “Young Man,” casual country-funk on the title track. Timbaland and the Neptunes handle Left, Justin Timberlake onstage in September, and above, his new album. JOHN SHEARER/GETTY IMAGES the vast majority of the production, and most of it looks backward, not forward. The Neptunes, especially, thrive with this approach, especially on “Higher Higher,” a gleaming 1970s soundtrack homage. There are outliers — the throbbing pulse of “Filthy” has reverberations of acid house, and “Supplies” suggests someone has been listening to Migos — but for much of this album, Mr. Timberlake is content to live in the past. What’s more, Mr. Timberlake has a third friend now: Chris Stapleton, stoic king of earthen country music, who appears here a few times as a songwriter, on guitar and on “Say Something,” in duet. His writing, especially on “The Hard Stuff,” is evocative. (That song would sound better sung by Mr. Stapleton.) And on “Say Something,” he sings with grounded purpose. Early whispers about this album, prompted in part by a video teaser in which Mr. Timberlake wore fringe and frolicked on a plain, suggested Mr. Timberlake was embracing American roots and country music. But while it turns out that visual marketing tactic wasn’t much more than that — in the eyes of some, it was meant to telegraph a return to whiteness for an artist who’s always openly flirted with black aesthetics — there was some truth embedded therein. How Mr. Timberlake goes about it, though, is novel. Rather than bow explicitly to country music, he revisits its greasy overlaps with funk. The guitars on this album often bend, but the basslines are punchy, too. That musicology lesson is the loudest part of this album, certainly louder than Mr. Timberlake, whose reticence is a recurring feature here. His vocals often recede so far in the mix that their inherent sweetness gets lost. And his words often fall short, serving as a better a rhythmic component than an emotional one. His lyrics are cheesy, or simply empty — that’s harmless when the production sparkles, but they glow with a radioactive tint when it’s not, like on the tacky “Wave” (“We’re getting better, aging like your favorite wine/I’ve got on rose-colored glasses, you’re batting your eyelashes”) or the inexplicable “Livin’ Off the Land,” which suggests a never-made 1970s hicksploitation film. Mr. Timberlake is at his best on “Man of the Woods” when he sounds as if he’s fronting a family band. (Sometimes, that’s literal, as both his wife and son have credited vocals on this album.) In an exceedingly un-popstar way, the whole of these songs is far greater than his input. He never crowds the room. It’s possible that Mr. Timberlake does not perceive himself — or wish to present himself — as the oxygenhoovering superstar the celebrity ecosystem has long demanded of him. And maybe this album that barely flirts with the sounds of the day is, in actuality, the ultimate superstar indulgence — not too big to fail, but too big to care. .. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 | 15 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION culture Radical, but not chic heavy floor (but not the beams) to reveal the river below. A short, sometimes alarming video provides glimpses of the artist, blowtorch in hand, working from what appears to be a large swing or small platform made of rope and plywood. Last year the Whitney Museum unveiled plans to have David Hammons commemorate “Day’s End” with a full-scale steel outline of the old pier. Perhaps it should include the outlines of Matta-Clark’s cuts. CRITIC’S NOTEBOOK An exhibition captures the spirit of a trailblazing artist of the 1960s and ’70s BY ROBERTA SMITH The small Bronx Museum of the Arts in New York regularly hits above its weight. It is doing so again with “Gordon Matta-Clark: Anarchitect,” a streamlined exhibition of the work of this insurrectionary artist running through April 8. The show creates a remarkably full picture of an irrepressible and unfailingly D.I.Y. maverick who is revered as one of the prime movers in the juggernaut of Conceptual, Process and Performance art that emerged in the late 1960s and ’70s. With a range that few peers equaled, he contributed to all of these genres. Matta-Clark and his twin brother, John Sebastian, were born in New York to the Chilean Surrealist painter Roberto Matta and Anne Clark, an American artist and fashion designer. The parents separated shortly after their birth, and the boys were raised primarily in