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URBANIZATION IN CHINA: A STUDY OF SHANGHAI AND PEIPING

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THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
URBANIZATION IE CHINA
A STUDY OF SHANGHAI AND PEIPING
A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED .TO
THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES
IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY
BY
PER SI WU
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
DECEMBER, 1940
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CONTENTS
Page
LIST OF T A B L E S .................................................. IV
LIST OF I L L U S T R A T I O N S ......................................... Vi
Chapt er
I.
INTRODUCTION— PROBLEM
II.
THEORIES ABOUT CITIES
III.
AND M E T H O D ................
TO BE TESTED
...............
GENERAL COMPARISON OF CHINESE AND WESTERN CITIES
. .
1
6
11
The History of City G r o w t h ........................... 11
The Functions and. Structure of C i t i e s ............. 21
The mediaeval t y p e ............................ 25
The modern type ’ .............................. 25
The Number of Urban Population and Rate of Growth
of C i t i e s ................................
2?
The Relation of Certain Social Factors to Fer­
tility in Urban and Rural C o m m u n i t i e s ............. 30
Economic sta.tus and f e r t i l i t y ..................30
Educational status and fertllitj'- .
........... 35
Religion and f e r t i l i t y .......................... 36
I n d u s t r y ..............................................38
Social O r g a n i z a t i o n ................................... 41
.............
. 11
The family
The "bank......................................... 54
The gild
................................... 57
The craft g i l d ............................... 57
The provincial gild
............... 60
Chambers of coramerce and u n i o n s ............... 61
IV.
S H A N G H A I ............................................... 63
I n t r o d u c t i o n ......................................... 63
Historical Development of S h a n g h a i ............. . 64
Factors In the Growth of Shanghai . . . . . . . . .
72
The Increase of trade and Industry
........... 72
The improvement or extension of technical
s e r v i c e s .............
75
The Increase of p o p u l a t i o n ....................... 78
The vast fertile h i n t e r l a n d .....................81
Political security ............................
81
Physical Structure of S h a n g h a i ...................... 82
Segregation and natural a r e a s ................. 89
Population of S h a n g h a i .......................... 93'
The number of population and its Increase
. . 93
Sex composition ~ ............................. 95
Age c o m p o s i t i o n ............................. 97
Birth, death, and Infant mortality . . . . . .
99
Population d i s t r i b u t i o n .................
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102
Chapter'
Page
Foreign population in Shanghai
.............
103
Social Organisation
..............................
104
G ilds5 chambers of commerces ana unions . - - 104
. 106
Financial i n s t i t u t i o n s ................. *
Educational I n s t i t u t i o n s ................... 107
Recreational institutions ...................
109
G o v e r n m e n t ......................................... H O
The municipal council of the International
s e t t l e m e n t ........ ....................... H O
The municipal council of the French Conces­
sion
............... .............. ..
118
The city government of Greater- Shanghai . . . 113
O c c u p a t i o n ......................................... 114
V. P E I P I N G - ............................................. 116
I n t r o d u c t i o n ....................................... 116
Historical Development of Peiping
...............
116
Factors in the Growth of P e i p i n g ................. 121
Political i m p o r t a n c e ....................... 122
Educational importance
. - ................. 124
Physical Structure of Peiping . . . . . .........
125
Population of Peiping
............................
131
The number of population and its increase . . 131
Age c o m p o s i t i o n .............................. 133
Birth aiid death r a t e ........................134
Population distribution ....................
135
Foreign, population in P e i p i n g ............... 139
Social O r g a n i s a t i o n ........ ’ .................... 139
The g i l d .....................................139
The chamber of c o m m e r c e ..................... 142
The labor u n i o n .............................. 143
Religious institutions
. . . . .............
145
Educational Institutions
......... ........
147
Recreational institutions ...................
14S
Government ...................
. . . . . . . . . .
151
O c c u p a t i o n ................... ...............
152
VI. SUMMARY
........................
........... 154
B I B L I O G R A P H Y ................................ ...............159
'
:!
iii
:
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LIST OF TABLES
Table
Page
1* Urban Aggregation, in Thousands, by Regions of China,
1930 ......................................................
2.
28
Urban Population In China According to Size of Cities.
28
3. Population of Forty-Five Chinese Seaports, Classified
According to Size, 1910-1928 ............................
4-
29
Birth Rates, Births p er 1,000 Women and per 1,000
Married Women, and Per Cent of Married Women. 15-44,
1931-1935
5. The Relation of Crop Area of the Farm to the Fertility
of Marr-ied Women, 1929-1931
6. Different Reproduction between Upper and Lower Eco­
nomic Groups* in China Arranged by Corresponding Age
Groups Including Married Persons with Children Only
3
.
34
7. Average Size of Family, by Per Cent of Families
Living on Farms, for 72 Hsien, 1929-1933 .............
50
8. Size of Family in Helen According to the Per Cent of
Family in City, 65 Hsien, 1929-1933
50
9. Concentration of Chinese Banhs in C h i n a ..........
57
10. The Humber of Labor Unions and Labor-Union Members in
Twenty— Seven Urban Districts in China, 1932-1935 . . .
11. The Population of S h a n g h a i .........................
62
&4
12. The Growth of Peculation of Shanghai and Chicago,
1910-1930
95
13. Sex Ratio in Urban and Rural Districts, China
96
. . . .
14. Percentage of Urban and Rural Population by Five—Tear
Age G r o u p s .............................................
15. A Comparison of Crude Birth, Death, and Infant Mor­
tality of Shanghai with 38,356 Farm F a m i l i e s ....... 100
16. The Humber of Unions and Union Members in Shanghai,
1932-1935
105
17. The Comoo sit Ion of the Population in the Greater
Shanghai In Different Occupations ana Percentage
of Persons I n Each Occupational Group, 1931
. . . . .
115
18. The Population Growth of Pelp3.hg, 1912-1935
133
Iv
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I
Table
19. Foreigners in Peiping
Page
.
.......................... . .
20. The Kumber of Unions and Union Members in Peiping,
1932-1935
................................... ..
140
144
21. The Composition of 382 Church Members in Different
Occupations and the Percentage Distribution of Persons
in Each Occupational Group in Peiping, 1 9 1 9 ........ 153
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure
Page
1.
A General Map of Chinese C i t i e s ......................
14
2.
A General Map of the City of S h a n g h a i ...............
65
3-
The Expansion of Settlements In S h a n g h a i ...........
6?
4.
Shanghai's Expansion In Starlike F a s h i o n ..........
70
5-
The Regional Development of the City of shanghai
S3
6.
The Natural Areas In the City of S h a n g h a i .......
7.
A General Map of the City of P e i p i n g ..........
..
91
11?
5. The Changes of Location and Sis-e of the Glty of
P e i p i n g ..............................................119
9,
10.
The Natural Areas of the City of P e i p i n g ........ 1E6
Twenty Police Districts of the City of Peiping
. ..
11. The Population Density of Peioing According to
Police Districts, 1917
. . . " .................
vl
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127
1.3S
CHAPTER X
INTRODUCTION— PROBLEM AND METHOD
•The task of this
study Is to Investigate whether* what
happens to western cities also happens to Chinese cities and to
understand the social changes in the Chinese cities rising out of
contacts with foreign culture.
The ancient urban
grew up and functioned in
communities both i n Europe and China
the same way.
'•"•’e believe that the
Initiation for the construction of ancient and medieval cities was
the consolidation of various small settlementa Into unified cities
primarily fo r defense.
Without outside stimulus, urban communi­
ties might not change their original functions and develop the
characteristics familiar to us In our modern cities.
The Crusade,
the trade in.the Medlterranian Sea, the discovery of & new route
to the Orient , and the colonization of America changed the loca­
tion and the nature of European cities.
Later, the Industrial
Revolution crystallized the European cities’ emergence out of the
medieval town economy, and the Chinese walled cities along the
seaooast became Important seaports.
Nowadays, every modern city
Is a part of the metropolitan regionalism of the world community.
Its function, spatial pattern, population structure, and way of
life conform to a world trend.
This movement toward conformity
may be slow and different in degree but there is a steady trend
In that direction.
Let us state briefly what happens to the westera cities.
The function of a modern city is no longer that of defense, hut a
center of trade, industry, and politics, as well as culture.
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The
2
population structure .of* a city differs from that of a rural dis­
trict.
In a city there are more people of the most productive
ages, more late marriages, a higher proportion of migrants, a
small proportion of married women, a low birth rate especially
among the people of high economic status.
The xirban population
is heterogeneous, impersonal, segmental, and highly mobilized.
Social relations are Imperson, superficial, transitory, segmental,
and a n o n y m o u s T h e people have a spirit of Irresponsibility,
aggrandizement, and mutual exploitation.
There Is ”substitution
of secondary for primary contacts, the weakening of bonds of kin­
ship, and the declining of social significance of the family, the
disappearance of the neighborhood and the undermining of the tra­
ditional basis of social solidarity ."2
Cities conform roughly to
the concentric circle pattern, or at least In the growth of a
city there is a process of division Into types of areas similar
to those described in Professor Burgess'
scheme.0
Some, If not
all, of these urban phenomena In the western cities are expected
to be found in these Chinese cities which show a general confor­
mity to the world trend toward metropolitan regionalism of the
world community.
At the present time, there are three types of cities In
China-
The m o d e m type, such as Shanghai, grew up rapidly within
the period of a few decades.
Its function, physical structure,
popitlation structure, and social life are very much like those of
any big western aietropolitan community.
If there Is any Chinese
city which conforms to the iworld trend of urbanism, it Is Shanghai.
1Louis VJIrth, "Urbanism as a V?ay of life," The American
Journal of Sociology. XI!V, No- 1 (July, 193S), 1.
2Ibid., p. 21.
°C. R. Shaw, Delinquency Areas (Chicago:
Chicago Press, 1929), p, 21.
University of
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The second type are those emerging out of the medieval cities
such as Peiping, Canton, and others.
On one hand they are like
the western cities^ on the other hand, they retain some of the
old Chinese urban characteristics.
The 'third type are those most
backward cities in the interior, retaining; most of their medieval
squalors.
The medieval town econoray plays an important role in
these cities, and the influence of modern machinery has not yet
reached them.
to them.
V/h&t happens to the western cities may be u n k n o w n
Except here and there, no space will be devoted to a
discussion of the third type of city-
There are not much data on
them anyhow.
This study also may be considered a comparative study of
social change in urban communities.
China is undergoing "a series
of cultural changes as a result of her contacts with foreign'
groups.
The cultural pressures from without disturb the whole
social structure of the Chinese population.
Since cities are
centers of cultural reception and radiation, any external expres­
sion of the changes in population structure, physical pattern,
social institutions, and social relations in cities is an index
of social change in China.
Only through the analysis of the
changing urban phenomena resulting from the impact of western in­
fluence can one get a clear picture of Chinese social development.
in. the study of urban development and soeial change I have
found it necessary to single out the comparative development of •
urban structure as the main line of research.
By tracing back the
process of development of urban structure before and after the
last two decades, one may see clearly the actual changes and the
factors accounting for these changes.
In many cases, X shall com­
pare some rural data with the urban for the purpose of viewing
the old as over against the new social structure.
In most eases
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X shall bring urban data of the western countries into the dis­
cussion in order to discover1 whether there are similarities and
contrasts between the Chinese cities and the western and to deter­
mine the effect of western culture on Chinese citiesIt is not difficult to understand why we study Shanghai
and Peiping.
China.
Shanghai Is the biggest and the most modern cits,’- in
Xt is entirely different from the medieval towns In the
interior of China.
Xt may be compared to Kem York In importance.
Xn structure it is very much, like any of the American commercial
metropolises-
’
W ith respect to its social institutions} the old
and the new are in the process of changing.
Shanghai Is a good field of study-
Xn every respect,
Peiping is a Chinese walled
city which has been an old capital for a thousand years.
Xt is
in process of changing, but at the same time it retains some of the
old Chinese urban characteristics.
However, the physical structure
of Peiping 'which is aii artif icial arrangement - must not be con­
sidered as a common one among the Chinese cities.
In an ecological study of city patterns, quantitative data
are necessary.
Unfortunately, China is bs.clcwar.-X in collecting
Information about cities-
We could not get census tracts or any
other small units of measurement to show the relation of ecologi­
cal .sad social phenomena to prove or disprove the concept of
’’gradients” and the concentric circle pattern.
A-t best we shall
have to resort observation and descriptive materials and maps to
shew the actual facts.
Again statistics are too meager to warrant
detailed discussion on population and its relation to urban growth,
on the family and other Institutio 2is, on occupations and others.
In many cases, therefore, I shall be forced to present one of the
phases of a problem.
Because of lack of family data on Chinese
cities as a tshole, the family composition of Shanghai and Peiping
J
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I shall "bring urban data of the western countries into the dis­
cussion in order to discover whether there are similarities and
contrasts between the Chinese cities and. the western and to deter­
mine the effect of vrestem culture o.n Chinese cities.
It is not difficult to understand why we study Shanghai
and Peiping.
China.
Shanghai is the biggest and the most modern cits’- in
It Is entirely different from the medieval towns In the
interior of China.
It may be compared to hew York in Importance.
In structure it Is very much, like any of the American commercial
metropolises-
With respect to its social Institutions, the old.
and the nei? are in the process of changing.
Shanghai Is a good field of study.
In every respect,
Peiping is a Chinese walled
city which has been an old capital for a thousand years.
It I .a
in process of changing, but at the same time it retains some of the
old Chinese urban characteristics.
However, the physical structure
of Peiping which is an artificial arrangement, must not be con­
sidered &3 s. common, one among the Chinese cities.
In an ecological study of city patterns, quantitative data
are necessary.
Unfortunately, China is backward in collecting
Information about cities-
We could not get census tracts or any
other small units of measurement to show the relation of ecologi­
cal and social phenomena to prove or disprove the concept of
IIgradients” and the concentric circle pattern.
At; best we shall
have to resort observation and descriptive materials and maps to
show the actual facts.
Again statistics are too meager to warrant
detailed discussion on population and Its relation to urban growth,
on the family and other In.stitutioais, on occupations and others.
