РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. 2 | SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION page two An Orwellian turn for Kenya On stages and screens for 8 decades NAIROBI, KENYA As struggle unfolds, president takes on news media over covering a rival CONNIE SAWYER 1912-2018 BY JINA MOORE BY SAM ROBERTS Sitting in his office, Linus Kaikai ate peanuts and tried to decide how best to be arrested by the police officers he thought were lurking outside the newsroom. “What are the chances they’ll storm the place?” Mr. Kaikai, who leads the newsroom at Nation Television, asked a roomful of allies — lawyers, fellow journalists, activists. It was late Wednesday night. An Orwellian storm had whipped across Kenya’s capital, and Mr. Kaikai was caught in it. Hours earlier he and two NTV colleagues, the anchors Ken Mijungu and Larry Madowo, were tipped by their police sources that officers were heading to the newsroom to arrest all three. None knew when it would happen or why, exactly — in Kenya, you generally hear the charges only when you appear in court — but they all had a pretty good idea. One day earlier they had broadcast the highest-stakes political-opposition gathering in recent memory, defying warnings from President Uhuru Kenyatta. For months, Kenyans had been on edge, waiting for Raila Odinga, an opposition politician, to make good on promises to inaugurate himself as “the people’s president.” Mr. Odinga lost the 2017 election to Mr. Kenyatta, insisting that the original vote was fraudulent and sitting out a courtordered do-over. Although Mr. Kenyatta was sworn in for a second term in November, Mr. Odinga has refused to recognize him as legitimate — and planned his own inauguration ceremony. To some, Mr. Odinga’s plan was petulant political theater, and Western diplomats encouraged Mr. Kenyatta’s government to ignore it. But the police threatened to crack down hard on anyone who attended the “swearing in” held on Tuesday. Connie Sawyer, who began performing in vaudeville and nightclubs more than eight decades ago and continued to appear on stages and screens until she became known as the oldest working actress in Hollywood, has died in Los Angeles. She was 105. Her death on Jan. 21 at the Motion Picture & Television Fund’s retirement home in the Woodland Hills neighborhood, where she had lived for a decade, was confirmed by her daughter Lisa Dudley. Miss Sawyer, as she liked to be known, was billed as the oldest member of the Screen Actors Guild and the American Federation of Television and Radio Artists who was still working. Her memoir, self-published last year, was titled, “I Never Wanted to Be a Star — And I Wasn’t.” Still, since her Broadway debut in 1948, she had accumulated about 140 acting credits in theatrical, movie and television productions. She appeared on dozens of television shows, including “Dynasty,” “Hawaii Five-O,” “The Mary Tyler Moore Show,” “Murder, She Wrote,” “Seinfeld” and “Will & Grace.” More recently, she played the mother of a Boston thug in hiding (James Woods) in the Showtime dramatic series “Ray Donovan.” “I loved working on ‘Donovan’ — my son was a hit man, and I really got to cuss,” she told The Hollywood Reporter in 2015. Typically cast as wry and gossipy, Miss Sawyer appeared in three dozen films, ranging from the John Wayne western “True Grit” (1969), as a longwinded witness to a hanging, to the comedy “Dumb & Dumber” (1994), as a scooter-riding pickpocket. The daughter of Orthodox Jewish immigrants from Romania, the Coloradoborn Miss Sawyer was nudged by her mother toward a show business career. Miss Sawyer debuted on Broadway in 1948 in “Hilarities,” a short-lived and largely panned variety revue starring Morey Amsterdam, in which she was billed as “Great New Talent.” Her break came in 1957, when her improvised performance as a tipsy society lady in “A Hole in the Head,” a Broadway comedy about a hapless hotelier in Miami Beach, captivated an agent for The government’s response represents the latest chapter in a crackdown on political expression in Kenya. As security officers have repeatedly demonstrated over the last three months, it was hardly an empty threat. The government’s response represents the latest chapter in a crackdown on political expression in Kenya, a stable democracy that had seemed to overcome decades of censorship and abuse. Mr. Kenyatta got involved personally last month, raising the pressure not on his political rivals, but on the news media. He summoned the owners of Kenya’s major broadcasters to his residence and warned them not to cover Mr. Odinga’s ceremony. Hanningtone Gaya, the chairman of the Media Owners Association of Kenya, described the encounter as a “dressing down” and told Mr. Kaikai of NTV that the group had been “read the riot act.” Mr. Kaikai, who is chairman of Kenya’s editors guild, denounced the president’s warning as a “brazen threat” and BEN CURTIS/ASSOCIATED PRESS Coverage of the Kenyan opposition leader’s self-inauguration on Tuesday at a public park in the capital, Nairobi, led to a crackdown that shut down three television stations. wrote a scathing public letter against media intimidation. And for a few hours on Tuesday, his NTV journalists broadcast from the event at Uhuru Park. So did two other major stations. But at 9 a.m., government officials and police officers arrived at the stations’ transmission center, about 20 miles from Nairobi, and disabled broadcasting equipment. The stations went off the air. Tensions only worsened as the day went on. The government declared part of the opposition coalition an “organized criminal gang.” Fred Matiang’i, the interior minister, said at a news conference on Wednesday that he would investigate the TV stations and keep them off the air indefinitely. He said the blackout had protected Kenyans from incitement — and then he went further. “A massacre of catastrophic proportions was going to happen,” he said, without offering evidence. “The intention was that it happens, and it’s blamed on the police.” By coupling the blackout with the withdrawal of police forces from the site, Mr. Matiang’i said, he had kept Kenyans safe. Mr. Matiang’i also promised a reckoning with the planners of what he described, again without evidence, as a sinister plot that had been foiled. “The individuals and organizations involved in this, wherever they are within the borders of this country, will feel it,” he said. “And they will be so sorry.” Roughly an hour later, Mr. Kaikai — BAZ RATNER/REUTERS The anchor Larry Madowo, left, of Nation Television with Linus Kaikai, who leads the newsroom, on Thursday. The journalists had expected to be arrested this past week. who had set off a firestorm with his defiant renunciation of the president’s warning — was told that police officers had surrounded the NTV newsroom. The information came around the same time news broke that an opposition lawmaker, T. J. Kajwang, had been arrested. As the evening wore on, Mr. Kaikai’s colleagues took care of whatever details they could. One brought him a toothbrush, another a blanket. The place was full of food — “they asked me what I want for my ‘Last Supper,’ ” he joked — and he signed papers, in triplicate, meant to expedite his bail. “Tomorrow you’re going to look dapper, I hope,” a lawyer told him with a smile. “You need your best suit, and a flower for that buttonhole thing.” The joke didn’t quite land. “O.K., you can skip the flower,” he offered. Mr. Kaikai tried to keep up his spirits, but worried aloud about the aftermath of a police raid. “What happens here is not that they just take you to the police station. They cause you psychological trauma,” he said. Stories abound here about police officers driving suspects around for hours before booking them at the station, which starts a kind of civil-rights clock: Officers have 24 hours from booking to charge a suspect, who can then appeal for bail. Late last year, David Ndii, an opposition leader, was arrested at his hotel and went missing for five hours before a local police station reported having him in custody. These things weighed on Mr. Kaikai as he awaited the arrest he was certain was coming. “Look, they’re not about law and processes,” he said. “These are not law enforcers. They’re political henchmen.” That night, Mr. Madowo took refuge in his studio, laying a Maasai cloth beneath a desk. “Who knew a production studio could have so many uses?” he said. George Kinoti, a spokesman for the National Police, did not return repeated calls or messages seeking to confirm whether officers had been sent to arrest the journalists. Mwenda Njoka, spokesman for the Interior Ministry, denied any knowledge of the events. But in the end, the police did not storm the offices. Late Thursday afternoon, the High Court suspended the blackout, saying the stations could resume broadcasting until the court hears arguments on the issue. And Mr. Kaikai, Mr. Madowo and Mr. Mijungu headed to court to seek “anticipatory bail,” which would essentially keep them free even if the police filed charges in court. They remained defiant. “If you’re a journalist, what we do is tell the truth. You don’t hide things. You don’t sugarcoat,” Mr. Mijungu said. “We saw what happened on Tuesday as an event. They saw it as an opportunity to crack down on us.” A musician with the world’s ills on his mind MUSIC, FROM PAGE 1 РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S like “Late Night Synths and Strings.” Mr. Frahm has played concert halls, including the Barbican Center in London and Philharmonie de Paris, as well as music festivals including Dimensions in Croatia and Primavera Sound in Barcelona, Spain. Mr. Frahm’s music is often led by him on the piano, supplemented with electronic textures from synthesizers and drum machines. It’s melancholy, but also euphoric. “All Melody” opens with a haunting, wordless choral number (a collaboration with Shards, a British choir), followed by the percussive second track, “Sunson,” that would not be out of place in on a nightclub dance floor. The BBC radio presenter Mary Anne Hobbs, a highly regarded musical tastemaker in Britain known for supporting experimental artists, said in a telephone interview that Mr. Frahm was “the single most important artist in the world right now.” Ms. Hobbs has championed Mr. Frahm’s music on her radio show since 2013, and in 2015 she invited him to play in a concert she was hosting at the BBC Proms, a festival mostly dedicated to classical music. “We stepped across a boundary that night,” Ms. Hobbs said. “We showed that music with classical roots can be taken to a whole new generation who want to experience it and it can be interpreted in such a radical new way by Nils.” Mr. Frahm himself shied away from discussing genre. “Describing my music with genres is a helpless approach,” Mr. MUSTAFAH ABDULAZIZ FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Mr. Frahm’s studio was originally built for the recording of chamber music by the East German state broadcaster. He said that he didn’t think he could make music forever. Frahm said. “I won’t ever fight against it though. I think it’s fantastic. It just tells me that a lot of people are still stuck not being able to choose for themselves.” Mr. Arnalds, an Icelandic producer and longtime collaborator, was more pragmatic. “I’m not a fan of the term of ‘neoclassical’ at all,” he said in a telephone interview. “But there’s definitely something great happening right now. It’s a mirror on our society; people are seeking this more contemplative type of music.” Mr. Frahm’s childhood in Hamburg, Germany, was filled with eclectic sounds, courtesy of his music-loving father, he said. “My parents were hippies, but they bypassed all the clichéd rock stuff,” Mr. Frahm said. “No Eric Clapton or Pink Floyd, which I really appreciated.” Instead, Mr. Frahm’s father introduced him to jazz by artists like John Ab- ercrombie, Horace Silver and Keith Jarrett, as well as classical music. His brother would be in one room of their family home playing techno and his father in another with his own music on. “I was sitting in the middle, and it noodled together,” Mr. Frahm said. Bringing these sounds together is what Mr. Frahm has been working on in his studio at the Funkhaus on the banks of the River Spree. A former headquarters of the East German state broadcaster (funkhaus means “broadcasting house” in German), it is a vast, imposing building, with a brutalist exterior that gives no hint of the opulent recording studios and performance rooms within. Mr. Frahm’s studio was originally built for the recording of chamber music. With its golden wallpaper and parquet flooring, it is an obscure piece of German musical history preserved in amber. Mr. Frahm had already held a number of recording sessions in the space, including for the soundtrack of “Victoria,” a 2015 thriller directed by Sebastian Schipper as a single continuous take, when the building’s new owners invited him to house his studio there. In the two years since, he has filled it with a huge collection of synthesizers, pianos and custom-built instruments. When Ms. Hobbs visited the studio in February 2017, she said Mr. Frahm was in the middle of making “All Melody” and had taken to sleeping there. “He’d made a tiny makeshift bed, which was little more than a blanket folded over and a pillow on the ground,” she said. “The place of rest he created for himself was so humble and simple by comparison to the beautiful environment he made for his instruments.” Reverence for instruments started in Mr. Frahm’s youth, when he learned the piano from Nahum Brodski, who Mr. Frahm said had been taught by a student of Tchaikovsky. “It was nasty learning piano, boring,” he said, but he was disciplined in his practice. “I understood that you have to suffer for something which is beautiful,” he said. “This is my biggest criticism in our age, that we try to erase suffering and hardship from our lives in order to just be left only with beauty.” Mr. Frahm was about to play the final show in a four-day run of performances at the Funkhaus, the first leg of his world tour, and he turned to ruminating on how the concerts had gone so far. “These people have wet eyes and they look at me all smiling, and I feel like it’s my birthday every day,” he said. “But it makes me very skeptical,” he said. “It can’t be my birthday every day.” Mr. Frahm said that he didn’t think he could make music forever. He’s too troubled by the ills he sees in the world, and making music doesn’t do enough to solve them. “I’m already thinking of when the right time will be to change jobs,” he said. “I still feel like I have a little bit of potential, but when I feel like I’m fully blossomed as a flower, I will cut myself down and something else will grow.” ROBYN BECK/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES Connie Sawyer in 2016. She was known as the oldest working actress in Hollywood. Frank Sinatra. Sinatra bought the film rights and ordered his agent to “hire the drunk” for a 1959 adaptation directed by Frank Capra. “I never really wanted to be a star,” Miss Sawyer declared in 2012. “It’s a business with me.” She was born Rosie Cohen on Nov. 17, 1912, in Pueblo, Colo., to Samuel Cohen and the former Dora Inger. Though her parents had come from the same Romanian village, her mother arrived in the United States first. Her father had immigrated to Colorado after Dora’s brothers agreed to pay his passage if he would marry one of their sisters. When Rosie was 7, the family moved to Oakland, Calif., where her father opened an army-navy store. Rosie took dance lessons as a child. After she graduated from high school, a first-place finish in a talent show led to an appearance on the “Al Pearce and His Gang” radio program in San Francisco. Her marriage to Marshall Schacker, a film distributor, ended in divorce. In addition to her daughter Lisa, Miss Sawyer is survived by another daughter, Julie Watkins; four grandchildren, including Sam Dudley, an actor and director; and three great-grandchildren. Miss Sawyer appeared on dozens of television shows, one of the most recent being Fox’s “New Girl,” with Zooey Deschanel, in 2014. Her film credits also include “Ada” (1961), “The Bonfire of the Vanities” (1990) and the stoner comedy “Pineapple Express.” She said she was proudest of her performance as a trial witness in Arthur Hiller’s “The Man in the Glass Booth,” a 1975 film about a war-crimes trial of a Jewish Manhattan industrialist. But she found comedy the most challenging, she said. “Comics and comediennes make good actors because it’s very hard to do comedy,” she said. “It comes out of your gut. It’s the sadness of life: If you don’t laugh all the time . . . you know what I mean?” Printed in Athens, Denpasar, Beirut, Nivelles, Biratnagar, Dhaka, Doha, Dubai, Frankfurt, Gallargues, Helsinki, Hong Kong, Islamabad, Istanbul, Jakarta, Karachi, Kathmandu, Kuala Lumpur, Lahore, London, Luqa, Madrid, Manila, Milan, Nagoya, Nepalgunj, New York, Osaka, Paris, Rome, Seoul, Singapore, Sydney, Taipei, Tel Aviv, Tokyo,Yangon. 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РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 | 3 РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS 4 | SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 .. THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION World Devaluing genuine atrocities in Myanmar LEDA JOURNAL LEDA, BANGLADESH Blurring fact and fiction in Rohingya camps risks undermining their case BY HANNAH BEECH The four young sisters sat in a huddle, together but alone. Their accounts were dramatic: Their mother had died when their home was burned by soldiers in Rakhine State in western Myanmar. Their father was one of thousands of Rohingya Muslims who had disappeared into official custody and were feared dead. Somehow, the sisters — ages 12, 8, 5 and 2 — made their way to refuge in Bangladesh. An uncle, who had been living for years in the Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh, had taken them in, adding the girls to his own collection of hungry children. “My parents were killed in Myanmar,” said the eldest girl, Januka Begum. “I miss them very much.” I was reporting on children who had arrived in the camps without their families. An international charity, which had given financial support to the uncle, brought me to meet the girls. Within an hour, I had a notebook filled with the kind of quotes that pull at heartstrings. Little of it was true. After three days of reporting, the truth began to emerge. Soyud Hossain, the supposed uncle who had taken the girls in, was actually their father. He had three wives, two in Bangladesh and one in Myanmar, he admitted. The children were from his youngest wife, the one in Myanmar. In any refugee camp, tragedy is commodified. Aid groups want to help the neediest cases, and people quickly realize that the story of four orphaned sisters holds more value than that of an intact family that merely lost all its possessions. To compete for relief supplies distributed by aid groups, refugees learn to deploy women with infants in their arms. Crying babies get pushed to the front of the line. Such strategies are a natural survival tactic. Who wouldn’t do the same to feed a family? But false narratives devalue the genuine horrors — murder, rape and mass burnings of villages — that have been inflicted upon the Rohingya by Myanmar’s security forces. And such embellished tales only buttress the Myanmar government’s contention that what is happening in Rakhine State is not ethnic cleansing, as the international community suggests, but trickery by foreign invaders. The official narrative in Myanmar ADAM DEAN FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar at a refugee camp in Bangladesh in November. To compete for relief supplies distributed by aid groups, some refugees learn to weave false tales. goes like this: Rohingya Muslims are illegal immigrants from an overcrowded Bangladesh. With Muslim men taking multiple wives, the Rohingya are reproducing faster than Myanmar’s majority Buddhists. There is plenty of evidence to counter this claim. Muslim roots in the region reach back generations. The ratio of Muslims to Buddhists in northern Rakhine has not changed much over the past half-century. But with the Myanmar government restricting access to the area where the Rohingya once lived, even refusing to let top United Nations officials into the country, it is impossible for investigators and journalists to gather firsthand evidence of atrocities. Local reporters for Reuters who tried to investigate a mass grave now sit in jail. That’s why in the refugee camps in Bangladesh, victims with physical manifestations of their trauma are simpler to interview. A fresh bullet wound in a child’s body is proof that something terrible happened. For every person quoted, I’d estimate that at least a dozen others were left in my notebooks. But a reporter’s necessary skepticism — which governs our work in every story — only contributes to the invasion of privacy. How must it feel for a Rohingya woman, who admits to a stranger that she was raped, when she realizes that her story is being doubted? Yet I have seen Rohingya people quoted in the foreign news media telling stories that I know are not true. Their accounts, in some cases, are too compelling, like a perfect storm of suffering. That is not to discount the collective trauma that has compelled nearly Embellished tales only buttress Myanmar’s contention that what is happening to Muslims is not ethnic cleansing. 700,000 Rohingya to flee for Bangladesh over the past five months. Doctors Without Borders estimates that 6,700 Rohingya met violent deaths in a single month last year. Even that number, the medical aid group says, is too low. For four days, I interviewed a 9-yearold boy named Noorshad, and his story had it all. In my notebook, he drew pictures of his house — and the tree from which his parents were hanged by Myanmar soldiers. Then he drew the jerrycan he clung to as he crossed the river into Bangladesh. He tied his flip-flops to his waist, he said, with a bit of vine. The sandals were from his dead mother. He glanced at them and sobbed. But there were inconsistencies. Noorshad said he liked cricket, a sport popular in Bangladesh but not in Myanmar. His grandparents were killed by the military, he told me, but then he admitted they had died of natural causes. I found locals from the village I believed he was from. It turned out that no one had been killed there, much less hanged from a tree. So where did Noorshad come from? He had been found crying in the market in the Kutupalong refugee camp in Bangladesh. Other refugees took him to a school where a pair of women offered hugs and bowls of curry. Obviously, something bad had happened to him, but to this day, no one has figured out his real story. At times, there is a benign explanation for children telling untruths. Young minds can process lived memories and secondhand ones in remarkably similar ways. “Even if some children have only heard of atrocities, fear has been instilled in them and it’s very hard for them to separate what they’ve seen from what they’ve heard,” said Benjamin Steinlechner, a spokesman for the United Nations Children’s Fund in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. “It’s like watching a horror movie,” he continued. “Children experience it very differently from adults.” I have a better sense of the life of Mr. Hossain, the four girls’ father. His troubles, he said, began when he was briefly back in Myanmar and saw a 12-year-old girl with fair skin and delicate features. “She was so beautiful,” Mr. Hossain said. “I needed to marry her.” Child marriage is distressingly common among the Rohingya, and soon, Mr. Hossain began shuttling among his three wives. Not every wife knew about the other, but Mr. Hossain didn’t think three wives were too many. His own father, he said, had six wives and 42 children. Yet Mr. Hossain admitted that he was not adept at balancing family relations. When his four daughters sought shelter in Bangladesh after their village had been burned, Sajida, the wife with whom he has been living in the Leda refugee camp, was furious. “My husband is a bad man,” she announced, after she finally admitted the girls’ true provenance. “I am tired of all his lies.” Later, when I reached Mr. Hossain by phone, he was seething. “I beat her when you left,” he said. “I will beat her again tomorrow.” Mr. Hossain’s sister-in-law had also explained part of the family’s complicated truth. A neighbor later relayed that her candor had earned her a beating from her husband. Rather than highlight the plight of unaccompanied minors, my reporting had catalyzed domestic violence in two households. I regretted the days of questioning Sajida, who goes by one name. I had found her unsympathetic when she said she wished those girls would disappear back to Myanmar. But that night her husband would beat her. As I stood and judged her for not embracing these four girls from her husband’s youngest wife, a cockroach skittered across the floor. A rat followed. Sajida began crying. All around, through the bamboo slats that make up the walls of a Rohingya shelter, children’s eyes followed my movements, wondering what I was doing there and why I had made a grown woman weep. In an unwinnable war, what’s the least bad loss? This would, in theory, combine the first two models. The government could reconstitute itself as it mediated between local enclaves that would one day reintegrate with the state. “This is the outcome we have de facto ended up with, but not in a peaceful sense,” Ms. Murtazashvili said. The government is receding and the warlords are rising, but the two are in conflict. The Somalia model would manage that process of disintegration, like crash-landing a plane rather than waiting for it to fall from the sky. It would leave communities to find their own peace with the Taliban, which some in remote parts of the country are already doing. In Somalia itself, this model has found mixed success. Security has improved nationwide, but a devolving state has been left unable to root out extremists, who still carry out devastating attacks. THE INTERPRETER BY MAX FISHER 4. A PEACE THAT SATISFIES NO ONE HEDAYATULLAH AMID/EUROPEAN PRESSPHOTO AGENCY РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S After 16 years of war in Afghanistan, experts have stopped asking what victory looks like and are beginning to consider the spectrum of possible defeats. All options involve acknowledging the war as failed, American aims as largely unachievable and Afghanistan’s future as only partly salvageable. Their advocates see glimmers of hope barely worth the stomach-turning trade-offs and slim odds of success. “I don’t think there is any serious analyst of the situation in Afghanistan who believes that the war is winnable,” Laurel Miller, a political scientist at the RAND Corporation, said in a podcast last summer, after leaving her State Department stint as acting special representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan. This may be why, even after thousands have died and over $100 billion has been spent, even after the past two weeks of shocking bloodshed in Kabul, few expect the United States to try anything other than the status quo. It is a strategy, as Ms. Miller described it, to “prevent the defeat of the Afghan government and prevent military victory by the Taliban” for as long as possible. Though far from the most promising option, it is the least humiliating. But sooner or later, the United States and Afghanistan will find themselves facing one of Afghanistan’s endgames — whether by choice or not. 1. NATION-BUILDING, OF A SORT “I’ll tell you what my best-case scenario would be,” said Frances Z. Brown, an Afghanistan expert at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. That, she said, would see the American-led coalition abandon its efforts to impose a centralized state and instead allow Afghans to build their own state from the bottom up. It would mean accepting a central government that acts more like a horse trader among local strongmen and warlords. American and allied troops would guarantee enough security to sustain the state. Afghans would figure out the rest for themselves. Over time, ideally, Afghans might de- The funeral of a car bomb victim in Kabul, Afghanistan. Experts say that America’s aims in the country are largely unachievable. velop a functioning economy, then something like real democracy and, finally, peace and stability. “But what we know from other cases is that this takes generations,” Ms. Brown said. The perpetual occupation necessary for this to work might also doom it. Continued foreign aid gives Afghan elites, who are already on the verge of splintering, incentive to compete rather than come together. This approach would involve tolerating the Taliban’s presence in rural areas. And rolling crises would be built into this model, so Afghans would have to hope that they would somehow never derail the decades of progress needed before lasting change could take hold. 2. STARTING OVER If Afghanistan were forced back to square one, it might be able to rebuild itself from scratch. After all, humanity lived for millenniums in something resembling lowgrade anarchy. Modern nation-states grew out of that chaos only recently. This would start with the effective collapse of the state and American withdrawal. Because the Taliban are too weak and unpopular to retake the country, as most analysts believe, Afghanistan would splinter. Out of the ashes, local warlords and strongmen would rise up. Without the United States forcing them to take sides in an all-or-nothing war, they might eventually accommodate one another, and the Taliban. Their fiefs, once stable, could coalesce over years or decades into a state. Research by Dipali Mukhopadhyay, a Columbia University political scientist, suggests that the warlords would gravitate toward the kind of state building that occurred in medieval Europe over centuries. Jennifer Murtazashvili, a University of Pittsburgh political scientist who studies state building and failure, said the process might unfold more quickly and stably in Afghanistan. She has studied rural Afghan communities that outside the reach of the state have begun reproducing the basic building blocks of one. But hers is only a theory, untested in modern history. 