Greenwich Village by their mother. Matta-Clark (1943-1978) studied architecture at Cornell University and evolved into a kind of urban land artist who used his skills to reshape and transform architecture into an art of structural explication and spatial revelation. He is best known for cutting up derelict buildings scheduled for demolition, turning them into giant temporary installations or extracting fragments from them that he then exhibited as sculpture. This show, organized by Antonio Sergio Bessa, the museum’s director of curatorial and education programs, and Jessamyn Fiore, an independent curator and co-director of the Gordon Matta-Clark Estate, is beautifully staged in separate capsules of work. It doesn’t attempt to give us a wide-angle view of Matta-Clark’s brief but prolific and extremely diverse career, barely a decade in length, which ended with his death from pancreatic cancer at the age of 35. It concentrates on his photographs and videos, seen in appropriately large projections, and the ways he constantly fused art and the documentation of art. Nonetheless, the exhibition captures his restless intelligence and, most important, his relationship with the city and the urban landscape, which were sources of both inspiration and material. “Anarchitect” also indicates the freedom that the deterioration of the South Bronx in the 1970s granted him. Following the clarity of the exhibition’s staging, the focus here is on its main works or groupings. ‘UNTITLED (ANARCHITECTURE)’ (1974) Matta-Clark may or may not have known about the 1970 article “Towards Anarchitecture,” by the British architect and theorist Robin Evans, when he started using the subversive hybrid of anarchy and architecture in the mid-1970s, but it perfectly personifies his attitudes. The show begins with a piece consisting of 20 photographs, about half of them stock images of disasters seen from above. Installed outside the exhibition galleries, these visceral images introduce MattaClark’s sense of humor and his mordant eye for violent intersections of the built and natural worlds. The photographs show collapsed buildings and bridges, a housing devel- ‘CONICAL INTERSECT’ (1975) HARRY GRUYAERT © 2017 ESTATE OF GORDON MATTA-CLARK / ARTISTS RIGHTS SOCIETY (ARS), NEW YORK AND DAVID ZWIRNER, NEW YORK ‘WALLS/WALLSPAPER’ (1972) opment leveled by a tornado, train wrecks and floods. In one, cars crowd together on the ramped roadway of a railroad crossing, like rats clinging to driftwood. But the images taken by the artist deepen the mood of life irrevocably disrupted, especially in retrospect. In three, tombstones in a cemetery are seen from different angles. Another reveals the gap of space between the towers of the World Trade Center. And yet another was taken from one of the windows of Matta-Clark’s top-floor loft at 155 Wooster Street in SoHo, from which his twin brother would jump to his death in 1977. The image catches the large ink-black shadow of the building’s profile cast on West Houston Street. HEATHER REYES Clockwise from top: Gordon Matta-Clark, left, and Gerry Hovagimyan working on “Conical Intersect” in 1975; “Bronx Floors,” from 1972-73; and a “Garbage Wall” inspired by those the artist made. ‘SUBSTRAIT’ (1976) Matta-Clark’s interest in tunneling through things is reflected in a series of tours he took with a few friends, armed with a video camera, along New York City’s subterranean network. Old railroad tracks beneath Grand Central Terminal, the crypt at the Cathedral of St. John the Divine, and the 13th Street storm sewer and pumping station were among the sites visited. Documented by a series of murky video clips whose primary audio consists of the voices of different guides, they provide a heady sense of the artist’s daring and curiosity and a healthy dose of suspense, as if the Phantom of the Opera might be lurking. ‘GARBAGE WALL’ (1970) Matta-Clark made his first “Garbage Wall” at St. Mark’s Church in the East Village in 1970. Originally conceived as the ephemeral set for a performance, it mixed garbage with concrete. But Matta-Clark soon saw that combination had possibilities for both cheap housing and communal art; either way After New York City officials discovered “Day’s End,” Matta-Clark faced an arrest warrant and lawsuit. He hopped on a plane to Paris — where he had another obligation — and remained there until charges were dropped. For the ninth Paris Biennale, and with that city’s blessing and objections from both the left and the right, he