In many cases, therefore, I shall be forced to present one of the
phases of a problem.
Because of lack of family data on. Chinese
cities as a ■whole, the family composition of Shanghai and Peiping
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5
has "been used to represent a general comparison.
This study only
touches on the Chinese urban community; an extensive scientific
study requires more adequate data.
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CHAPTER II
THEORIES ABOUT CITIES TO SB TESTED
Professor Burgess developed the hypothesis that city
growth, proceeds in more or less concentric circles outward from
the center of the city, each circle presenting a different type
of area.
He stated:
This chart represents an Ideal construction of the ten­
dencies of any town or city to expand radially from Its cen­
tral business district on the map "The Loop" ( I ) . . Encircling
the downtown area there is normally an area in transition,
which Is being invaded by business and light manufacture (II).
A third area (III) Is inhabited by the workers In industries
who have desire to live within easy access of their work.
Beyond this zone Is the "residential area" (IV) of high-class
apartment buildings of exclusive "restricted" districts of
single family dwellings.
still farther, out beyond the city
limits is the commuters* zone— suburban areas, or satellite
cities— within a thirty to sixty-alnutes ride of the central
business district.1
He goes farther to illustrate the population In each type of the
areas of Chicago:
In the expansion of the city a process of distribution
takes place which sifts and sorts and relocates individuals
and groups by residence and occupation.
The resulting dif­
ferentiation of the cosmopolitan American city into areas is
typically all from one pattern, business district or on an
adjoining street in the "main, stem" of "hobohemia," the teem­
ing illalto of the homeless migratory man of the Middle West.
In the zone of deterioration encircling the central business
section are always to be found the so-called "slums" and "bad
lands," with their submerged regions of poverty, degradation,
and disease, and their underworlds of crime and vice.
Hithin
& deteriorating area are rooming-house districts, the purga­
tory of “lost souls."
Hear by is the Latin Quarter, where
creative and rebellious spirits resort.
The slums are also
crowded to overflowing with Immigrant colonies— the Ghetto,
Little Sicily, Greek-town, Chinatown— fascinatingly combining
old world heritages and American adaptations.
Hedging out
from here is the Black Belt, with its free and disorderly
Robert E. Park, Ernest W. Burgess, and Roderick BSScKenzie, The City (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925),
p. 50.
6
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7
life. The area of deterioration, while essentially one of
decay, of stationary or declining population, is also one of
regeneration, as witness the raiseIon, the settlement, the
artists* colony, radical centers— all obsessed with the vision
of a new and better world.
The next zone is also inhabited predominatingly by fac­
tory and shop workers, but skilled and thrifty.
This is an
area of second Immigrant settlement, generally to the second
generation.
It is the region of escape from the s l u m , the
Deutschland of the aspiring Ghetto family.
For Deutschland
(literally "Germany") is the name given, half In envy, half
in derision, to that region beyond the Ghetto where success­
ful neighbors appear to be imitating German Jewish standards
of living.
But the Inhabitant of this area in turn looks to
the "Promised Land" beyond, to Its residential hotels, Its
apartment-house region, Its "satellite loons,” and its "bright
light" areas-1
Many sociologists have applied Professor Burgess’ hypoth­
esis In Interpreting the variety of urban data and have found that
there are marked tendencies for most American cities to conform
roughly to the city pattern which Professor Burgess has described.
In addition to this hypothesis, sociologists have used his notion
o f gradients to measure the degree of dominance which a center
exercises in successive zones extending out toward the periphery.
One notable example was Shaw, who computed Juvenile delinquency
rates In Chicago according to concentric zones from the center to
the periphery.
He found that each group of population gives to
the area It occupies a character which differentiates it from
other communities. ^
M o w e r , too, found it convenient to classify
Chicago into five zones with reference to the type of family life
and domestic disorganization found in each area.3
And a study by
Bowers In Rochester, New York, gave considerable empirical support
for Burgess’ hypothesis In spite of the small, number of indices
used and the Intrusion of methodological distortions, such as the
X lbld. , pp. 54-66.
O
C. R. Shaw, Delinquency Areas (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1329).
**
E. R. Mowrer, .Family Disorganization (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1927).
j
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differing sizes and irregular shapes of census tracts.
A study
of hong Beach by Longrnoor and Young also proved the applicability
of Burgess® hypothesis.
Paris sad Punhe.tr, successfully/ used Bur­
gess' hypothesis as a frame of reference In their study of mental
disorders.
On the other hand, many do not agree with Professor Bur­
gess’ hypothesis because their studies exhibited irregularities
with no clear-out evidence of the concentric-circle pattern.
How­
ever, neither Professor Burgess nor his supporters have denied
that there are various factors which distort the zonal pattern.
‘■•These scholars defend the validity and the value of the circular
zonal hypothesis in urban studies regardless of the number and
<P
severity of distortions that occur.M“ For example, both the
studies of Long Beach end Rochester admitted the distorting fac­
tors, but these distortions did not disprove the existence of the
concentric-circle pattern.
The problem lies not in the existence
of local Irregularities caused by distortion but in the existence
of such a general ideal pattern.
Davie denied the existence of the concentric-circle pat­
tern in New Kaven and in some twenty cities in the United States
3
and Canada.
In his study of New Haven he drew geometric circles
at half—mile radii from the center of the cits*- and found that
there were no homogeneous zones.
The central business district
was irregular In. size and more nearly square or rectangular than
circular.
The manufacturing district, he found, tends to move
■^Raymond V. Bowers, "Ecological Pattern of Rochester, New
York." American Sociological Review. IV (April, 1939), 189.
"ATcmes A. Quinn, "The Burgess' Zonal Hypothesis and Its
Critics," American Sociological Review, V (April, 1940), 211.
3
M. R. Davie, "The Pattern of Urban Growth," Studies,in
the Science of Society, ed. George Peter Murdock (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1937), pp. 153-61.
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9
slang the transportation lines, and sub-centers rise everywhere.
%'elnser and Hoyt caae to the same conclusion as "Davie with respect
to the rise of sub-centers and the location of manufacturing dls3
trlcts.
let us examine these studies.
Both Davie and vreimer put
too much emphasis on the uniform width and the exact boundaries
of zones and neglected the process of division into specific areas,
each of which manifests certain, general characteristics.
As Quinn
said, 11They Cthe geometric circles Davie drew on Hew Havenj cut
across cultural and functional boundaries in such, ways that no
correspondence between circular zones and natural areas could be
found.1,2
A rectangular or an Irregular spatial pattern, as men­
tioned by Davie, .does not deny the existence of ecologically cir­
cular- zones because the rectangular spatial pattern may conform to
a circular ecological (time-cost) pattern."
The problem of the
rise of sub-centers had not been seriously discussed by Burgess
and liis supporters; however, the existence of sub-centers need
not change the concentric-circle pattern.
tively minor problem.
This is only a rela­
Burgess seemed to Ignore the importance of
a relationship between the location of industry and the" circular
pattern.
Quinn writes:
Davie appears correct in insisting that heavy Industry
should be treated as a part of normal urban structure. . .
- . The Burgess pattern of zones was drawn primarily in terms
of commerce, residence, and light industry/ Heavy industry
was omitted from the original Burgess chart of urban areas
and has been, treated "by his followers only as a distorting
factor in explaining the so-called ecological distribution of
social data in Chicago.3
A.
H. Weimer and H. Hoyt, Principles of Urban Real Estate
(Hew York: Ronald Press, 1939), pp. 59—60.
2Qulhn, or,, cit. , p. 161
gIbid., p. 215.
4Xbid.. pp. 217-18.
J
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xo
In spite of the distorting factors which so frequently
disrupt or obscure the concentric-circle pattern* there is a tendenes’- toward the formation of, as Cyulnn calls It,- concentric
ecological time-cost zones in most of the American cities.
In the
growth of a city there is a process of division into types of
1
areas similar to those described in Burgess' scheme.” However,
when we apply the -successive areas or zones as & frame of reference
in interpreting urban data* these zones or areas must show distinct
characteristics in a!3. or most of the factors in terras of which
succession takes place.
Do the Chinese cities, such as Shanghai, Peiping, and
Canton, conform to the concentric-circle pattern?
There are no
available data we can plot on a map to test whether that pattern
exists.
Nor have we urban data to show the relation of ecological
and social phenomena to prove or disprove the concept- of the
"gradient."
We are, In this study, attempting to present the
actual patterns of Shanghai and Peiping and to explain why they
are what they are.
This will be done from actual observation and
with the assistance of available descriptive materials and maps.
Shaw, on. cit. , p. 21.
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CHAPTER III
GENERAL CD.Ml’ARISOH OF CH11MESE MID \?ESTERM CITIES
The HIsi;o:try. of City Growth
In the history of city growth we find that the earliest
cities of the European type made their appearance in the valleys
of the Hile, Tigris » Euphrates, and Indus rivers.
Memphis and
Thebes owed their importance to the fact that they were seats, of
political power.
Tyre and SIdon were city-states, carrying on
extensive commerce.
self-governed cities.
The Greeks developed a system, of Independent
Many of their cities, such as Eiletus,
Athens, .and Corinth, were not mer& palace cities but centers of
trade with a high degree of political and economic vitalit 3r.
Rome
grew as various small settlements consolidated into a unified
city, and developed from a city Into a World Empire with a popu­
lation of from 800,COO to 1,200,000, but carried only a few munic­
ipal funet ion s .
In mediaeval Europe, with the collapse of Rome's power,
cities became ruined and depopulated.
lacking.
Industry and trade were
Rome's population was reduced to 20,000.
Parie and
Bordeaux destroyed their outer suburbs so as to have a smaller
area to defend.
Constantinople was the only city having a popu­
lation of more than 100,000-
Only the Italian cities continued
to preserve small portions of their ancient prosperity.
The Cru­
sades, however, gave new impetus to the trade of the Western
Mediterranean area.
Some cities gained freedom from the crown In
fighting against the feudal magnates.
The cities In Northern
Germany and the Baltic ..region formed the Han seat 1c league.
11
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In
12
France and England, cities made Individual agreements with the
nobility and secured royal aid in escaping ancient requirements
such as dues, etc.
Thus new ways of* urban life emerged.
M o d e m cities emerged after the sixteenth-century discov­
ery of a new route to the Orient.
Spain and the Netherlands
became rich either through the
control of
the WestIndies and Cen­
tral America or the industrial
centers of
Europe. France remained
an agricultural country.
Wot until the middle of the seventeenth
century did the government create the commercial companies and
gain colonies.
In Europe.
Paris at that time had
Its population was
always 'beena large city
300,000 In
1500; 700,000 In 1700;
more than 1,000,000 In 1850; and 3,000,000 In 1SOO.
In England the growth of cities proceeded very slowly
during the sixteenth century, hut was accelerated during the seven­
teenth century, owing to the development of foreign and colonial
trade.
London*s population reached 500,000 by the close of the
seventeenth century.
London, as well as Paris, retained most of
their mediaeval squalor.
With the Industrial Revolution and the
rise of the factory system, many of the towns were quickly over­
whelmed by the rapid Influx of population.
In 1800 more than
70 per cent of the population In England was in the citiesThe growth of American cities, as described by McKenzie,
may be divided Into three periods-***
The first period taay be :
called the pre-railway era, extending from colonial times to about
the middle of the nineteenth century.
Settlement -sas confined to
areas accessible to navigable water, that is, to the Atlantic
seaboard and the main river sytem east of the Mississippi.
The
country In this period was still primarily rural in character.
1—
j r . D. McKenzie, The Hetroool it an Community (New York:
KcG-raw-HIll Book Co. , 1933} , p. 3.
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!
13
The second period commenced about: 1QSO with the expansion of the
railroad, beginning In the Eastern part, and later expanding into
new frontiers beyond the Mississippi and then to the Pacific Coast
During this period, "city growth was largely a product of the flow
of population Into areas from which raw materials could most easily be obtained to sell in distant markets."
The third period
was an era of city regionalism which was developing under the in­
fluence of motor transportation.
The new raotor-highway network
had brought the city and surrounding territory within a common
transportation system developed, most Intensively around the mar­
gins of the cities.
Thus, the formerly independent towns and
villages, and also rural territory, have become part of the en­
larged city complex.
In 1930 more than 40 per cent of the population in the
United States lived in cities.
Metropolitan communities became
centers of industry, commerce, and transportation as well as cul­
ture .
It is profitable for us to recount briefly the history of
Chinese settlement and population expansion before we discuss the
growth of cities:
The original, home of the Chinese was in the vsel Ho Valley,
the southwestern portion of the loess Plateau (K.C.I.P.).
This was the center of population as well as. of civilization
in the early Chow dynasty (c. 1000 B.C.). Population moved
steadily eastward and southward. By the time of the first
Empire (G h 1en Shlh Hwang Tl, 256 B.C.), Chinese population
had spread all over the Yellovr River region, south to the edge
of the great Yangtze.
The population, continually pressed
southward. About the time of the early Han dynasty (c. 200
B.C.) south China was finally annexed to the Chinese empire.
Population expansion followed the political annexation and.
slowly spread through the south China region-2
~*~Ibid. , p. 4.
2Cheng Hsin Chao, "An Ecological Study of China: Proa
Segmentation to Integration" (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,
Dept, of Sociology, University of Kichigan, 193 3), r>. 42..
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14
~ n i^,-^'- ^
fi^i^Ka W
—5*6«x
Fig. 1.— A general map of Chinese cities
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15
The history of Chinese population expansion may "be divided
into six periods, and the history or? city growth, accordingly,
into six periods-
In each period, population expansion spread
more extensively than during the previous period.
The first period extended from the 'beginning of Chinese
settlement to about 722 B.C.
(Sha, Shan, Chow dynasty) .
1-5o offi­
cial document has been written about the history of this period,
but, according to the Chinese Encyclopedia, 163 walled cities were
built at that time.
Presumably, the walled city was the consoli­
dation of various small villages either for protection from the
attack of an out side enemy or from a natural disaster such as a
flood.
Most of these ancient cities, occupying Important posi­
tions in ancient times, have become insignificant in the present
day.