3. THE SOMALIA MODEL In a sign of how far hopes have fallen, the war-torn East African country of Somalia is increasingly being raised as worthy of emulation. The Afghan government would retreat to major cities. Formally, it would switch to a federal system, as Somalia did in 2012. But power would effectively flow to whichever warlords and strongmen — potentially including the Taliban — rose up in the countryside. The paradox of peace deals is that while all sides benefit, each fears that it will not do as well as it could — or that its enemies might do too well. This gives each an incentive to block all but the perfect deal, a dynamic so pronounced in Afghanistan that in 16 years, talks have never advanced far enough to make clear what each side considers acceptable. “I doubt the Taliban has even given any thought at a higher level to what a government looks like that it could have a stake in,” said Courtney Cooper, a Council on Foreign Relations analyst. The fear of losing out is not misplaced. Afghan elites already squabble over control of ministries and lucrative patronage networks, and their infighting grows as those resources shrink. In any peace deal, they would need to surrender many or most of those resources to the Taliban. The Taliban, too, would probably need to surrender or curtail their hopes for dominating Afghanistan. That could anger the extremists rising in the group’s ranks. And any American president would risk a political backlash for appearing to usher the Taliban back into power. Veterans and military leaders might reasonably ask what they had fought for. The clearest winner of any deal might be the Afghans themselves, but they are largely at the mercy of political actors for whom peace is risky. 5. A POST-AMERICAN CIVIL WAR There is a more pessimistic version of the collapse-then-rebuild model, in which warlords compete until one prevails over all. Afghanistan itself offers a particularly vivid example of this scenario: After the 1992 collapse of the Sovietbacked government there, the country was gripped by a terrible civil war. If the Americans abandoned the government now in place, that history could repeat. “There is a strong possibility that this county could splinter, and not in consensual ways,” Ms. Murtazashvili said. That war culminated, in 1996, with one faction prevailing: the Taliban. It then sheltered Al Qaeda, prompting the American-led invasion and the war still raging all these years later. That history, too, could repeat. Research by Barbara F. Walter, a political scientist at the University of California, San Diego, has found that extremists tend to prevail in civil war, and to do better as the war drags on. If the Americans exit Afghanistan, it might not be for long. 6. PERPETUAL STALEMATE The likeliest outcome may be allowing the status quo to continue, even as all sides suffer under rising violence. Neither the government nor the Taliban are strong enough to retake control. Outside actors like the United States and Pakistan may be unable to impose their vision of victory, but they can forestall losing indefinitely. Foreign aid can sustain the government, even as its control of the country shrinks. There is little to stop the Taliban from carrying out ever more brazen attacks in the capital. The death toll, already high, would probably rise. Eventually, the stalemate would almost certainly break, hurtling Afghanistan into one of its possible endgames. But it is difficult to say when. “It’s hard to think of an analogous case,” said Ms. Brown, the Carnegie Afghanistan expert. Few modern wars have raged this long, this destructively and with this much outside intervention. If there is an obvious way out, history does not provide it. РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 | 5 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION world Latinos find ties to Native American slavery captives sought to escape their debased status, linguists trace the origins of the word Genízaro to the Ottoman Empire’s janissaries, the special soldier class of Christians from the Balkans who converted to Islam, and were sometimes referred to as slaves. Moisés Gonzáles, a Genízaro professor of architecture at the University of New Mexico, has identified an array of Genízaro outposts that endure in the state, including the villages Las Trampas and San Miguel del Vado. Some preserve traditions that reflect their Genízaro origins, and like other products of colonialism, many are cultural amalgams of customs and motifs from sharply disparate worlds. Each December in the village of Alcalde, for instance, performers in headdresses stage the Matachines dance, thought by scholars to fuse the theme of ALBUQUERQUE Revelations have fueled a debate over identity in the state of New Mexico BY SIMON ROMERO Lenny Trujillo made a startling discovery when he began researching his descent from one of New Mexico’s pioneering Hispanic families: One of his ancestors was a slave. “I didn’t know about New Mexico’s slave trade, so I was just stunned,” said Mr. Trujillo, 66, a retired postal worker who lives in Los Angeles. “Then I discovered how slavery was a defining feature of my family’s history.” Mr. Trujillo is one of many Latinos who are finding ancestral connections to a flourishing slave trade on the bloodsoaked frontier now known as the American Southwest. Their captive forebears were Native Americans — slaves frequently known as Genízaros (pronounced heh-NEE-sah-ros) who were sold to Hispanic families when the region was under Spanish control from the 16th to 19th centuries. Many Indian slaves remained in bondage when Mexico and later the United States governed New Mexico. The revelations have prompted some painful personal reckonings over identity and heritage. But they have also fueled a larger, politically charged debate on what it means to be Hispanic and Native American. A growing number of Latinos who have made such discoveries are embracing their indigenous backgrounds, challenging a long tradition in New Mexico in which families prize Spanish ancestry. Some are starting to identify as Genízaros. Historians estimate that Genízaros accounted for as much as one-third of New Mexico’s population of 29,000 in the late 18th century. “We’re discovering things that complicate the hell out of our history, demanding that we reject the myths we’ve been taught,” said Gregorio Gonzáles, 29, an anthropologist and self-described Genízaro who writes about the legacies of Indian enslavement. Those legacies were born of a tortuous story of colonial conquest and forced assimilation. New Mexico, which had the largest number of sedentary Indians north of central Mexico, emerged as a coveted domain for slavers almost as soon as the Spanish began settling in the state in the 16th century, according to Andrés Reséndez, a historian who details the trade in his 2016 book, “The Other Slavery.” Colonists initially took local Pueblo Indians as slaves, leading to an uprising in 1680 that temporarily pushed the Spanish out of New Mexico. The trade then evolved to include not just Hispanic traffickers but horsemounted Comanche and Ute warriors, who raided the settlements of Apache, Kiowa, Jumano, Pawnee and other peoples. They took captives, many of them children plucked from their homes, and sold them at auctions in village plazas. The Spanish crown tried to prohibit slavery in its colonies, but traffickers often circumvented the ban by labeling their captives in parish records as criados, or servants. The trade endured even decades after the Mexican-American War, when the United States took control of much of the Southwest in the 1840s. Seeking to strengthen the 13th Amendment, which abolished slavery in 1865, Congress passed the Peonage Act of 1867 after learning of propertied New Mexicans owning hundreds and perhaps thousands of Indian slaves, mainly Navajo women and children. But schol- “Who’s to say that the descendants of Genízaros, of people who were once slaves, can’t reclaim their culture?” PHOTOGRAPHS BY ADRIA MALCOLM FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Brienna Martinez, 8, performing in Alcalde, N.M. Many in the state who identify as Latino are also descended from Native American slaves sold to Hispanic families. St. Thomas the Apostle Church in Abiquiú, N.M., a village settled by Native American slaves when the region was under Spanish control from the 16th to 19th centuries. ars say the measure, which specifically targeted New Mexico, did little for many slaves in the territory. Many Hispanic families in New Mexico have long known that they had indigenous ancestry, even though some here still call themselves “Spanish” to emphasize their Iberian ties and to differentiate themselves from the state’s 23 federally recognized tribes, as well as from Mexican and other Latin American immigrants. But genetic testing is offering a glimpse into a more complex story. The DNA of Hispanic people from New Mexico is often in the range of 30 percent to 40 percent Native American, according to Miguel A. Tórrez, 42, a research technologist at Los Alamos National Laboratory and one of New Mexico’s most prominent genealogists. He and other researchers cross-reference DNA tests with baptismal records, marriage certificates, census reports, oral histories, ethnomusicology findings, land titles and other archival documents. Mr. Tórrez’s own look into his origins shows how these searches can produce unexpected results. He found one ancestor who was probably Ojibwe, from lands around the Great Lakes, roughly a thousand miles away, and another of Greek origin among the early colonizers claiming New Mexico for Spain. “I have Navajo, Chippewa, Greek and Spanish blood lines,” said Mr. Tórrez, who calls himself a mestizo, a term referring to mixed ancestry. “I can’t say I’m indigenous any more than I can say I’m Greek, but it’s both fascinating and disturbing to see how various cultures Floyd E. Trujillo, center, and his son Virgil, right, with Miguel A. Tórrez, a genealogist. The DNA of New Mexico Hispanics is often 30 percent to 40 percent Native American. came together in New Mexico.” Revelations about how Indian enslavement was a defining feature of colonial New Mexico can be unsettling for some in the state, where the authorities have often tried to perpetuate a narrative of relatively peaceful coexistence between Hispanics, Indians and Anglos, as non-Hispanic whites are generally called here. Pointing to their history, some descendants of Genízaros are coming together to argue that they deserve the same recognition as Native American tribes. One such group in Colorado, the 200-member Genízaro Affiliated Nations, organizes annual dances to commemorate their heritage. “It’s not about blood quantum or DNA testing for us, since those things can be inaccurate measuring sticks,” said Da- vid Atekpatzin Young, 62, the organization’s tribal chairman, who traces his ancestry to Apache and Pueblo peoples. “We know who we are, and what we want is sovereignty and our land back.” Some here object to calling Genízaros slaves, arguing that the authorities in New Mexico were relatively flexible in absorbing Indian captives. In an important distinction with African slavery in parts of the Americas, Genízaros could sometimes attain economic independence and even assimilate into the dominant Hispanic classes, taking the surnames of their masters and embracing Roman Catholicism. Genízaros and their offspring sometimes escaped or served out their terms of service, then banded together to forge buffer settlements against Comanche raids. Offering insight into how Indian Moorish-Christian conflict in medieval Spain with indigenous symbolism evoking the Spanish conquest of the New World. In Abiquiú, settled by Genízaros in the 18th century, people don face paint and feathers every November to perform a “captive dance” about the village’s Indian origins — on a day honoring a Catholic saint. “Some Natives say those in Abiquiú are pretend Indians,” said Mr. Tórrez, the genealogist. “But who’s to say that the descendants of Genízaros, of people who were once slaves, can’t reclaim their culture?” Efforts by some Genízaro descendants to call themselves Indians instead of Latinos point to a broader debate over how Native Americans are identified, involving often contentious factors like tribal membership, what constitutes indigenous cultural practices and the light skin color of some Hispanics with Native ancestry. Some Native Americans also chafe at the gains some Hispanics in New Mexico have sought by prioritizing their ancestral ties to European colonizers. Pointing to the breadth of the Southwest’s slave trade, some historians have also documented how Hispanic settlers were captured and enslaved by Native American traffickers, and sometimes went on to embrace the cultures of their Comanche, Pueblo or Navajo masters. Kim TallBear, an anthropologist at the University of Alberta, cautioned against using DNA testing alone to determine indigenous identity. She emphasized that such tests can point generally to Native ancestry somewhere in the Americas while failing to pinpoint specific tribal origins. “There’s a conflation of race and tribe that’s infuriating, really,” said Ms. TallBear, a member of the Sisseton Wahpeton Oyate tribe of South Dakota who writes about tribal belonging and genetic testing. “I don’t think ancestry alone is sufficient to define someone as indigenous.” The discovery of indigenous slave ancestry can be anything but straightforward, as Mr. Trujillo, the former postal worker, learned. First, he found his connection to a Genízaro man in the village of Abiquiú. Delving further into 18th century baptismal records, he then found that his ancestor somehow broke away from forced servitude to purchase three slaves of his own. “I was just blown away to find that I had a slaver and slaves in my family tree,” Mr. Trujillo said. “That level of complexity is too much for some people, but it’s part of the story of who I am.” White House presses for new options on North Korea PENTAGON, FROM PAGE 1 The Pentagon press secretary, Dana W. White, said that Mr. Mattis “regularly provides the president with a deep arsenal of military options” and that reports of a delay were “false.” General Dunford’s press secretary, Col. Patrick S. Ryer, said: “General Dunford regularly provides the best military advice in a timely and responsive manner. Suggestions to the contrary are inaccurate.” During a visit in October to the Demilitarized Zone between the two Koreas, Mr. Mattis confronted the central РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S gressive. For now, the frustration at the White House appears to be limited to senior officials rather than Mr. Trump himself. But the president has shown impatience with his military leaders on other issues, notably the debate over whether to deploy additional American troops to Afghanistan. As they examine the most effective way of giving credibility to Mr. Trump’s threat of “fire and fury,” officials are considering the feasibility of a preventive strike that could include disabling a missile on the launchpad or destroying North Korea’s entire nuclear infrastructure. American officials are also said to be considering covert means of disabling the nuclear and missile programs. While General McMaster also favors a diplomatic solution to the impasse, officials said, he emphasizes to colleagues that past efforts to negotiate with North Korea have forced the United States to make unacceptable concessions. The Pentagon has a different view. Mr. Mattis and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Joseph F. Dunford Jr., argue forcefully for using diplomacy. They have repeatedly warned, in meetings and on video conference calls, that there are few, if any, military options that would not provoke retaliation from North Korea, according to officials at the Defense Department. Representatives of Mr. Mattis and General Dunford denied that they have slow-walked options to the White House. There are few, if any, military options that would not provoke retaliation from North Korea, the Pentagon warns. contradiction in the Trump administration’s bellicose language: Virtually any military option would put the sprawling city of Seoul, with its population of 10 million, in the cross hairs of North Korea’s artillery guns. At times, South Korea’s defense minister, Song Young-moo, appeared to be giving Mr. Mattis a guided tour of how a strike against North Korea’s nuclear facilities would quickly trigger extensive retaliation. Even the most limited strike, the socalled bloody nose option, risks what one Defense Department official called an unacceptably high number of casualties. Mr. Cha, writing in The Washington Post, said the premise of such a strike — that it would jolt Mr. Kim into recognizing that the United States was serious, and draw him back to the bargaining table — was flawed. “If we believe that Kim is undeterrable without such a strike, how can we also believe that a strike will deter him from responding in kind?” Mr. Cha wrote. “And if Kim is unpredictable, impulsive and bordering on irrational, how can we control the escalation ladder, which is premised on an adversary’s rational understanding of signals and deterrence?” Friends said Mr. Cha pressed that case in meetings at the Pentagon, the United States Pacific Command, the State Department and the National Security Council. He passed along articles critical of preventive military action by two colleagues: John J. Hamre, the president of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and Michael J. Green, a senior fellow at the center who worked in the George W. Bush administration, as did Mr. Cha. Mr. Green warned against a preventive strike in testimony on Tuesday before the Senate Armed Services Committee. He said there appeared to be little support for it, even among normally hawkish Republicans like Senators Tom Cotton of Arkansas, Joni Ernst of Iowa and Dan Sullivan of Alaska. Even the White House has struggled to send a consistent message. In the week after Mr. Trump issued his threat to rain “fire and fury” on North Korea, Stephen K. Bannon, then his chief strat- DOUG MILLS/THE NEW YORK TIMES Lt. Gen. H. R. McMaster, left, the American national security adviser, with President Trump during a meeting in November with the South Korean president in Seoul. egist, told a progressive journalist, “There’s no military solution. Forget it.” “Until somebody solves the part of the equation that shows me that 10 million people in Seoul don’t die in the first 30 minutes from conventional weapons,” he said, “I don’t know what you’re talking about.” Mr. Bannon’s bluntness angered other White House officials and hastened his exit from the White House. But there is evidence that General McMas- ter shares those concerns. Asked by a reporter in August whether there was any military option that would not put Seoul in North Korea’s cross hairs, he paused briefly, then said, “No.” With as many as 8,000 artillery pieces and rocket launchers positioned along its border with the South, North Korea could rain up to 300,000 rounds on the South in the first hour of a counterattack. While that arsenal is of limited range and could be destroyed in days, North Korea would still have time to cause widespread destruction. In a rare appearance last year on the CBS News program “Face the Nation,” Mr. Mattis warned that war with North Korea would be “catastrophic” — “probably the worst kind of fighting in most people’s lifetimes.” That does not mean the military has not begun preparing for that possibility. At multiple Army bases across the country this month, more than 1,000 reserve officers are practicing how to set up socalled mobilization centers, which move reservists overseas in a hurry. But as the military gears up, Mr. Tillerson continues to look for a diplomatic channel to North Korea. State Department officials say the United States has far from exhausted its nonmilitary options for pressuring Pyongyang. It could, for example, push to expel North Korea from the United Nations or interdict ships that it suspects are violating sanctions against the government. Neither Mr. Tillerson nor Mr. Mattis has broken with the White House on the issue of a preventive strike. That is because for now, they still view it as a useful tool in deterring North Korea, according to people briefed by the administration. More important, they continue to be confident that, despite their anxieties, cooler heads with eventually prevail. Adam Goldman, Eric Schmitt and David E. Sanger contributed reporting. РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. 6 | SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION science lab GREG DU TOIT/BARCROFT MEDIA, VIA GETTY IMAGES M I C R O A G G R E SS I O N S Elephants are scared of bees. That could save their lives. Elephants are afraid of bees. The largest animal on land is so terrified of a tiny insect that it will flap its ears, stir up dust and make noises when it hears the buzz of a beehive. Of course, a bee’s stinger can’t penetrate the thick hide of an elephant. But when bees swarm — and African bees swarm aggressively — hundreds might sting in its most sensitive areas: the trunk, mouth and eyes. Elephants’ fear of bees is being used by conservationists to help prevent the kinds of conflict that put the behemoths at risk. The endangered animals have been shot by farmers trying to save their crops from elephants foraging, or by poachers allowed access to help guard the fields. Now there’s a weapon — and a mutually beneficial one — in conservationists’ arsenal. In recent years, researchers and advocates have persuaded farmers to use the elephant’s fear of bees as a fence line to protect crops. By stringing beehives every 20 meters — alternating with fake hives — a team of researchers in Africa has shown that they can keep 80 percent of elephants away from farmland. KAREN WEINTRAUB T R O U B L E I N PA R A D I S E ‘I don’t think it would be advisable to anyone to even think about it.’ Description released of giant turtle’s killer: 11.5 feet long, big teeth Shoukhrat Mitalipov, of Oregon Health and Science University, on the prospects for human cloning after Chinese researchers cloned monkeys. Aldabra Atoll, an island in the Indian Ocean, is now a predator-free paradise for 100,000 giant tortoises. Gone are the seafarers who overhunted them to near extinction. Gone too are the large crocodiles that may have preyed upon them in prehistoric times, as a new study suggests. Dennis Hansen, a University of Zurich ecologist, was exploring the coral atoll and its azure lagoon when N E A R M I SS E S Swat that mosquito? Nah, just treat it to a gentle breeze A bee’s sting won’t hurt an elephant’s tough hide, but bees can swarm and wound more sensitive places like the trunk, eyes and mouth. he came across fossils that intrigued him. They included parts of a giant tortoise shell with circular bite marks and the jaw of an ancient crocodilian. He and a colleague concluded that 90,000 to 125,000 years ago, the ancient crocodiles may have feasted upon the giant tortoises of Aldabra. The remains suggested they belonged to crocodiles that were about 11.5 feet long. The finding may offer new insights into the ancient past of the world’s most numerous giant tortoise and the threats it once faced from their longago predators. NICHOLAS ST. FLEUR ALAN WILSON/ROYAL VETERINARY COLLEGE, LONDON O R R U N FA ST E R The best way to elude a cheetah on your tail? Exit stage right, or left РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S Imagine you’re in a high-speed car chase. You’re fast, but the Lamborghini behind you is faster. Flooring it and going in a straight line only spells certain defeat. So what’s your best bet for escape? KILEY RIFFELL If you keep swatting at a mosquito, will it leave you alone? Some scientists think so. But it depends. Some blood meals are worth a mosquito’s risking its life. But if there’s a more attractive or accepting alternative to feed from, a mosquito may move on to that someone or something instead. That’s because if you keep trying and missing, the mosquito may learn to associate your swatting vibrations with your scent, a new study suggests. And it just may remember: This is not a person who will tolerate me. Remembering the smell of a particularly defensive individual with a propensity to swat is important for a bug’s survival. JOANNA KLEIN Drive along, not too quickly, and just as the other car is about to close in, make a sharp turn. That’s the suggestion of a new study, although instead of cars it looked at high-speed pursuits in Botswana between two pairs of predator and prey: cheetahs and impalas, and lions and zebras. The study, led by Alan Wilson (above, with some racers at ease) of the Royal Veterinary College in London, observed thousands of runs of cheetahs, impalas, lions and zebras. The model showed that impalas and zebras have the best chance of making a getaway if they run at moderate speeds, because that leaves more options for maneuvering away at the last second. STEPH YIN DENNIS HANSEN/UNIVERSITY OF ZURICH ONLINE: TRILOBITES Daily nuggets of science for mobile readers: nytimes.com/trilobites P O L LU T I O N O V E R LO A D Plastic by the ton litters coral reefs in Asia Pacific Joleah Lamb began her career as a coral biologist on the Great Barrier Reef, off Australia. Every now and then she’d note a scrap of plastic as she swam through. But when she started studying reefs in Asia, she came across a much higher level of detritus. “I don’t even know how to record this!” she recalls thinking. “It’s a chair! Where do I put ‘chair’? Or LALITA PUTCHIM Left, a plastic bottle wedged in coral on the Great Barrier Reef of Australia; above, spawning coral wrapped in plastic. DR. KATHRYN BERRY diaper? Or bottle?” Over the years, Dr. Lamb, now a professor at Cornell University, and her collaborators assembled a database of plastic pollution on 159 reefs in Australia, Indonesia, Myanmar and Thailand. In a new paper, they estimate that reefs across the Asia-Pacific region are littered with more than 11 billion pieces of plastic larger than five centimeters. The researchers found that corals with plastic on them were 20 times more likely to be diseased than those without. VERONIQUE GREENWOOD РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 | 7 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION Business Assessing Trump effect on economy stock market’s rise over the past year. The rest is because of other factors, which may include Mr. Trump’s probusiness outlook but also many things beyond his control. Stock market valuations are reaching lofty levels by many measures, and those gains may prove ephemeral if growth doesn’t live up to investors’ rosy expectations. “The value of the stock market isn’t an indicator of the economic health of America,” Professor Slemrod noted. THE ECONOMY James B. Stewart COMMON SENSE Most American presidents at some point benefit from a surging economy and stock market, but none has claimed more credit for them than Donald J. Trump, as he did again during the past week’s State of the Union address. Among the highlights: • Stock market gains of “$8 trillion and more.” • Since his election, “2.4 million new jobs” created. • “Over three million workers have gotten tax-cut bonuses,” and workers are seeing “rising wages.” • All thanks to “the biggest tax cuts and reforms in American history.” PHOTOGRAPHS BY QUINN RYAN MATTINGLY FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Tending a rice field next to the site of the Long Phu 1 coal-fired power plant in Vietnam. The Export-Import Bank of the United States is considering a request to assist the project. Vietnam, U.S., Russia and coal LONG PHU, VIETNAM A power project seeking American money raises issues on several fronts BY MIKE IVES THE STOCK MARKET Construction workers on a lunch break. The Long Phu 1 project is part of a burst of spending in Vietnam to meet rising electricity needs. Thai Thuy Hang, who opened a restaurant near the plant site, said she planned to recoup her $9,000 investment within a year. “No one likes risk like me,” she said. December that it would mostly stop funding oil and gas projects after 2019. Criticized by environmentalists after approving tens of billions of dollars in financing related to fossil fuels, the Obama administration said in 2013 that it would restrict support for overseas coal projects. UK Export Finance, Britain’s export credit agency, rejected financing for Long Phu 1 because of the British government’s climate change priorities, a spokeswoman said. The timing of a decision on the project is unclear. In December a Senate panel rejected Scott Garrett, a critic of the Export-Import Bank, as President Trump’s nominee to lead it. But four other board nominees are expected to go to the full Senate for confirmation, potentially enabling the board to begin making new financing deals — more than two years after political fighting over the agency left its work at a standstill. Vietnam sees coal as central to its energy needs. Long Phu 1, which is being built by PetroVietnam, a state energy company, would be the first element of a three-plant complex. It would burn coal from Australia or Indonesia. Several advocacy groups say that PetroVietnam’s environmental due diligence underestimated the project’s РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S The towering lattice of blue steel girders rising above banana and lemongrass crops near Vietnam’s southern coast stands as public testament to the country’s drive to burn coal. With help from a Kremlin-connected Russian bank, Vietnam is building a coal-fired power plant called Long Phu 1 that will generate enough electricity to power millions of homes while producing an estimated 5.4 million tons of carbon dioxide a year. But the project needs something else first: help from the United States government. The plant’s state-controlled owner has applied for assistance with the project from the Export-Import Bank of the United States. If the bank agrees, American taxpayers will shoulder the financial risk of Vietnam’s purchase of millions of dollars’ worth of turbines and other equipment from General Electric. The bank has not yet decided whether it will back the project. If it did, it would show that the Trump administration’s commitment to using more coal at home also extended overseas. Critics say it would also challenge a growing global consensus that developed nations and groups like the World Bank should stop funding highly polluting energy projects in developing countries. Britain’s equivalent of the Export-Import Bank has already declined to participate in the project. In addition, the Export-Import Bank would be providing American backing for a project partly funded by a Russian bank that has endured sanctions by the United States government since 2014 because of Moscow’s military intervention in Ukraine. Support within the Export-Import