tackled a large 16th-century building being demolished to make way for the Centre Pompidou. Its exoskeleton appears in the video that records the artist at work, assisted by Gerry Hovagimyan. The result, “Conical Intersect,” was a giant tunnel that telescoped down through the building, widening as it went. It may be easier to grasp from some photo-collages here, but the video conveys the grandiosity of Matta-Clark’s vision, the fearlessness it required and the solidity of the building being torn apart; 16th-century floor beams are something to behold. Any sadness about the loss of this ancient structure may be complicated by the video’s final shot, showing a steam shovel knocking everything down, the brief “Matta-Clark” included. STEFAN HAGEN it was something that could be made by anyone. For this exhibition, Jane Crawford, Matta-Clark’s widow and co-director of his estate (and Ms. Fiore’s mother), oversaw the Bronx Museum Teen Council in the making of a new, colorful “Garbage Wall” installed on the museum’s terrace. ban environment — though here he is adding rather than subtracting — and emphasize his gift for pictorial beauty. The close-up images of wall graffiti with added color tend to be the liveliest. Had Matta-Clark lived into old age, he might even have taken up other forms of painting, or at least built on these. BRONX GRAFFITI (1973) The show’s greatest revelation may be a grouping of about 30 photographs in black and white and, it seems, in color, that Matta-Clark took of graffiti on subway cars and walls and buildings in the South Bronx. They have never been exhibited in such abundance, and their delicacy and color enliven the show, especially the close-ups of walls. And even more when you realize the color images were actually handcolored by Matta-Clark using an airbrush. They add a new twist to his penchant for interacting with the ur- ‘BRONX FLOORS’ (1972-73) Some of Matta-Clark’s first interventions in the urban architectural fabric were the pieces of floor (including the beams and ceilings beneath them), roughly four feet square, that he cut from abandoned buildings in the South Bronx. Several photographs and photocollages document three of these extractions, and the show includes a single example, its only sculpture. “Bronx Floors,” from the Museum of Modern Art, is displayed on a pedestal against a wall, more like a relic than the stillshocking ready-made fragment that it is. It has deep turquoise linoleum with a gold quatrefoil pattern and two thresholds, suggesting that it lay at the juncture of three rooms. ‘DAY’S END’ (1975) One of Matta-Clark’s long-gone masterpieces is “Day’s End,” a site-specific piece executed without permits on one of the decrepit piers on the Hudson River in the West Village, which then served mainly for assignations among gays. (Four photographs by Alvin Baltrop, who documented life on the piers, as well as “Day’s End,” hang nearby.) Matta-Clark was after light and water views. He cut a big semicircle through the corrugated steel endwall of the piece. This half-moon, orange slice or primitive rose window was echoed, just inside the building, by a large quarter-circle cut through the Matta-Clark’s relationship to the ephemeral and the passage of time is complex and was undoubtedly balanced by his use of cameras to document what he saw and did. In addition to graffiti, he was drawn to all sorts of architectural remnants, among them, interior walls exposed during demolition. The show includes a dozen blackand-white photographs of such, sometimes from one room, sometimes in multistoried clusters, all titled “Walls” and hanging in a grid. Across the way, an enormous wall is covered with grainy versions of similar images from the series: offset lithographs printed on newsprint that repeat their forms in changing combinations of fruity plum, citrus and lime and evoke Andy Warhol. This is “Wallspaper,” first made to cover most of a large wall at 112 Greene Street in 1972 and reprinted for subsequent exhibitions. ‘FOOD’ (1971-74) Near the show’s entrance, situated specifically in the museum’s cafe, a 60-minute video by Matta-Clark records mealtime at FOOD, the relaxed semi-communal restaurant, and artwork, that he and Carol Gooden founded, with other artists, on the corner of Wooster and Prince Streets in SoHo. It was 1971, and the neighborhood was still a nexus of artistic experimentation. In perhaps his first architectural excision, Matta-Clark tore out the storefront’s walls to achieve an open-plan kitchen and exhibited one of the fragments as a sculpture at 112 Greene Street. In the video, a viewer may recognize artists like Keith Sonnier, Tina Girouard, Richard Nonas and Suzanne Harris, as well as Matta-Clark himself. The memoir of the accuser BOOK REVIEW BRAVE By Rose McGowan. 