The second period covers Cheng Ghoo Cluen Kwao (722 B.C.
to 207 A .B .) .
Population expansion and. building activity were
confined to the upper part of the Yellow River, including Kansu,
Honan, Shensi, Chihli, Shansi, and the newly developed Kiangsu,
Shuntung, and Hupeh.
This was a period of war.
frequently engaged in war.
Feudal states
The destiny of a state was almost de­
cided. by the gain or loss of a fortified city.
Under this con­
dition of political unrest, walled cities were built in large
numbers (585) , most of which were fortresses or feudal adminis­
trative centers not much different from the mediaeval towns in
mediaeval Europe.
35ue to the moblli sat Ion of the army, the wan­
dering of people in this period of unrest, and to the use of horses
and wooden cars, local trade was stimulated to a great extent.
Yet the country was still rural In character.
The third period extends from the Chen dynasty (206 A.B.
to 264 A.P.) to the Han dynasty (265 A.35. to 617 A.B.).
Chen
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16
Shili Hwang Ti expanded the territory to the outermost western and
eastern boundaries cf China* including the whole Yellow Biver
region .end part of the Yangtze Valley region.
Some provinces,
such as Hayanshia, Kiangsi, Kunan, and Szechuen, were newly opened.
The number of cities built in this period amounted to 540, of
vsfcich the largest palace city was shenyuen.
After Chen Shih
Hwang Ti made It the capital, of the nation, it had 120,000 house­
holds.3"
During the Han dynasty, the territory expanded farther
south to Fukien, Xaichow, and some parte of Kwangtung.
For the
first time the Pearl River region received political Influence
from China.
The number of walled cities built reached 419, of
which the capital city of baoyuen was the largest.
The population
of haoyuen reached several millions,^ but today the city is no
longer Important in any respect.
The fourth period covers Tong (616 to 959 A.D.).
The
territory embraced the area east to Korea, west to Fast Asia,
south to Slam and India, and north to Outer Mongolia.
Fourteen
of the eighteen provinces of China proper were under Tong; 553
walled cities were built.
Due to outside stimuli and to an accre­
tion of strangers, the cities developed their trades.
From that
time on people in cities had a new way of semi-urban life.
The
country was not entirely rural in character; trade was carried on
1After Chen Shih Hwang Ti defeated all the feudal lords,
he abolished the feudal system.
He moved all the property and
wealth from the feudal lords to the city of Shenyuen. He feared
that the people of the adjacent areas of Shenyuen might revolt,
so he moved 120,000 households from that area to the city of
Shenyuen (cf. Chung Chuen, General History of China fin Chinese!,
1 f3d ed.; Shanghai: Commereial Press, 1936] , 3S9 ) .
2
The militarist . Dong Chuck, advised Emperor Shen to change
the national capital from shenyuen to Sian and compelled several
millions of people to leave Shenyuen for Sian. In this shifting
process, thousands of people were killed on the road (cf. ibid. .
p. 500).
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r
i
17
between China and other1 countries west of China.
There were sev­
eral cities, such as Dunchow, 'Zyanchow, Anshi, and Canton, as­
signed. as the dey ways to control the transit of goods.
The most
glorious cities mentioned. In legends were Canton, Yengchow, Chengtu, and Chengchow.
On© must notice that, as the southern part of
China Tosease important, population moved down to the Yangtse re­
gion instead of concentrating in the Yellow River region.
The fifth period extends from the Song dynasty (960 to
1279"A.D.) to the Ming dynasty (136S to 1644 A.D.).
Turing the
Song dynasty, China confined herself to China proper, and 315
walled cities were built.
The province of ICwangtung was pros­
perous because population moved southward rapidly.
For eighty-seven years (1280 to 1367 A.D.), China was
under the rule of Mongolians.
Yen dynasty.
Tills period is called that of the
China covered the territory north to Outer Mongolia,
west to East Asia, east to Japan, and south to French Indo—China.
For the first time she opened canals from Chong IvTlng Island
(Kiangsu) to Peking, thus connecting the inland with the coastal
region.
The number of walled cities built was ninety-six.
During the Tong dynasts'-, foreigners traveled through
China.
Some of them engaged in business in Chinese cities.
Down
to the time of the Ming dynasty, both foreign and domestic trades
were concentrated in the coastal cities such as Foochow, Cheng—
chow, SSaoao, Hangchow, and Canton.
There were many other cities
important in either politics or trade:
they were Peking, Hanking
(capital of Hing), Sian, Chengtu, Hankow, K&ilung, Hanchung,
Kaifung, and Talyen.
Most of the important cities of that time
were either in central or southern China because the population
was more concentrated in the central ana southern regions, but
less so in the upper part of the Yellow River region.
It may be
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1---------------------------------------------------------------------------------I
IS
true that the chief source of human energy In' the 'exploitation of*
the central and southern regions m e
derived from the Yellow River
region or it may be true that the Yellow River region had reached
a point beyond which it could sustain itself with the same inten­
sity.3'
The sixth period extends from the Cheng dynasty (1645 to
1.911 A.D.) to the present day.
At the beginning of the Cheng
dynasty* although there were trading centers along the coast* yet
no one of these centers developed into a type such as our modern
city.
The factors precipitating the growth of the m o d e m city had
not yet begun to reveal themselves.
There was no release of popu­
lation from the soil, no mechanisation of industry; the factory
system was unknown.
Home industry and the master system prevailed.
The means of transportation were Junk * rich she., horses, donkeys*
wheelbarrows* azi;i human carriers.
In the nineteenth century* the economic power of the wes­
tern countries penetrated deeper and-deeper into China through
the coastal cities.
Kore commercial privileges were gained by
the Westerners; more trade was carried on in the eities between
them and the Chinese.
The Westerners were inevitably accepted by
the Chinese government* especially after a period of conflict
culminating in a series of wars with England at the end of the
nineteenth century.
China realised the power of technology and
tr i e d to develop herself to the same level as the western, powers
by opening up natural resources and developing commercial and in­
dustrial centers.
Hsngyeng (Hankow) v?se the first city to be
chosen as an industrial center to utilise the mine of Ta-Yeh, fro®
where there is only a short carriage to Haagyen.
With the opening
T
Chi Li, The Foundation of the Chinese People (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1928) » p. 68.
~
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IS
or the Yangtze ports and the Introduction of steam to navigation,
an avenue of rapid transportation of the rich resources of the
central provinces to the we at and abroad was possible, and foreign
trade increased rapidly in several of the Yangtze ports such as
Hankow and Shanghai.
The construction of railroads has increased the importance
of a number of cities-
The Kmperial Hallways of I-Jorth China, the
Peking—Kalgan Railway, Peking—Hanlow Railway, the Shanghai-Ranking
Railway, and the Hankow-Ganton Railway were constructed in the
beginning of the twentieth century, connecting a number of citiessuch as Canton, Hankow, Hanking, Shanghai, Tientsin, Peking, and
others.
With the help of the railway, these cities have extended
their Influence.
Cultural diffusion, with coastal cities as cen­
ters or- reception and radiation, is obviously due to widespread
means of communication from the cities to the rural districtsCities of minor importance before the railway era increased their
importance in this period, especially those located at the inter­
section of two lines.
This is Illustrated by Tsinan, which is
the Junction of the Tientsln-Pukow Railway and the branch of this
railway to Tsingtao.
This is also illustrated by Suchov?, which
is the junction of the Peklng-Hankow Railway and the bungh&i
Railway.
The growth of the m o d e m Ghinese city, as well as that of
the western city, has depended to a large extent on the develop­
ment of a motor-highway network, the function of which is to
shorten the time-cost distance not only between points within the
city but between the area adjacent to the city and the city itself.
China’s interest In motor highways began in 1921 with the origin
of the Oood Road Association.
Recently, the provincial and
national governments have taken an internet in it.
Until recently,
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so
dirt roads were foxmd more frequently than any other type.
The
coastal provinces In both South and Worth China, rahere most of
the m o d e m cities are located, lead the Inland regions not only
In total mileage of roads hut also in mileage per capita and per
“i
unit of land area.
The automobile was introduced in 1912.
In
Shanghai, In 1S34, their number reached 9,500.
With the advance
of m o d e m technology, the ancient streets and city walls became
hindrances to city growth.
Walls in several cities, such as
Canton, Hanking, and Hangchow, rare torn dorm.
The demolition of
the ancient walls progressed hand In hand with the building of
wide avenues within the city.
As a result of the demolition of
city walls, we find many of the European cities divided Into two
major parts:
"The ancient city at the center and the new or the
m o d e m city inside the line of former walls which inclosed the
p
inner core."
Chinese cities do not show the same pattern.
Can­
ton does not divide itself into two parts-
flew or m o d e m sections
are built both inside and outside of the ancient seat of the city;
however, more m o d e m buildings and wider roads are being built
along the old foot line of the ancient wall.
Since the beginning of the twentieth century, Chinese
cities have been concentrated along the coast and In the Yangtze
region.
They are important both in the national economy and in
cultural accomplishment, as are the cities in Europe and America.
Hobody Inflows -shat Is the exact percentage of the Chinese popula­
tion living i n cities.
some say about 6 per cent;0 others, nearly
■^Chao, op . cit. » pp. 112-13.
o
Halloas! Resources Committee, Our Cities {Washington:
Government Printing Office, 1937), p. 28.
®hffark Jeff ex-son, "Distribution of the World* s City Folks,"
Geographical Review. J u l y . 1931.
j
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21
20 per* cent;.'*'
However, China has about 126 cities of 100,000
population or over--the largest number of cities of that sise in
a
any nation in the world.. •The Functions mid structure of Cities
The growth of ancient European cities was probably asso­
ciated with the necessity for assembling for defense inside of
strong walls.
The free population of Greece lived within the
walls, In the early centuries, because of the fear of pirates and
plunderers and, in the later days, because of a taste for oratory
and politics.
The settlement of Thucydides was developed under
I
the pressure of piratical raids which drove the population of
j
numerous snail settlements to take refuge in a single sheltered
|
location, four miles from the head of the Piraeus.
The initiative
for the construction of Rome, as well as Athens, 'was the consoli­
dation of various small settlements into a unified city, primarily
to ensure better means of defense.
Some cities, such as Theraohis
and Thebes, owed their importance to the fact that they were seats
j
of political power..
Cities like Tyre and Sidon, the seaports of
|
Phoenicia, were city-states carrying on extensive commerce in
!
!
Medit erranea.
The mediaeval towns were for the most part fortresses,
feudal administrative centers, or ecclesiastical headquarters.
Some of the mediaeval towns grew, through their markets, fairs,
and otherwise, into cities possessing: some of the characteristics
of our modern cities, but the actual urban development of the
late middle ages and early m o d e m period seems most often to have
Boris P. Torgasheff, "Town Population in China," The
China Critic, 1X1 (April 3, 1S30), 320.
g
defferson, o o . e i t .
J
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involved an ezterual stimulus, such as the growth of Venice in
the period of the Crusades, ■which arose to fulfill the outside
demand for supplies and ships for carrying men and equipment to
the Holy Land.
Venice became a place where travelers passed
through, where merchants settled or stopped between trips, and
where goods might be stored and transported.
The Crusades gave
new impetus to the trade of the eastern Mediterranean areas where
cities grew up.
Trade and Industry have become important in the
development of cities since the sixteenth century, especially in
the Mediterranean and Baltic regions.
After the discovery of a
new route to the Orient and after the colonization of America,
Spain grew rich and her seacoast cities, especially Seville and
Cadiz, rose to great commercial importance.
Portugal’s Lisbon
developed a large commerce with Brasil and with the East Indies.
Towards, the end of the sixteenth century, the cities of the Nether­
lands became chief among the industrial and commercial centers of
Europe.
In France, cities were not important in trade and commerce.
Paris was important because it was a political center.
greatly in population in the nineteenth century.
It grew
The improvement
of streets and public works was developed under Napoleon the First,
and the reconstruction of streets and sewers, water supply, light­
ing, and other municipal services was continued under Napoleon
the Third (1852-1870).
Now Paris is one of the political, as well
as commercial, centers of the world.
In England the growth of cities was accelerated somewhat
during the seventeenth century owing to the development of for­
eign and colonial trade.
Long before the application of steam
power to industry, English cities produced textiles, and large
quantities of merchandise were manufactured in England’s scattered
towns.
In the early seventeenth century Bristol was the chief
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23
seaport: cf England, but London rose rapidly- to become the business
center and the residence of the great landowners who controlled
the social and political movements by the close of the century.
It had been the center of the fighting for municipal reforms and
the start of the labor struggle.
Besides London, many industrial
cities, such as Liverpool, Norwich, and Newcastle, have grown up
since the seventeenth cenlurj'.
population of England is urban.
At present, 70 per cent of the
The cities in England, as those
in the United. States, are centers of Industry, commerce, trade,
transportation, and culture.
The cities in America have never had the function of de­
fense as had the European cities in ancient times.
Whereas the
m o d e m urban civilisation of Europe emerged by slow stages out of
the town economy and culture of the middle ages, the United States
acquired its urban cast relatively suddenly upon a background of
primitive agrleulturalism-'1'
The marked growth of American cities
has paralleled the invention and development of machines:
"Prior
to the invention of the cotton gin, the steam boat, the sewing
machine, railroads, and other mechanical discoveries, American
cities were little better than ports, frontier ports and trading
c e n t e r s . A f t e r the application of machinery, cities sprang up,
following the development of trade and industry.
American cities
are now the centers of trade, commerce, manufacture and industry,
transportation, education, finance, and culture.
The function of the ancient Chinese cities was the same
as that of the European.
They were built for defense.
We have
often heard of war stories of ancient times which tell of the cap—
^national Resources Committee, oo. c it. , p. 26.
2Stanley McHichael, City Growth Essentials (Cleveland:
The Stanley MeKSichael Publishing Organization, 1S2S) , p. IS.
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24
ture of walled cities, which victory meant the conquest not only
of the city itself but also of its surrounding territory, or even
the whole state of which that particular city was the capital.
Some of the cities originally were market places.
As we know,
population always settles down in places where water is abundant,
where the soil is arable and can be cultivated so as to produce
grain and foodstuffs both for self-support and for exchange.