Bank is not clear. In a statement, the bank said it was reviewing the application to determine whether it complied with international rules and the bank’s environmental policy. Analysts say the deal would almost certainly be structured so that neither Export-Import Bank nor any American companies were in direct contact with the Russian bank, Vnesheconombank, also known as VEB. The project’s backers in the United States and Vietnam say it would generate employment in both places. “Our work on the Long Phu project supports the Vietnamese government’s goal of bringing power to approximately four million Vietnamese people, while also supporting hundreds of U.S. jobs,” said Una Pulizzi, a General Electric spokeswoman. In Vietnam, the project is part of a burst of spending to meet rising electricity needs and support a fast-growing economy. Thai Thuy Hang, for example, opened a restaurant near the construction site several months ago. Now she serves humble fare like rice and chicken feet to hungry construction workers. She said that she planned to recoup her $9,000 investment within a year — even if the project ran into problems. “No one likes risk like me,” she said. Developing countries building fossilfuel projects have found that the number of places they can turn to for help has dwindled. The World Bank, which earlier restricted funding for coal projects, said in Since the president has frequently complained that the media denies him credit for any of this, I thought it only fair to assess the degree to which the undeniably strong economy, low unemployment and surging stock market are because of Mr. Trump’s achievements, notably his sweeping tax bill. It turns out that’s no easy task, especially since Mr. Trump has been president for only a year and the tax legislation is little more than a month old. Economists are still debating the impact of Ronald Reagan’s 1986 tax reform legislation more than 30 years after its passage. “It’s not like chemistry or physics, where you can do a controlled experiment and change one variable,” said Joel Slemrod, professor of economics and public policy at the University of Michigan, and co-author of a seminal study of the effects of the 1986 tax reform act. “We can never be entirely sure because we don’t know what would have happened without the tax act.” Even so, “there are specific things that are hard to imagine being attributed to anything else” other than the tax legislation, said Alan Auerbach, professor of economics and law at the University of California, Berkeley, and Professor Slemrod’s co-author on the study of the 1986 reform. With that in mind, here’s a look at the major areas where Mr. Trump claims credit. likely carbon footprint. They also say the project is not clean enough to meet new guidelines from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, or O.E.C.D., a group of developed nations that includes the United States and that has tried to curb lending by government-owned export credit agencies to certain types of coal projects. By approving the project, the United States would be “thumbing our nose to all the other countries that have striven so hard to reach this agreement,” said Doug Norlen, the director of economic policy at Friends of the Earth, a nonprofit group that opposes Long Phu 1. The final impact assessment for the project was submitted to the Export-Import Bank in December 2016, days before the O.E.C.D. guidelines took effect. The company’s supporters say the timing exempts the project from the guidelines. The project’s Russian backer, VEB, has also come under criticism. The bank is under sanctions that effectively prevent it from taking on new business in the United States. It is also part of a federal investigation into possible collusion between the Trump campaign and the Russian government. While there is no suggestion that the Vietnamese coal plant is linked to that investigation, critics say Washington would be sending mixed messages if the Export-Import Bank approved a project backed by the Russian bank. “It’s striking in some ways to me that this is a project the Trump administration might pursue,” said Brian O’Toole, a former Treasury official who helped design American sanctions on Russia. “If you hold Russia accountable, you don’t do stuff like this with them.” VEB did not respond to an emailed list of questions. Activists who oppose the project also say that by approving it the Export-Import Bank would risk violating an O.E.C.D. convention designed to prevent export credit agencies from forming a partnership with corrupt foreign officials. Last month, Dinh La Thang, PetroVietnam’s former chairman, was sentenced to 13 years in prison for economic mismanagement, in an anticorruption push that experts widely regard as more a reflection of political infighting than a desire to eliminate graft in Vietnam, a one-party state. Mat Tromme, a senior research fellow at the Bingham Center for the Rule of Law in London who previously worked on anticorruption projects in Vietnam, said that proving a violation of the O.E.C.D. convention could be difficult because its definition of corruption can be vague. But he said that it was “relatively easy” to see how the case could fall within the convention’s provisions, and that the Export-Import Bank might feel pressure from export credit agencies in countries like Britain, Canada and Germany that have what he called “tough” positions against bribery and corruption. PetroVietnam officials did not respond to multiple requests for comment. The Export-Import Bank said it would consider any evidence of mismanagement. Le Thi Tam, who lives nearby, said that officials had paid her about $2,400 to relinquish her farmland on what is now the project site. Pollution from the plant is a concern, Ms. Tam said, but that is hardly worth complaining about. “It’s government policy,” she said. “Who can argue with that?” The Standard & Poor’s 500-stock index rose 23 percent during Mr. Trump’s first year in office, an increase surpassed only during the administrations of Franklin Roosevelt and Barack Obama, both Democrats who took office in the wake of financial crises and stock market crashes. Mr. Trump’s policies and Republicans in Congress deserve some credit, given that economists expect the cut in corporate taxes to raise company earnings, and stock prices are fundamentally a reflection of earnings expectations. “There’s no question after-tax earnings will be higher” thanks to the tax legislation, Professor Slemrod said. But the estimated impact on aftertax earnings — a range of 7 percent to 10 percent, according to most economists — accounts for less than half the Gross domestic product grew by 2.3 percent last year, lower than Mr. Trump’s predictions of 3-plus percent, but significantly better than the 1.6 percent growth in 2016, Mr. Obama’s last year in office. As should be obvious, passage of the Republican tax legislation was too recent to have had any impact on those numbers. To the extent that expectations of tax reform fueled investment decisions, they may have had some effect, but that’s nearly impossible to measure. The first real clues will come next year, when 2018 gross domestic product numbers are released. The congressional Joint Committee on Taxation estimated that the new tax legislation would raise G.D.P. by seventenths of a percent over what it would have been under the old law. “The economy has been strong, and forecasts for next year have been bumped up due to the tax cut, ” said Professor Auerbach. “But there’s a lot going on. You won’t be able to tell what the impact is from just a few quarters.” Even 10 years after the 1986 law, “it was very difficult to tease out the impact of tax reform on the economy,” he said. “The best estimate is it didn’t have much effect.” WAGE GROWTH AND BONUSES Many companies have been doling out bonuses to employees since the tax legislation passed, but “I don’t think that tells us anything,” Professor Slemrod said. That’s because in standard economic theory, labor market conditions dictate employee compensation levels, not cash flow or profitability. “The labor market was strengthening long before Mr. Trump was elected or the tax bill was passed,” Professor Slemrod said. “If companies were going to raise wages anyway to stay competitive, they have a public relations incentive to attribute it to tax cuts.” Wage growth actually slowed during the first year of Mr. Trump’s presidency compared with the last year of Mr. Obama’s. Mr. Auerbach added that given the length of the recovery and low levels of unemployment, many economists “have been wondering why we haven’t seen stronger wage growth” as competition for labor heats up. “Now we may be starting to see it.” Much the same can be said about unemployment, which fell to 4.1 percent from 4.7 percent during Mr. Trump’s first year as president, and which also reflects the tight labor market conditions that have been developing for years. The unemployment rate fell much more during the Obama years (three full percentage points, from when Mr. Obama took office, inheriting a severe recession, until when he left). In any event, it’s far too soon to evaluate Mr. Trump’s impact on the labor market. Economists generally agree that at least some of the Republican tax cuts will flow through to workers, although there are widely differing projections about how much, and most say the largest share will go to shareholders in the form of dividends, stock buybacks and higher share prices. Professor Slemrod said we may never know for sure, but “in five or six years we may be able to tell if some of the more extreme claims are reasonable.” Est. 1926 +41 44 202 76 10 firstname.lastname@example.org renewable Tax Free & Paid registration on Swiss plates We also register cars with expired or foreign plates TAX FREE & TAX PAID - NEW & USED Expats services Homologation services International sales Diplomatic sales The world's most trusted perspective. Get unlimited digital access to The New York Times. Save 50%. nytimes.com/globaloffer РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS 8 | SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 .. THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION business Building a virtual utopia in Puerto Rico ten on a firm grounding mat to stay in contact with the earth’s electric energy. Josh Boles, a tall, athletic man who is another crypto-investor, picked him up and the group headed to the Monastery. They walked past a big pink building in an old town square, the start of their vision for Puertopia’s downtown. Once a children’s museum, they plan on making it a crypto-clubhouse and outreach center that will “bring together Puerto Ricans with Puertopians.” PUERTO RICO, FROM PAGE 1 So this crypto-community flocked to Puerto Rico to create its paradise. Now the investors are spending their days hunting for property where they could have their own airports and docks. They are taking over hotels and a museum in the capital’s historic section, Old San Juan. They say they are close to getting the local government to allow them to have the first cryptocurrency bank. “What’s happened here is a perfect storm,” said Halsey Minor, the founder of the news site CNET, who is moving his new blockchain company — called Videocoin — from the Cayman Islands to Puerto Rico this winter. Referring to Hurricane Maria and the investment interest that has followed, he added, “While it was really bad for the people of Puerto Rico, in the long term it’s a godsend if people look past that.” Puerto Rico offers an unparalleled tax incentive: no federal personal income taxes, no capital gains tax and favorable business taxes — all without having to renounce your American citizenship. For now, the island’s government seems receptive toward the crypto-utopians; the governor will speak at their blockchain summit conference, called Puerto Crypto, in March. The territory’s go-to blockchain tax lawyer is Giovanni Mendez, 30. He expected the tax migrants to disappear after Hurricane Maria, but the population has instead boomed. “It’s increased monumentally,” said Mr. Mendez. The movement is alarming an earlier generation of Puerto Rico tax migrants like the hedge fund manager Robb Rill, who runs a social group for those taking advantage of the tax incentives. “They call me up saying they’re going to buy 250,000 acres so they can incorporate their own city, literally start a city in Puerto Rico to have their own cryptoworld,” said Mr. Rill, who moved to the island in 2013. “I can’t engage in that.” The newcomers are still debating the exact shape that Puertopia should take. Some think they need to make a city; others think it’s enough to move into Old San Juan. Puertopians said, however, that they hoped to move very fast. “You’ve never seen an industry catalyze a place like you’re going to see here,” Mr. Minor said. THE MONASTERY Until the Puertopians find land, they have descended on the Monastery, a 20,000-square-foot hotel they rented as their base and that was largely unscathed by the hurricane. Matt Clemenson and Stephen Morris were drinking beer on the Monastery’s roof one recent evening. Mr. Clemenson had an easygoing attitude and wore twotone aviators; Mr. Morris, a loquacious British man, was in cargo shorts and lace-up steel-toed combat boots, with a smartphone on a necklace. They wanted to make two things clear: They chose Puerto Rico because of the hurricane, and they come in peace. “It’s only when everything’s been swept away that you can make a case for rebuilding from the ground up,” Mr. Morris, 53, said. “We’re benevolent capitalists, building a benevolent economy,” said Mr. THE VANDERBILT PHOTOGRAPHS BY JOSÉ JIMÉNEZ-TIRADO FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Old San Juan, P.R., seen from the Monastery, a hotel the entrepreneurs have rented as their base. Below, Brock Pierce, center, with Josh Boles, left, and Matt Clemenson. Clemenson, 34, a co-founder of Lottery.com, which is using the blockchain in lotteries. “Puerto Rico has been this hidden gem, this enchanted island that’s been consistently overlooked and mistreated. Maybe 500 years later we can make it right.” Other Puertopians arrived on the roof as a pack, just back from a full-day property-hunting bus tour. From the middle, Brock Pierce, 37, the leader of the Puertopia movement, emerged wearing drop crotch capri pants, a black vest that almost hit his knees and a large black felt hat. He and others had arrived on the island in early December. “Compassion, respect, financial transparency,” Mr. Pierce said when asked what was guiding them here. Mr. Pierce, the director of the Bitcoin Foundation, is a major figure in the crypto-boom. He co-founded a blockchain-for-business start-up, Block.One, which has sold around $200 million of a custom virtual currency, EOS, in a so-called initial coin offering. The value of all the outstanding EOS tokens is around $6.5 billion. A former child actor, Mr. Pierce got into digital money early as a professional gamer, mining and trading gold in the video game World of Warcraft, an effort funded partly by Stephen K. Bannon, the former Trump adviser. Mr. Pierce is a controversial figure — he has previously been sued for fraud, among other matters. Downstairs, in the Monastery penthouse, a dozen or so others were hanging out. The water was out that night, so the toilets and faucets were dry. Mr. Minor lounged on a chaise. “The U.S. doesn’t want us. It’s trying to choke off this economy,” Mr. Minor said, referring to the difficulties that cryptocurrency investors have with American banks. “There needs to be a place where people are free to invent.” Mr. Pierce paced the room with his hands in fists. A few times a day, he played a video for the group on his phone and a portable speaker: Charlie Chaplin’s 1940 “The Great Dictator,” in which Chaplin parodies Hitler rallying his forces. He finds inspiration in lines like “More than machinery, we need humanity.” “I’m worried people are going to misinterpret our actions,” Mr. Pierce said. “That we’re just coming to Puerto Rico to dodge taxes.” He said he was aiming to create a charitable token called ONE with $1 billion of his own money. “If you take the MY out of money, you’re left with ONE,” Mr. Pierce said. “He’s tuned into a higher calling,” said Kai Nygard, scion of the Canadian clothing company Nygard and a crypto-investor. “He’s beyond money.” The force of Mr. Pierce’s personality and his spiritual presence are important to the group, whose members are otherwise largely agnostic. Mr. Pierce regu- Workdays are casual in Puertopia. One morning, Bryan Larkin, 39, and Reeve Collins, 42, were working at another old hotel, the Condado Vanderbilt, where they had their laptops on a pool bar with frozen piña coladas on tap. “We’re going to make this cryptoland,” Mr. Larkin said. Mr. Larkin has mined about $2 billion in Bitcoin and is the chief technology officer of Blockchain Industries, a publicly traded company based in Puerto Rico. Mr. Collins, an internet veteran, had raised more than $20 million from an initial coin offering for BlockV, his app store for the blockchain, whose outstanding tokens are worth about $125 million. He had also co-founded Tether, which backs cryptocurrency tied to the value of a dollar and whose outstanding tokens are worth about $2.1 billion, though the company has generated enormous controversy. “So, no. No, I don’t want to pay taxes,” Mr. Collins said. “This is the first time in human history anyone other than kings or governments or gods can create their own money.” He had moved from Santa Monica, Calif., with just a few bags and was now starting a local cryptocurrency incubator called Vatom Factory. “When Brock said, ‘We’re moving to Puerto Rico for the taxes and to create this new town,’ I said, ‘I’m in,’ ” Mr. Collins said. “Sight unseen.” WELCOME, PUERTOPIANS? larly performs rituals. Earlier that day while scoping out property, they had stopped at a historic Ceiba tree, known as the Tree of Life. “Brock nestled into the bosom of it and was there for 10 minutes,” Mr. Nygard said. Mr. Pierce walked around the tree and said prayers for Puertopia, holding a rusted wrench he had picked up in the territory. He kissed an old man’s feet. He blessed a crystal in the water. He played the Chaplin speech to everyone and to the tree, Mr. Nygard said. That wrench is now in the penthouse, heavy and greasy. Later on, at a dinner in a nearby restaurant, the group ordered platters of octopus arms, fried cheese, ceviche and rum cocktails. They began debating whether to buy Puerto Rico’s Roosevelt Roads Naval Station, which measures 9,000 acres and has two deepwater ports and an adjacent airport. The only hitch: It’s a Superfund cleanup site. Mr. Pierce had fallen asleep by then, his hat tilted down and arms crossed. He gets two hours of sleep many nights, of- All across San Juan, many locals are trying to figure out what to do with the crypto-arrivals. Some are open to the new wave as a welcome infusion of investment and ideas. “We’re open for crypto-business,” said Erika Medina-Vecchini, the chief business development officer for the Department of Economic Development and Commerce, in an interview at her office. She said her office was starting an ad campaign aimed at the new boom in migrating crypto-investors, with the tagline “Paradise Performs.” Others worry about the island’s being used for an experiment and talk about “crypto-colonialism.” At a house party in San Juan, Richard Lopez, 32, who runs a pizza restaurant, Estella, in the town of Arecibo, said: “I think it’s great. Lure them in with taxes, and they’ll spend money.” Andria Satz, 33, who grew up in Old San Juan and works for the Conservation Trust of Puerto Rico, disagreed. “We’re the tax playground for the rich,” she said. “We’re the test case for anyone who wants to experiment. Outsiders get tax exemptions, and locals can’t get permits.” Outrage in France after babies get sick despite formula recall PARIS BY LIZ ALDERMAN РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S When the French dairy giant Lactalis began recalling baby formula, Ségolène Noviant thought she was safe. The milk she had been feeding her 5-month-old son was not on the list. Then her son, Noan, was rushed to the emergency room with a fever, diarrhea and internal bleeding. His formula had been tainted with salmonella — and a broad range of other Lactalis powderedmilk products still on the shelves were at risk, too. It would take three recalls and many weeks for the scope of the problem to finally become clear, stoking public outrage. In one of the biggest recalls of its kind, the company has pulled more than 7,000 tons of potentially contaminated baby formula and other powdered-milk products from shelves in more than 80 countries, mostly in Europe, Africa and Asia. And its chief executive said on Thursday that the company’s powdered-milk products may have been exposed to salmonella for more than a decade. The huge recall and the missteps along the way have exposed corporate lapses and regulatory gaps that allowed tainted products to make their way into supermarkets and pharmacies, even weeks after the problems were discovered. The episode at Lactalis, which also makes yogurt, butter and cheese, has highlighted what critics say is lax oversight of industrial food companies and weak reporting standards across the European Union. In the Lactalis case, the French government initially placed blame squarely on the company. But late last month, as complaints about weak regulation intensified, President Emmanuel Macron said his government would “draw lessons” from the crisis. “There will be zero tolerance on the part of the state,” he said. European governments generally allow food companies to self-report prob- lems to regulators, rather than require their disclosure. Compliance and enforcement of standards also vary from country to country. But the European Union operates as a single market, meaning that tainted products in one country can make their way through Europe and to the rest of the world. The recall is the latest in a series of food safety scandals that Europe has faced in recent years. Millions of tainted eggs were recalled in 2017 after poultry farms in Belgium and the Netherlands were contaminated with an insecticide. In 2013, horse meat was discovered masquerading as beef in Britain and Ireland. In the Lactalis case, both the company and regulators missed opportunities to identify the problems before tainted products ended up on the shelf. Lactalis initially found traces of salmonella at its main factory in August and again in November. But it did not alert regulators either time. Under French law, a company does not have to tell the authorities if it determines, through its own internal tests, that the food is not contaminated. Standard inspections do occur once every two years, but they are not necessarily comprehensive. As part of a routine visit, the government inspected the factory in September, after the company had already discovered salmonella. But officials inspected just part of the factory and not the area that produced baby formula. Lactalis instituted its first recall in early December. But the company did not go far enough. Reports of salmonella cases kept multiplying. Those cases prompted the government to inspect the factory, in the town of Craon, and afterward officials demanded that Lactalis vastly expand the recall. But the government did not discover the full extent of the problems. A couple of weeks later, the company found that more milk had been tainted and had to recall even more products. Ms. Noviant’s baby, Noan, was hospitalized three more times. Over all in the Lactalis case, at least 38 children have been sickened by tainted milk products. SÉGOLÈNE NOVIANT DAMIEN MEYER/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES Ségolène Noviant, left, with her son, Noan, who has been hospitalized several times after drinking tainted formula. An officer, right, standing guard near the Lactalis factory in Craon, France, last month while investigators were on the premises. No deaths have been reported. “My baby almost died,” said Ms. Noviant, 29, who quit her job as a restaurant manager in the southwestern city of Toulouse to care for Noan. “The company kept selling for profit and acted with impunity, but the government also failed.” Lactalis started as a small cheesemaking business in 1933 and grew into a multinational behemoth by acquiring brands like Parmalat of Italy and Stonyfield Farm of the United States that make cheese, milk and yogurt. The company now has 75,000 employees across 44 countries and has become one of the world’s biggest producers of infant formula and cereals under brands like Picot and Milumel. Emmanuel Besnier, the chief executive, took over leadership of the company in 2000 from his father and grandfather. Called “the invisible billionaire” by employees, he has almost never been photographed or interviewed, and has rarely been seen at the Craon factory. His relative silence about the scandal drew the ire of parents and consumers in France. Mr. Besnier, 47, eventually spoke with two French newspapers, Le Journal du Dimanche last month and Les Échos on Thursday. A spokeswoman for Lactalis said Mr. Besnier was not available for an interview. The company declined to comment further. Mr. Besnier acknowledged in the interview with Les Échos that the bacteria in recent milk products was identical to a strain found in the factory in 2005, under a previous owner. More than 140 babies in France got sick back then. Lactalis bought that factory in 2006, and has claimed that it had disinfected the facilities. But the Institut Pasteur in Paris, a research center for medicine and public health, announced on Thursday that at least 25 other infants had been infected with salmonella traced to the factory between the 2005 outbreak and these newest cases. The latest problems have been building for months. In August, the company found traces of salmonella on a broom at the factory, Mr. Besnier said in one of the interviews. The bacteria typically thrive in poor sanitation conditions, but Lactalis said it may have been introduced during a factory renovation last February. Government inspectors visited the factory in September, but they did not review the area where baby formula was produced. They found nothing wrong, and Lactalis did not mention the traces of bacteria found the previous month. Under French law, they did not have to. (An independent laboratory hired by Lactalis carried out 16,000 product checks and found no contamination, according to Mr. Besnier.) Lactalis found more salmonella in November. Again it cleaned the site. Again it did not alert the authorities, Mr. Besnier said. Soon, reports emerged of babies being rushed to hospitals after drinking the company’s infant formula. On Dec. 1, the Agriculture Ministry announced that at least 20 children had been infected by salmonella, and that the problem could have originated at the factory in Craon. The next day, regula- tors returned and found that one of two drying towers used to make powdered milk was “filled with salmonella.” This time, Lactalis verified the outbreak. The government ordered Lactalis to conduct a limited recall of baby formula. A week later, as more reports of illnesses emerged, French officials expanded the recall and accused Lactalis of not moving fast enough to contain the crisis. On Dec. 21, Lactalis announced a third recall, expanding its scope to cover more than 7,000 tons of powdered-milk products. Despite the recall, thousands of the affected products were still being sold by pharmacies, hospitals and at least seven of France’s biggest retailers — including Auchan, Carrefour, Casino and Leclerc. Lactalis blamed the retailers for failing to act fast enough, and the government said it would also hold those companies responsible. The French government ordered the factory closed for decontamination, and Lactalis has said it would not reopen a major production line where the salmonella was discovered. The debacle is expected to cost the privately held company hundreds of millions of dollars, Mr. Besnier said. The legal fallout is only just emerging. An organization of families affected by contaminated products filed lawsuits this week against Lactalis for reckless endangerment, and against retailers that it said failed to quickly pull tainted products. One family is suing the French government for inadequate oversight because inspectors gave the plant a clean bill of health in September. “This is a health scandal of unprecedented scale,” said Quentin Guillemain, who founded the family group. Lactalis has offered to compensate victims of the tainted products. Instead, the families say, they will press ahead with their lawsuits. “Lactalis is a huge multinational,” said Mr. Guillemain, who has a 3-monthold daughter. “That doesn’t mean it should be allowed to operate above the law.” РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 | 9 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION Opinion What it’s like to live in a surveillance state China is deploying high-tech totalitarianism to repress Uighurs in Xinjiang. James A. Millward Imagine that this is your daily life: While on your way to work or on an errand, every 100 meters you pass a police blockhouse. Video cameras on street corners and lamp posts recognize your face and track your movements. At multiple checkpoints, police officers scan your ID card, your irises and the contents of your phone. At the supermarket or the bank, you are scanned again, your bags are X-rayed and an officer runs a wand over your body — at least if you are from the wrong ethnic group. Members of the main group are usually waved through. You have had to complete a survey about your ethnicity, your religious practices and your “cultural level”; about whether you have a passport, relatives or acquaintances abroad, and whether you know anyone who has ever been arrested or is a member of what the state calls a “special population.” This personal information, along with your biometric data, resides in a database tied to your ID number. The system crunches all of this into a composite score that ranks you as “safe,” “normal” or “unsafe.” Based on those categories, you When may or may not be Uighurs buy allowed to visit a a kitchen museum, pass knife, their through certain ID data is neighborhoods, go to etched on the the mall, check into a hotel, rent an apartblade as a ment, apply for a job QR code. or buy a train ticket. Or you may be detained to undergo re-education, like many thousands of other people. A science-fiction dystopia? No. This is life in northwestern China today if