251 pp. HarperOne/ HarperCollins Publishers. $27.99. BY MICHELLE GOLDBERG If I had read Rose McGowan’s new memoir, “Brave,” in a vacuum, absent the feats of investigative reporting that took down the former Miramax head Harvey Weinstein, I would have thought it overwrought and paranoid. McGowan describes a life of almost ceaseless abuse, of falling into the clutches of one sadistic ogre after another as powerful forces conspired to crush her rogue spirit. “My life was infiltrated by Israeli spies and harassing lawyers, some of the most formidable on earth,” she writes on the first page. “These evil people hounded me at every turn while I went about resurrecting the ghosts that have made up my time on earth.” Come on — Israeli spies? Of course, we now know: Yes, Israeli spies. In October 2016, McGowan posted three tweets accusing a “studio head” of rape, using the hashtag #WhyWomenDontReport. She was referring to Weinstein, who, it’s since been revealed, had paid her $100,000 for her silence about a 1997 encounter at the Sundance Film Festival in Utah. As Ronan Farrow reported in The New Yorker in November 2017, shortly after McGowan’s tweets Weinstein hired several private security agencies, one run largely by veterans of Israeli intelligence, to try to stop the story of his longtime sexual predation from coming out. Agents were explicitly directed to spy on and undermine McGowan. “It was like the movie ‘Gaslight,’ ” McGowan told Farrow. “Everyone lied to me all the time.” One of the greatest tricks that the patriarchy plays on women is to deliberately destabilize them, then use their instability as a reason to disbelieve them. Much of “Brave” reads like the diary of a woman driven half-mad by abusive men who assume no one will listen to her. In this case, the truth was finally — and, for McGowan, triumphantly — exposed, but reading “Brave,” I kept thinking about how many more women must be written off as crazy and crushed under the weight of secrets no one wants to hear. Even before she met Weinstein, McGowan had been through hell. She was raised in the polygamous Children of God cult, though her family fled when its leadership started encouraging sex with children. She then spent years bouncing back and forth between her cruel father and her unreliable mother, who for a time dated a vicious man who McGowan says was later charged with sexually abusing his own daughter. McGowan did a brief stint in rehab during junior high school and later lived as an itinerant street punk. Eventually she made her way to Hollywood and was emancipated from her parents before she was old enough to drive. This bitter history clearly left a mark, and her book is furious and profane, wild and a little unhinged. “Very few sex symbols escape Hollywood with their minds intact, if they manage to stay alive at all,” McGowan writes early on. There’s no glamour in “Brave,” and very little joy; I’ve never read anything that makes being a starlet sound so tedious and demeaning. The book hinges on McGowan’s encounter with Weinstein, whom she refers to only as “the Monster.” Here, for the first time, she tells the story of what he did to her. It’s both disgusting and, if you’ve followed the Weinstein coverage, very familiar. She was summoned to a morning meeting in the restaurant of an exclusive hotel in Park City, Utah. When she arrived, the restaurant’s host directed her to Weinstein’s suite, saying he was stuck on a call. “I was certain we would be working together for many years to come, and we were here to plot out the grand arc of my career,” McGowan writes. Instead, Weinstein pushed her into a room with a Jacuzzi and pulled off her clothes. “I freeze, like a statue,” she ERIN KIRKLAND FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Rose McGowan at the Women’s Convention in Detroit in October. writes. As she describes it, he put her on the edge of the Jacuzzi, got in and performed oral sex on her while masturbating. Her experience sounds similar to the one that the actress and director Asia Argento described to The New Yorker. Like Argento, McGowan says that she feigned pleasure in the hopes of bringing the event to a quicker conclusion. “He moans