There must be a place for commodity•exchange * which becomes a
market place.
Some people carry on trade permanently in this mar­
ket, and so social life develops.
For the security of the rieople
and the continuation of trade, a wall is built around the market.
More than a thousand years before the Christian era,
walled cities had been the feudal administrative centers in China.
There were garrisons of the feudal lords for the protection of
the cities and their surrounding territories, or for the conquest
of other communities.
Many of the ancient feudal administrative
centers lost their importance as soon as the feudal state disap­
peared. from the political scene.
Cities like haoyuen and Senyuen,
which occupied an important position in ancient times, are no
longer, in any respect, important.
Cities of a new type appeared in the sixteenth century.
They grew up because of trade advantages incident to their par­
ticular location.
Some of them were frontier cities in Western
China, some in. the coastal provinces.
Their function was no
longer that of defense nor only administration; trade n os came
first.
These cities were Foochow, Chengchow, Canfu,
42nd
others.
In the present age, the most important function of the
Chinese city, as well as the western city, is the carrying on of
trading and Industrial enterprises.
In 1929, SO per cent of
"I
Chinars total foreign trade passed through seven cities.” Of the
1 Shanghai, Tientsin,
Kaochow, Tsingtao, Hankow, Canton,
J
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1,302 factor!es which case into existence in the decade 19201
1930, 827, or two-thirds, were established in four cities.
The
Chinese city is very much the same as the western one in so far
as function is concerned.The structure of the Chinese city is of txvo types, namely
mediaeval and modern.
The Mediaeval Type
Many of the Chinese cities maintain the mediaeval struc­
ture .
There are no zones, no so-called natural areas.
Business
houses cluster along a main traffic route or water stream, resi­
dential houses more or less group together and scatter around or
in between the business houses.
two floors-
Many of the business houses rise
The main floor is for business, the second floor is
for sleeping or storage.
If the business house is only one story
the front part is for business and the rear is for handicrafts*
Economically, this type of town is in
the town— economy stage.
Some families cultivate cotton, which they clean, prepare, spin,
and weave in their own homes.
Some families engage in business
or In. the handicraft industry; still others cultivate land in one
season, but operate home industries in otlier seasons*
There are
two industrial systems in. the town, namely, the sm al 1 -master sys­
tem and the home-industry system.
Both will be discussed in
another section.
The Modern Type
Modern cities, like Canton, Chungshu, Hanehung, and Hang­
chow emerged out of the mediaeval type.
They had become either
and Darien.
•^Six hundred and forty-five in Shanghai, 110 in Wusih,
38 in Hankow, and 34 in Darien (cf. *t. H. Tawney, hand and Labor
in China ["London: Allen and Unwin, 19323, P- 127).
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26
trading centers or political centers.
After the introduction
into these cities of m o d e m machinery from western countries, the
city walls were t o m down.
Since the demolition of the ancient
i
walls, the cities have expanded their "boundaries, new western
"buildings have been built everywhere, and. vide and paved streets
were constructed inside and outside of the old walls.
Their
physical, structure follows no definite pattern; there are no regu­
lar zones.
In Canton, for example, there are only two distin­
guishable areas:
the residential area lies In the western part
of the city, and the commercial area lies along the river front
in the east.
There Is no clear demarcation of governmental, resi­
dential, commercial, and industrial areas, nor is there a zone of
apartment dwellings.
Deteriorated residential houses dot the
city, but there is no area of deterioration adjacent to the busi­
ness center, such as that described by Professor Burgess.
Heavy
Industry is a new enterprise located far west of the city limits,
and forms no zone in Itself.
The city of Canton, however, does
not conform to the concentric—circle pattern.
In general, the business area of a m o d e m city lies either
along a water front or in the center of the city.
The residen­
tial district Is near, but not around, the business area.
In
Chinese cities, with the exception of Shanghai, there is no apart­
ment-house area, for there are no apartment houses,
neither the
deteriorated houses among the business structures nor the resi­
dential houses fora an area or a zone.
Kor So factories tend to
centralize in any certain area; they are interspersed with resi­
dential and business houses-
Restricted from cities by city
planning, heavy Industry has moved out from the city and settled
down at the periphery.
High-class families and single families
usually reside at the outskirts of the city.
In the city of
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2?
Shanghai, new Immigrants who have not yet round their Jobs are
the people tvho live In the hut houses at the outskirts of the city.
The Humber of Urban Population and
P.ate of Growth of CitieB
China Is one of the :noat backward countries In the world
In collecting Information about cities.
There are, for example,
no population statistics on Chinese cities as a vshole.
Pata from
the Chinese Maritime Customs estimates are not accurate and have
not been brought up-to-date-
Some missionary reports on popula­
tion are no more than guesswork.
This paper will present some
current studies on Chinese urban population based on unofficial
records, but further research will require more adequate and sci­
entific Information.
Jefferson estimated that in the year 192? China had a
population of 48Q millions, of which 3.08 millions lived in 112
cities of 100,000 or over.'*’
The urban population in. China in
cities of 100,000 or over was 6.4 per cent of the total population,
compared with 15.4 per cent in 1890 and with 28.6 per cent In
1930 in the United States.
According to Chao, thirty-nine million people, or 9 per
cent of the total population
of China, resided in urban communi­
ties of 25,000 or over.2
Torgasheff thinks that there were about 467 cities of
25,000 inhabitants or over, the total population of which reached
50,301,500 in 1927.
He said that the numbers of cities and in­
habitants were incomplete and that additional information was not
available.
He believed that China's town population in 1930 was
hardly less than 100,000,000, or 20 per cent of the total popu—
1Jefferson, on. eft
o
'Chao, o o . clt. , p.. 32
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28
lation1 (ef- Table 2).
TABLE 1
URBAN AGGREGATIONS, IN THOUSANDS, BY REGIONS
OF CHINA,■1930sPercentage
Di st ribut1on
Population
Region
Kiangsu
K.C.C.P.'b
N.C.I.P.®
Yangtze PSzechwen
S.C.C.F.d
B.C.I.P.®
Manchuria
Total
Per Cent
Urban
Total
Urban
■Total
Urban
33,786
64,990
57,307
99,910
49 ,783
72,369
33,212
29,286
6,651
5,243
3 ,328
5,889
2,415
7,979
1,161
6,063
7.7
14.7
13.0
22.7
11.3
16. 4
7.5
6.6
100.0
17.2
13.5
8.6
15.2
6.2
20.6
3.0
15.7
19.7
8.1
5.8
5.9
4-8
11.0
3.5
20.7
s Souree:
Chao, on. e l t . , Table 2
^North China Coastal Pi^ovlnces.
ctIorth China Inland Provinces.
dSouth China Coastal Provinces.
eSouth China Inland Provinces.
TABLE 2
URBAN POPULATION IN CHINA ACCORDING TO SIZE
OF CITIES, 1927"
Size of Cities
No. of Cities
in All China
Aggregate No.
of Inhabitants
Average H o . of
Inhabit ant s
100,000 and
over
50,000— 99,999
25 ,G00— 49 ,999
112
178
177
30,880,400
11,356,400
8,064,700
275,718
63,800
45,500
Total
467
50,301,500
107,712
*Source:
Torgasheff, op. oit. , p. 320.
Chao’s and Torgasheff*s estimations vary widely, and.
^Torgasheff, o n ■ cit. . pp. 320-22.
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29
there Is no way of checking their data.
That one can say, if he
accepts their estimates, is that in 1930 from 9 to 20 per cent of
the total population resided in urban communities of 25,000 or
over, while in the United States, 22.2 per cent of the total popu­
lation resided in cities of the same size In 189C, 31.0 per cent
in 1910, 35.8 per cent in 1920, and 40.2 per efent in 1930.^
Since no data are available regarding the rate of increase
in the urban population in Chinese cities as a whole., we are tak­
ing forty—five seaports as examples of Chinese cities (cf. Table 3).
TABLE 3
POPULATION OP FORTY-FIVE CHINESE SEAPORTS
CLASSIFIED ACCORDING- TO SI2E, 1910-1928"Papulation
Size of seaport
1914
1910
2,000—
9,999
10,000— 19,999
20,000— 99,999
l O O ,OOO— 4 S 9 ,999
500,000— 999,999
1,000,000 and over
Tot a l .......
Percentage.. .
1917
....
64,000
43,000
935,500
1,801,OCO
4,271,000
1,821,250
46,933
75,647
711,781
2,332,493
3,543,137
2,321,2SO
7,539,500
9,004,798
9,031,271
lOO
119
120
57,500
111,000
SIS,OOO
2,805,000
3,748,000
.
Population
Size cf Seaport
1920
2,000—
9-999
10,000— 19,999
20,000— 99,999
l O O ,OOO— 499,999
500,OOO— 999,999
1,000,000 and over
Tot a l .......
Percentage...
1924
1928
59 ,916
69,000
633,800
2,301,900
4,423 ,900
2,961,500
59,200
44,000
838,100
3.588,000
3,588,000
2,671,000
. 36,719
85,600
519 ,924
2,923,741
4,652,397
4,646,576
0,500,016
10,788,300
12,864,957
139
143
171
“Source: H. G. W. Woodhead, The China Year Book. 19151953 {London: George Koutledge and Sons Co. jn.cl. j).
^•Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census of the United
States ♦ "Population, " I {Washington: Government Printing O f f i c e »
1930), 14.
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30
These cities ranged In size from those of 2,000 Inhabitants to
those of 1,000,000 or over.
This urban population Increased
70.6 per cent in eighteen years (1910-1928), or 4 per cent annu­
ally.
The population of the same seaports Increased 38.3 per cent
from 1910 to 1920, as compared.with an increase of 10.4 per cent
n
in the American. cities of 2,500 inhabitants or over.
The rate
of growth of these forty-five seaports was faster than that of the
American cities as a whole, but these forty-five seaports are
modern cities which cannot represent all Chinese cities.
The Relation of Certain Social Factors to Fertility
in Urban and Rural Communities
Economic Status and Fertility
In the United States, birth rates in the upper occupational
groups are lower than those among the lower occupational groups.
Surveys have indicated that urban fertility rises with loitering
occupational status.
The larger farmers have the highest birth
rates; next to the farmer, the poorer paid working classes in the
cities have the largest families (except in localities where
there are numerous fairly large settlements of miners, they often
appear to have the largest families of all).
Kext In order are
the semi-skilled laborers, then the skilled laborers, then the
business and clerical groups, and finally the professional groups.
As expected, the agricultural workers constituted the
chief population reservoir.
It also appears that urban la­
borers, especially the unskilled, were constituting more
births than were necessary for replacement even after adjust­
ments were made for losses of offspring through death. . .
. . Other data based upon all females of chiXdbearing age
show the reproductive rates of agricultural workers as about
1.62. The reproductive rates of both white collar groups
were below replacement needs. The professional classes were
replacing their numbers only to the extent of approxlraately
75 per cent.2
1Ibid. , Table 8.
N a t i o n a l Resources Committee, on. _eit., pp. 141-43.
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31
lii the rural districts of China? birth rat© and economic
status show
110
significant correlation.
In. the Kiangyen regis­
tration area, farm families were classified, into rich, well-to-do,
and poor.
The birth rates were 36.5, 46.7, and 44.2 for these
1
respective groups in the years 1931-1935.
The differences among
them may be explained by the fact that the well-to-do families
had a larger proportion of married women than the rich families,
and the people with lower* economic status married earlier.
The
lower birth rate of the poor may be explained by the fact that the
husbands of the poor families leave their isives to go to other
villages or cities, and that there are probably more miscarriages
and stillbirths, and more practice of abortion (which In China is
undertaken by the women themselves rather than the doctors).
TABLE 4
BIRTH RATES, BIRTHS PER 1,000 WOKEN A ED PER
1,000 MARRIED WOMEN, AND PER CENT OF MAR­
RIED WOMEN 15-44, 1931-1935'::-
Economic
Status
1931-1935
Birth Rate
per 1,000
'Married.
Women 15—44
1931-1935
Percentage
of Women
15-44
Married
1932-1935
Birth
Rate
Birth Rate
per 1,000
Women 15-44
1931-1935
R i c h ......
Well-to-do.
Poor......
36.5
48.7
44.2
212.4
238.1
207. S
267.0
230.7
250.6
79.5
81.9
83.0
Total---
45.1
218.3
265.0
82.4
^Adopted and rearranged from C. M. Chlao, W. S. Thompson,
and 2>. T. Chen, An Experiment in the Registration of Vital Sta­
tistics In China (Scrlpps Foundation for Research in Population __
Problems, 1938), p p . 47—48.
Data collected front 38,256 farm families by the Univer­
sity of Hanking in China show no association between births and
type of land tenure.
There was no evidence that married women in,
■^See Table 4, footnote.
i. . . . . .
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I
32
the families of landotmers were signifleantly either more or less
fertile than those in the families of landlords or tenants.
It is difficult to determine whether there Is any rela­
tion between crop area of the farm and the fertility of married
women.
For women of under 45 years of age the trends are not con­
sistent, hut for those of 45 years of age or over, fertility in­
creased slightly with the size of farm.
This can be explained by
the fact that the husbands of the small farm families leave their
wives to go to other places as farm laborers, but the husbands of
the large farm families do not have to do so.
It is a fact that
abortion more frequently occurred in the small farm families than,
the large farm families, due to economic pressure.
The associa­
tion between fern size and fertility of married women was more
definite in the South than in the Korth.
This is because of the
comparatively higher fertility in the South when expressing fer­
tility as the number of births per 1,000 married females 15 to
44 years of a g e , the North having 203.. 5 births and the South hav­
ing 212.
In the urban community, economic status and fertility of
women show no significant association.
Lasison and others have
said that the upper economic classes have many more children than,
the lower economic classes, but If one follows Lasson'$ studies
and examines his data, he will, find Laason's data were not con­
sistent.
LaBson*s studies are summarized In Table 6.
Lam son was uncritical when using his and others' data,
and his classification of "upper" and "lower" economic classes was
not clear-cut.