you are Uighur. China may no longer be the bleak land of Mao suits, self-criticism sessions and loudspeakers blaring communist slogans. It boasts gleaming bullet trains, luxury malls and cellphonefacilitated consumer life. But when it comes to indigenous Uighurs in the vast western region of Xinjiang, the Chinese Communist Party (C.C.P.) has updated its old totalitarian methods with cutting-edge technology. The party considers Uighurs, the Turkic-speaking ethnic group native to the nominally autonomous region of Xinjiang, to be dangerous separatists. The Qing Empire conquered Xinjiang in the 18th century. The territory then slipped from Beijing’s control, until the Communists reoccupied it with Soviet help in 1949. Today, several Central Asian peoples, including Uighurs, Kazakhs and Kyrghyz, make up about half of the region’s population; the remainder are Han and Hui, who arrived from eastern China starting in the mid-20th century. Over the past several years, small numbers of Uighurs have violently challenged the authorities, notably during riots in 2009, or committed terrorist acts. But the C.C.P. has since subjected the entire Uighur population of some 11 million to arbitrary arrest, draconian surveillance or systemic discrimination. Uighurs are culturally Muslim, and the government often cites the threat of foreign Islamist ideology to justify its security policies. I have researched Xinjiang for three decades. Ethnic tensions have been common during all those years, and soon after 9/11, Chinese authorities started invoking the specter of “the three evil forces of separatism, extremism and terrorism” as a pretense to crack down on Uighurs. But state repression in Xinjiang has never been as severe as it has become since early 2017, when Chen Quanguo, the C.C.P.’s new BRIAN STAUFFER leader in the region, began an intensive securitization program. Mr. Chen has brought to Xinjiang the grid system of checkpoints, police stations, armored vehicles and constant patrols that he perfected while in his previous post in Tibet. The C.C.P. credits him with having quieted there a restive ethnic group unhappy with its rule. In his first year governing Xinjiang, Mr. Chen has already recruited tens of thousands of new security personnel. As multiple news outlets have reported, he has also deployed high-tech tools in the service of creating a better police state. Uighurs’ DNA is collected during state-run medical checkups. Local authorities now install a GPS tracking system in all vehicles. Government spy apps must be loaded on mobile phones. All communication software is banned except WeChat, which grants the police access to users’ calls, texts and other shared content. When Uighurs buy a kitchen knife, their ID data is etched on the blade as a QR code. This digitized surveillance is a modern take on conventional controls remi- niscent of the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s and ’70s. Some Uighurs report getting a knock on their door from security agents soon after receiving a call from overseas. Last autumn one Uighur told me that following several such intimidating visits over the summer, his elderly parents had texted him, “The phone screen is bad for our old eyes, so we’re not using it anymore.” He had not heard from them since. Xinjiang authorities have recently enforced a spate of regulations against Uighur customs, including some that confound common sense. A law now bans face coverings — but also “abnormal” beards. A Uighur village party chief was demoted for not smoking, on grounds that this failing displayed an insufficient “commitment to secularization.” Officials in the city of Kashgar, in southwest Xinjiang, recently jailed several prominent Uighur businessmen for not praying enough at a funeral — a sign of “extremism,” they claimed. Any such violation, or simply being a Uighur artist or wealthy businessman, MILLWARD, PAGE 11 Trump’s corruption of the American Republic that he would use the immense powers of his office to drag Americans down with him into the vortex. Trump is succeeding in this. He is having his way, for all the investigative vigor of the free press he derides, for all the honor of the judiciary that has pushed back against his attempts to stain with bigotry the law of the land. Slowly but surely, the president is getting people to shrug. The appalling becomes excusable, the heinous becomes debatable, the outrageous becomes comical, lies become fibs, spite becomes banal, and hymns to American might become cause for giddy chants of national greatness. This is happening before our eyes. My grandson, Raphael, was born Feb. 1, in Gallup, N.M. Hours old as I write, he’s my fifth grandchild; they’re all four or under. I worry about what country they will find. Today the idea of America, empty if stripped of ethical foundation, is under assault from a man who envies the pliant courts, the adoring media, and the license to kill of dictators across the world. Ethics? Please. Trump itches to press that button. РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S The danger of lowered expectations and the ever more frequent shrug. Roger Cohen President Trump’s most significant, and ominous, achievement in his first year in office is the corruption of the Republic. I don’t mean that he has succeeded in destroying the checks and balances on which American freedom rests. I mean that he has so soiled the discourse that a kind of numbness has set in, an exhaustion of outrage that allows him to proceed with the unthinkable. The greatest danger from a man so unerring in his detection of human weakness, so attuned to the thrill of cruelty, so aware of the manipulative powers of entertainment, so unrelenting in his disregard for truth, so contemptuous of ethics and culture, so attracted to blood and soil, was always The thing about kicks is you have to keep upping their charge. “You’re fired” worked for a while. But nukes are a whole other level. Trump wants to see North Korea’s Kim Jong-un writhing like an irradiated butterfly on a pin. Secretary of Defense James Mattis, who knows what war is and where war leads, is the nation’s best defense against madness. Trump gave a poor-to-mediocre State of the Union speech. Its essence, after a few picayunes of the all-Americans-areone-team variety, was the pursuit of “unmatched power” against an ungrateful or hostile world of “unfair trade deals” and would-be migrants destined for murderous gangs. It equated the 128 countries — not “dozens,” as Trump said — that voted against his recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital with “enemies of America.” It hinted at a McCarthyite purge of any federal employee deemed to have failed the American people. It betrayed presidential rapture at reviving the Guantánamo Bay detention facility, the place where a fair trial went to die. Many commentators swooned. It was enough that Trump did not go on walk- about. For NBC’s Savannah Guthrie, “It was optimistic; it was bright; it was conciliatory.” Frank Luntz, a respected Republican pollster, thought that only one word qualified: “Wow.” He tweeted that the speech was a “brilliant mix of numbers and stories, humility and aggressiveness, traditional conservatism and political populism.” Jake Tapper of CNN discerned “beautiful prose.” Even the Washington Post saw “A Call for Bipartisanship” (its initial Page One headline) lurking somewhere. Three in four American viewers approved of the speech, according to a CBS News poll. Trump has lowered expectations. He has inured people to the thread of violence and meanness lurking in almost every utterance; or worse, he has started to make them relish it. He has habituated Americans to buffoonery and lies. He calls himself a “genius.” If so, his genius resides in the darkest realms of the human psyche. “Where’s my Roy Cohn?” Trump is reported to have exclaimed in recent months, frustrated by what he sees as the failure of his attorney general to protect him from the investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 elec- tion. Cohn, Trump’s ruthless former lawyer, was Senator Joseph McCarthy’s top aide for the hysterical investigations into Communist activities in the 1950s. Where, in other words, is my attack dog ready to shred the special counsel Robert Mueller and the rule of law? Trump has no storm troopers. The United States is not Weimar. Its democratic institutions remain strong. Still, the Republic has been corrupted in ways that may prove hard to reverse, especially if Trump becomes a two-term president. No, Trump is not Hitler. Still, it’s sobering to read some of the headlines from 1933, when the Nazi leader became Chancellor. In The New York Times just after the election: “Hitler Puts Aside Aim to Be Dictator.” From The Daily Boston Globe, the same day: “Hitler Voices Mild Program.” From The Times: “German ‘Adventure’ Watched in Britain.” This story spoke of doubt as to whether “history will fix the new Chancellor as a mountebank or a hero.” And our very own mountebank made a very conciliatory speech this week — did he not? РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS 10 | SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 .. THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION opinion Protecting parks as an act of democracy A.G. SULZBERGER, Publisher Kristine McDivitt Tompkins DEAN BAQUET, Executive Editor MARK THOMPSON, Chief Executive Officer JOSEPH KAHN, Managing Editor STEPHEN DUNBAR-JOHNSON, President, International TOM BODKIN, Creative Director JEAN-CHRISTOPHE DEMARTA, Senior V.P., Global Advertising SUZANNE DALEY, Associate Editor ACHILLES TSALTAS, V.P., International Conferences CHARLOTTE GORDON, V.P., International Consumer Marketing JAMES BENNET, Editorial Page Editor HELEN KONSTANTOPOULOS, V.P., International Circulation JAMES DAO, Deputy Editorial Page Editor HELENA PHUA, Executive V.P., Asia-Pacific KATHLEEN KINGSBURY, Deputy Editorial Page Editor SUZANNE YVERNÈS, International Chief Financial Officer PLAYING WITH FIRE AND FURY President Trump’s bellicose talk and threats of military action are making a bad situation on the Korean Peninsula worse. It’s hard not to come away from the State of the Union address without a heightened sense of foreboding about President Trump’s intentions toward North Korea. The signs increasingly point to unilateral American military action. To which we say: Don’t. The references to North Korea in the address were worrying enough. Mr. Trump called the country’s leadership “depraved.” He trumpeted his “campaign of maximum pressure” to ensure that the North does not succeed in perfecting a nuclear-tipped missile that could strike the continental United States. What made Mr. Trump’s latest comments most alarming was the context. They were delivered as South Korean efforts to dial down the tension with the North, through dialogue and joint participation in the Winter Olympics, appeared to be bearing fruit. And they came just after it was reported that the administration had abandoned a long-delayed plan to nominate a prominent Korea scholar, Victor Cha, as its ambassador to Seoul. Mr. Cha, a senior Asia adviser in the George W. Bush administration and now a Georgetown University professor was unceremoniously dumped because he voiced opposition to the administration’s threat to carry out a pre-emptive military strike against North Korea before it can build a nuclear-armed missile able to hit the United States. One can only read this as evidence that Mr. Trump and his inner circle don’t want people with contrary views to challenge them on the most consequential decision a president can make — sending Americans to war. Has Mr. Trump already made it? Mr. Cha took an extraordinary step by writing an opinion article for The Washington Post in which he described his objections to what’s being called the “bloody nose” strategy, a limited military strike on North Korean nuclear facilities that will supposedly persuade the country’s leader, Kim Jong-un, to abandon his nuclear ambitions. Mr. Cha is no dove on North Korea. He supports tough sanctions; beefing up of missile defense systems, intelligence-sharing and strike capabilities with South Korea and Japan; and even a maritime coalition to intercept nuclear technology leaving North Korea. Mr. Trump’s preoccupation with military action and refusal to seriously pursue a diplomatic overture to North Korea are foolhardy, especially when South Korea is using North Korea’s participation in the Winter Olympics to defuse tensions and open up space for dialogue. The United States has been at war continuously since the attacks of Sept. 11 and now has just over 240,000 active-duty and reserve troops in at least 172 countries and territories. Enough. We need a new story about the Earth that isn’t just a litany of alarming statistics about crashing wildlife populations, polluted air and water, and climate chaos. We need a story that reminds us that the continuing degradation of landscapes and the seas is not necessarily a one-way street toward irreversible destruction. On Monday we began to write such a story with the government of Chile. Under the wide skies of the new Patagonia National Park, President Michelle Bachelet and I formalized the largestever expansion of a national park system prompted by a donation of private land. Our organization, Tompkins Conservation, has donated roughly one million acres of privately assembled conservation land to Chile for national parks. Also included were lodging, camp- ground and dining facilities, and trails, bridges and roads. In accepting the gift, the Chilean government is creating five new parks and expanding three others. With roughly nine million acres of federal land from Chile, these new parks add 10.3 million acres to Chile’s excellent park system. This is more than three times the size of Yosemite and Yellowstone National Parks combined. For more than two decades, my husband, Douglas Tompkins, and I worked alongside our team and through the Tompkins Conservation family of foundations to acquire and aggregate wildlife habitat and then donate it to the park systems of Chile and Argentina. In partnership with other like-minded philanthropists, conservation activists and leaders of various political parties in those countries, with this latest donation, more than 13 million acres have been conserved in the two countries. We believe that the transfer of private lands to the national park system is an act of democracy. A country’s natural masterpieces are best held and pro- tected by the public for the common good. They should be available to all people to enjoy, to remember that they are part of something much larger than themselves. National parks, monuments and other public lands remind us that regardless of race, economic standing or citizenship, we all depend on a healthy planet for our survival. We are by no means alone in holding that sentiment, nor are we the first to donate private property so that it can be preserved in all its wonder. In 2016, Roxanne Quimby, a cofounder of Burt’s Bees, donated 87,500 acres in Maine to the federal government and $20 million for an endowment for its upkeep, and pledged to raise another $20 million. This gift allowed President Barack Obama to designate the expanse as Katahdin Woods and Waters National Monument, to be overseen by the National Park Service. In fact, the park service — and by extension, the American people — has benefited mightily from donations from private philanthropy. The cathedral-like Muir Woods in California and what became Acadia National Park in Maine began with gifts from philanthropists. The Rockefeller family contributed millions of dollars to acquire lands for expanding national parks, including Acadia, Grand Teton and Yosemite. If not for the Rockefellers, the incredible beauty and biodiversity of Great Smoky Mountains and Virgin Islands national parks would probably have gone unprotected. Like those efforts, our successful park creation projects in Chile show the possibilities of public-private collaboration fueled by entrepreneurial philanthropy. Anyone can conceive of big ideas, but to carve them into being requires political leaders with the courage to protect important landscapes. In Chile, President Bachelet and her administration possess this bravery and determination. Her leadership was crucial. She saw the economic potential for jobs and revenue from ecotourism and also understood the importance of protecting her country’s wild heritage for future generations. These parks will be part of a planned network of 17 parks along more than 1,500 miles from Puerto Montt to Cape Horn. The new national parks established this week include our two signature projects: Pumalín, which lies south of Puerto Mont in the lakes district, comprises roughly one million acres of temChile has perate rain forest, created five including some of the national planet’s last stands of parks as towering Alerce part of a trees, cousins of the public-private coast redwoods of California. In the effort that 764,000-acre Patagobegan with nia National Park, the the private arid Patagonia donation of steppe meets wetter more than forests, making for a one million rich diversity of acres. wildlife habitats. As President Bachelet signed the decree creating these parks, a herd of guanacos grazed in the waving grasses and a black-chested buzzard-eagle soared overhead. There is a central truth to humanity’s relationship with nature: We were born into it, fully dependent on it from our first breath. Two hundred years from now let the elephants trumpet, the giant sequoias sway in stiff winds and our descendants enjoy healthy lives aware of their place in this wild thing we call nature. KRISTINE MCDIVITT TOMPKINS, a former C.E.O. of Patagonia, is president of Tompkins Conservation. MERIDITH KOHUT FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Kristine McDivitt Tompkins, president of Tompkins Conservation, overlooking land that the organization donated to the Chilean government on Monday. KENYA ON THE BRINK AGAIN It has been depressing to watch as Kenya’s presidential election saga has gone from fraud to hope to sham, and now to dangerous brinkmanship. It’s hard to see what the opposition leader, Raila Odinga, hopes to achieve with his faux inauguration as the “people’s president,” or what President Uhuru Kenyatta plans to do next now that he has outlawed Mr. Odinga’s National Resistance Movement. The space for a democratic resolution of the crisis has grown mighty thin, but the alternative could be disastrous. The spiral began with a presidential election in August, which President Kenyatta seemed to win handily. Mr. Odinga challenged the vote, and to general surprise the seven-judge Supreme Court agreed and ordered another election within 60 days. It was not to be. The ruling party passed amendments to the election law that made it all but impossible to challenge future results. Then the same Supreme Court, asked this time to postpone the do-over vote, suddenly couldn’t round up more than two judges, short of a quorum. Mr. Odinga boycotted the vote and threatened to hold a swearing-in ceremony as “peoples’ president”; Mr. Kenyatta threatened to block it. The “inauguration,” in effect a giant opposition rally, finally did take place in Nairobi on Tuesday. But the government declared the National Resistance Movement, the name the opposition adopted after the boycotted second election, a criminal group. What intensifies the feud is the fact that elections in Kenya are a fierce struggle for power and spoils between parties often organized along ethnic lines. Mr. Kenyatta is Kikuyu, and his deputy, William Ruto, is Kalenjin; the two groups have held the presidency since independence in 1963. Mr. Odinga is Luo; when he was seemingly robbed of a victory in 2007, two months of lethal violence erupted, ending with the creation of a coalition government. That could happen again, but both sides need to step back before it’s too late. Business and civil society leaders and international diplomats must use whatever leverage they have to press both sides for restraint and some sign of a willingness to talk and compromise. РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S To avoid another post-election debacle, sensible leaders inside and outside the nation need to press for restraint. I quit Twitter and it feels great Lindy West Contributing Writer It has been one year and 28 days since my last tweet. I deactivated my account shortly after President-elect Donald Trump tweeted, “North Korea just stated that it is in the final stages of developing a nuclear weapon capable of reaching parts of the U.S. It won’t happen!” on Jan. 2, 2017. The tweet struck me as an unsettling portent of how Trump’s presidency was likely to unfold: rash, petty, ostentatiously uninformed, with no regard for public safety or the mechanics of governance. The internet makes neighbors of us all, and my conscience demanded I put some virtual real estate between myself and the befuddled, racist mobster seemingly determined to dismantle and loot the republic. If seeding nuclear war wasn’t a violation of Twitter’s terms of service, then Twitter wasn’t a service I wanted to endorse. Exactly one year later, on Jan. 2, 2018, President Trump tweeted, “North Korean Leader Kim Jong Un just stated that the ‘Nuclear Button is on his desk at all times.’ Will someone from his depleted and food starved regime please inform him that I too have a Nuclear Button, but it is a much bigger & more powerful one than his, and my Button works!” How exquisite it would have been to be wrong. Trump essentially daring Kim Jongun (just a hop, a skip, and a Pacific away from my house in Seattle) to prove his nuclear capabilities is what finally pushed me over the edge, but the cliff itself was built of years of accumulated grievances with Twitter’s culture of harassment and its leadership’s torpid failure to fix it. When you work in media, Twitter becomes part of your job. It’s where you orient yourself in “the discourse” — figure out what’s going on, what people are saying about it and, more important, what no one has said yet. In a lucky coup for Twitter’s marketing team, prevailing wisdom among media types has long held that quitting the platform could be a career killer. The illusion that Twitter visibility and professional relevance are indisputably inextricable always felt too risky to puncture. Who could afford to call that bluff and be wrong? So, we stayed, while Twitter’s endemic racist, sexist and transphobic harassment problems grew increasingly more sophisticated and organized. Those of us who complained about online abuse were consistently told — by colleagues, armchair experts and random internet strangers — that we were the problem. We were too soft. We, who literally inured ourselves to rape threats and death threats so that we SEONGJOON CHO/BLOOMBERG could participate in public life, were called weak by people who felt persecuted by the existence of female Ghostbusters. Meanwhile, Twitter’s leadership offered us the ability to embed GIFs. Those of us who pointed out that online harassment was politically motivated — compounded by race, gender and sexual orientation — as I did in 2013, for example, were accused of being “professional victims” trying to leverage our paranoid delusions to censor the internet. This defamation has never been retracted or atoned for even after the revelations that an army of Russian Twitter bots functions as the Trump administration’s propaganda wing, and the “alt-right,” essentially a coalition of anti-feminist, white-supremacist online harassment campaigns, recruits disaffected young men to Trumpism by framing the abuse of social justice activists as a team sport. Meanwhile, Twitter’s leadership offered us 280 characters. The social contract of the internet seems to insist that there’s a nobility in weathering degradation. You can call me oversensitive, but the truth is I got far better than any human being should be at absorbing astonishing cruelty and feeling nothing. Undersensitivity was just another piece of workplace safety gear. The fact that we’ve learned to cope doesn’t mean we shouldn’t demand better. Being on Twitter felt like being in a nonconsensual BDSM relationship with the apocalypse. So, I left. To be clear, it’s not brave to quit Twitter, or righteous (I’m still on Facebook, which is just a differently shaped moral stockyard), or noteworthy. Quitting Twitter is just a thing that you can do. I mention it only because there was a time when I didn’t think it was a thing that I could do, and then I did it, and now my life is better. I’m frequently approached by colleagues, usually women, who ask me about quitting Twitter with hushed titillation, as if I’ve escaped a cult or broken a particularly seductive taboo. Well, I don’t wake here’s what my new up with a life is like: I don’t pit in my wake up with a pit in stomach my stomach every every day, day, dreading what dreading horrors accrued in my phone overnight. what horrors I don’t get dragged accrued in into protracted, my phone bad-faith arguments overnight. with teenage boys about whether poor people deserve medical care, or whether putting nice guys in the friend zone is a hate crime. I don’t spend hours every week blocking and reporting trolls and screen-grabbing abuse in case it someday escalates into a credible threat. I no longer feel like my brain is trapped in a centrifuge filled with swastikas and Alex Jones’s spittle. Time is finite, and now I have more of it. At the same time, I know this conversation is more complicated than that. I’ve lost a large platform to self-promote and make professional connections, which isn’t something many writers can afford to give up (less established writers and marginalized writers most of all — in a horrid irony, the same writers disproportionately abused on Twitter). I get my news on a slight delay. I seethe at the perception that I ceded any ground to trolls trying to push me out. I will probably never persuade RuPaul to be my friend. Also, I loved Twitter. Twitter is funny and smart and validating and cathartic. It feels, when you are embroiled in it, like the place where everything is happening. (Scoff if you like, but WEST, PAGE 11 РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 | 11 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION opinion The gang that couldn’t think straight Paul Krugman What it’s like to live in a police state MILLWARD, FROM PAGE 9 can lead to indefinite detention in what the government euphemistically calls “political training centers” — a revival of punitive Maoist re-education camps — secured by high walls, razor wire, floodlights and guard towers. A revered Uighur Islamic scholar is said to have died in one of those centers this week. According to Radio Free Asia, a county official and a police officer in southern Xinjiang were instructed by superiors to lock up 40 percent of the local Uighur population. Adrian Zenz, a researcher at the European School of Culture and Theology, estimates that 5 percent of the Uighur population across Xinjiang has been or is currently detained — more than 500,000 people in all. Local orphanages overflow with the children of detainees; some children reportedly are sent to facilities in the eastern parts of China. Why are so many Uighurs subjected to these harsh policies? A Chinese official in Kashgar explained: “You can’t uproot all the weeds hidden among the crops in the field one by one — you need to spray chemicals to kill them all.” The C.C.P., once quite liberal in its approach to diversity, seems to be redefining Chinese identity in the image of the majority Han — its version, perhaps, of the nativism that appears to be sweeping other parts of the world. With ethnic difference itself now defined as a threat to the Chinese state, local leaders like Mr. Chen feel empowered to target Uighurs and their culture wholesale. Some people in the Chinese bureaucracy and Chinese academic circles disagree with this approach. They worry that locking down an entire province and persecuting an entire ethnic group will only instill long-lasting resentment among Uighurs. Or they note that Mr. Chen’s policies are so burdensome and so costly that they will be difficult to sustain: Han Chinese residents of Xinjiang also complain about the inconvenience and cost of living in such a police state. Then there are the international repercussions. Blanket repression in Xinjiang can only hurt China’s bid for the world’s respect, just when the Trump administration’s chaotic foreign policy offers Beijing an opportunity to Some enhance its own estimate that standing. Forget the 5 percent of image of President Xi Xinjiang’s Jinping as a responsiUighur ble internationalist at population Davos. Nothing shreds soft power may have abroad like coils of been razor wire at home. detained at There’s an old some point. Chinese joke about Uighurs being the Silk Road’s consummate entrepreneurs: When the first Chinese astronaut steps off his spaceship onto the moon, he will find a Uighur already there selling lamb kebabs. And so even as Mr. Chen cracks down in Xinjiang, the Chinese government touts the region as the gateway for its much-vaunted “one belt, one road” initiative, Mr. Xi’s signature foreign policy project. The grand idea combines a plan to spend billions of dollars in development loans and transport investment across Eurasia with a strategic bid to establish China’s diplomatic primacy in Asia. But while Mr. Xi’s government prom- ises the world a new Silk Road through Muslim Central Asia and the Middle East, the Xinjiang authorities attempt to contain a purported “Uighur problem” by incarcerating many good citizens and spying from every street corner and mobile phone. The C.C.P.’s domestic policies contradict its international aspirations. How does the party think that directives banning fasting during Ramadan in Xinjiang, requiring Uighur shops to sell alcohol and prohibiting Muslim parents from giving their children Islamic names will go over with governments and peoples from Pakistan to Turkey? The Chinese government may be calculating that money can buy these states’ quiet acceptance. But the thousands of Uighur refugees in Turkey and Syria already complicate China’s diplomacy. Tibetans know well this hard face of China. Hong Kongers must wonder: If Uighur culture is criminalized and Xinjiang’s supposed autonomy is a sham, what will happen to their own vibrant Cantonese culture and their city’s shaky “one country, two systems” arrangement with Beijing? What might Taiwan’s reunification with a securitized mainland look like? Will the bigdata police state engulf the rest of China? The rest of