loudly; through my tears I see his semen floating on top of the bubbles,” she writes. Afterward, McGowan writes, she was taken to a photo-op with Ben Affleck, her co-star in “Phantoms,” a movie she was promoting. Seeing her shaken and hearing where she came from, the actor said, “Goddamn it. I told him to stop doing that.” (It’s unclear what Affleck meant by that statement; he has never responded to the accusation that he knew about Weinstein’s abuse.) Others, McGowan writes, “counseled me to see it as something that would help my career in the long run.” Wanting to press charges, she spoke to a criminal attorney who told her she would never be believed. Soon she heard that Weinstein was calling around town telling people not to hire her. “It seemed like every creep in Hollywood knew about my most vulnerable and violated moment,” she writes. “And I was the one who was punished for it.” Her film career was derailed. McGowan would eventually find success playing one of a trio of witches on the TV show “Charmed.” She describes working on the show as a deadening experience, a “prison for my mind.” Her sense of martyrdom can be a bit much; she writes of feeling “robbed” by having to get married on TV before her real wedding. “Your entertainment comes at a cost to us performers,” McGowan writes. “You should know this and acknowledge.” Yet it’s McGowan’s profound dissatisfaction with her profession — one she seems to have fallen into rather than pursued — that has given her the freedom to gleefully burn bridges. She loathes the entertainment business, describing Hollywood as a cult worse than the one she grew up in. Though she’s in her 40s, she sometimes writes with the grandiosity of an alienated adolescent whose mind was blown by “The Matrix.” “You may think that what happens in Hollywood doesn’t affect you,” she writes. “You’re wrong. My darlings, who do you think is curating your reality?” For most adult readers, it won’t be much of a revelation that Hollywood trades in distortion and exploitation. But I hope “Brave” finds its way into the hands of teenage girls who may still look to actresses as they try to figure out how they’re supposed to be in the world, girls who aspire to the life McGowan once had. In the end, McGowan finds a measure of peace and redemption when she moves behind the camera, becoming a director and multimedia artist, subject rather than object. One of the lessons of her story is that being desired is no substitute for being powerful. Michelle Goldberg is an Op-Ed columnist for The Times. . .. 16 | TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION travel Blistering guitars and blistering chicken FRUGAL TRAVELER Double-wide honky tonks compete with Southern cooking in Nashville BY LUCAS PETERSON PHOTOGRAPHS BY JOE BUGLEWICZ FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Cramped and smoky, Santa’s Pub is a favorite dive bar, with cold, cheap beer and live music. The pub is housed in a double-wide trailer that does live music on Sundays. ful.) I was expecting to sit smack in front of a column — I wasn’t. The seats, on the main floor, right in the middle of the auditorium, were perfect. And while there was a thin pole in my line of sight, it didn’t bother me at all. Onto the show — the Opry was one of the most pleasurable music performances I’ve attended in recent memory. After grabbing a $9 draft beer, we found our seats to the din of audience chatter and the buttery baritone of the evening’s announcer and master of ceremonies, Eddie Stubbs. Different acts come on and play two or three songs — while that’s happening, the next act is hanging out in the wings, which gives the show a casual, collegial quality. An announcer’s podium is set up stage right, along with different producers and assistants working on their laptops — bands tune their instruments, guests chatter and banter with Mr. Stubbs, who also functions as an impeccable straight man, and the audience A quarter leg of hot chicken with fried okra and French fries at Pepperfire. green tomatoes ($11) were spot-on, and the Nashville Caesar salad with cornbread croutons ($12), and a pulled pork sandwich ($13) were satisfying. One nice thing: When they saw we were sharing everything, they were happy to split the dishes into separate portions. That strip of Broadway is just a stone’s throw from Ryman Auditorium, an indelible piece of Nashville history that belongs on every to-do list, especially if the Grand Ole Opry happens to be in residence. The