The number of families he used In Tab3.e 6 are sup-
posed to be the same families that he studied in 1S31,
ilies of the middle school students-
the fam­
He must have put what he
■^H. D. Larnson, "Population Studies: Size of the Chinese
Family in Relation to Occupation, Age, and Education," Chinese
Economic Journal. XI (Dec., 1952), 4*78-79.
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53
TABLE 5
THE RELATION OF CROP AREA OF THE FARM TO THE
FERTILITY OF MARRIED WOMEN, 1929-1931*
Size of Farm
and
Age of Wife at
Interview
Total Children B o m
Per 1 ,000 Wives
Number of Wives
Total
Sample
North
China
South
China
Total
Sample
271
259
282
36,035
263
254
268
5,074
2,122
2,952
273
262
282
5,821
2,591
3,230
274
264
283
6,374
2,904
3,470
276
262
290
7,590
3,779
3,811
270
255
286
9,699
5,084
4,615
528
507
550
10,700
5,457
5,243
503
494
511
1,514
735
779
506
500
513
1,687
347
850
528
513
544
1,845
938
907
535
506
568
2,284
1,203
1,081
551
519
587
2,946
1,648
1,398
North
China
South
China
Under 4=5 Years of
Age
T o t a l ............
Group I
(small, farms) ■..
Group II
(medium farms).Group III
(medium large
farms)........
Group IV
(large farms)-..
. Group V
(very large
farms).........
16,991 19,044
45 or More Years of
Age
Total ............
Group I
(snikll farm) ....
Group II
(medium farm) ...
Group III
(medium large
farm)...... .
Group IV
(large farm)....
Group V
(very large
farm)..........
^Adopted from J. b. Buck, Land Utilization In China
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 193S}; Table 21, p. 585.
called "uncertain, Inaccurate, or doubtful” families in his study
of 1S31 into Table 6* otherwise the number of families in this
table 'would not be more (by 108) than those in 1931.
.
V-hat he
listed as "upper” la Table 6 was called "middle or upper economic
J
. . ■ ;. -. -. . . .
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•r
34
groups" ana “agriculture" in his study * ana In Lennoz* s data it:
was called "lower and middle" families in tb.e same article from
which. Table 6 v/as adopted.
Nothing is precisely mentioned as a
guide to the basis for his definition-
Such an unscientific
definition naturally leads to some extent to personal bias.
TABLE 6
DIFFERENTIAL REPRODUCTION BETWEEN UPPER AMD LOWER
ECONOMIC GROUPS IN CHINA ARRANGED BY CORRE­
SPONDING- AGE GROUPS INCLUDING MARRIED
PERSONS WITH CHILDREN OMLST*
Economic
Classes
■Investi­
gator
tfc.o f
Fami­
lies
3y Age
of
Which
Parent
Age of
..specified
■'■'Parents
(Years)
Average Number
of Children
Av.
Range
liv­
ing
Dead
Total
1. Upper
2. Lower
Lam son
Lennox
44
3,042
Father
Father
32.9
35.0
30-34
?
4.11
1.S0
1.25
0.90
5.36
2.70
3. Uooer
4. Lower
Lamson
Lamson
314
63
Mother
Mother
37.2
37.7
35-3S
17-62
4.51
2.06
1.26
1. 62
5.77
3.68
5. Upper
6- Lower
Laason
Gray
438 Mother
1,000. Mother
41.6
40 +
40-44
?
4.57
2.30
1.68
2.40
6.25
4-70
7. Uooer
S . Lower
Lam son
GrifYing
1,089
220
40-59
39 up
5.10
2.79
1.74
2.33
6. 84
5.32
Kothcr
Mother
■>
?
®Adopted from H. D. Lsason, "Differential Reproduction in
China," The Quarterly Review of Biology. September, 1S35, p. 312For further discussion see Lao son, ".Population Studies: Size of
the Chinese Family in Relation to Occupation, Age and Education,"
Chinese Economic Journal, XI, Uo. 5 (Kov., 1932), 478-96.
Furthermore, Lennox’s data are unreliable.
Lennox’s data
were from 4,000 married men who came to the out-patient depart­
ment of the Peiping hospital, of which 958 had no children and
had been married an average of 5.5 years, whereas the 3,042 having
children had been married 14.5 years.
!
i
We doubt whether it Is pos-
sible that one—third of the patients who had been married 5.5
-.
............
i
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..
35
years had no children.
Can we hell eve that a group of people in
China who had been married 14.9 years had only 1.0 living chil­
dren or 2.7 total children?
Can we trust the data In which the
proportion of dead children is one-half that of the living chil­
dren?
Lmnsoa1s study does not give us the different fertility
rates among several occupational groups such as professional,
skilled, sensi-skilled and unskilled laborers, etc.
there any standardised age.
Neither is
What he found, was that the physicians
ha d the highest average number of living children, S.13; and the
lawyers the least, 4.28.
The physicians also had the largest
average number of births per family, 7.64, while the engineers
had the lowest, 5.25.
Preachers had the highest percentage of
dead children, 36.5Q; engineers the lowest, 11.9; and physicians
next to the lowest with 19.74.^
In conclusion, one may say that so far no stttdy has de­
termined whether fertility is as high in the low occupational
groups as Is the case in Western countries or vice versa.
In the
rural districts, the families having larger farms seem to have a
higher fertility In Southern China*, but the trend is still not
significant enough.
In contrast with Western countries, the
population of China, both in rural and urban areas, can replace
Itself, for both areas have high birth rates.
Educational Status and Fertility
In the United States, the correlation between Illiteracy
and fertility was found to be + .62';“ that is, the Illiterates had
rt
larger families on the average than did the literate.
It was
1Xbid.» p. 484.
Vfinston Sanford, "The Relation of Certain Social
Factors to Fertility,M The American Journal of Sociology. Search,
1930, p. 758.
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36
also found that after certain levels of formal education, say high,
school, further schooling had little effect upon fertility when
other social factors were held constant.
"It may be that, under
our present [American] system of education and economy, high
school education is sufficient to inculcate desires for those
standards of living that are more likely to be attained with a
limited family. "-1
Current writings show that in China the correlation be­
tween. education end fertility is in the positive direction.
ther education leads to higher fertility.
opposite to that in the United States-
Fur­
The tendency runs
Although writers claim
this reverse trend between China and the United States, their
O
findings are not consistent.
There is no age standardised, no
duration of married time given, social factors are not held con­
stant.
numerous tables are made but all are based on somewhat un­
reliable data.
Yet tariffing has said:
“'Education is not solving
China's problem of over reproduction, but rather contributing to
i t.,,!i
v/e dare not make any such conclusion on this matter until
more reliable cL3.’v£i have appeared.
Religion and Fertility
Mucii has been written about the association of religion
and fertility in the United States.
Stouffer found that the birth
rate of the Catholic group is generally higher than that of the
non-Catholic, but that the birth rate of the former nos? is de­
clining faster than tliat of the latter.
Several social factors
^"National Resources Committee, o». cit. , pp. 145-46.
®For discussions and findings on this subject see the fol­
lowing articles: J". 2. Griffing, "Size of Family in. China,"
Sociology and Social Research. September-October, 1928; Griffing,
"Education and Size of Family in China," Journal of Biology.
September, 1926; I.nmson, on. cit.
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37
were held constant.
3
Jaffe found no clear-cut distinction be­
tween them.^ Many authorities agree that the tendency for Protes­
tants to have fewer children than non— Protestants is due largely
to various other social f&ctore than religious affiliation.
In China, Griffing studied £52 mothers of students of
Ginling Girls' College, and found that the Christian mothers had
more births than the non-Christian.
Parents who are both literal
4:
and Christian have- the largest number of births.
The reason,
Griffing said, Is that the Christian philosophy of life (which is
Interpreted quite differently in China) coincides with filial
piety and ancestor worship, which encourages the desire to have
more children.
This explanation is Inadequate.
It is not only
Christianity that encourages the desire of having more children;
Buddhism and. other religions have the same philosophy of life.
Christians in China are as conservative as non-Christian on birth
control, and some of them are even more conservative than Western
Christians.
They are more or less In touch with Western culture
and better off economically -
Because of their higher economic
status, they can afford to have more children and are more likely
to have them.
According to Griffing the total births among par­
ents both educated and Christian Is S as compared with the total
births of non-Christians, 5.6, and of the farmers, 5.2.
Whether
this Is the result of educational, religious, or economical
"^S. A. Stauffer, "Trends In the Fertility of Catholics
and Mon-Catholics," American Journal of Sociology. XVI., Ho. 11
(Sept., 1935}» 143-66.
2
A. J. Jaffe, "Regions differentials in the Net Reproduc­
tion Rate," Journal of tire American Statistical Association.
XXXIV, Mo. 206 (June, 1939)“, 335-42.
°S. B. Winston, "The Relation of Certain Social Factors
to Fertility," American Journal of Soclo3.oay» Search, 1930.
4J. B. Griffing, "Slse of the Family in China," Sociology
and Social Research. XXXIV, .Ho.. 5 (March, 1930) , 760.
.....
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38
differences has not been established, but we believe-it Is the
latter.
Industry
During the last three decades China has been making sub­
stantial strides in modern Industrial activity.
3ut modern In­
dustry Is well developed only In the big cities of the coastal
.provinces and the Yangtze regions.
The handicraft industry and
the small master system which, prevailed in mediaeval Europe still
operate in some of the m o d e m cities and play a dominant role in
the old Chinese cities.
The characteristics of the handicraft Industry are primi­
tive tools? handicraft methods, and minute Investments o f capital
by merchants or small masters controlling a multiplicity of tiny
undertakings.
. In Chengshuh, Klangsl, the small factory owners
own a number of weaving machines, which they permit the workers
to take to their own homes.
After the cloth has been made the
workers bring the finished cloth back to the factory owners and
get their wages according to the length of cloth.
The thirty-four gilds of that city, Peiping included in 1980,
some 107,000 members consisting of masters, Journeymen and
apprentices, out of the total population of something over
800,000.
The membership of twenty—five among them for which
complete figures are available was just 40,000 of whom about
10,000 or 11.4 per cent were masters, 58,COO or 64 per cept
were Journeymen, and 22,000 or 24.6 per cent apprentices.^
In Hanking, handicraft industrial, undertakings such as tin work
shops, hardware manufacturing shops,and furniture making shops
were also found-
The masters do their own work except in times
of prosperity when they employ apprentices, the number of whom
depends on business conditions.
Small enterprises are frequently
n
R. A- Tawney, hand and Labor in China (Londonr George
Allen and Unwin, 1932), pp. 114—15.
2Xbid. , p. 111.
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39
found. In any of the Chinese cities.
Tawney described thera as
follows:
In Tayinchen, in the south, of Hopei, the tanning of the skins
collected, from the neighboring farmers is carried on in work­
shops, the smallest of which are staffed by the members of a
single family and aorae two-fifths by less than 10 work men,
while a f e w considerable firms employ a personnel of as many
as 100, and the majority about 20 to 25, the finished article
being sold to dealers froa the commercial centers-. . - . . In
the potting Industry of Peng Cheng, in the same province, some
SI potteries own 211 kilns for the manufacture of bowls with
20 to 50 workmen apiece.1
In small cities many inhabitants are engaged in cotton
weaving, hosiery-knitting, the spinning of yarn for carpets, the
preparation of silk for factories, the working of bamboo, embroid­
ery , paper-making from straw, incense and fire-cracfcer making,
shoe-making, and other occupations.
The traders and craftsmen
are often indistinguishable because these people sometimes work
at home and sell their own products and sometimes work in small
workshops for merchants.
Modern Industry was first Introduced Into Shanghai in
1862 when LI Hung Chang built an ammunition factory there.
Up to
1950, 1,975 factories had been operated in 51 cities of China. ^
The official figures of those employed in factories in 29 towns
Is 1,204;,418; other estimates put them in China as a whole at not
3
above 2,500,000.
‘The term '’factory" carries a somewhat different
connotation in China from that which Is ascribed to it In western
countries.
Although a "factory" is defined by the Factory Law in
China as "driven by steam, gas, or water power, regularly employ­
ing workers 30 or more in numbers," In practice the terrc Is ap­
plied regardless of the use of power or number of workers1I b M . , p. 113.
2
Chao ,
o p
3 Tswney,
.
cit. , p. 148.
o n . cit.. p. 12S.
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The
40
average number* of workers In each factory Is about lOO.
The
*1
largest number (240) Is In the textile factory in Shanghai.
This
Illustrates the small size of the Chinese factory in comparison
with the western ones.
Both in China and the United States, there is a tendency
for manufacturing to be concentrated in the urban centers.
in the
United States the condition is described as follows:
In 1929» there were concentrated In 155 counties containing
the large Industrial cities, 64.7 per cent of all the Indus­
trial establishments, 74 per cent of all Industrial wage
earners, 80.7 per cent of*all salaried officers and employees.
In 1937, 75 per cent of all manufacturing activities was
carried on in 200 counties, primarily In the northeast section of
3
the United States.
Manufacturing also tends to be highly local­
ized in urban centers In the coastal and Yangtze region of China,
with exceptions In Manchuria.
According to T s wney:
Of the 1,302 factories which came into existence in the decade
1920—1930, 827 or two— thirds were established In 4 cities—
645 in Shanghai, H O in Wusih, 38 in Hankow, and 34 in ,Dairen
— and one third were established In the rest of China.The cotton spinning and weaving mills and foreign owned
tobacco companies are established only in cities.
The Iron and steel industries are either established In
the cities or, In their adjacent area.
Manufacturers of machin­
ery are located in different provinces in the big cities of the
provinces.
The woolen Industry is localized in the city of Shanghai,
Wusih, Tai.groan, Peiping, Talent si en.
Forty-four of the 94 flour
^The Shanghai Civic Association, o p . c i t . , chap. vill, p . I .
O
National Resources Cossnittee* our Cities* p. 2»3g
National Resources Committee, The Structure of the Ameri­
can Economy, Basic Characteristics. Part I (Washington: Govern—
sent Printing Office, 1939), p. 36.
4Tasney, on. cit. . p. 127.
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mills in China are concentrated In S cities.