the world? As China’s profile grows on the international stage, everyone would do well to ask if what happens in Xinjiang will stay in Xinjiang. Germans, even if they’re tired of Ms. Merkel, still value consensus. “Germans are generally oriented toward compromise, not polarization,” said Andrea Wolf, a board member of Forschungsgruppe Wahlen, a major German pollster. Though Ms. Merkel’s poll numbers dipped during the refugee crisis, they have rebounded. “I doubt that the policy approach of the younger generation of policymakers is what voters really want,” Ms. Wolf said. “It’s possibly rather just what they want.” Real politics always consists of bullet points. You want to lift up the lower middle classes? You have to pass tax relief, restructure social security contributions, bolster the education budget — which is what the next grand coalition will vow to do, if the negotiaMillennials tions are successful. long for a The challenge for “unifying” German politicians, policy moving forward, will approach that be to come up with a narrative big enough focuses on to create a sense of the economic direction, of being grievances of based on values the masses. more fundamental than raising the gross domestic product a few percentage points, but avoiding the sort of utopian visions that German voters rightly distrust. If they succeed, they could set free a new era of political energy. If they fail, we could see a dark turn toward the sort of fractured, incoherent politics haunting the rest of the world, full of holes that the far right can move through. There’s a trap, however. In raging against the slow and boring politics of compromise, the members of the new generation are joining the very populist chant they are setting out to defeat. РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S must contribute to their employees’ insurance. Nils Heisterhagen, a 29year-old Social Democrat, has been leading a push for the party to embrace its left-wing roots. This generational angst spans the political spectrum. Alexander Dobrindt of the Christian Social Union, the sister party of the center-right Christian Democrats, recently published an essay calling for a “conservative revolution” promoting a “Leitkultur,” or “leading culture” — a common term in German for a politics focused on assimilating immigrants and promoting the nuclear family, among other things. And Christian Linder, 39, head of the pro-business Liberal Party, backed out of coalition talks late last year, accusing Ms. Merkel of favoring process over principles. “No ideas whatsoever,” he complained recently. “Just Merkel’s method. Any compromise, just to get by.” At the same time, the new generation’s stance is different from the identity politics of many young American political activists; if anything, these young Germans agree with Mark Lilla’s argument that liberalism has slipped “into a moral panic about racial, gender and sexual identity” that prevents it “from becoming a unifying force capable of governing.” Instead, they long for a “unifying” policy approach that focuses on the economic grievances of the masses — or their alleged need for cultural homogeneity. After decades of postmodern politics, they long for grand narratives, on both sides. Call it solidarity in partisanship — a longing for clear lines that cut across policy issues, rather than a wet blanket of consensus that covers over sociopolitical fractures. But is it what voters want, too? It is conventional wisdom that the consensus politics of Ms. Merkel, Mr. Schulz and their generational peers strengthened the political fringes, especially the far right. That’s not entirely true, though: Polls show that is an editor on the opinion page of the newspaper Der Tagesspiegel. ALVIN BAEZ/REUTERS Puerto Rico after Hurricane Maria. have bad things to say about Jerome Powell, just confirmed as Fed chairman. On the other hand, why didn’t Trump just follow the usual norms and appoint Janet Yellen, who has done a fantastic job, to a second term? One answer may be that Trump is a traditionalist — and few things are more traditional than passing over a highly qualified woman in favor of a less qualified man. But I also suspect that he found Yellen’s independent stature threatening. And lower-level Fed appointments are becoming cause for concern. Last week, senators at a confirmation hearing questioned the economist Marvin Goodfriend, whom Trump has nominated for the Fed’s Board of Governors. Democrats pointed out that Goodfriend was wrong, again and again, about monetary policy during the crisis, repeatedly predicting inflation that didn’t happen. Now, everyone makes bad predictions now and then; God knows I have. But you’re supposed to face up to your mistakes, figure out what went wrong and adapt your views. Goodfriend refused to do any of that. And why should he? His errors were politically correct; they reinforced Republican orthodoxy. From the G.O.P.’s point of view, having been completely wrong about monetary policy isn’t a defect, it’s practically a badge of honor. The point is that even at the Fed, which is partly insulated from the Trumpian reign of error, U.S. policymaking is being denuded of expertise. And the whole nation will eventually pay the price. JAMES A. MILLWARD, a professor of history at Georgetown University, is the author of “Eurasian Crossroads: A History of Xinjiang” and “The Silk Road: A Very Short Introduction.” Youth and German politics I quit Twitter and feel great SAUERBREY, FROM PAGE 1 A few days after President Trump was inaugurated, Benjamin Wittes, editor of the influential Lawfare blog, came up with a pithy summary of the new administration: “malevolence tempered by incompetence.” A year later, that rings truer than ever. In fact, this has been a big week for malevolence. But today’s column will focus on the incompetence, whose full depths — and consequences — we’re just starting to see. Let’s start with a few recent stories. In his State of the Union, Trump devoted part of one sentence to the disaster in Puerto Rico, struck by Hurricane Maria. “We are with you, we love you,” he declared. But the island’s residents, almost a third of whom are still without power four months after the storm, aren’t exactly feeling that love — especially because on the very day Trump said those words, FEMA officials told NPR that the disaster agency was ending its work on the island. FEMA later said that this was a miscommunication. But at the very least it suggests a complete lack of focus. Oh, and for the record, I don’t believe that Trump, who spent much of his speech falsely blaming brown people for a nonexistent crime wave, loves Puerto Ricans. Trump also declared, as he has in the past, that he is “committed” to taking action on the opioid epidemic. But he’s been in office a year and has basically done nothing. What he did do, however, was appoint a 24-year-old former campaign worker, with no relevant experience before joining the administration — who appears to have lied on his résumé — to a senior position in the Office of National Drug Control Policy, which should be coordinating the effort (if one existed). Meanwhile, the Trump-appointed director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention resigned after Politico reported that she had purchased tobacco-industry stocks after taking office. This was unethical; it was also deeply stupid. And the C.D.C. isn’t some marginal agency: It’s as crucial to safeguarding American lives as, say, the Department of Homeland Security. The thing is, these aren’t isolated examples. A remarkable number of Trump appointees have been forced out over falsified credentials, unethical practices or racist remarks. And you can be sure there are many other appointees who did the same things, but haven’t yet been caught. Why is this administration hiring such people? It surely reflects both supply and demand: Competent people don’t want to work for Trump, and he and his inner circle don’t want them anyway. By now it’s obvious to everyone that the Trump administration is a graveyard for reputations: Everyone who goes in comes out soiled and diminThe ished. Only fools, or astonishing those with no reputaincompetence tion to lose, even of Trump want the positions on appointees. offer. And in any case, Trump, who values personal loyalty above professionalism, probably distrusts anyone whose credentials might give some sense of independence. But what’s the problem? After all, stocks are up and the economy is steadily growing. Does competence even matter? The answer is that America is a very big country with a lot of strengths, and it can run on momentum for a long time even if none of the people in charge know what they’re doing. Sooner or later, however, stuff happens — and then incompetence becomes a very big deal, as it already has in Puerto Rico. What kind of stuff may happen? The scariest scenarios involve national security. But we can’t count on smooth sailing for the economy, either. And who will manage economic turbulence if and when it hits? After all, we currently have perhaps the least impressive Treasury secretary in U.S. history. Matters are a bit better at the Federal Reserve, where nobody seems to WEST, FROM PAGE 10 the president of the United States makes major policy announcements there. This is the world now.) I shouldn’t have had to walk away from all that because for Twitter to take a firm stance against neo-Nazism might have cost it some incalculable sliver of profit. No one should. Sure, as in everything, global culture change would have been better. But I didn’t have global culture change, and I’m better equipped to fight for global culture change now that I’m not locked in eternal whack-a-mole with a sea of angry boy-men, an unknown percentage of which are probably robots. When you deactivate a verified Twitter account (nail-polish emoji), you have one year to log back in or your account — everything you ever tweeted, every reply in every thread — is permanently deleted. I always planned to log in and then immediately deactivate again, to re-up for another year. I figured I’d eventually reactivate, even if just for posterity. I was part of some important cultural conversations; I said some smart things before other people said them; I made some good jokes. One time the actor Michael McKean called me “doodlebug” in an affectionate manner because he liked one of my movie reviews. I wouldn’t mind preserving that. Last week I realized: I was late. I’d forgotten to log back in. A year had passed. It’s all gone. It’s like I was halfway through a difficult column and asked a thief to watch my laptop while I peed. It’s like a great wind came and blew my problem novel into the river. It’s like I ate a very good sandwich without taking a picture of it. Sometimes it is O.K. to just remember things. ANNA SAUERBREY LINDY WEST is the author of “Shrill: Notes From a Loud Woman.” Whatever happens next, we’ll help you make sense of it. Newspaper subscription offer: Save 66% for three months. In unpredictable times, you need journalism that cuts through the noise to deliver the facts. A subscription to The New York Times International Edition gives you uncompromising reporting that deepens your understanding of the issues that matter, and includes unlimited access to NYTimes.com and apps for smartphone and tablet. Order the International Edition today at nytimes.com/discover Offer expires June 30, 2018 and is valid for new subscribers only. Hand delivery subject to confirmation by local distributors. Smartphone and tablet apps are not supported on all devices. РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S 12 | SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3- 4, 2018 РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION .. THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3- 4, 2018 | 13 CONGRATULATIONS ROGER FOR MAKING HISTORY AGAIN ITS NOT JUST ABOUT 6 TITLES IN AUSTRALIA AND A RECORD-BREAKING 20TH GRAND SLAM. ITS ABOUT DEFINING YOUR OWN VISION OF SUCCESS, AND GETTING THERE IN YOUR SIGNATURE STYLE. THANK YOU FOR REMINDING US OF WHAT IT MEANS TO BE A CHAMPION, AND FOR INSPIRING US TO DO THE SAME. WE RAISE A TOAST TO YOU ON THIS NEW MILESTONE. РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S #MOETMOMENT PLEASE ENJOY RESPONSIBLY Moët & Chandon ® Champagne, © 2018 Imported by Moët Hennessy USA, Inc., New York, NY. РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 | 15 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION Weekend CAROLINE TOMPKINS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Young artists pushing back A contemporary museum’s triennial focuses on a generation of risk-takers BY HILARIE M. SHEETS РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S When Gary Carrion-Murayari showed up in 2015 at Bikini Wax, a funky livingcum-exhibition space for emerging artists in Mexico City, everyone there put out the call to friends: “There’s a curator from the New Museum interested in meeting some young artists — do you want to come down?” Over the course of the day, about 10 artists, including Manuel Solano, streamed through the gallery with portfolios and laptops to show to Mr. Carrion-Murayari, who, with Alex Gartenfeld, had just been tapped as one of the two curators of the 2018 New Museum Triennial and was beginning a worldwide hunt for the next generation of important voices. Mr. Solano, a transgender artist who was denied access to medical care in Mexico while in the early stages of H.I.V. and went blind from the infection, offered painted selfportraits — and was among the first of 26 artists or collectives from 17 countries selected for the triennial, called “Songs for Sabotage” and opening on Feb. 13 at the New Museum of Contemporary Art in New York. In 2009, when the museum kicked off its first triennial, titled “Younger Than Jesus,” some critics raised their eyebrows at the ageist premise. Yet the focus on international youth has come to distinguish these triennials from a slew of rival shows. And the current news cycle makes this a potentially more interesting moment to consider the new generation’s sensibility. The fourth version includes artists ages 25 to 38 whose work often pushes back against social or bureaucratic power structures and sounds the call for change. The personal risks can be high. Song Ta, from Guangzhou, in southern China, makes videos that undermine the government’s authority and have been banned from exhibitions. Anupam Roy has displayed his paintings as banners at student protests in New Delhi. For those working in Athens or Mexico City, with hardly any commercial galleries to support them, a different kind of “resourcefulness, collaboration and commitment to be an artist” is required, Mr. Carrion-Murayari said. This triennial “isn’t about making art stars,” said Lisa Phillips, the director of GOODMAN GALLERY 47 CANAL, NY the New Museum, “but looking at whether there are similarities and affinities across cultures among an emerging generation of artists.” Of course, in years past some stars have risen: Danh Vo, for example, whose survey at the Guggenheim Museum in New York will open on Friday, and Adrián Villar Rojas, who transformed the Cantor Roof Garden at the Metropolitan Museum of Art last year, both gained from exposure in Top, Gary CarrionMurayari, left, and Alex Gartenfeld, the curators of the 2018 Triennial, at the New Museum in New York. Above left, Janiva Ellis’s “Thrill Issues” (2017), and right, Haroon Gunn-Salie’s “Senzeni Na” (2018). the 2012 triennial, “The Ungovernables.” “When all of us are feeling the fire of youth, young people’s voices have really come to the fore, particularly in the last year,” said Tom Eccles, the executive director at the Center for Curatorial Studies at Bard College in New York State, who is not affiliated with the New Museum. The challenge of the triennial, compared with surveys where most of the participants are already known, is to find “artists we ultimately can believe in,” he said. Mr. Carrion-Murayari, 37, and Mr. Gartenfeld, 31, the deputy director and chief curator at the Institute of Contemporary Art in Miami, made nearly two dozen trips around the world, to places where artist communities weren’t digitally accessible. “We really made a focus of looking at artist-run and alternative spaces as ways of questioning how global art markets have been growing,” Mr. Gartenfeld said. A shared mind-set that emerged among the chosen — many showing in the United States for the first time — is “the recognition that what we’re experiencing today is the continuation of colonialism that has never truly ended,” Mr. Carrion-Murayari said. Artists like Daniela Ortiz from Peru and Cian Dayrit from the Philippines speak in very similar ways about “ethnic and racist divisions that were put in place” during the colonial period, the curator said, and they are responding with subversive gestures. Ms. Ortiz has proposed replacements for monuments to Christopher Columbus in Madrid; Lima, Peru; and New York, including a ceramic sculpture of a refugee wearing a shirt that says, “The migratory control system is the continuation of colonialism.” In Mr. Song’s comical video installation called “Who Is the Loveliest Guy?,” the artist perTRIENNIAL, PAGE 17 РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. 16 | SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION weekend style Open Thread: When work is a workout She wears Yeezy, and so do her clones Every week Vanessa Friedman, The Times’s fashion director, answers a reader’s fashion-related question in the Open Thread newsletter at nytimes.com/styles. You can send her a question at email@example.com or via Twitter: @vvfriedman. Questions are edited and condensed. With a virtual show in Kardashian drag, Kanye West finds a fashion groove BY VANESSA FRIEDMAN Kim Kardashian West starred in a Yeezy campaign last year. This year, her friends do. New York Fashion Week may not begin until Thursday, but as far as Kanye West is concerned, it has already started. He’s not on the official schedule, but in recent days he made his presence known nonetheless. Well, he does like to be first. He, or some of his much-followed famous friends/collaborators, released a surprise series of pictures on their Instagram feeds featuring themselves in his Yeezy Season 6 collection, just in time to catch the attention of the see now/buy now crowd. But they weren’t just any old pictures. They were recreations of photos that had accompanied the initial debut of the collection, which rolled out late last year after Mr. West had skipped fashion week following a will-he-or-won’t-he dance with the schedule. Instead, he created a virtual lookbook for the line with faux paparazzi shots of his wife, Kim Kardashian West, in his clothes: snapped as if unaware, getting into her car, sucking a lollipop, exiting a store and so on. In itself, that was a clever piece of marketing and self-aware cultural commentary, but the photos released in the past week take the campaign to a whole new level: recreating the original pictures, but with women like Paris Hilton, Sarah Snyder (best known as Jaden Smith’s ex-girlfriend) and Sami Miro (ex-Zac Efron) all dressed up as Kim-alikes, complete with long platinum wigs. It's very meta. The internet went into the predictable ecstatic meltdown: Genius! Brilliant! And so on. While I usually roll my eyes at this kind of Pavlovian drool, I have to say: This time I agree with the crowd. It’s the most successful thing Mr. West has ever done in fashion. Not so much because of the clothes, which look like pretty standard athleisure gear (crop tops and sweats and bike shorts and bomber jackets), but because it has the one element that has always been lacking in Mr. West’s myriad attempts to transform himself into a credible style guru: humor. Ever since he introduced his first eponymous line in Paris in October 2011 (remember that?), his shows have been marked, largely, by bombast, pretentiousness and overwhelming self-seriousness. There was, for example, the time in Paris when he sent what Vogue called “gothic go-karts” speeding out for his finale. Then, after he repositioned himself as Yeezy in New York, there was the Madison Square Garden extravaganza at which he announced that he EMILY BERL FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES I am just beginning my career in pediatric physical therapy. I want to look professional and polished, as well as feminine, but have many limitations. I have to wear pants/ trousers, my shoes have to be closetoed and flat (preferably athletic) and I need to able to move all over the place, pick kids up and perform exercises with them, without showing any midriff or cleavage. I generally end up looking more masculine than I want, with a flexible button-down, slim (but stretchy) trousers, and athletic shoes. Please help me figure out how to dress well for my job and be happy and confident with the way I look! — Caitlin, Seattle SPLASH NEWS was ready to be the creative director of Hermès. Not to mention the fiasco when he dragged everyone out to Roosevelt Island between Manhattan and Queens, kept them waiting in the stifling heat for hours, and then treated them to the sight of models fainting in the sun and unable to walk the runway in their stiletto boots. Or his tendency to schedule his shows at the same time as some other designer’s show, forcing attendees to choose between them. In each case the actual clothes on the catwalk could not live up to the expectations created by the venue and presentation. They just weren’t original or alluring enough on their own. By February 2017, he was slightly cowed but still held his presentation before an enormous screen on which images of his collection towered over the actual people on the catwalk. It was a metaphor for his approach to the industry. But perhaps not anymore. Admittedly, it’s possible the Kimclones series is actually a statement that, as far as Mr. West is concerned, he and his wife are the dominating forces in the pop culture landscape — proof positive that it’s a Kimye world, and we just live in it. Maybe he’s not really poking fun at the whole celebrity-fashion circus, and his own role in it: He’s exposing it! You want to buy a piece of him and his lifestyle by buying his products? Well, let’s just call it like it is. Chances are, given the ego involved, that’s part of it. But it’s still almost impossible not to look at the images and laugh. They are knowing, in the best way — in the way that travels most effectively via social media and the digital highway. And for that Mr. West deserves credit. There’s a lot of talk in fashion about direct-to-consumer marketing and how designers can use the internet and the end of shows and how the system doesn’t work; a lot of talk of how everyone is experimenting with different ways to communicate — fashion films! exhibitions! parties! There’s a lot of chopping and changing, and rarely has any of it seemed like a truly successful alternative to the traditional show. As far as Mr. West and what he makes are concerned, however, I think he may have found it. The medium fits his message (to redesign a phrase from Marshall McLuhan) in a way the classic catwalk format never did. Would-be disrupters might pay attention. Now what I want to know is: Are they going to sell the wigs, too? And some of my banker friends complain about having to wear suits! They should thank their lucky stars they are not in your position. However, I have been canvassing my fellow fashion travelers for suggestions during downtime between shows, and we have come up with two main recommendations, both of which should work for — well, work! And after-work events as required. First, try a tunic and leggings. The bottoms can be as basic (and stretchy and replaceable) as you like, but switch up the tops — which should be long enough to never put you in a compromising position, but allow for a more feminine edge — with patterns and colors. Good places to try are Tibi, Cos and Tory Burch. Another possible solution is a shirtdress over loose trousers. This is a Phoebe Philo look, and should also check your main boxes (coverage, flexibility) but give you a chance to inject a bit of personality into your wardrobe while still looking professional. Try Everlane, Equipment and Zara. As for your shoes, the verdict was unanimous: Go for white Stan Smiths or Converse, and wear them with everything. Instead of merely a sneaker, they can become a signature. VANESSA FRIEDMAN For laughs and followers Naomi Watanabe, a popular Japanese comedian and designer, on a Gap shoot in New York, far left, and in her dressing room. A social media sensation in Japan aims to export her plus-size fashion BY JOANNA NIKAS NAME AGE Naomi Watanabe 30 РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S HOMETOWN Ibaraki Prefecture, a two hours’ drive northeast of Tokyo. NOW LIVES in Tokyo CLAIM TO FAME With more than 7.6 million followers on Instagram, Ms. Watanabe is one of the most popular social media celebrities in Japan. She is an actress, comedian and fashion designer who is perhaps best known for her skits imitating Beyoncé, Lady Gaga and other pop stars, in which she exaggerates their dance moves while lip-syncing their songs on TV variety shows. A lifelong comedian who enrolled in a Tokyo comedy school when she was 18, Ms. Watanabe made her TV debut in 2007 on “Waratte Iitomo!” (“It’s O.K. to Laugh”), a daily hourlong variety show that ran for 32 years before ending in 2014. The show, which was broadcast live, featured a roster of regular performers including, at one point, Ms. Watanabe, who did impersonations. Fun facts: Ms. Watanabe was once called the Japanese Classic sneakers like Stan Smiths go with everything. Beyoncé, and the show set a Guinness world record for the longest-running live TV variety show on the same channel (8,054 episodes). LATEST PROJECT In BIG BREAK PHOTOGRAPHS BY DANNY GHITIS FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES addition to comedy, Ms. Watanabe was always interested in fashion but had a hard time finding plus-size clothes in Japan. As a teenager she would improvise by shopping in men’s stores, or by buying a dress and wearing it as a T-shirt. In 2014, Ms. Watanabe started a clothing line called Punyus (it means “chubby” in Japanese) that includes plus-size pieces for women like her. Twice a year she introduces a new collection with a stadiumsize runway show. She modeled the show after Victoria’s Secret, but instead of big-name artists like the Weeknd performing, she is the main attraction. “I’m like a fake musician,” she said. NEXT THING Ms. Watanabe plans to spend more time in New York this year, with ambitions to open a Punyus store. She won’t be a total stranger in the city: She was recently featured in a Gap ad, dancing alongside MetroBoomin, SZA and Bria Vinaite, an actress from “The Florida Project.” CLASS CLOWN As a child, Ms. Watanabe would study television skits starring Ken Shimura, a Japanese comedian known for his expressive faces. She would, in turn, practice her own funny faces whenever she could, including in the school cafeteria. “As soon as my classmates would take a sip of their milk, I would make a crazy facial expression and see if they would squirt out milk,” she said. РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 | 17 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION arts weekend Artists pushing back TRIENNIAL, FROM PAGE 15 suaded Chinese naval officers to ride a high-speed roller coaster, then videotaped their efforts to stay stern and composed — although ultimately their authority and restraint broke down. “That’s sabotage, and that’s also song,” Mr. Gartenfeld said. Here is a preview of six of the triennial’s activist-artists. Left, a still from Shen Xin’s video installation “Provocation of the Nightingale” (2017-18), and below, an image from Hardeep Pandhal’s animated music video “Pool Party Pilot Episode” (2018). HAROON GUNN-SALIE AGE 28 BORN Cape Town LIVES/WORKS Between “Young people’s voices have really come to the fore, particularly in the last year.” Johannesburg and Belo Horizonte, Brazil Working with dispossessed communities in South Africa and Brazil, Mr. Gunn-Salie makes immersive multimedia installations that give form to the residents’ oral histories. For the triennial, he consulted with the widows and survivors of the 2012 Marikana massacre in South Africa to create a sculpture and sound installation memorializing the 34 miners killed by police as the workers were attempting to peacefully disperse after a weeklong strike. Mr. Gunn-Salie used police footage of the crouching protesters at the moment right before the police opened fire to recreate the event with life-size figures, headless and spectral, made of workers’ clothing stiffened and sculpted with mixed media. “It’s almost like a graveyard,” said Mr. Gunn-Salie, who also included the sounds of blasting from the mine as a link to the landscape. After New York, he said he planned to take the work home to be shown as a way of “further engaging what is going on with our country and our leaders,” and pointed out that one of the managing directors of the mine is now highly placed in the South African government. The artwork, he added, raises “a question of complicity.” CLAUDIA MARTÍNEZ GARAY AGE 34 BORN Ayacucho, Peru LIVES/WORKS Amsterdam Born during the civil war in Peru between Shining Path’s communist insurgents and the government, Ms. Martínez Garay deconstructs visual imagery in propaganda as a way of understanding worldwide labor and social movements. For the triennial, she SHEN XIN scoured the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam for posters and leaflets across the political spectrum, focusing on repetitive imagery of fighting warriors and animals. She is interested in how the same types of images have been used by rightist and leftist ideologies to manipulate the viewer. She reproduced the figures as painted wood cutouts and juxtaposed them attacking one another in a mural-size work called “Cannon Fodder.” “It’s like watching a cock fight,” she said. WILMER WILSON IV AGE 28 BORN Richmond, Va. LIVES/WORKS Philadelphia In his mixed-media work and live performances, Mr. Wilson investigates “the way that blackness is represented in the city space,” he said — specifically the treatment of black bodies as objects of labor or desire, and the ever-present threat of violence. “I’m interested in producing a different possibility of representation” for African-Americans, the artist said, “one that’s divergent from a pervading global advertising style.” For the New Museum, he gathered fliers and posters for church plays, strip clubs and concerts that he found stapled to scaffolding and telephone poles or stuck to windshields in his neighborhood in West Philadelphia. Mr. Wilson enlarged the photographic portraits to life-size and affixed them to plywood panels using thousands of reflective staples that screen part of the portraits, revealing just hands, feet, mouths and ears. The subjects are protected, Mr. Wilson said — even as the artist is locking them in. SHEN XIN AGE 27 BORN Chengdu, China LIVES/WORKS London and MANUEL SOLANO Above, “Antonin, le beau (Antonin, the beautiful),” which Manuel Solano painted in 2014 as he was going blind, and right, “Afr” (2017), made by Wilmer Wilson IV with staples and a pigment print on wood. Amsterdam Ms. Shen makes poetic film and video installations that explore how the authority of science and spirituality can be eroded by real-life experiences. Our personal identities, emotions and relationships are constantly testing our belief systems, she said. In “Provocation of the Nightingale” (2017-18), one screen features YouTube videos of people discussing how the results of their AncestryDNA genetic tests shattered, or affirmed, their self-images. The facing screen shows an intimate and wideranging conversation between two actors playing female lovers talking about religious assimilation, the ethics of DNA testing, abuses of power and rape. “Shen is driven to ask these questions because of a personal desire to understand herself,” Mr. Carrion-Murayari said. But the universal nature of the issues she explores “makes them very relevant within a global context.” “the only black person,” she said. Now she makes paintings that communicate the isolation and pain of the AfricanAmerican female experience. Each of her three allegorical canvases in the triennial is set in a pastoral outdoor environment, to contrast with “the internal mayhem” her subjects feel, Ms. Ellis said. In “Curb-Check Regular, Black Chick” (2017), the “battlefield” is a farmers’ market. A dark-skinned woman selecting produce appears to have internal organs erupting from her chest. Three white women recede in the distance. “You’re in this pleasant situation, picking up a cabbage, but there’s still a fraught dialogue that happens, whether it be a memory or something a stranger says” that can feel psychologically eviscerating, Ms. Ellis said. The paintings are “not only an attempt to communicate to nonblack women my experience, but also to call to other black women, ‘Do you feel this, too?’ ” Jason Brooks The Subject Is Not The Subject 9 February — 10 March 2018 HARDEEP PANDHAL AGE 32 BORN Birmingham, England LIVES/WORKS Glasgow РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S A second-generation British Sikh, Mr. Pandhal often uses animation to satirize racist and cultural stereotypes of his community in Britain. For the triennial, his psychedelic and humorous music video “Pool Party Pilot Episode” features imprisoned sperm cells with turbans and beards. Delivered in rap and rhyme, the artist’s narration splices together text from Charlotte Perkins Gilman’s novel “Herland,” about a society of women who reproduce asexually, and Elaine Morgan’s theory — not widely accepted — that we evolved from early ape ancestors who lived in the water. “Part of the work pokes at what constitutes race,” Mr. Pandhal said. “There’s also a sort of ridiculing of male power.” He is curious how the work will be understood outside Britain. “In America, there’s a well-documented confusion people have about Sikh men and Muslims,” he said. JANIVA ELLIS AGE 30 BORN Oakland, Calif. LIVES/WORKS Los Angeles CONNERSMITH, WASHINGTON D.C. Ms. Ellis grew up in Hawaii feeling like Marlborough Fine Art 6 Albemarle Street London W1S 4BY +44 (0)20 7629 5161 firstname.lastname@example.org www.marlboroughlondon.com The exhibition will be held in the ground floor and first floor galleries. A fully illustrated catalogue is available. HARDEEP PANDHAL РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. 18 | SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION weekend music stories about how women were marginalized in the scene as participants and also how the music often reduced them to objects? Finding emo, again I would say that I was never really that satisfied with the limited amount of women that were in the scene. Two of my favorite bands, Jejune and Rainer Mari, had women co-leads. And I had women singing on all my records. But I’m not deaf. A lot of the bands that followed our era, they were like degraded copies every six months, where I and everybody thought it was almost like hair metal or something like that, costumes some of them put on. And the stories and the feelings beneath them were incidental. I didn’t relate to that. I think at that point it got pretty much, like, by the numbers and it was like, “O.K., you pick on a girl.” The band Dashboard Confessional and its frontman make a return BY JON CARAMANICA Did you reject it in the moment? In 2009, Dashboard Confessional released what its frontman, Chris Carrabba, felt might be the band’s sixth and final album, “Alter the Ending,” a capstone to a decade-long run that saw the band go from emo innovator to genre standard-bearer to elder weathering the end of an era. The group’s 2003 album, “A Mark, a Mission, a Brand, a Scar,” and “Dusk and Summer,” from 2006, both went to No. 2 on the Billboard 200, perhaps the symbolic peak of emo’s pop breakthrough. Mr. Carrabba’s songs — scarred wails pulsing with nervy punk energy — were among the genre’s most recognizable, but all that wailing took its toll. By the time of “Alter the Ending,” Mr. Carrabba was tired, and the scene he’d helped build had seemingly run its course. In the down years, Mr. Carrabba, 42, worked on outside projects, including the bands Twin Forks and Further Seems Forever. But a few years ago, emo began to experience a revival. Younger bands embraced him as a touchstone. Some musicians asked for collaborations, like Joe Mulherin, who records as nothing,nowhere., bringing him into a modern sound that built a hip-hop hybrid on his emo foundation. The zeitgeist has come full circle, and on Friday, Dashboard Confessional will release “Crooked Shadows,” its seventh album and first since 2009. Last month, Mr. Carrabba spent a quiet evening at the Palm steakhouse in Manhattan, where he ordered fish and spinach. His hair was swept back with pomade, as it long has been, and he was wearing a hoodie advertising a Bethlehem, Pa., bakery called Vegan Treats. He was contemplative. Over three hours, he talked about retreating from the spotlight, the persistence of emo and accusations of Yeah. I felt like it was gross. I thought it was opportunistic. I thought it was degrading. A few years ago, emo began to experience a revival, and Mr. Carrabba became a touchstone. Were there bands you wouldn’t tour with? Yes. And it bummed me out and it broke my heart a little. And in that time, beforehand but especially once I started to notice it, I made a rule of trying as often as possible to have a female-led band or a band with a woman in the band on tour with us. You toured with Brand New. What was your reaction to the allegations against Jesse Lacey? [In November, the singer was accused of sexual improprieties by a woman who said he solicited nude pictures from her when she was a minor. He released a statement apologizing for his behavior without directly addressing the allegation. No charges have been filed.] I think it is abhorrent, shocking. Were you surprised by it? I was surprised by it, because in this case, I never saw anything that would indicate that. I haven’t spoken to Jesse about it, as we haven’t really spoken that much in years. As part of the scene — I don’t mean outside of it being a band they looked up to, I mean being one of the kids in it — I don’t know how to not be offended by it. First, I was a fan in that scene, then I was somebody that people were fans of. I remained a fan in that scene, too. We had a trust. There was a morality to it. I felt that’s what made us different than other scenes. We were the answer to the rock ’n’ roll cliché, I thought. NATHAN BAJAR FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES MARK MAINZ/GETTY IMAGES sexual assault that have roiled the genre. These are edited excerpts from the conversation. Is Dashboard Confessional a specific mood, or a sound? When you write a song, how do you know it’s a Dashboard song? РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S It’s the elusive nature of it, which in this case caused a seven- or eight-year delay between records. That it comes from some mysterious place is a little bit of an overstatement. That it comes at unpredictable times is probably the better way to place it. eager to deliver.” Then one day off tour, I woke up one morning and I walked downstairs and I wrote a song, and it was evident from the first melodic idea that this was a Dashboard song. And the next morning, I woke up and I bolted for my guitar. I realized, “I’m there.” After all that time, I’d begun to wonder if they’d ever come back, and when they came back, they came back in rapid succession. The whole thing was a cavalcade, and I just surrendered to it. So it’s almost like ... “It’s cominnnng?” Yes, yes, it is. An unrelenting urge that sends me in a metaphorical dead sprint for a guitar. It’s coming on and I’ve just got seconds to catch it, or it’s gone. Did that pose a problem when Dashboard reunited: “O.K., we’re ready as a band. The fans are ready. But, is the thing ready?” Yes, and it wasn’t. If you were to have been my accountant at that time, you would say there might never be a better time than right this minute to release a record, but it just doesn’t work for me that way. So the waiting game began. We did our tour and a year passed. I wrote, like, snippets and then I would stop. I’d physically stop. I put the pencil and the paper down and said, “Stop it. You’re just eager, you’re If they hadn’t come and you just continued playing your back catalog in amphitheaters, would you have felt that something was missing? No. I had decided that the worst thing that could happen was that I write an album that would hurt the legacy of the albums I’d made already. But now that I have this record, I can say it’s because I’ve gotten in touch with that place again and there was more to be found there and I’m willing to risk the whole legacy because it came from the same place. When someone like Joe Mulherin from nothing,nowhere. says there’s a home for you in what he does, does it make you feel the zeitgeist has come back around? I feel like it’s emblematic of the concurrent paths we happen to be on. I haven’t stopped being an excessive consumer of music, old and new. There’s nothing better — or frankly, worse — SCOTT GRIES/IMAGEDIRECT, VIA GETTY IMAGES Clockwise from top: Chris Carrabba, the frontman of Dashboard Confessional, which is releasing its first album since 2009; Mr. Carrabba and the band on “MTV2 Unplugged” in 2002; and Mr. Carrabba and Michael Stipe of R.E.M. in 2003 at Arlene’s Grocery in New York. than I wish I had written that lyric. Phoebe Bridgers, she’s the real deal. Dawes have that lyric which I think might be the most romantic thing ever said in a song if the listener that hears it is a massive music fan: “May all your favorite bands stay together.” thing to navigate coming off the road. That’s good. Maybe this is a naïve or oversimplified way of talking about Dashboard records, but I experience them as “I,” not “we” records. Those are the moments I’m looking for. And with Joe, he’s got a mountain of them. Phoebe’s got a mountain of them. Julien [Baker]’s got a mountain of them. I love that other people’s songs can make me say, how much deeper can I go? You don’t really talk about your personal life, but you are married. Yeah. You’ve been married to the same person all these years? Yeah. My wife and I have navigated this really well. She’s interesting and she loves me and she cherishes our relationship but she doesn’t need me. She is self-actualized. She’s a strong enough woman to handle the rigors of distance. If anything, it was a difficult I feel like on this album I heard the word “we” more than on previous records. I did, too, and I didn’t know it until the record was done. Well, I was navigating the world by myself at that moment when I was writing most of the Dashboard songs. I’m now not only navigating the world with my wife, but I’m looking back, I’m holding on fiercely to what I realize is so rare with this really strong circle of friends that I’ve been lucky enough to have. Previously, I was at a point where I thought I was going through things alone. Now I’ve just been in a place where I’m no more certain about anything that life’s handed me and the reasons for it, but I’ve never been less alone. Have you come across any of the feminist reassessments of emo — Have these topics been an active subject of conversation between you and your peers? Well, between me and my friends. What about people who are in the scene in some form or another? No, it seems uncomfortable when I’ve tried to talk to some of them about this. They seem as concerned, but I think that nobody knows how to come to grips with the idea that our scene was a place that something like this could happen. It’s shameful. I don’t want to believe that my part of the circle of fans were treated that way or felt that way at shows. I feel like we’re there to take care of each other. That’s what the ethics of a scene really should be. Like if I see a fight break out, I’ll stop the show and say, “Stop the fight. Is everyone O.K.?” It’s our responsibility — not just the bands, anybody that’s proactive in the scene — it’s our collective responsibility to say, in all situations, “Are you O.K.?” I just didn’t know I had to say it about this stuff. I didn’t know. РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 | 19 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION books weekend Turning on a revolution disabled. Others followed suit. Even so, Comella writes, the retailers struggled to stay afloat: Feminist stores refused, as a matter of principle, to trade on customers’ anxiety — there were none of the “tightening creams,” “numbing creams,” penis enlargers or anal bleaches that boosted profits at typical sex stores. Employees were considered “educators,” and sales were secondary to providing information and support. What’s more, Good Vibrations in particular was noncompetitive; Blank freely shared her business model with any woman interested in spreading the love. Consumer culture and feminism have always been strange bedfellows, with the former tending to overpower the latter. Just as Virginia Slims coopted the message of ’70s liberation, as the Spice Girls cannibalized ’90s grrrl power, so feminist sex stores exerted their influence on the mainstream yet were ultimately absorbed and diluted by it. In 2007, Good Vibrations was sold to GVA-TWN, the very type of sleazy mega-sex-store company it was founded to disrupt. Though no physical changes have been made in the store, Good Vibrations is no longer womanowned. Although the aesthetics haven’t changed, Lieberman writes, the idea of feminist sex toys as a source of women’s liberation has faded, all but disappeared. An infamous episode of “Sex and the City” that made the Rabbit the hottest vibrator in the nation also portrayed female masturbation as addictive and isolating, potentially leading to permanent loneliness. The sex toys in “Fifty Shades of Grey” were wielded solely in service of traditional sex and gender roles: A man is in charge of Anastasia Steele’s sexual awakening, and climax is properly experienced through partnered intercourse. Meanwhile, the orgasm gap between genders has proved more stubborn than the pay gap. Women still experience one orgasm for every three experienced by men in partnered sex. And fewer than half of teenage girls between 14 and 17 have ever masturbated. At the end of “Buzz,” Lieberman makes a provocative point: Viagra is covered by insurance but vibrators aren’t, presumably because while erections are seen as medically necessary for sexual functioning, the same is not true of female orgasm. Like our feminist foremothers, she envisions a new utopia, one in which the United States Food and Drug Administration regulates sex toys to ensure their safety, in which they are covered by insurance, where children are taught about them in sex education courses and they are seen and even subsidized worldwide as a way to promote women’s sexual health. In other words: We’ve come a long way, baby, but as “Vibrator Nation” and “Buzz” make clear, we still may not be coming enough. BOOK REVIEW BUZZ: THE STIMULATING HISTORY OF THE SEX TOY By Hallie Lieberman. Illustrated. 359 pp. Pegasus Books. $26.95. VIBRATOR NATION: HOW FEMINIST SEX-TOY STORES CHANGED THE BUSINESS OF PLEASURE By Lynn Comella. 278 pp. Duke University Press. $25.95. BY PEGGY ORENSTEIN Think back, for a moment, to the year 1968. Martin Luther King Jr. and Bobby Kennedy were assassinated. The Beatles released “The White Album.” North Vietnam began the Tet offensive. And American women discovered the clitoris. O.K., that last one may be a bit of an overreach, but 1968 was when “The Myth of the Vaginal Orgasm,” a short essay by Anne Koedt, went that era’s version of viral. Jumping off of the Masters and Johnson bombshell that women who didn’t climax during intercourse could have multiple orgasms with a vibrator, Koedt called for replacing Freud’s fantasy of “mature” orgasm with women’s lived truth: It was all about the clitoris. That assertion single-handedly, as it were, made female self-love a political act, and claimed orgasm as a serious step to women’s overall emancipation. It also threatened many men, who feared obsolescence, or at the very least, loss of primacy. Norman Mailer, that famed phallocentrist, raged in his book “The Prisoner of Sex” against the emasculating “plenitude of orgasms” created by “that laboratory dildo, that vibrator!” (yet another reason, beyond the whole stabbing incident, to pity the man’s poor wives). To be fair, Mailer & Co. had cause to quake. The quest for sexual self-knowledge, as two new books on the history and politics of sex toys reveal, would become a driver of feminist social change, striking a blow against men’s overweening insecurity and the attempt (still with us today) to control women’s bodies. As Lynn Comella writes in “Vibrator Nation,” retailers like Good Vibrations in San Francisco created an erotic consumer landscape different from anything that previously existed for women, one that was safe, attractive, welcoming and ultimately subversive, presenting female sexual fulfillment as “unattached to reproduction, motherhood, monogamy — even heterosexuality.” As you can imagine, both books COURTESY AMERICAN MEDICAL ASSOCIATION ARCHIVES The “White Cross Electric Vibrator Girl” as pictured in a 1911 Health and Beauty catalog. (which contain a great deal of overlap) are chockablock with colorful characters, starting with Betty Dodson, the Pied Piper of female onanism, who would often personally demonstrate — in the nude — how to use a vibrator to orgasm during her early sexual consciousness-raising workshops in New York. I am woman, hear me roar indeed. Back in the day, though, attaining a Vibrator of One’s Own was tricky. The leering male gaze of the typical “adult” store was, at best, off-putting to most women. Amazon, where sex toys, like fresh produce, are just a mouse click away, was still a glimmer in Jeff Bezos’s eye. Enter Dell Williams, who after being shamed by a Macy’s salesclerk while checking out a Hitachi Magic Wand, founded in 1974 the mail order company Eve’s Garden. That was quickly followed by Good Vibrations, the first feminist sex toy storefront; it’s great fun to read the back story of Good Vibes’ late founder, Joani Blank, along with radical “sexperts” like Susie Bright and Carol Queen. The authors of “Vibrator Nation” and “Buzz” each put in time observing how sex toys are sold, so have firsthand insight into the industry. Whose take will hold more appeal depends on the reader’s interests: In “Buzz,” Hallie Lieberman offers a broader view, Cracking Wise Edited by Will Shortz The law professor and author, most recently, of “Political Tribes” loves comic novels: Kingsley Amis’s “Lucky Jim,” she says, “is possibly my all-time favorite book.” What books are on your nightstand? JILLIAN TAMAKI love novels and short stories, but for some reason poetry evades me. I consider it a deep moral failing in myself, especially because my husband and daughters are avid poetry lovers. A good friend gave me Edward Hirsch’s “How To Read a Poem,” which I read and still have on my shelf, but it didn’t work. Also, I’m not a fan of rambling books about traveling across the country while experimenting with psychedelic drugs. I need a plot. РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S You wrote a memoir, “Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother,” that touched on many issues around parenthood. What are your favorite books on child rearing? I never read any child rearing books when I was raising my daughters; maybe that was my problem! I actually didn’t intend for “Battle Hymn” to be a parenting book either. I had totally different hopes for the book. I’ve always loved books with wacky unreliable narrators. Believe it or not, my models for “Battle Hymn” were “Pale Fire,” by Vladimir Nabokov; “Zeno’s Conscience,” by Italo Svevo; and “A Confederacy of Dunces,” by John Kennedy Toole. Also Dave Eggers’s “A Heartbreaking Work of Staggering Genius,” which, come to think of it, is a child-rearing book of sorts. Which genres are you drawn to and which do you avoid? This is so embarrassing, but I can’t read poetry. Try as I might, and I really have tried, I just don’t get poems. I Peggy Orenstein is the author of “Girls & Sex” and a new book of essays, “Don’t Call Me Princess.” THE SUNDAY CROSSWORD By the Book Amy Chua My nightstand is filled with junk, but next to my bed there’s a huge pile of books. They include Elif Batuman’s “The Possessed,” which is exhilaratingly great and somehow manages to be erudite about Russian literature and funny at the same time; Ali Smith’s “Autumn,” which is about an eccentric friendship between an octogenarian and a young girl who share a love of words; Anne Enright’s “The Green Road”; Anthony Kronman’s “Confessions of a Born-Again Pagan”; Fredrik Logevall’s “Embers of War”; and Lisa Ko’s “The Leavers.” Oh, and “The Art of Raising a Puppy,” by the Monks of New Skete, which I’m rereading because I’m about to get two new puppies. and even perpetuated a sexist status quo. “Vibrator Nation” focuses more narrowly on women-owned vendors, wrestling with how their activist mission bumped up against the demands and constraints of the marketplace. Those early entrepreneurs, Comella writes, believed nothing less than that “women who had orgasms could change the world.” As with other utopian feminist visions, however, this one quickly splintered. Controversy broke out over what constituted “sex positivity,” what constituted “woman-friendly,” what constituted “woman.” Was it politically correct to stock, or even produce, feminist porn? Were BDSM lesbians invited to the party? Would the stores serve transwomen? Did the “respectable” aesthetic of the white, middle-class founders translate across lines of class and race? If the goal was self-exploration through a kind of cliteracy, what about customers (of any gender or sexual orientation) who wanted toys for partnered play or who enjoyed penetrative sex? Could a sex store that sold nine-inch, veined dildos retain its feminist bona fides? Dell Williams solved that particular problem by commissioning nonrepresentational silicone devices with names like “Venus Rising” from Gosnell Duncan, the man who made prosthetics for the taking us back some 30,000 years, when our ancestors carved penises out of siltstone; moving on to the ancient Greeks’ creative use of olive oil; the buzzy medical devices of the 19th century (disappointingly, doctors’ notorious in-office use of vibrators as treatment for female “hysteria” is urban legend); and the impact of early-20th-century obscenity laws — incredibly, sex toys remain illegal in Alabama — before digging deeply into more contemporary influences. In addition to feminist retailers, Lieberman braids in stories of men like Ted Marche, whose family business — employing his wife and teenage children — began by making prosthetic strap-ons for impotent men; Gosnell Duncan, who made sex aids for the disabled and was the first to expand dildo production beyond the Caucasian pink once called “flesh colored”; the Malorrus brothers, who were gag gift manufacturers (think penis pencil toppers); and the hard-core porn distribution mogul Reuben Sturman, who repeatedly, and eventually disastrously, ran afoul of the law. Although their X-rated wares would supposedly give women orgasms, unlike the feminist-championed toys they were sold primarily as devices that would benefit men. Much like the era’s sexual revolution, in other words, they maintained What book might people be surprised to find on your shelves? Maybe all the funny books I have, starting with Laurence Sterne’s “The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman,” which starts off with the narrator as a homunculus (sperm) at the moment of his ill-conceived conception. Kingsley Amis’s academic satire “Lucky Jim” is possibly my all-time favorite book. I still occasionally burst out laughing just thinking of the protagonist’s nemesis Bertrand Welch, a pompous pseudo-intellectual who wears a beret and says “You sam” — a stretched out version of “You see.” More recently, David Sedaris’s “Me Talk Pretty One Day,” B. J. Novak’s “One More Thing,” and Ali Wentworth’s “Happily Ali After” all had me on the floor. Which books were you most eager to introduce to your children? And which books have they introduced to you? Some of my own childhood favorites like Robert McCloskey’s “Make Way for Ducklings,” Maurice Sendak’s “Pierre” and “Where the Wild Things Are,” Crockett Johnson’s “Harold and the Purple Crayon” and Esphyr Slobodkina’s “Caps for Sale.” Then, as the girls got older, “Caddie Woodlawn,” “Black Beauty,” “Charlie and the Chocolate Factory,” “The Witch of Blackbird Pond” and “From the Mixed-up Files of Mrs. Basil E. Frankweiler.” My husband was in charge of reading Tolkien, “The Chronicles of Narnia” and Lloyd Alexander’s “The Chronicles of Prydain” with my daughters, and it was through the three of them that I got introduced to science fiction books like “Dune.” Of the books you’ve written, which is your favorite or the most personally meaningful? A 2007 book called “Day of Empire: How Hyperpowers Rise to Global Dominance — and Why They Fall.” It argued that, relative to the societies around them, all of history’s greatest powers were strikingly pluralistic and tolerant on their rise to power, and that in every case their decline coincided with a stark turn to intolerance and xenophobia. If only it had come out a decade later! But I’m an optimist. As I explore in my new book, “Political Tribes,” I think America has self-correction mechanisms built into our identity and our institutions. Who would you want to write your life story? My daughters, Sophia and Lulu, jointly. Or maybe Elif Batuman, who I think is supersmart and really funny. I love her idiosyncratic way of looking at things. She’s the daughter of Turkish immigrants — and studied violin at the Manhattan School of Music — so I think she’d relate. Also, she seems like a generous spirit, and I could definitely use that! What do you plan to read next? “Turtles All the Way Down,” by John Green, and “The House of Government,” by Yuri Slezkine. Across 1 52-story Boston skyscraper, familiarly 7 Brass instrument with a mellow sound 15 ____ Malfoy, student at Hogwarts 20 Sorkin and Spelling 21 Kind of equinox 22 Puerto ____ 23 “Stop! You’re killing me!” 25 ____-garde 26 Give some lip 27 Uncut 28 More than willing 30 For whom the Lorax speaks 31 Internet home to “Between Two Ferns” 34 Latin for “womb” 38 Monsieur’s mate 41 Y or N, maybe 42 Shakespeare character who says “This above all: to thine own self be true” 45 Actor Jason 47 Zugspitze, e.g. 50 A person skilled at deadpan has one 52 What “4” may stand for 54 French river or department 55 Beseech 56 Advert’s ending? 57 Designer Geoffrey 58 Carrier to Karachi 61 Tugboat sounds 65 Decked out 67 Unimpressed response to someone’s oneliner 72 ____ intolerance 73 Novo-Ogaryovo is the official one of the Russian president 74 Lavatory sign 75 Hawke of “Training Day” 76 Regrettable 79 Broadway’s Hagen 81 “Roméo et Juliette” segment 85 Coin toss call 86 Stand-up chain started in Los Angeles 92 Big engine additive 93 Log-in needs 94 Verbally assail 95 “Iglu,” for “igloo”: Abbr. 97 Cover over, in a way 99 Start limping 100 It might involve someone being “so poor” or “so old” 104 “____, amigo” 107 Count ____ 108 Nail salon employees, at times 110 Its “reeds are a pain / And the fingering’s insane,” per Ogden Nash 114 Lipinski and Reid 115 “Jeez … lighten up!” 120 Be grandiloquent 121 To this day, Marie Curie’s are still radioactive 122 Mystery 123 Lacoste and Descartes 124 Star of 1976’s Oscar winner for Best Picture 125 Smoothed in a shop Down 1 Some body art, for short 2 “Hilarious!” 3 Noteworthy times 4 Lobster traps 5 Med. professionals who take a pledge named for Florence Nightingale 6 Welcomes 7 Plaster 8 Condition for filmdom’s Rain Man 9 Suffix with speed 10 “Oh, what the hell … I’ll do it” 11 “Uh, you’ve told me quite enough” Solution to puzzle of January 27-28 C A S I T A A V O C E T B L S R E F E R T O P R I A M T A X I I D R E N O O J S P O P H U S P A D I V E T L T A P V E G I E N D S A E A N D F L I M E L O P E Y E D U P B R E W E R Y C E D E A W E T A C K O P S E A R C A N D Y B E R G L O V E Y O U M A O I N U S U R P T H E C O L O R O F M O N E T R O S S N E E R L D O S E R A D L E A B O U T A B O T S A D C A E C A S H C R A M S A C T O R I E C A N L Y H L L A C E S S A G E T A V A H A I R A G I L I I E D E N S B E V E R L T H E B I G C H L O O N T G O R D I A N S W A M P T H S P S T O K I L T P A R O L E D I D L E E M P T E D C E N C E E R D A T A C I L O S S E A N S L I L I A B S A S P S P C P O B E R O N D E A D I S C O W L O H A I A S S E T S 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 20 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 21 23 22 24 26 25 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 42 43 44 50 41 45 46 47 48 49 51 54 52 53 55 58 59 60 67 68 56 61 57 62 63 64 69 65 66 70 71 72 73 75 76 77 78 85 86 92 74 79 87 88 89 81 82 83 84 90 91 93 94 95 96 100 101 102 80 97 98 103 107 99 104 105 106 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 PUZZLE BY DAVID LEVINSON WILK / EDITED BY WILL SHORTZ 12 Where Michael Jordan played coll. ball 13 Meadow call 14 Poet Ginsberg 15 “Game of Thrones” creature 16 Joan who quipped ”A Peeping Tom looked in my window and pulled down the shade” 17 “Pick ____ …” 18 “Pretty please?” 