Opry, an artistic home to country musicians since it began in 1925, takes place primarily at Opryland, about 25 minutes northeast of downtown. But if you can, see the show at the Ryman, home to the show from 1943-1974, which sometimes still hosts the Opry. The building itself is a relic — opened in 1892 as the Union Gospel Tabernacle, it earned the moniker “Mother Church of Country Music.” Near the back steps of its hallowed halls, Halena and I passed a young street performer with an amazing voice crooning a song I didn’t recognize. In Nashville, even the buskers have exceptional talent. Tickets aren’t terribly cheap — the premium seats run close to $100 — but there’s a slight workaround. I picked up the cheapest tickets I could find: Two obstructed view seats for $48 apiece. (I also checked StubHub and other secondhand ticket sites; they weren’t help- groans and chuckles while cheesy ad copy is read during the breaks. It’s a ton of fun. And then, of course, there’s the music. “Connie Smith, ladies and gentlemen, the Rolls-Royce of country singers,” announced Mr. Stubbs, who then motioned for us to applaud. Traditional crooners like Ms. Smith were in the house, as was a fresh-faced young man named William Michael Morgan, who played his debut single “I Met a Girl” (“He ain’t been off the teat long,” quipped Mike Snider, one of the other musicians). Having discovered my inner country music fan, I stopped by the Country Music Hall of Fame ($25.95, but only $14 after 4 p.m.; the museum closes at 5 p.m.) to continue my education. It’s easy to get lost in the overwhelming amount of history and information — but make sure you don’t miss, among other relics, Carl Perkins’s blue suede shoes (yes, those blue suede shoes), Elvis’s gold Cadillac (complete with refrigerator and swivel-mounted color TV) and some of Chet Atkins’s old guitars, including his first, a Sears Silverstone. But there’s no substitution for live music. I made my way to the Bluebird Cafe, a popular, intimate venue that features local and established acts. Tickets are extremely difficult to come by (it’s been showcased on the television show “Nashville”). They’re released weekly by the venue and space is tight, which means you have to be both lightning quick and lucky to nab a seat. Tickets typically run in the $20 to $30 range. Cafe workers supposedly monitor Craigslist and ticket sites to crack down on scalping. If you’re not fortunate enough to snag online tickets (the likely case), you can wait in a queue for one of 10 or so same-day tickets. I showed up at 7:30 one evening and the man at the door stifled a laugh. “Yeah, you’re not gonna make it in,” he said. Down but not out, I headed to Bransford Avenue to Santa’s Pub, a bar housed in a trailer that does live music on Sundays. After showing my ID to a man with a huge beard (was that Santa?), I headed inside, the top of my head almost brushing the ceiling of the double-wide. “No Cussin’, No Beer, No Cigarettes” read a sign on the back wall. Well, I counted all three. The place was cramped and smoky, like any respectable dive bar, and the beer was cold and cheap ($2 for a Pabst Blue Ribbon). The band, a five-piece outfit called Santa’s Ice Cold Pickers, was tight — their rendition of Ray Price’s “Crazy Arms” had me humming along. Another highly enjoyable show I attended was at the Basement East, on the other side of the Cumberland River in East Nashville. The venue was decidedly less intimate than Santa’s or Bluebird, but I couldn’t complain about the program — a Crosby, Stills, Nash and Young tribute show, with proceeds benefiting Autism Speaks. For $10 (plus $2 service fee) I was treated to a Murderer’s Row of young, local talent. While music is unquestionably the star of the Nashville scene, there are exceptional eats to enjoy between shows. Hot chicken, which has seen its star rise over the last decade, is one of the biggest attractions. I loved my crispy-skinned, exhilaratingly spicy leg quarter from Prince’s Hot Chicken ($5) which has no equal, in my opinion. But it also took an hour of waiting in line. It took no time to get my order at Pepperfire, another worthwhile hot chicken joint less than 10 minutes away from Prince’s. There, I dug into a Tender Royale, a spicy, deep-fried cheese sandwich topped with three chicken tenders ($12.49) with a strong, cumin-forward profile. For those looking for a complete Southern meal, Arnold’s Country Kitchen is the place to find it. The classic meat-and-three (main course