1
In. 1334* of the 2,435 factories in China IV provinces and
128 counties and municipalities in China, about 1,200 were in
O
Shanghai alone.
Factory laborers in Shanghai constituted 43 per
cent of the total factory laborers in China, and the value of
output of Shanghai factories was 50 per cent of that of the whole
country.
It is equally true both in China and in the United States
that certain types of Industrial activities and. the extractive
processes must be located close to the natural resources them­
selves.
The location of cottonseed oil manufacture, the lumber*
mills, machinery raantifacturers, and the processing of' products
extracted from oil and minerals Illustrate this phenomenon in the
United States, while the textile, tobacco, and sugar Industries
and iron and steel worses Illustrate this point in China.
China
has not yet reached the point, however, where manufacturing activ­
ities are controlled by large, corporations, though there is a
tendency In that direction.
Social Organization
The Family
At the present time the traditional patriarchal family
system, which includes several generations in one house, is no
longer a predominant form in China-
The breakdown of the tradi­
tional. family system is one of the most colorful pictures in the
recent social change.
T
H.
G. >7- Uooahesd, The Chinese Year Booh (Shanghai: The
I'lorth China Sally Mews and Herald, 1937} > Chapter on "Industry."
p
~D. K. lieu, The Growth and Industrialization of Shanghai
(China Institute of Pacific Relations, 1936), p. 17.
3Ibid. , p. 14.
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42
The traditional Chinese family.— The traditional Chinese
family is & s el f - suf f 1e ± ent economic unit: bonded by blood rela­
tionship and. economic eo-oneration, within which sentiment: is
formed and social sanctions operate invisiblyfamily is usually the oldest man.
The head of the
Ke manages the important family
affairs and controls the family income.
Being parts of an eco­
nomic unit, the family members derive their living from the same
farm land, srork for the same common institution, disregarding the
length of time and type of work.
They go to the field when the
sun rises and come back home when it setsand collect the harvest.
They scatter the seeds
Mature and experience guide their lives.
Security and appreciation of work are the only expectations.
To
give concern to others and to live in harmony are the arts of
living.
The Individual does not care very much for the consump­
tion of goods and the distribution of wealth among people; what
he cares about is the production of goods, the devotion to work,
harmony with man and nature, and continuation of the family line.
Philosophers have'told his to give, to help his neighbors, to
offer benevolent contributions or vjork.
The family Is concerned
not only with its own members; even rsore important is the honor
attached to concern over the welfare of its relatives and neigh­
bors.
Individualism consequently has little opportunity to
emerge.
This philosophy of life has much to do with the equilib­
rium of community life, both in the social ana the economic sense.
The ''have'* family gives of surplus goods to the "have not" family;
the wealthy take care of the poor to a certain extent; the man
without a form may work on the farm of his relative; the literate
helps the illiterate.
As a result of this, foods are consumed
without waste and are fairly well distributed, and social unrest
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43'
*1
due to class conflict Is unknown-
Personal relationships seem
more intimate and haraonlous.
At least four factors contribute to family solidarity: •
(1) the family property, or the ovaierohlp of farm land; (2) the
same philosophy of life and cultural heritage; (3) social sanction
end (4) isolation.
It seems to the rural inhabitants that family solidarity
is measured by harmony be tv/eon members and by the number of gen­
erations living together under one roof or as an integrated family
unit in one or more houses.
or dependent on others-
A member cannot be idle or starved
If he cannot find useful work within his
ovm. family* he hires himself out to another family or enters some
other occupation.
Usually the members of three generations liv­
ing together in one household will have sufficient farm land to
maintain the members.
But If the number of members Increases as
the generations increase, and if the farm land remains the same
or Increases only slightly in size, each member cannot get as
much as he needs.
A large family must then divide itself Into
several small ones, with separate family heads.
In a somewhat isolated agricultural community where new
contacts are rare, individuals hold the same views and sentiments
and conform largely to the culture of the family.
They want to
be connected with their primary members In order to have a place
to “belong”; on the other hand, the family exercises the tradi­
tional force of limiting the individuals to a small circle.
There
Is a “common purpose,11 to use Burkhelai1s term, imposing upon In­
dividuals of a family.
There are '‘collective representatives"
■^There were peasant revolts in Chinese history which were
the result of heavy taxation and the concent rat ion of wealth In
the hands of the merchants in urban regions and a f ew big land­
lords in rural areas; but labor unrest was unheard of.
J
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44
which are Icnown to a l l , such as the names of ancestors, the names
of the ancestral hall and graves, the ways of addressing, etc.
The individual knows his position and the expectation of others
in the family; he must act as if he were a representative of his
family.
Social sanction is imposed on each member of a family.
Kowhere in the world has such a high premium been put upon con­
formity with o n e * 3 family or community as in China.
In such a
social institution the individual sacrifices Individuality to
family tradition.
formity,
The choice is between conformity and non-con­
if one chooses the latter he automatically cuts himself
off from family support and becomes an outcast.
Although it is generally agreed among sociologists that
the individual can subsist only as he fits himself into the close
fabric of society, the situation In China Is accentuated by family
tradition.
In this system there are almost no new social contacts
and therefore little deviation from the family norm In personal
opinion, and sentiment.
Had China not been invaded by Western
culture and technology, the family system would have remained the
same and would have continued to exist In comparatively extreme
isolation.
The Chinese family after the iiaoact of Western influence.
— For more than three thousand years the Chinese traditional
family system functioned without criticism.
When China, entered
the world economy through the Introduction of railways and steam­
ers, however, her self-sufficient economy began, to crumble.
industry disappeared.
The standard of living rose.
the family began to migrate to the cities-
Hand
Members of
Both rural and urban
communities became the dumping grounds for the surplus products
of the rest of the world.
In the face o f these rapid changes,
J
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45
people were forced "So make many adJustnents, and the traditional
family system brolte down.
The first region to feel the necessity for social and.
economic adjustment waa the region adjacent to the big cities.
X
The rural communities of the Pearl River region were first
threatened by the Western economic system in the fifteenth cen­
tury when Canton was opened to foreigners, but the pressure was
not keenly felt until the eighteenth century.
region increased, rapidly.
Population in this
The area of cultivated land, per capita,
vras reduced, and the pressure of population on food supply became
extremely great.
■With the increasing economic pressure in rural areas,
large numbers of people migrated from the farms in search of Jobs.
Their search led them either to urban districts or to foreign
soil.
Although some people in the Pearl River area fitted them­
selves into Canton and other cities, the number was not signifi­
cantly groat.
The first systematic emigration to the United
States occurred in about the year 1854.
Between 1S54 and 1882
an average of over five thousand persons emigrated, annually.
At
about the same time large numbers of Chinese emigrated to other
white countries, brown countries, and yellow countries in the
Pacific ris.
The effects of this tremendous release of population from
the farm lands were far-reaching.
changed.
tricts;
The age and sex composition
TSbtaen. and old and young people were left in rural dis­
some of the male adults of the most productive age© went
out from them.
The sex ratio in rural areas was therefore low;
the percentage of adults and the fertility rates were also low.
■1
The urban dwellers of that time had already accustomed
themselves to city life.
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The traditional Chinese family could exist no longer.
Farming alone could not support the people because of the higher
standard of living.
As members of the family left the farm in
search of other means of livelihoods the member relat ion ship of
the family became looser.
Social sanctions could not be imposed,
upon persons dissociated from the group.
No definite social standard had formed-
The old had gene
but the new had not taken on a definite organization.
in the rural district of Shunta
The girls
revolted against the traditional
marriage; some of them remained unmarried.
They were financially
independent in raising silkworms in factories.
not agree with them, they left the family.
If the family did
Some women left
Xiangyin (a rural district) and went to Shanghai or Wusih, end
returned to ask for divorces because they did not like their rural
husbands and rural life.
If one found a better life in the city,
his friends and kin would follow him instead of opposing him.
Difference In composition cf the rural and urban family-.—
It has already been pointed out that families in the rural dis­
tricts adjacent to the urban areas underwent a greater change than
those In the isolated regions.
The family in the Canton delta,
of course, changed faster than that in STunnan, Shensi, and other
Isolated regions-
Chiao*s study of 2,927 rural families revealed
that although the number of persons per family was small, the mem­
bers of these patriarchal families comprised six generations— two
-1
preceding and three succeeding that of the head of the family.
Buck found in his entire sample of 38,256 farm families, that
. . . . only TO per cent of the family members belonged to
the Immediate primary families, i.e . , were family heads,
wives, concubines, sons, daughters, adopted sons or adopted
daughters.
The remaining 30 per cent included 57 other
^C. UL. Chiao, "The Composition and Growth of Rural Popu­
lation Croups in. China," Chinese Economic Journal. Vol. XI,
iio. Ill (March, 1928) .
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4?
varieties of kinsfolk.
In the North, where custom has been
slower to change, the other* kin constituted 34 per cent of
the family membership» as contrasted with only 2*7 per cent in
the South.1
If the difference in composition of & family can be the measurement of social change, we may say that the South is more likely
to undergo rapid social change than the North.
T&o found in 4S families of Peiping that" each family con­
sisted of the husband, the wife, and their children.
prised 200 out of 220 persons.
These com­
All members were In the direct
line of the family, only seven coming from a collateral line or
relatives.
He concluded that the typical Chinese family exists
today only ir» country districts and among wealthy classes, while
the family of the Western type has become general In urban areas
and. among comparatively poorer classes.
The family in market
towns also was composed 1 argely of members of the immediate family
In Ching Ho, for example, 302 (or SI per cent) of the families
had no brothers or sisters either married or unmarried living
with the family head.
Gamble found a similar situation in Peiping
A similar finding was noted In Shanghai.
Of the 1,410 persons In the 305 families, 81.42 per cent
consist of husbands and wives and their children, 13.12 per
cent of parents, brothers and sisters, and only 5.46 per* cent
of members of other relatives.
The traditional Chinese family
system has disappeared in Industrial cities-3
The size of family.— The size of family is generally
larger in the rural districts than in the urban.
This is partly
due to the Inclusion of more relatives, but it is not a manifes­
tation of the higher reproductive power of the rural, population.
■
................................................................ -
Mm— —
............................................................................. .......... „ i ,
—
^"Buck, hand Utilization, in China, po- 368—69.
K. T a o , livelihood in Peiping: (Peking: China Founda­
tion for the Promotion of Education and Culture, 1928), p. 42.
3
Bureau of Social Affairs, Standard of Llviag of Shanghai
(Shanghai: The City Government of Shanghai, 1934), p. 91.
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48
The :3±grants from rural, areas ‘brought with them only the members
of their immediate generation, which includes only wives, sons,
and daughters-
Because of lack of economic opportunity for the
old people and the high standard of living in the urban community,
the urban family consists of a very low percentage of dependents
or relatives-
Naturally, the urban family is smaller than the
ruralFor the rural districts, according to Buck's study of
38,256 farm families, the average of 5-21 persona per family may
be taken as representatives.2"
In the North the average size was
nearly 5.5 persons, but in the south it was about 5 persons.
A
study by the same writer revealed 5.46 persons to be the mean
O
size.0 In the Kiangyin registration area, we know that the mean
size of the family was 4.7 persons, the median size was 4.9, and
3
the model family was 4-5The mean size of the Kiangyin family
was .5 person smaller than what Buck found.
The reason for this
difference is the lower natural rate of increases in Kiangyin.
This area had a birth rate of 45.1 and a death rate of 38.7;
whereas the rural farm families studied by Buck had birth and death
rates of 38.3 and 27.1 respectively.
The former had a natural
increase of 6.4 per 1,000 persons as compared with 11.2 in the
latter.
However, the number of emigrants in the former was greater
than in the latter.
Migratory movement also reduced the size of
family.
The urban family is smaller in else than the rural despite
^■Buck, hand Utilization in China, p. 395.
^Buck, Chinese Fans Economic (China: University of Nanking,
1930).
° G . M. Chela, Vh S. Thompson, axid If. T . Chen, An Experi­
ment in the Registration of Vital Statistics in China. (Scrlpps
Foundation for Research in Population Problems, 193S) , p. 70.
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inconsistencies in some economic groups.
Gamble found that the
overage size of family In Peiping was 4.3 persons; th'e average
size of 320 church families was even less, 3.*? persons.
In the
305 working families In Shanghai the average was 4.63 persons, or
5.OS persons Including "boarders; 85.9 per cent of the total were
families of 3 to 6 persons,, and. the number of persons in a family
was in direct proportion to Its income -~
The average size of a
family unit among urban ivorkcrs In China, according to studios so
far made, seems to "foe about 4.5 persons or 3.42 equivalent male
adults.
Most of these studies show that when arranged by income
groups, the size of family increases as the scale of income in­
creases.
Tills increase I s partly due to the presence of relatives
although the urban working families shot? a tendency toward simpler
constitution.
when families In an entire hsien (political unit) are con­
sidered. the higher the percentage of families living on farms,
the larger is the size of the family, except where 90 per cent or
more of the families live on farao (cf. Table 7).
The exception
to this trend may be due to the absence of relatives and husbands,
a higher infant mortality rate, infanticide, selling of children,
early, marriage of daughters, absorption due to economic pressure,
etc.
In Buck's study of 172 hsien, 65 reported the, percentage
.of families living in cities in the hsien.
One hsien cannot be
used for comparison because of its extremely large families.
Of
tho 65 hsien, 41 have from 1 to 10 per cent of their families in
cities; 15 have from 11 to 20 per cent; and 9 have 21 per cent and
over- (cf. Table S).
The average size of family is 5.23, 5.75,
and 5.32 respectively.
The largest families are In those hsien
“Bureau of Social Af fairs.... ot>. clt.... p . 91.
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50
having from 11 to 20 per cent of their families living in cities.
The smallest families are In those hsien having from 1 to 10 per
cent of their families in cities.
The trend is Inconsistent.
Ho
conclusion can be drawnTABLE 7
AVERAGE SIZE OF FAMILY, BY P ER CENT OF FAMILIES
LIVING- OH FAFSSS, FOE 72 K3IEH ,s- 1929-1933°
Per Cent of Family
on Farm
Number of
Esien Reported
Average Size
of Family
30-49
50-69
70-89
90 and
over
2
9
36
4.9
5.41
S. 44
25
5.06
Total .......