19 Doing a pirouette, say 24 Poison ivy, e.g. 29 Some sneakers 30 Something carried onstage? 31 “Terrif!” 32 Fifth category of taste with a Japanese name 33 “Peter ____ Greatest Hits” (1974 album) 34 High hairstyle 35 Doughnut figures 36 Late ’50s singing sensation 37 One of many scattered in a honeymoon suite, maybe 39 Light bark 40 Cry from Homer 43 Kind of port for a flash drive 44 Manage 46 Night vision? 47 Bowl 48 Maid’s armful 49 Made an appeal 51 Hymn starter 52 Habitation 53 Around the time of birth 59 Chains 60 Car rental giant 62 Poet who wrote “Fortune and love favor the brave” 63 Org. that offers Pre✓ enrollment 64 ____ fly 66 One on the left?: Abbr. 67 Greatly bother 68 TV blocking device 69 Tops 70 Finish all at once, in a way 71 Things taken by government officials 72 “Sounds like a plan!” 77 “Don’t be ____!” 78 ____ Walcott, Nobel Prizewinning poet 80 Patriots’ org. 82 Bad state to be in 83 Mine transport 84 Modern party summons 87 Euros replaced them 88 Bustle 89 Grp. that puts on a show 90 Fleets 91 Wall St. bigwigs 93 Like Mount Narodnaya 95 Empty 96 Brings a smile to THE NEW YORK TIMES 98 Like some angels and dominoes 100 Champion 101 Airport that J.F.K. dedicated in 1963 102 Erin of “Joanie Loves Chachi” 103 Locks up 105 Concoct 106 Bug 108 Jester 109 Feeling 110 Anthony Hopkins’s “Thor” role 111 City NNE of San Antone 112 “My treat!” 113 “My stars!” 116 Cambodia’s Angkor ____ 117 Court org. 118 Skit show, for short 119 What makes you you? РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. 20 | SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION weekend television Defying easy labels is his game LOS ANGELES Hybrid qualities underpin the latest series from the writer-producer Alan Ball ALI PAIGE GOLDSTEIN/HBO Donald Trump was elected president, and we started to see the show as a kind of prism through which we could look at all these different characters’ multiethnic, multigenerational viewpoints living in Trump’s America. How do you deal with that? How do you make sense of that? BY MARGY ROCHLIN If Alan Ball has learned anything from his decades in television, it’s that an hourlong television show doesn’t need to be neatly categorized. This Georgiaborn writer’s series “Six Feet Under,” after all, was a dark comedy about a diversely dysfunctional funeral home family, while his “True Blood,” based on the Southern Vampire Mysteries novels by Charlaine Harris, combined elements of fantasy, horror, bodiceripping ardor and — why not? — family, too. So when Mr. Ball had lunch with Casey Bloys, HBO’s president for programming, to talk about the pilot script for his new series, “Here and Now,” he was unapologetic about its hybrid qualities. “Casey said, ‘Is this a family show or a supernatural show?’ ” Mr. Ball recalled with a laugh. “And I said, ‘Yes.’ ” On the surface, it’s about an idealistic couple — Greg (Tim Robbins) and his lawyer wife, Audrey (Holly Hunter) — who see themselves as “social justice warriors,” as Mr. Ball put it, and adopt three children: Duc (Raymond Lee), from Vietnam; Ashley (Jerrika Hinton), from Liberia; and Ramon (Daniel Zovatto), from Colombia. They’re older siblings to the couple’s biological child, Kristen (Sosie Bacon). But as close-knit as the family is, it teems with secrets, neuroses and trauma. The most talked-about element, though, is likely to be Ramon’s strange visions, which point to a possibly metaphysical connection with his psychiatrist (Peter Macdissi), a family man dealing with his own personal issues. (The show has its premiere on Feb. 11.) In an interview at his office at Paramount Studios, Mr. Ball, 60, dressed in a plaid shirt and coping with a bad cold, talked about nuanced Muslim characters, midlife crises and dressing up an Oscar. Here are edited excerpts from the conversation. Why Portland? Portland has this reputation for being so incredibly progressive — and it is. However, it also has a pretty sketchy history in terms of racism. For a place that’s very progressive, it’s still predominantly Caucasian. So there’s an interesting dichotomy there, because it’s a very progressive town and one of the greatest places to live. At the same time, it isn’t really what it aspires to be. What research did you do for the characters? GRAHAM WALZER FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES Above, Alan Ball, the creator of “True Blood” and “Six Feet Under,” who is returning to television with “Here and Now.” Top right, Tim Robbins and Holly Hunter in “Here and Now.” Right, a scene from a 2004 episode of “Six Feet Under.” Like Greg, you recently turned 60. Were you as unhappy about the milestone as he appears to be? JOHN P. JOHNSON/HBO How did you go from vampire romance in rural Louisiana to a troubleladen multiracial family in the Pacific Northwest? work. I knew that HBO was looking for a family drama. So I sat down to write one. But I didn’t want it to be just another family drama about a family dealing with what families deal with. Certainly a multiethnic family made it more interesting for me as a writer. It also just seemed like it would give us more interesting stories than sibling I’d done a couple of pilots for HBO that didn’t go. I also have a bunch of movies that I’ve written over the years that nobody seems to want because they aren’t about superheroes or exploding machinery. I’m a person who likes to rivalry or somebody gets a mammogram. You know, your usual family TV show tropes. [Laughs] The sort of mystical-mysterious element just sort of happened. Were your story lines affected by the political moment? I was working with the writers when A ‘Homeland’ spy suddenly pivots The 2016 election prompted a shift by the German actress Nina Hoss BY ELISABETH VINCENTELLI РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S In the fall of 2016, the German actress Nina Hoss followed the American presidential campaign up close: She was in New York, shooting the sixth season of “Homeland,” in which she played a fan favorite, the intelligence agent Astrid. It was time to go home to Berlin, where she was scheduled to return to theater; she was considering performing “The Human Voice,” Jean Cocteau’s 1930 monologue that consists entirely of a woman pleading on the phone. But the election of Donald J. Trump changed Ms. Hoss’s plans. “I thought, I can’t really spend three months, now, with a character who wants to get her lover back with all the different ways a woman has,” she said during a visit to Brooklyn last fall. In barely accented English, she added, “God, who wants to see that?” The election brought about “a strong shift” in her thinking, she said. “I heard a lot of New Yorkers say, ‘How could they do that to us?’ — the people who voted for Trump. But I thought, It’s not that easy, you know? They must be in a state of desperation. I ask myself, am I political enough? Don’t we all have to get involved more? I wanted to ask myself and the audience: What happened, and what are we going to do now?” So Ms. Hoss made the kind of hairpin turn the new world order demanded. She and the German director Thomas Ostermeier came up with a new work, “Returning to Reims,” for the prestigious Schaubühne Theater in Berlin. The production, which had its premiere I knew that I wasn’t going to be able to write a lot of the characters in this show from a place of personal experience. So when we — myself and my producing partner, Peter Macdissi — were putting the writers’ room together, we made sure that we had a couple of African-Americans, a guy of Asian descent, a Lebanese Muslim guy and a Palestinian gay guy. We have people who are adoptive parents. Growing up in my white privilege, I have no reason to know these things. So it’s not so much research on my part, it’s having these great writers that I work with who bring their own experiences to the table. in Manchester, England, last July, then moved to Berlin, is now being presented in English at the Off Broadway theater St. Ann’s Warehouse, where it will open on Sunday for a run ending on Feb. 25. The play is based on the French philosopher Didier Eribon’s 2009 memoir about growing up gay and intellectual in a homophobic working-class family that went from voting Communist to supporting the far-right National Front. (Some of the themes will be familiar to readers of J. D. Vance’s “Hillbilly Elegy.”) The book was a best seller in Germany, where it bitterly resonated in the new political climate, both international and domestic. “I think it has to do with the fact that Germans are, due to our terrible history, MUSTAFAH ABDULAZIZ FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES very sensitive to developments on the new right,” Mr. Ostermeier said by telephone from Berlin. “They’re desperately looking for explanations to understand that phenomenon.” There was just one hitch in moving the story to the stage: It had no role for Ms. Hoss. So she and Mr. Ostermeier — whose explosive “Richard III” was at the Brooklyn Academy of Music in October — devised a radical adaptation. In the play, Ms. Hoss, 42, takes center stage as an unnamed actress recording the voice-over for a documentary based on Mr. Eribon’s book. About 45 minutes in, the narrator starts questioning the decisions of the film’s director (played by Bush Moukarzel), who has been hovering in the sound booth. The book, the Nina Hoss at the Schaubühne Theater in Berlin. On Sunday, she will open Off Broadway in the theater’s production of “Returning to Reims,” based on Didier Eribon’s 2009 memoir. Well it’s hard to age, to get older, to realize “Wow, my body isn’t working like it used to.” It’s hard to go, “How many years do I have left?” I’m not sure I have any empirical data to back this up, but I think it’s harder for men than women. I think women are more in touch with their emotions, with the cycle of living. Whereas men are conditioned to believe that we’re invincible and will remain that way forever — and we’re stupid enough to believe that. [Laughs] I feel like I’ve had about five midlife crises. I think the first one was when I was about 35. As someone who struggled with depression and anxiety [my] whole life, I feel like you got to pull yourself out of there, you got fake movie (which includes footage of Mr. Eribon chatting with his mother, filmed by Mr. Ostermeier and Sébastien Dupouey) and Ms. Hoss’s own life merge as she brings her father, Willi Hoss, into the story. “Everybody who read the Eribon book ended up talking about their own family, background or history, so I thought it might be a good idea to make that fruitful in the production,” Mr. Ostermeier said. “Nina was happy to do it, even though it took her a lot of work and energy.” A key difference between Mr. Eribon’s upbringing and Ms. Hoss’s is that his was miserable, and hers decidedly less so. “I had a fantastic childhood,” she said. “I had two parents who had a lot of belief in humanity and people, and always fought with enthusiasm — never for themselves but always in a group.” Her father started as a welder and trade unionist, then was elected to Germany’s Parliament and was a founder of the Green Party. Her mother, Heidemarie Hoss-Rohweder, ran a theater company. In the play, Ms. Hoss makes this activism come to life by showing pictures and home videos of her father, including some from trips he made to help save the Brazilian Amazon’s rain forest. In a recent telephone conversation, Ms. Hoss described spending several summers there as a teenager, watching her father take measurements for pipes or wells. Eventually, though, she took her mother’s route and attended drama school. Her association with Mr. Ostermeier dates to 1999, and “Returning to Reims” is their third collaboration at the Schaubühne, after Yasmina Reza’s dark comedy “Bella Figura” and a revival of Lillian Hellman’s “The Little Foxes.” In a move indicative of Ms. Hoss’s process, a mix of research and intuition, she tweaked her take on the wicked Regina Giddens nightly in “The Little Foxes.” “Sometimes I felt the world is really mean to her,” Ms. Hoss said with a chuckle — she laughs a lot in conversa- to find a way. I wanted Greg to start off at the bottom. I wanted to see him work his way out of that. You also feature a Muslim family where the parents are comfortable with their child being transgender. Is there a story behind this? Peter said, “If this is going to be a show about America, we need a Muslim family to be a part of this tapestry.” People are so terrified of, don’t understand, project all kinds of weird stuff onto Muslim characters — especially the way they’ve been depicted in the mainstream media. They’re never complex or nuanced. I did some research and, of course, there are trans Muslim kids. We’re so conditioned to think of Muslim families as so conservative that there’s no room for any kind of out-of-the-box expression for one’s identity — and that’s just not the case. Your favorite childhood movie — “My Six Loves” — is about a family of adopted children. Are you paying tribute? It’s not my favorite movie. It’s the first movie I ever went to see. Debbie Reynolds plays an actress who ends up adopting six adorable hillbilly children. And she realizes: “Oh, I don’t want to be an actress. I want to be a mother. That’s what’s really fulfilling.” [Laughs] One of the running gags is that one of the kids is mesmerized by flushing the toilet, and he keeps doing it. I just remember that was the first time I sat in a big darkened theater, looked up on a screen and saw this story unfold. I haven’t seen it since I was 5 or 6. I’m sure it would be a big letdown from what exists in my memory. In 2000, you won an Oscar for writing “American Beauty.” I read that you dressed it in a pink fur coat. Because? [Laughs] My identity, a lot of it, is based in feeling like the outsider. So when I won an Oscar, it was terrifying. When I brought it home, I put it on a shelf, and it looked so pretentious. So I bought a pink fur Barbie coat and put it on [the Oscar] and somehow it made it O.K. for me to have it in my house. But then I got over that and took it off. Now I have a shelf in my office where all the statuaries are. None of them are dressed. tion, as if happy to be taken on a ride by her own quicksilver mind. “Her brothers treat her horribly, so she becomes a horrible person. Other nights, she’s like the men: She just wants it the way she wants it, and that’s horrifying. Women can be horrible, too, and they should be allowed.” One of Ms. Hoss’s greatest strengths as an actor is a deceiving calm that somehow suggests both confidence and vulnerability. “Even when she whispers, she captures the audience,” Mr. Eribon said by telephone. Early in “Returning to Reims,” he said, “she speaks low to herself, rehearsing the reading, yet we’re fascinated.” This quality allows Ms. Hoss’s presence, at once cryptic and warm, to resonate even in small roles. It was such a supporting part, in fact, that led to “Homeland.” That series’s showrunner, Alex Gansa, first spotted her alongside Philip Seymour Hoffman in the spy thriller “A Most Wanted Man” (2014), then confirmed his hunch by watching her carry the period melodrama “Phoenix” (2015), and cold-called her. “One of the things Nina loved about Astrid, more than anything, is that she had a sense of humor,” Mr. Gansa said by telephone. “We spent a lot of time in the writers’ room giving her that color because she can be so wry and funny in the most understated way. Being grown-up never seemed so sexy.” The “Homeland” job has opened doors for Ms. Hoss, who recalled, with a smidgen of incredulity, being recognized by passers-by in New York. Because the Schaubühne runs on a timeconsuming repertory model, with yearlong commitments, she’s decided to put the stage aside for a while after this summer, and focus on her screen career. “I’ve done theater for a very long time,” Ms. Hoss said, “and I feel more and more these two systems just don’t work with each other, especially if I want to work in the U.S. So now I’m available.” She laughed, again. “But I’m always going back to theater, I know that.” РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 | 21 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION theater weekend Bibilical injunctions and Greek revenge VIENNA ‘The Ten Commandments’ and ‘The Oresteia’ come to vital stage life in Austria BY A.J. GOLDMANN LUPI SPUMA Above, the cast of “Die Zehn Gebote” at the Volkstheater in Vienna. Left, the all-female cast of “Die Orestie” at the Burgtheater. REINHARD WERNER/BURGTHEATER Mr. Nunes highlights how the cycle of violence affects everyone. ing the entire drama in the raw performances of the actors. Instead, he finds cinematic texture by fiddling with narrative structure. Kieslowski’s series is centered in a large housing project. Over the course of it, there are many chance encounters: We gain new perspectives on stories we have already seen. In Mr. Kimmig’s version, the characters from various episodes intrude on one another. Sometimes, they take a seat downstage and spectate. At other times, they interrupt to introduce a new tale. Each segment builds to a moment of ethical crisis, and so these narrative breaks, which become increasingly frenzied after the intermission, succeed in sustaining tension over the course of the whole per- РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S dior.com “For 6,000 years, these rules have been unquestionably right. And yet we break them every day,” the Polish filmmaker Krzysztof Kieslowski wrote describing “The Decalogue,” his monumental series of 10 hourlong films, each devoted to one of the Ten Commandments. In the 22 years since Kieslowski’s death, his reputation as one of modern cinema’s most distinctive and influential auteurs has only grown, and “The Decalogue,” first shown on Polish television in 1988-89, is often regarded as his crowning achievement. This season, the Volkstheater in Vienna is paying unusual tribute to Kieslowski with “Die Zehn Gebote” (“The Ten Commandments”), an engrossing theatrical version of “The Decalogue” that compresses the 10 original segments into a fast-moving and dramatically incisive two and a half hours. The tales by Kieslowski and his coscreenwriter, Krzysztof Piesiewicz, are parables of ethical imperatives and moral quandaries set during the final days of Communist Poland. The Volkstheater’s adaptation, by Stephan Kimmig, who also directed, and Roland Koberg, retains the setting of the original series, while seven actors from the company’s ensemble bring to life a large and varied cast of characters — 31 roles in total — who flit in and out of the individual vignettes with remarkable elasticity. Jealousy, infidelity, lies, greed, illness, murder, kidnapping and cowardice are some of the elements that Kieslowski and Piesiewicz investigated in their screenplays. This stage version is, by necessity, abridged, yet much of the original dialogue has been retained, supplemented by spoken narration that adds a knowing meta-theatrical element. It’s not merely that these figures are aware of being in a play; they seem conscious that they are recreating characters and scenarios not originally written for the stage. That stage is mostly bare, save for the front of a truck, with a white-haired woman watching the performance through the shattered windshield. Her presence is never explained, although she may allude to the nameless, silent character who appears in all but two of the films and, by observing but never interfering in the action, introduces a suggestion of the divine or supernatural. Unlike in the films, the commandments are presented out of order, often prompting the viewer to consult the playbill to figure out where we are in the cycle. Like the films, however, “Die Zehn Gebote” often leaves the viewer to meditate on the relationship between the kitchen-sink realism of the individual tales and the biblical injunctions to which they are joined, however obliquely. “Die Zehn Gebote” is a true ensemble piece, and the actors are excitingly matched. Lukas Holzhausen is both tender and weary as a single parent whose teenage daughter suspects he is not her biological father. Anja Herden gets to survey a wide dramatic range, from a matriarch who must plead for her grandchild’s return to the cynical, promiscuous neighbor in the most famous episode of “The Decalogue.” As both a lawyer against capital punishment and a committed doctor who is forced to play God, Gabor Biedermann demonstrates how a practiced, professional demeanor cracks up in the face of moral uncertainty and outrage. One of Kieslowski’s most admired traits as a filmmaker was his ability to translate his philosophical and dramatic ideas into stark images. Putting “The Decalogue” onstage requires finding equivalents for visual storytelling. Mr. Kimmig, a prolific German director, resists the urge to use video, concentrat- Archi Dior collection White gold, pink gold and diamonds. formance. After the emotionally frantic, “Short Cuts”-like crisscrossing of the final half-hour, the energetic curtain call, with its numerous costume changes (to remind the audience who played whom) feels cathartic in itself. The ethical conundrums of a building full of Poles would probably seem like small fry to the occupants of the House of Atreus, whose famous family curse is being revisited next door in the Burgtheater’s powerful all-female production of “Die Orestie” (“The Oresteia”). Using a much-whittled-down version of Peter Stein’s German prose translation (that version ran to nine and a half hours during its original performances at the Berlin Schaubühne in 1980), Antú Romero Nunes has brought his stripped- down, savage aesthetic to Aeschylus’ tragic trilogy. Over 140 intermission-less minutes, seven of the Burgtheater’s powerful actresses transform the broad stage of Vienna’s most elegant dramatic theater into a claustrophobic pressure cooker. The staging by Mr. Nunes, a young and in-demand German director (next month, he will direct the Bavarian State Opera’s premiere of Verdi’s “Les Vêpres Siciliennes”), suggests that the story is being told from the point of view of the Furies, the goddesses who mete out divine justice in the pre-legal world of Greek myth. The trilogy’s final chapter, “The Eumenides,” can, in fact, be read as a parable for the establishment of the Athenian judicial system. By assigning all the roles to a handful of actors, Mr. Nunes also highlights how the cycle of familial violence affects everyone — protagonists, chorus, gods and Furies. For the spectator as well, it is impossible to remain neutral or indifferent to the vicissitudes of this 2,500year-old tragedy. With soiled white garments, black boots and ratty blond locks, their faces caked in white paint, the actresses look like a chorus of the undead. Save for the ambient music, the occasional fog and the black blood that comes streaming downstage at one point, these women are themselves the production, from Andrea Wenzl’s pained, defenseless Cassandra to Aenne Schwarz’s violent and conflicted Orestes. (Ms. Schwarz is also sensational in the Burgtheater’s “Antigone,” which makes an excellent companion piece for this “Oresteia.”) Maria Happel and Barbara Petritsch are boldly cast as Agamemnon, who sacrifices his daughter to secure favorable winds for the Greek fleet sailing to Troy, and Aegisthus, who plots the king’s downfall. Two longtime members of the Burgtheater’s ensemble, they more than hold their own against the production’s younger actresses, matching them in dramatic and even physical intensity. Perhaps best of all is Caroline Peters’s nuanced Clytemnestra. Her performance is shot through with pride, grief and cunning, never more so than in her unsettlingly tender scene with Orestes, the long-exiled son who has returned to murder her. That love, suffering, fear and the desire for revenge can coexist inside one breast is something that perceptive artists of subtle moral imagination have always been able to comprehend. РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. 22 | SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION weekend living Are Bitcoins realer than boyfriends? She believed that loving a person would be a safer bet than cryptocurrency Modern Love BY MALKA FLEISCHMANN Recently, my brother experienced a cryptocurrency windfall. Almost overnight, $300 ballooned into tens of thousands, and now he can remodel his basement. Maybe. I don’t know. I suppose he can if he finds the money lurking behind the math. Since the spring, I have furrowed my brow through two lunches, three dinners and half a dozen kaffeeklatsches during which my conversation partners made pronouncements about the ever-mystifying Bitcoin. They were certain of the simplicity of what I call “space money,” certain of its life cycle, certain of its dynamics. My mind, on the other hand, can manage only a few key words before it charges merrily toward free association: Bitcoin, blockchain, key chain, chain of fools, fools rush in, Salma Hayek, etc. Throughout these brain-blitz discussions, my boyfriend sat beside me and, I assumed, shared my skepticism. But then the impassioned talk would animate him, and I wondered if he, too, might soon invest. And I judged them all for it. I thought: “Why invest in something you can never hold in hand?” Faith in things unseen, with the stakes as high as they are — I couldn’t surrender to it. And that’s curious, because I’m a religious person: hopeful, faithful and forever looking toward the nothingness of sky knowing, in my bones, that there’s a “there” there. But with love, I was focused on something tangible. I could see what I was holding. The very flesh of it. And I knew it was substantial enough to warrant all of my beaten-down but unrelenting faith. I was holding someone who generated so much noise, in me and for us. He stimulated thought and conversation in a way that felt endlessly curious. He was insistent about everything: that people apologize, that he bring hot tea to his evening doorman, that deodorant and body spray are one and the same, that I drink more water. He was set ablaze by the political news ticker. He had dreams for this country and suffered no one’s apathy. He preferred winter to summer and took to snow like a child. When he painted — a leisure habit he was trying to incorporate into his everyday life — there was no leisure in it. He was fierce, self-deprecating and determined. He loved his family as I did mine: completely, proudly and with the highest priority. Whenever I placed a meal before him, he looked like a recent escapee from prison, wild-eyed and deliriously happy. His absurd physical comedy worked like a charm on me. And for someone born in the 1990s, he had an inexplicable love of jazz. When we first met, I was battling to extricate myself from a relationship with someone profoundly kind but with whom I was misaligned. Months after the demise of that relationship, I saw him again, at a lazy Saturday gathering of friends. Engrossed in an hourslong conversation, we ignored everyone else all afternoon until I let him walk me home. I knew he would ask me for a date before long, and, after twice declining in consideration of a friend who had once dated him, I could no longer resist. He felt too familiar to bypass. As if, despite having no shared roots, we had been growing toward this encounter all along. On our first date, I belly laughed multiple times. I thought of my friend Rebecca, who instinctively knew that the man who is now her husband was “it” because of a sidesplitting first dinner. On our second date, we lay awake on the cold cement in Joan of Arc Park until the birds began their morning repertoire. And, at the end of our third, he huddled beside me in a bus station, pressed play on “Try a Little Tenderness” and slipped his phone into his breast pocket, the music drifting between us like the softest and most fated stitching of time. Six months later, walking through Midtown Manhattan in the bitter November cold, we noticed a bedraggled man peering into the window of a pizza shop, retreating to the curb, and then returning to look through the panes. My boyfriend asked if he was hungry and pressed a sandwich into his hands. The man thanked us, but then met our gaze beseechingly and said, “How did you know?” I listened long enough to hear my boyfriend say, “We didn’t. You just looked a little tired,” before I turned my back and burst into tears. A month later, my boyfriend would say that this was the moment he fell in love with me. For me, it was just one of hundreds of times I fell in love with him all over again. Like the time he defended me against a critical friend. Or when he was waiting in my office one morning with a sly smile on his face and flowers in his hands. Or when he sneaked into my apartment to assemble a behemoth of an armchair. Or when he deferred to my expertise in conversations about education. Or when he fed my niece supper. Or when he took capacious interest in my friends or childhood home, people and places to which he had no connection other than me. Or when he fearfully, but finally, said he loved me. Every time I introduced him to friends, I felt proud. He was magnetic, interested, interesting and always warm. To be fair, a month into our relationship, he said he was worried about the pressure my readiness for commitment might visit upon him. But I believed there was something between us that could not be replicated. I had a hunch, even then, that this union bore my sought-after truth — that we vibrated at the same frequency and would always grow in lock-step pace. BRIAN REA These elusive wonder coins bear and accrue value because of the shared faith that miners and moneymakers place in them. Several months later, after a painful fight, we parted at the subway — I in sadness and he in anger. But moments later, he came bounding down the stairwell just as my train arrived, followed me into the car and said he felt sick the instant he’d left me. Over the coming months, he would say that we were his deepest love, that he had no reservations about me, just about his own readiness. Piteously, I would hear only the first part. For years before we met, I had been consumed by a numbness that utterly reduced me. The pain of leaving home to attempt adulthood was exacerbated by my inability to find peace in partnership. I tried to turn every relationship into a love that could replace the mighty one with which I was