and three side dishes) runs just $10.74 for a huge tray full of food. I had a plate of thinly shaved roast beef with macaroni and cheese, tender greens and powerfully smoky pinto beans. Cafe Roze, a place with slightly healthier fare from New York-transplant Julia Jaksic, does a mean grain bowl called the Roze Bowl ($14) with beet tahini, black lentils and quinoa. And then there’s the happy hour at Chauhan Ale and Masala House, an Indian-Southern food fusion restaurant, where I got an order of lamb keema papadi nachos with a tamarind chutney ($6) that I still think about weeks after the fact. But Nashville’s power to disarm and delight remains rooted in its music. When I attended the Opry, two guys who go by the handle LoCash strutted onto the stage in what came as the biggest surprise of the night. At first glance, LoCash seemed to epitomize the slick twang of everything I don’t particularly enjoy about modern country music — impeccably crafted facial hair, power chords and tacky clothes. Halena grabbed my arm, and I braced myself for awfulness. Boy, was I wrong; these guys were fantastic performers. Within minutes, they had me and the rest of the audience eating out of their hands — clapping and singing along to a song I’d never heard before. I don’t know if their exceedingly catchy “I Love This Life” will go down in P so uzz sm m le ar eth ov te in er r. g “Folsom Prison Blues,” the 1955 Johnny Cash classic, isn’t exactly a deep cut — anyone with even a passing familiarity with country music has heard it. So when the Don Kelley Band tore into the opening riff at the beginning of their set at Robert’s Western World — one of many honky-tonks on a brightly lit neon strip of Broadway in downtown Nashville — I nodded my head and tapped my feet along with the other hundred or so people in the joint. It was the musical equivalent of comfort food — nothing too surprising or challenging. I wasn’t quite ready for what happened next. Luke McQueary, a skinny 17-year-old in a plaid Western-style shirt, stepped to the front of the stage and, instead of delivering the workmanlike guitar break I was expecting, set the stage aflame with a blistering solo I would have expected from someone twice his age and experience. It was no fluke — the virtuosity continued during the following song, performed with an earnest, almost Hendrix-like showmanship. I half expected someone to come out from the wings, wrap a robe around him, and help him off the stage, à la James Brown. I was surprised, but I shouldn’t have been. A place nicknamed “Music City” has a reputation to uphold, and Nashville was more than ready to exceed my expectations. A mecca for talented musicians, Tennessee not only has more high-quality live music than you could ever hope to enjoy, but top-notch dining — both traditional Southern cooking and contemporary twists on old standards. It’s a great location for those on a budget, too — I scarcely noticed the damage to my wallet after a four-night trip there in November. That area of Broadway is a little like the Las Vegas Strip or Bourbon Street: crowded and touristy, but fun in small doses. I visited there with my friend Halena Kays, with whom I crashed in nearby Murfreesboro, a suburb southeast of the city. We ended up at Robert’s Western World accidentally, as our plans to have dinner at nearby Merchants Restaurant, on the corner of Broadway and Fourth Avenue South, had hit a snag — the place was booked solid. No matter: We grabbed a $4 fried bologna sandwich (imagine a BLT — now imagine it twice as salty) and a couple of $4.25 Miller Lites at the honkytonk while we listened to the band. I soon received a text that a table had opened up and we walked over to Merchant’s. The place effectively operates as two restaurants, a pricier steak and seafood restaurant on the second floor, and a less expensive, modern Southern bistro on the ground floor. We opted for the bistro and grabbed a booth in the bright, spacious dining room. The fried The easiest part of the world’s greatest crossword is saving 50%. The challenge is deciding whether to choose today’s puzzle, select from our endless archive or quickly solve a Mini. So subscribe today, save half and start solving. Crossword Save 50% when you subscribe now. nytimes.com/solvenow the annals of country music’s great songs. But it was easily the most fun four minutes of the trip, and had me unironically singing the refrain the entire car ride home: I love a Friday night — man, I love this life.