72
5.20
aA political unit— corresponding to a. county
in the United States.
^Data from Buck, Land Utilization in China.
Vol. II, Statistics (Chicago: University of Chicago,
1933), pp. 420-22.
TABLE 8
SIZE OF FAMILY IB HSIEN ACCORDING- TO THE PER CENT
OF FAMILY IN CITY, 65 HSIEN, 1929-1933*
Per Cent of Family
in City
Humber of
Hsien Reported
Average Size
of Family
1-10
11-20
21 and
over
41
15
5.25
5.75
9
5.32
T o t a l .....
65
5.49
*Iblci.
Several reasons may be given for the small size of fami­
lies in urban communities as compared with those in rural areas:
Cl ) lat e marriage., .(2)_ a smaller proportion of married women in
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urban comnuniulea, (3) the absence of relatives, (4) a. declining
birth rate.
Let us consider these factors.
Because of the higher reproductive power in the early
years of the child-bearing period, the young worsen in the rural
districts naturally have more births than the urban worsen who
marry later.
1.
In the rural districts of both North and South. China,
after thirty years of age the bachelor was rare and the syinstervlrtually non-existent.
Only two or three women in every thousand
had not married, due to physical or mental disabilities, presum­
ably.
The average age at marriage was substantially lower, es­
pecially for the females, than was the case with urban dwellers.
More than half of the males marrying for the first time were
under 20 years of age, and in North China, where child mar­
riage is most common, 12 per cent were under 15 years of age;
of the females marrying the first time, 98 per cent were 25;
SI per cent were under 20, and in North China 13 per cent were
under 15 years of age.1
C. M . Chiao found that the mean age of women at marriage was 1S.S
and of men, 20.2.
In Peiping 73 per cent of all females over 20 years of
age and 65 per cent of the males over 30 get married.
The age- at
marriage of the females in Peiping differs very much from that in
rural, districts even though the traditional attitudes toward mar­
riage have changed very little.
In Shanghai, social life has been affected by urbanisa­
tion.
The presence of fifty nationalities and hundred of loco!
groups represents a tremendous divergence of customs,
liability
and new social contacts forced people to cliange their ways of liv­
ing.
The attitude towards marriage has been changed.
Xfany of the
female factory workers refused to be married as early as their
■*"Buck, Land Utilisation in. China, p. 381.
J
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52
parents wished.
Their parents felt they had no authority to
force them to marry.
A mother was asked,
old daughter going to get married"’"
another two years.
hen Is your IS-year
She replied,
"Oh, wait for
Nowadays girls marry later than before.
Some
families still give their daughters away early, but most do not.
Since they can earn money we don't want them to get married very
soon.""*"
Some girls did not want to get married because they had
more freedom at home single.
They expressed an aversion to hav­
ing children.
The effect of urbanisation on the postponement of marriage
can also be seen In the educated group of women.
In Lem son's
study of 120 educated women, the average age at marriage was
P
21-44 years, or three years later than that of the rural dwellers. "
Another study showed that the women who were married between 1920
anar'IS"30 averaged 23.8 years at. marriage, while those married
before 1904 wedded at the mean age of 17.6 years, a difference of
3
6.2 years.
The phenomenon of later marriage in cities is ob­
vious.
2. The lower proportion of married women in the urban com­
munity m a y be considered a minor factor in accounting for the
small size of family in urban areas.
In Peiping, 36-5 p er cent
of the population were females, of which 60 per cent were married;
only 49 per cent of all males were married. ~
In the rural dis­
trict of Kiangyin, among the male population 15 years and over
3.
H. D. Lamson, "The Effect of Industrialization upon Vil­
lage Livelihood," Chinese Economic Journal, XIV, No- 1 (Oct.,
1931), 1G73.
2
Lam son, "Family Limitation among Education Married Worsen,"
Chinese Medical Journal, Vol. XLVII,;'No. 5 (May, 1933).
^Lamson, "Educated Women and Birth Control In China,"
Chinese Medical Journal, November, 1930, p. H O O .
r*'
3.
P. Gamble. Peking. A Social Survey (New York: George
H. Doran Co., 1921), p. 109.
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53
the proportion married was 66.5 per cent; in the female population
the proportion married was 71.8 per cent.
percentage of married people-
This is a very high
The proportion of males married
lO years and longer for Worth China was 60.6, and. for South China,
SO.4; for females the figures were 67.5 and 66.3 respectively.
The percentage of married males aged 15-44 for the whole of China
was 68.1, and of females, 84.8.
The unusual prevalence of .mar­
riage in the Chinese population is an important factor In the
higher fertility and larger size of the family.
The low percentage
of married people in Peiping lowers the fertility rate and de­
creases the size of family.
3. It has already "been demonstrated that because of a
lack of economic opportunity for the old people ana. the high stan­
dard of living in the urban community, the urban family consists
of a very low percentage of dependents and r e ”stives.
The members
of the family are members of the immediate line of the family
head.
4. Thompson states that in the industrial civilisation of
today, there is very great urge on the part of vast numbers of
people to change their social and economic status, -and consequently
personal ambition is the basic cause of the decline In the birth
rat©."-
For China, we should not emphasize the relation between
personal ambition and birth rate so strongly as Thompson does.
Urbanization is a rather new phenomenon and the effect of it are
felt only by a few.
F.-!ost of the educated women welcome information pertaining
to contraception, but no study has been made of the effect of
■^Chlao, o p . cit. , p. 3.3.
o
s . Thomason, Population Problem (Hew York: KcG-raw—
Hill Book Go., 1930), pp. 120-21.
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54=
contraception on the birth rate among different groups of people.
I. am son asked. 120 educated women ’.whether they should be able to
control the number of their children.
Although. 90 answered, affir
matively, only 20 of them 3mew m o d e m methods of limiting their
families.
He also questioned 34= educated married women and found
that 19 had not tried to avoid pregnancy in the past, 4= gave no
answer, 3 reported having taken medicine but unsuccessfully, and
8 others had tried various methods, only 4 of which seemed to
T_
indicate a knowledge of m o d e m birth control methods.
This in­
vestigation revealed that only one out of from six to eight per­
sons possessed knowledge of birth control methods, and about one
out of three had tried birth control in the past.
The number of
cases in this study is not large enough, however, to allow valid
generalizations about the population of the whole city.
The Bank
Inside the walled city the primitive financial mechanism
is the pawnshop-
The pawnshop in China may be as popular as the
bank In Western countries.
The high rate of Interest on loans
and the small scale of business transactions of these pawnshops
make a high degree of economic development Impossible, but in the
city of immobile capital and minimum exchange economy, the pawn­
shop Is necessary for the poor.
A more advanced financial institution Is the native bank
(chlea chuang).
It is the traditional Chinese monetary organiza­
tion, the origin of which may be traced back to an ancient date.
Its function Is to accept deposits, extend loans, act as agent
for receipts and payments, and handle transactions in gold and
silver.
It differs from m o d e m banks In the following respects:
1 Lamson, on. cit.
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55
(X) it; is a partnership, with. the partners Jointly and severally
assuming unlimited responsibility; (2) the loans are not neces­
sarily granted against securities, but very often against personal
credit;
(5) it cannot issue notes; and (4) its system of bills
'X
has a very extensive function of its own.~
liative batiks have played a considerable role in the inte­
gration of traditional Ghina and are important in all cities, al­
though their capital is small and tliey are limited to small-scale
transactions.
However-, as the m o d e m banks came into China, the
native banks either voluntarily reorganized themselves into
modern banks or disappeared.
In Chinese cities the decrease
ranged from one-half to one-fifth.
p
her is still about 1*040.
At the present day their num-
The provincial banks, most of which have been located in
the capital cities of the provinces or the leading business cen­
ters or ports, are the vital financial institutions of a province.
There are eighteen of them in China, all of which have developed
-along the pattern of European institutions-
The recently devel­
oped m o d e m banks, which are not the native but banks organized.
In the Western manner (excluding the provincial banks), constitute
the important factor in the new economic orientation.
The stabil­
ity of the money market in recent years is the result of their
sound organization.
The largest of them are the Central Bank of
China, the Bank of China, and the Bank of Communications.
The Cen­
tral Bank of Chinn acta as a national bank, which has been proved,
to be successful in conserving the currency, maintaining th^ sta­
bility of the money market, and unifying the monetary system.
The m o d e m banks have exhibited a remarkable growth:
"Woodhead, The- Chinese Year B o o k , p. 522gI b l d ., pp. 523-34-
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56
The Increase In banking institutions has been very accel­
erated of rate.
Before .the first year of the Republic there
were altogether only nine modern banks.
In the first year
(1912) the number increased to fourteen.
Between 1913 end
1917, eighteen more banks were established.
The total number
increased to forty-three in 1918, and fifty-six in 1913;
1920 was an inactive year, on account of the great famine and
the general business to revive, an unusually largo number of
banks have come into exi st ence thl s year (1924=). Some of
them are still in process of organization, but it is certainly
a boom year when it already records an increase of thirtyfour banks lit six months.
The Increase will probably be fur­
ther accelerated during the course of the year.1
Foreign banks came into Shanghai in 1843 when the city
was opened under the terms of the Treaty of Hanking.
foreign banks began to expand.
After that,
"During the eighty years between
1Q4S and 1932, an average of one foreign bank was established in
China every year and the influence of foreign banks spread all
o
over the big cities............. Hie foreign banks, as well as all
the m o d e m bonks, are concentrated In the big cities:
In 1939, fifty—nine of the eighty-seven European and
American banks In China were found in six cities— Shanghai,
Tientsin, Peking, Canton, Hongkong, and Hankow.
With Darien
as the dominant center, Japanese banks have concentrated in
Manchuria.
Of the 102 Japanese banks, sixty—nine are In Man­
churia-3
The figures In Table 9 reveal that in 1925, and again in 1931,
more than 50 per cent of the head offices were in the eighteen
port cities.
It is the branches that are scattered, more than
three-fifths of them being located outside of the ten major cen­
ters.
It is readily seen that these cities are centers of domi­
nance, and that through the system of widely scattered branch
banks, these cities Integrate the various regions of China-4
The
native banks are less concentrated in the larger cities sueh as
“F. K- bee, Currency Banking and Finance in China, U.S.
Department of Commerce ("Trade Promotion Series,'' Ho. 27 [[Wash­
ington: Government Printing Office, 19271) , P!>- 70-72'^’”ooahead, The Chinese Year Book (1937), p. 535.
3Chao, o-o. cit. , pp. 146-47.
4Ibid.
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57
Shanghai and Peiping-
They are spread all over both large and
email cities.
TABLE 9
CONGENTRATXOK OF CHINESE BANKS IS CHINA®
Number
Ox
Cities
Branch
Offices
Head Offices
Number
Per
Cent
Number
Total
Per
Cent
Number
Per
Cent
1925b
Shanghai
Nine Cities
Other Cities2
Total
1
9
123
30
47
49
24
37
39
39
34
207
IB
25
63
69
131
256
15
27
56
133
126
1O0
330
100
456
lOO
1931d
Shanghai
Nine Cities
Other Cities.
Total
170
47
S2
SI
22
39
39
51
129
292
11
27
62
S3
211
273
14
31
35
180
210
lOO
472
lOO
682
lOO
1
9
aSource: Chao, o p . cit., p. 146, Table 43.
°Hongkong is not included.
“Tientsin, P e k i n g T s i n g t a o , Hankow, Canton, Hangchow,
Darien, Mukden, and. Harbin.
dChao computed his figures from L e e , o p . o i t . , pp. 161-79.
The Gild
Before the Introduction of the chamber of commerce from
the Western countries Into the Chinese cities, the gild system
was the similar Important social and economic organisation.
Both
the craft gild' and the provincial gild have been weakened in the
present day, but their organ!satlon and function merit study.
The Craft Gild
Before the twentieth century both the employees and the
employers composed the gild.
Admission to membership was strict
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58
In one place, but loose In. the other*.
After* a member* was admit ted,
the gild put Its sanction on him so that there ’.?oul& be consis­
tency and co-ordination among members.
Each gild, had its o'sn
regulations and methods of enforcing rules-
Usually a gild had a
committee to enforce its rules, to settle disputes between mem­
bers, and to communicate with other similar organisations.
short, the functions of a gild were:
In
to' fisc wages, to fix prices
of goods and prevent competition, to perform the duties of a
benevolent society, to settle disputes among those engaging in
the same activity, and, In some places, to fix weights and mea­
sures.
The Swaton gild exercised even greater control.
It
levied taxes, maintained a fire department, and determined the
rates of commission.^
municipal council.
The JTewchwang gild was a self—constituted
It maintained streets, drains, and reservoirs;
controlled the commons; and relieved the poor, supporting these
enterprises by levying dues, by tolls on bridges, taxes on trade,
and license fees.
p
A gild usually had. a glldhali for meetings and for wor­
ship :
hike the gild of Europe those in China have their own
patr-on saints. The druggists worship Hua To, the god of
medicine; the bankers, the god of wealth; the Swatow gild,
the Q,ueen of Heaven.
Others worship the Goddess of Mercy or
the God of War.'5
"On the fete days of the saint there Is frequently & pageant and
sometimes a feast in the glldhali followed by theatrical enterA
tainment.,!~ In addition to these occasions, members of the gild
gathered together in an annual meeting party for entertainment
“H. B. Morse, The Trade and Administration of China
(Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh , 1915), p. 4 3 S 2Ibid.
Gamble,
3Ibld. , p. 436.
op
. c l t . » p. 200.
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59
and Glscusslon.
The gild has now been somewhat modified.
employers form their own separate associations-
Employees and
Their organisa­
tions have been used as much for the purpose of controlling and
directing politics as to afford adequate industrial control.
The
most obvious case is the participation of the unions in the Revo­
lution of 1927-
The influence of unions and chambers of commerce
in promoting social advancement and in struggling for political
power is keenly felt in China as well as in the Western countries.
Let us examine some of the causes of the modification or the de­
cline of the gild.
Before the capitalistic era gilds functioned ’.veil both in
Chinese cities and European towns.