raised, but they left me feeling unseen or stagnant. With him, though, I felt alive. I felt like the version of myself I long assumed had been dead and buried. And I began to believe that I was meant to be paralyzed by fear throughout all of those tumultuous years so that, when he finally appeared, I would be free to love him. The predicament of surprising someone with a bad reference The Ethicist B Y K WA M E A N T H O N Y A P P I A H to references for college or graduate school, the norm is that you agree to do them only if (a) you have a duty to do so or (b) the person asking for it knows that you’re going to be critical, if you are. You have no duty WHEN IT COMES being well cared for. You might think you shouldn’t agree to provide a reference unless you think it will help your neighbors get what they want. That’s a mistake. You can agree to provide one if it will do what they ought to want, which is to help the authorities make the right decision. That’s what you owe them, and at least as important, that’s what you owe the child. to write for this person. So you should explain that your letter would be informed by your knowledge of her misconduct. You told her you’d give a good reference; that’s no longer true, and she should know it. My boyfriend and I live in his vacation home in summer. We’ve become friendly with several neighbors. One couple has huge fights every few weeks with screaming and swearing you can hear down the block, triggered, possibly, by her drinking. I don’t know them well. I’ll call them Bob and Karen. They recently took in the woman’s granddaughter — her son’s child. The son is in prison, and his child was placed with a friend and then in a foster home. Bob and Karen have had the child for about a year. We’ve had the kid over to visit a few times. The fighting did not stop; in fact, one day the whole block could hear Karen yelling at the child and slamming doors. To my complete surprise, my boyfriend and I were asked to be their personal reference so that this couple can adopt the child. Clearly, this is not a good situation, but is it better to have the child ripped from yet another home and placed yet again? Of all the neighbors, we probably know them the least, so why are they asking us? My partner says it’s probably because year-rounders would refuse. We can say no, but I don’t want to make enemies. We can say yes and РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S This spring, my assistant decided to pursue medical school and quit her job so she could take prerequisite courses. She asked me if I would provide her with a reference, to which I agreed. Her work was competent, if not stellar, and I told her I was happy to give a good reference. It has since become clear that she committed a number of mistakes that cost the company thousands of dollars. She seems to have known and tried to fix what happened, but she never reported the issues, leaving us to discover her errors — and the corresponding costs — after the fact. I expect to receive reference forms soon. Am I obligated to tell her that my opinion has changed and that she may want to choose a different reference? Or should I just complete the reference informed by my new understanding? Name Withheld I started to understand what others had always described: the softening of edges that certainty affords us. All the things that might have troubled me about him — his inability to hear me when he was fixed upon a computer screen, his lukewarm interest in fiction, his occasional melodrama — could be set aside if it meant that I could keep him. For the first time in my life, I didn’t label our differences as damning. They were the space within which we divided, leaving room for us to yearn for each other, to be dazzled by each other, to always want to draw the other closer. Everyone with whom I have discussed Bitcoin has affirmed that it is a system based on trust. These elusive wonder coins bear and accrue value because of the shared faith that miners and moneymakers place in them. And now, I’m kicking myself for not investing some paltry sum at an earlier date. All along, I thought I was holding something of value because I could see and feel it. But realness and value are products of shared and equal faith, no matter if in things unseen. I can’t find TOMI UM simply tell the truth of what we know or have observed, which isn’t a lot. I am so torn about this; contributing to either outcome for this child is a tough decision. Name Withheld into difficulty here by thinking that it’s up to you to decide what’s best for the child. That simply can’t be right. You don’t know nearly enough to make that decision. Our child-welfare-and-adoption system is notoriously imperfect, but it is run by trained people who are required to assemble all the relevant information before a decision is made. No doubt Karen and Bob have chosen you because they think you will tell a story that helps their case. But your only obligation is to be truthful. That will mean providing your best judgment about something you don’t say much about, namely whether the child is YOU’VE GOTTEN I am a physician often approached to write letters for people. These letters generally fall into two classes: 1. Asking for work accommodations based on illness, or 2. Requests to be exempted from some requirement, like participating in jury duty. Recently I was asked to provide a letter for an elderly woman with a medical illness that would enable her to apply for citizenship without taking the exam, which she would be unable to pass because of her illness. She has been in the U.S., legally according to her family, for less than 10 years, has never held a job and has never paid taxes. They want her to have citizenship because it will allow her to receive more in benefits. (I am not sure this is true, but I am not a lawyer or even that interested. I have no interest in seeing a person without a valid status be deported either.) My concern is that she is requesting an exemption in order to collect benefits toward which she has contributed nothing. In a world of scarce resources, this makes me uncomfortable. On one hand, she is one person, whose costs will not be particularly burdensome to the state in which she lives, which is large. On the other hand, she is asking not to play by the rules. However, the illness is real, and I am not being asked to falsify anything; she truly has the illness, and it truly pre- or visualize Bitcoins, and I will never understand how complex math brings them deeper into reality. But when people equally believe in them, they become viable. He and I, on the other hand, were doing our arithmetic separately, in each of our messy minds. And while I will never understand how someone could hold the full weight of me in his arms and choose to let go, I understand that his final calculus was different from mine. With Bitcoin, you know exactly how much you invest, how much you stand to lose, how much you own. Going into this — my hard-won, full-bodied love — I only knew that I had everything to gain. And I just thought that, if I could see it, feel it and know it to be true, it couldn’t possibly disappear. But between my brother and me, one of us now has a soon-to-be remodeled home, its reliable cemented foundation paid for by “space money.” And the other, palms bare, remains suspended in space. Malka Fleischmann works as a speechwriter in New York. vents her from taking the exam. However, I’m not 100 percent comfortable doing this for her. Finally, she came to see me only to get the letter because only a doctor in my specialty can certify that she has the illness in question. What’s your thinking? Name Withheld OF ALL THESE testimonies about testimony, your case is the most straightforward. Your job in this process is to certify what, in your professional judgment, is true about her medical condition. Your only objection to doing so is that the truth here could entitle her, under the law, to benefits she wouldn’t otherwise get. You think this is wrong because she didn’t pay into the system that’s going to help her. Note, first, that this has nothing to do with her being an immigrant. There are native-born Americans who never pay into the system. But also note the assumptions you’re making about giving and taking. Our social welfare system is, in effect, a system of social insurance. It’s designed so that people get out what they need, not what they put in. There’d certainly be no point in the system if we were allowed to take out only what we put in. We could just stash money away for a rainy day. Once people join our society, we should surely want them to flourish like everyone else. Even if you think I’m wrong about this, though, the right thing to do is to focus on changing the laws, not preventing someone from doing what, at present, she may be lawfully entitled to do. Kwame Anthony Appiah teaches philosophy at N.Y.U. He is the author of “Cosmopolitanism” and “The Honor Code: How Moral Revolutions Happen.” РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 | 23 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION real estate weekend A chance to live in a historic site House Hunting In . . . Quebec BY LISA PREVOST A SIX-BEDROOM HOUSE IN QUEBEC CITY $596,000 (745,000 CANADIAN DOLLARS) This three-level brick house, built in 1832, is in Old Quebec, a section of Quebec City designated as a Unesco World Heritage site. The six-bedroom house, which is operated as a bed-and-breakfast, was originally a tavern and inn, said the owner, Jacques Brouard. The buyer may use it as a private residence or continue to operate it as a B&B under the terms of a city permit, he said. The main floor has a living room, dining room, kitchen, office and powder room. There is a fireplace in the dining room, which has walls of exposed brick and limestone, a common building material in Old Quebec, Mr. Brouard said. A large wooden door separates the dining room from the rustic kitchen, which has a wood stove and a round center island. A stairway at the front of the house leads to the second level, currently used only by the owners, Mr. Brouard said. It has three bedrooms, one of which has a fireplace, and one bath with a soaking tub and open shower. A small office is at the end of the hallway. Another stairway leads to the thirdlevel guest rooms: three bedrooms with dormers, three full bathrooms and a small living room. (The city permit allows the booking of three bedrooms.) A yard and parking area are to one side of the house. Behind the property, a staircase leads to the Battlefields Park, a national park that includes the Plains of Abraham, the site of a defining battle during the French and Indian War. The property is less than a mile from the Boulevard Champlain, which runs along the St. Lawrence River. A biking and walking path joins up with the Promenade Samuel-De Champlain, a popular riverside park about three miles away, Mr. Brouard said. The Jean Lesage International Airport is about a 20-minute drive. dos, which stalled the sales of existing condos, stretching their days on market last year to almost twice that of 2011, Mr. Pinsonneault said, noting that prices of resale condos have declined by roughly 1 percent to 2 percent in each of the last four years. In the fourth quarter of 2017, the median sale price for a condo in Quebec City was 240,000 Canadian dollars (or about $192,000), Mr. St-Pierre said. The median sale price for a single-level home, he said, was 267,000 Canadian dollars; for a two-story house, it was 355,000 dollars. The areas of the city in highest demand are the borough of Les Rivières, which posted a 27 percent increase in sales last year, and the neighborhood of Sainte-Foy, where sales rose 17 percent, he said. Both are close to the city center and the river. WHO BUYS IN QUEBEC CITY Foreign buyers are more common in Toronto; Vancouver, British Columbia; and Montreal, but Americans and Europeans do buy in Quebec. Martin Dostie, an agent with Sotheby’s International Realty Canada, which has this listing, said that most of his foreign clients are from France and Belgium, but he also has buyers from Spain, Uruguay and Mexico. BUYING BASICS There are no restrictions on foreign buyers in Quebec, Mr. St-Pierre said. The real estate agent’s commission, usually 4.5 percent to 5 percent, is paid by the seller. Mortgages are available, but foreigners are typically required to put down at least 25 percent. And new lending rules in Canada require all buyers applying for a mortgage to meet a so-called stress test, Mr. St-Pierre said; they must prove they could still qualify for the mortgage if the interest rate were twp percentage points higher. WEBSITES Quebec City tourism: quebecregion.com/en/ Quebec government: gouv.qc.ca/ Unesco listing of Old Quebec: whc.unesco.org/en/list/300 LANGUAGES AND CURRENCY MARKET OVERVIEW The market in Quebec City has been fairly flat for several years, said Dominic St-Pierre, the senior director for Quebec Province at the real estate company Royal LePage. While the city has a low unemployment rate, at less than 4 percent, he said, “it doesn’t have the population growth that some other Canadian cities have,” and a large inventory of homes for sale has kept prices from rising. “It’s been a buyer’s market since 2013,” said Marc Pinsonneault, a senior economist with the National Bank of Canada. “Especially in the condo segment,” he added, which represented nearly a quarter of sales in the broader Quebec City metropolitan area last year. Overbuilding led to a glut of new con- Shady past, gleaming future MIAMI Luxury condos replace bait shops and pollution on the Miami River French and English; Canadian dollar (1 Canadian dollar = $0.80) TAXES AND FEES Annual city and school taxes on this property are the Canadian equivalent of about $6,150, Mr. Dostie said. But using the house as a private residence, rather than a B&B, would lower the city taxes, Mr. Brouard said. Transaction fees usually total around 2 percent of the purchase price, and include a real estate transfer tax at a graduated rate based on the value of the property. The home, top, near a battle site of the French and Indian War, includes a dining room with a fireplace, three bedrooms and bathrooms with tubs. CONTACT Martin Dostie, Martin Dostie Group/ Sotheby’s International Realty Canada, +1 418-956-8687; sothebysrealty.ca Residences, a 66-story tower under construction on 1.25 acres near the mouth of the river. When the site went on the market it set off intense bidding, with an Argentine developer buying it for $125 million, a record per-acre price in South Florida. The most expensive units in the building — the first foray by Aston Martin, the British luxury carmaker, into real estate branding — will cost $50 million. Several other projects of similar PHOTOGRAPHS BY CATHERINE CÔTÉ FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES breadth are in the works, including a 25,000-seat soccer stadium just north of the river in the run-down Overtown neighborhood. On Monday, Major League Soccer officials announced their approval of a Miami franchise led by David Beckham, the former soccer star, whose choice of the nine-acre site after a four-year search appeared to seal the deal. If the project overcomes legal challenges, other investments in the area’s transformation are expected to follow. BY NICK MADIGAN РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S The Miami River, which meanders through the city center, was for years a slovenly mess, its shores lined with small, scrappy shipyards, bait-andtackle shops and low-rent marinas with rotting piers. When decrepit vessels sank, they were often left where they lay, hulls protruding from the oily water. On the river, just over five miles long and formed eons ago as drainage for the Everglades, rum runners and Coast Guard officers exchanged gunfire in the reckless days of Prohibition. During the drug-ridden 1980s, traffickers imported contraband in speedboats under cover of night, stashing the loot in riverside warehouses. The waterway’s reputation reached its nadir in 1985, when a group of corrupt police officers raided a traffickers’ boat and stole $9 million worth of cocaine. Three dealers drowned while trying to flee. But now the river, echoing feverish development in the nearby Brickell neighborhood, along the Miami oceanfront and on the barrier islands of Miami Beach, is in the midst of a vigorous regeneration of its own. Fortunes are being lavished on flamboyant condominium towers, first-class restaurants, retail stores and other construction on or near its banks. “The Miami River is hot,” said Alicia Cervera Lamadrid, a broker whose firm is handling sales for the Aston Martin MORIS MORENO FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES THE NEW YORK TIMES Horacio S. Aguirre, the chairman of the Miami River Commission, said the river’s reputation as a “slummy no man’s land” notorious for “dead bodies, floating cars and nefarious activities” had made it difficult to attract developers, especially because Miami Beach and other oceanfront locales provided far more rational enticements for moneymaking. Florida officials set up the commission in 1998 to improve the river’s dismal condition, and a crucial task, Mr. Aguirre said, was to haul the sunken wrecks and other junk out of the putrid water. In 2004, workers embarked on a four-year dredging operation that deepened the river by three feet and cost $89 million, a tab shared by federal, state and local agencies. Once that was done, developers, who had begun to run out of parcels elsewhere in South Florida, took a fresh look at the Miami River. Although some new buildings along the waterway went up as far back as 2000, and several condo towers were built near its mouth more than a decade ago, most construction ground to a halt during the recession. With few impediments now, a burst of fresh projects are either being planned, under construction or completed, their crowns blending into the skyline of downtown and the Brickell neighborhood. Just beyond the south side of the river, the $1 billion Brickell City Center — a huge complex that includes a shopping center, offices, luxury condos and a hotel — opened in November 2016 and inspired a slew of projects in its vicinity. Across the river, the New York developer Shahab Karmely spotted a large empty lot, once a shipyard, while he was prospecting in the area in 2013. The result will be One River Point, a two-tower, 60-story condominium designed by the Uruguayan architect Rafael Viñoly that will be topped off by a pair of 14,000square-foot “sky villas” costing about $30 million each. Spanning the gap between the towers, 800 feet in the air, a three-level private club will be encased almost entirely in glass. Construction is scheduled to start in early 2019. Mr. Karmely, the principal at KAR Properties, said he had seen similar growth along rivers in London, Frankfurt and other cities, and regretted not diving in. “I didn’t take advantage of it,” he said while cruising the Miami River in a motorboat. “But I said to my partner: ‘This is undiscovered country. You can’t go wrong with a river. It’s dilapidated, but filled with potential.’ ” Paul S. George, a history professor at Miami Dade College and the author of “Along the Miami River,” which begins its narrative with Spanish troops being entertained by Tequesta Indians on the river’s banks in 1568, said the development in recent years was nothing short of astonishing. “This was a dormant area, completely, for over 50 years,” Professor George said. “There was nothing going on here for decades, but people have just taken to this river. It’s been a long time coming.” Among the newcomers is the New York fashion designer Naeem Khan, who has dressed the Duchess of Cambridge, Michelle Obama, Beyoncé and Taylor Swift and who plans to move his headquarters to a site just east of the 12th Avenue Bridge. He also intends to build a factory and a 26,000-square-foot school for aspiring fashion designers there. New developments and businesses along the waterway northwest of downtown are interspersed with boat sheds, fishing piers and modest dwellings. Tugboats tow freighters, ferries and yachts to repair yards like the century-old RMK Merrill-Stevens, which is undergoing a $30 million renovation. At some docks, the decks of cargo ships bound for Haiti and the Dominican Republic are stacked with mattresses, kitchen appliances and secondhand vehicles. “It’s the charm of the river — it’s unique,” said Roman Jones, who made his name as a nightclub impresario in Miami Beach and opened Kiki on the River, an upscale restaurant with a Greek flavor, in April. The $1 billion Brickell City Center, which includes a shopping center, offices, luxury condos and a hotel, has inspired other high-end projects on or near the Miami River. . РЕЛИЗ ГРУППЫ "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS .. 24 | SATURDAY-SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 3-4, 2018 THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL EDITION weekend travel An outdoor paradise with food and culture Visitors to this Canadian city will find a revived downtown scene, locally sourced menus and world-class recreation facilities 36 Hours Calgary, Alberta BY ELAINE GLUSAC The construction cranes that pierce the downtown Calgary skyline and nearby neighborhoods suggest a boom on the Alberta prairie. In fact, in the past two years, sagging oil and gas prices have crimped Calgary’s economy, which is now showing signs of recovery. Projects underway before the slowdown, including the music museum at Studio Bell, have charged the city’s cultural scene. A new generation of chefs is championing Alberta-grown-and-raised foodstuffs, and a relaxation of liquor production laws in 2013 has led to a boom in microbreweries. Visitors to Banff National Park commonly land in Calgary and head directly to it, about a 90-minute drive west. But Calgary also champions the outdoors, with extensive recreational paths, Olympic facilities that are open to the public and a penchant for open-air cafes even in winter when, occasionally, the warm chinook winds sweep in. Friday Music appreciation 3 p.m. Arrive at the Studio Bell (18 Canadian dollars admission, or about $14.50), home to the National Music Center, in time to catch the 3 p.m. demonstration of its silent-movie-era organ. The music museum approaches its subject from multiple angles spanning the purely visual — recently, the singer K.D. Lang’s vintage-inspired costume collection — and the science of sound. Interactive exhibits teach visitors to play the drums, guitar or piano and conduct a touchless theremin instrument. The fifth-floor bridge that connects the two wings of the museum, designed by the architect Brad Cloepfil, features a “Solar Drone” installation that gathers solar energy from roof panels to play its ceiling-suspended series of piano sound boards. When you leave, peek through the ground-floor windows to spy the R.V.based mobile studio once owned by the Rolling Stones. Expanding your beltline 5:30 p.m. Calgary’s Beltline, a gentrifying neighborhood just blocks south of downtown, is destined to expand yours. Some of the city’s most creative chefs and bars have addresses here. Start with a fancy cocktail — try the rosy mezcal-sloe-gin Other walls bracketing the raised stage, and elevated banquettes offer uninterrupted sightlines. Saturday Snow biking 9:30 a.m. With some 500 miles of multiuse pathways, Calgary claims to have the most extensive urban recreational network in North America, and Calgarians cycle in all seasons, including winter. Make like a local and arrange to have a fat-tire bike, designed to ride in the snow, delivered from Nomad Mobile Gear Rentals (60 dollars for one day). For a scenic ride from downtown, cycle the paths that follow the Bow River, which bisects the city. Several pedestrian and cycling bridges cross it, including the tunnellike Peace Bridge, designed by the Spanish architect Santiago Calatrava. Special rations noon Work up an appetite for lunch at Deane House. The retrofitted 1906 home, originally part of the frontier outpost Fort Calgary, is now under the management of the team behind the acclaimed River Café in Prince’s Island Park. The menu champions contemporary Canadian cuisine, drawing on local ingredients in seasonal dishes that recently included hangar steak tartare with puffed barley (17 dollars), cured Alberta trout with beets (14 dollars) and duck confit pirogi (21 dollars). Tables fill sunny wraparound porches, and interior rooms channel the wild yonder in landscape paintings and mounted animal heads. Artistic license 1:30 p.m. Public art animates Calgary’s downtown, and Jaume Plensa’s gigantic wiremesh head “Wonderland” is a popular selfie stop. For a more thoughtful exploration of contemporary art, make your way to the Esker Foundation (free) in an Inglewood office building. The privately funded, noncommercial gallery, named for a type of ridge left behind by retreating glaciers, aims to stimulate discussion on contemporary affairs via three shows staged each year. Winter shows survey the color effects explored by the artist Kapwani Kiwanga (through May 6) and the fantastical beasts created by the duo known as DaveandJenn (through April 29). Indie shopping 2:30 p.m. Across the Elbow River from downtown, Inglewood makes a funky first impression, and its collection of independent boutiques maintains that vibe. Troll for locally made ceramics and wood-turned bowls at Galleria Inglewood. Among several resale shops, Antiquaire Boutique assembles good-condition vintage apparel. Shop Purr Fine Clothing & Accessories for retro-inspired looks, the PHOTOGRAPHS BY COLIN WAY FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES dining at one, Charbar. Here the chef Jessica Pelland butchers animals, ages steaks and cooks them on an Argentinestyle wood-fired grill. This is a steakhouse that meat-averse diners can embrace, with loads of vegetable options, including a charred and raw vegetable salad (14 dollars), best ordered with a side of Sidewalk Citizen sourdough (6 dollars) from the neighboring bakery. Grilled “asado style” steaks (market price) come with beef fat fries. Start with a spicy rum-citrus Boxspring cocktail (13 dollars) and end with an espresso (5 dollars) from Phil & Sebastian Coffee Roasters, another Simmons tenant. Arts in common 7:30 p.m. Calgary may be most associated with cowboys, thanks to its 10-day summer rodeo, the Calgary Stampede, but its actors, dancers and musicians contribute to a thriving performing arts scene over the rest of the year. Though influential groups, including Lunchbox Theatre and the Alberta Ballet, perform elsewhere, the Arts Commons complex of theaters downtown makes handy onestop cultural shopping. Resident companies include the polished Alberta Theater Projects and the innovative One Yellow Rabbit Performance Theater. Sunday Endless brunch 10:30 a.m. You may spot local chefs and restaurateurs browsing the Calgary Farmers Market, especially if you’re in the company of Karen Anderson, owner of Alberta Food Tours. The Calgary-based cookbook author offers a series of culinary tours in the province, including the Sunday Brunch and a Calgary Farmers’ Market Tour (55 dollars). The event starts with Yum Bakery savory pastries, salads and Fratello Analog coffee procured at the market and served at the neighboring J. Webb Wine Merchants shop. Next, a promenade around the food stalls allows you to sample Better fruit ice pops, Sylvan Star Gouda cheese and Lund’s Organic Farm seasonal produce, among many satiating stops. The cocktail bar at Proof, in Calgary’s Beltline, a gentrifying neighborhood just blocks south of downtown. Olympic homage 1 p.m. Calgary held the Winter Olympics in 1988 and has continued to use the venues, which are now a training draw for medal hopefuls. Several Olympic facilities are open to the public, including the bobsled run at WinSport park. More accessible is Olympic Plaza in the heart of downtown; it was built for the Games as the site of the medal ceremonies. In winter, the reflecting pond becomes a free skating rink, attracting Katarina Witt and Brian Boitano imitators. How to Understand Our Times The Future of Humanity Yuval Noah Harari in conversation with Thomas L. Friedman Other Woman (13 dollars) — in a swanky setting at Proof. Then walk a block to Ten Foot Henry, a hardy vegetable-focused restaurant with a bustling dining room and a cheeky cartoon namesake. The open kitchen turns out robust dishes that include roasted gai lan broccoli in tahini (13 dollars); a Spanish-style tortilla made with yams (10 dollars); and scallops with smoked prosciutto (29 dollars). For small plates and natural wines, hit the retro charmer Pigeonhole from the chef Justin Leboe, where past menus have included heirloom tomatoes with local peaches (15 dollars) and lamb bacon atop toast (12 dollars). Uncommons for wearable sleeping bags and the Silk Road Spice Merchant for herb blends. Lodged in a former stable, the Livery Shop stocks clothing and accessory brands with rustic character, including Brixton flannel shirts, Fjallraven backpacks and the shop’s own Camp Brand Goods T-shirts. РЕ Л VK "W ИЗ .C ha ГР O t's У M N П /W e П w SN s" Ы W S The Livery Shop, which occupies a former stable, stocks clothing and accessory brands with rustic character. Eclectic avenue 9 p.m. The stretch of 9th Avenue Southeast running from Studio Bell through the neighboring Inglewood district has been dubbed the Music Mile for its clubs. At least two of them stage live music nightly, including the blues-centric Blues Can. Nearby, Ironwood Stage & Grill programs everything from bluegrass and jazz to Bruce Springsteen tributes, socially conscious folk music and nationally touring acts. Paintings and photographs of music stars line the Beer break 4:30 p.m. Since December 2013, when the province dropped its minimum production levels, microbreweries have exploded in the city. Eighteen are now plotted on a new map available free at many breweries. While in Inglewood, take a break with a refreshing Dandelion’s Blonde or a fruity This Must Be the I.P.A. (5 dollar pints) at Cold Garden Beverage Company. The 2017 newcomer occupies a garagelike industrial space with thriftshop couches and wooden tables. Three-in-one dinner 6 p.m. New construction is filling the redeveloping East Village near the river. But one prominent historic address, the former Simmons mattress factory, has been saved and now hosts three acclaimed restaurants. Try them all by March 19, 2018 6.45–8.00 p.m. Central Hall Westminster Storey’s Gate London SW1H 9NH Book now HowToAcademy.com/OurTimes Readers save 15% on ticket price. Limited availability.