Since the Industrial Revolu­
tion, increasing specialization of production brought industry
into a more complex organisation.
ing.'
Gilds were gradually disappear­
So many problems of personal relationships, property, and
legal rights have been created, in modern society that the state
has had to settle disputes between organisations as well as indi­
viduals.
Released from the strict control provided by the gild,
industry gradually Is coming under the rigid control of the state,
then government steps Into industry* the gild loses its strict
function.
For example, the Gild of the Wholesale Soap Dealers In
Peking has been greatly weakened because the government has refused to protect it in the monopoly it previously enjoyed.
competition and individual ism also weakened the gild.
no way of controlling competition.
There was
Shanghai and Tientsin goods
competed with, each other in central!. China.
iraperscmalized industry.
Free
The factory system
The result was antagonism.
On the one
hand a number of employers* associations, together with chambers
■^Gamble* on. cit. , p. 200.
J
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so
of commence, have come into being in the big cities like Canton
and Hankow; on the other hand, labor organisations and trade
unions have appeared at the same timethe factory system has been introduced..
This is inevitable where
There are many other
reasons for the breakdown of the gild system.
ery put an end to apprenticeship;
The use of machin­
skill with machinery offers a
laborer several opportunities in employment.
Thus, he may shift
from one gild to another, and the gilds cannot maintain their
membership and enforce their rules.
Furthermore, the labor supply
is immeasurably increased, and dependence on the gild correspond­
ingly lessened.
The Provincial Gild
The provincial gild is an association of fellow-townsmen
or fellow-provincials dwelling in a distant city.
Xn former days,
people, especially business men -wh.o came from the same locality,
were expected to Join their provincial gild.
They wanted to do
things for their home place and to make acquaintances for selfbenefit or for their group’s' sake.
involuntary association.
In that sense, it was an
There is no social distinction in mem­
bership; subscription is not uniform.
It may be a. social or benevolent institution.
It assists
the destitute, rel5.eves the orphans and widows, sends back to the
province the corpses of the dead, defrays the burial expenses,
and provides relief for fellow-townsmen in case of need.
This
association Is very much like the Jewish Institutions of communal
life, such as the synagogue, the burial society, and the benevolent
society In the Ghetto, both in Europe and in the United States, as
described by Professor Wirth.~
^Xouls Wirth, The Ghetto (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1928).
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It may 1)© an economic Institution.
The members in a
3trange city are assisted by the gild or Its officers.
It pro­
tects trade interests, defends its members in lawsuits, and pro­
vides benefits to members in need.
The gild also exerts Its influence upon education by open'
log schools.
"The influence of the gild, too, is used to further
the commercial interests of the home town or province and to pro­
mote the political advancement of expectant or substantive offi•f
clals from the district represented."
The provincial gild has existed in every Chinese city
from ancient times.
In Shanghai, the Nlngpoo merchant gild is
the most powerful one influencing local affairs.
In Peiping
every province has one gild to help fellow provincial students
and merchants.
Chambers of Commerce and Unions
At the present time many trades are closely Interrelated.
Thus, the craft organizations will probably all be amalgamated
into an organization of the whole Industry.
The chamber of com­
merce (trade association modeled on the foreign chambers) is
essentially an inter—gild organization.
It serves the purpose of
Integrating the complex business community.
It may serve as a
court, acting through one of its committees to settle Industrial
disputes between those who are members of different gilds-
It
may act as a benevolent organisation to open schools, to help the
poor, and to engage In some other kind of benevolent work.
It
may be used as a body to influence local and national politics.
The total number o f chambers of commerce In 1930 reported
by the National Association of Chambers of Commerce was 2,-335.
^Sorse, on- cit. , p. 434-
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62
This represents the number of separate centers (towns) In the
provinces possessing a chamber of commerce.'*'
The Chinese unions evolved from the glide, but they are
modeled, on those of Western countries.
They serve to better the
working conditions of their members, to raise their level of liv­
ing, and to settle disputes among members of the same organisation
or of other organisations.
Sometimes unions are used as bodies
for collective bargaining, and they have been used as political
weapons in such times of political unrest as 1927.
The number of unions increases every year.
According to
the investigation of twenty-seven urban districts made by the Chi­
nese branch of the International Labor Organization in 1932, the
total number of labor unions was 64=7, but in the following year the
number had increased to 695. In 1934 It went up to 759, while in
O
1935 It increased to 823 (cf.Table 10). This large number of organ­
ized unions shows that the urban population in China is beginning
to differentiate and organize itself according to Its interests.
TABLE 10
NUMBER OF LABOR ONIONS AND LABOR—UNION MEMBERS IN
TMaSTY-SEVEN URBAN DISTRICTS IS CHINA., 1932-1935*
Number of Unions and Members by Year
Kind of
Union
Indus­
trial
Occupa­
tional
Total
1S32
1933
1934
1935
U» s
Members
U 's
Members
U's
Members
a* s
Members
111
133,229
116
133,179
123
130,753
104
118,273
536
288,100
579
289,551
636
332,367
719
350,967
647
421,329
695
422,730
759
462,742
823
469,240
^Source;
The Chinese Year Book (1S37), p. 764.
^Torgssheff, o n . olt.. p. 318.
2Cf - The Chinese Year Book (1937) , p. .764.
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CHAPTER IV
SHANGHAI
Int ro ductIon
The city of Shanghai lies near the mouth of the Yangtze
River, seventy— five miles from the open sea, on the west side of
the Vftiangpoo River at the Junction of Soochoe Creek.
Behind Shang­
hai lies the vast hinterland of the Yangtze Valley— an 'area of
755,000
square miles having a population, density of some two thou­
sand persons per square m i l e .^
The v?hangpoo River admits ships
from the ocean to the city, water communication links the city
with its tributary areas, and railways lead to Soochow, Hangchow,
banking, and other places.
located.
Geographically, Shanghai is Ideally
Because of topographic conditions In Horth China, and
because the hinterlands of other cities are limited by mountains
in the south, no one seaport is capable of becoming a serious rival
to Shanghai as a trade center.
Although Soochow and Hangchow for­
merly were the trade centers for this area, Shanghai has, for many
reasons to be explained later, usurped the position of focal point
of the Yangtze ValleyThe temperature and climatic conditions are most favorable
for the development of cotton, silk, rice, tea, tobacco, and other
raw materials.
In winter the temperature- seldom falls below 25°F.
and in summer it averages somewhere between 85°F- and 90°F.2
The
average temperature Is about 59, the humidity 79, and the rainfall
"*■&. B. Cressey , China* g Geography Foundation (Hew York:
McGraw-Hill Book C o . , 1334), pp. 304-5.
2,1Shanghai Climate, ” The Shanghai Journal. Vol. XVI (May,
1932) .
63
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64
Is 49 indues a year’-^'
The soli in Shanghai and its hinterland is
of alsost inexhaustible fertility.
deposit of the Yangtze.
It is entirely an alluvial
There is considerable difficulty in con­
structing tall buildings-
At the present time the highest one is
a fifteen— story structure.
The original cits'- of Shanghai was & fish market in 960 A.t?
It T?as walled in 1554 on account of the depredations of the Japan­
ese pirates.
It continued to grow as & small trade center.
In
1843. foreigners, seeking teas and silks and markets with which to
i
nourish their industries* asked for freedom of trade and residence
;
An agreement was signed between China and England that in coafora-
i
xty with the feelings of the aeoole, and the circus si arc e s of
i
locality of Shanghai* that the ground north of the Yang-king-pang,
and south of be-kea— chang (now Peking Hoad) should be rented to
English merchants, for erecting their buildings* and residing
upon.
In 1845 a Land Regulation was m a d e , but it did not contain
a complete description of the boundaries of the settlement.
The
eastern boundary was the Vihangpeo River; the southern, the Yangking-pang Greek; the northern, Le-kea-chang <Peking Road); but
the western boundary was left for the time undetermined; in 1846
it was fixed at Barrier Road (now Koran Road) .
The original area
of the settlement as thus defined was about 183 acres.
In 1848
the Engl I eh pushed the boundary westward as far as Defense Creek
(now Thibet Road); the extent of the area was thus Increased to
470 acres.
In 1853 an American settlement had begun to grow up
on the northern side of the soochow Creek* and on the bank of the
’Shangpoo to the east of the British Settlement.
This settlement
^"The Shanghai Civic Association* Statistics of -Shanghai
(Shanghai: The Shanghai Civic Association, 19-33) , p. S I .
J
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65
Xu»zj2Wj_H(/>
><0<5
hw
Ss;9u)n:2
0 b
o E“5|s£
II
0 PLiiSSs
“ON
9NVIH
nnox
, Fig. 2. A general map of "the city of Shanehoi
(Adopted from China Journal. XXII, No. 5, 264.)
J
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66
was not at first formally recognized and its limits were not d e ­
fined until a au.cn later date.
The approximate 'boundaries were
fixed in 1863 when omalgamation of the British and American settle­
ments was agreed upon, but there appears to have "been no final
delimitation until 1893. "The area then included in the American
Settlement was *7,856 (1,309 acres).
hors pressure was put on the Chinese side in 1898.
The
International Municipal Council ashed for an extension taking in
considerable land adjoining Jessefield Road in the western dis­
trict and Paoshan hsien end Poatang, where there were large tracts
of land and where mills had beer, erected.
The council failed to
get these districts* but the settlement continued, to build, extra
roads in Paoshen.
In 1899 the Honkow area of 1 ,S9S acres and the
western district of the settlement of 1*909 acres were added to
the International Settlements.
The Chinese government did not
want to give up the Paoshen and Chapeo districts* but Issued a
proclamation in the territory authorizing the council to collect
taxes and exercise municipal control because the foreigners had
already purchased large tracts of land and built a number of mills
there.
bet ua turn to the history of the French Concession.
In
1848 the French consul demanded a settlement for the merchants.
He stated that the land he wanted was where he lived and that his
demand was in conformity with the treaty.
Aiv area for a French
settlement was delimited under agreement in 1S49.
It was bounded
on the north b y the Yang-king-psng, & creek separating It from
the English Settlement.
This area Is 164 acres-
In 1854, be­
cause of the Talping Event* the French drove the insurgents out*
“Hon. S.1r. .Justice Feet ham* Be-oort to the Shanghai Munici­
pal Council {Shanghai Worth China Bally Sews and Herald, 1931 )T
I, 30....................... ..............
..........
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67
Fig. 3.— Expansion of settlements
in Shanghai. (From Mallory, Geographical
Review, XXII [April, 1932], 318. )
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68
■but this action enabled the Chinese imperial army to enter the
settlement.
The French ashed for damages and got 23 acres in
1861, the area southward along the much covered river front.
In
1S00 the French Concession added 152 acres to the west of the
concession and built roarls beyond the new boundaries to the west.
The French also wanted the land of the right bank of the Whangpoo
and the Poatung frontage opposite to the French Bund, where large
tracts of land were owned by British and American shipping firms.
The French Concession Is bounded by the International settlements,
the Chinese City, and the Whangpoo River in three directions.
can only expand toward the west.
acres was added to the concession.
It
In 1914 a new area of 2,617
This net* area 13 In the west,
which is suitable for resident purposes.
The wealthy isan, the
gambler, the political, refugee, and the white Russian, as well as
the prostitute, gather together there.
This 1914 expansion Is a
kind of political, bargaining; when the number of Chinese Increased
in the French Concession the Chinese demanded a voice in the coun­
cil.
In 1868 one Chinese was admitted to sit with the council
’without vote.
In 1S14 the French appointed two Chinese advisers
in return for the extension Instead of sending a warship to
Ranking to press the Chinese as they did in 1898.
The French
Concession thus covers 2,525 acres and has less than half a mil­
lion population of whom 12,300 are foreigners; If including the
area of the external road of 4S ralles, the foreigners may be
I O ,OOO more.
From the whole history of French Concession, one may
easily find out the self Interest of the French in the Chinese
soil.
At the very beginning the French trade in Shanghai was not
H. Mallory, "Shanghai," Geogranhlcal Revlew, XXII,
Ho. 2 (April, 1932), p. 319.
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69
large, 13141; France's ambition Has high.
She considered herself a
great power and her prestige nxust be maintained in Whsngpoo River
as well as elsewhere.
She ashed for exclusive control of French
Concession la 1849, refused to combine the Concession with the
British and American Settlement in 1S54, extended to include the
river frontage of twenty-three acres because of the pressure
exerted by the Compagnie MeBsageries maritime for wharfage space
but not because of the population pressure in 1861.
In 1899 the
French council controlled the registration of deeds in the Con­
cession and the French were given the most desirable sites.
This
exclusive control led to a political conflict between the British
and the French, but finally the French gave up the exclusive con­
trol in any -expansion.
The expansion in the year o f 1399 added
171 acres to thie west of the Concession.
A brief description of the fashion of Shanghai. *s growth
Is pertinent here.
The built-up area in the early days was mostly
within the Interna.t5.onal Settlements.
Shanghai's vertical expan­
sion was impossible for lack of transportation facilities.
With
the rapid development of transportation after 1910, however,
Shanghai spread into the Chinese territory and elsewhere and n ow
is in a starlike fashion.
river front) is the center.
The British settlement (the Bund or
A newly built area extends along the
Woo sung Railroad from Chapel to Kiangwan In the north; the builtup area following the Whangpoo River and the Hanking-Hingpo Rail­
road continues to develop toward the south.
However, the most
significant expansion proceeds more rapidly toward the west, from
hanking Road to Bubbling Well Road where the big buildings are
located and t h e traffic is congested.
If I were asked to show
the trend of Shanghai's expansion in a straight line I should
draw It from Hanking Road through Bubbling Well Road to the Great
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70
FO O T S
woosd
C IT Y
CMIPAO
T HE
SHANGHAI
DISTRICT
S H O W IN G - S E T T L E M E N T A M O C O N C E S S IO N
BOUMO A M IS S
■ O U N O A R IS S O F TME M U N IC IP A LIT Y
o r G REA TERSH A N GH A I
T H E U RBA N O R B U IL T -U P C IT V
A S IT S T O O D IN IB IO A M O IN
IB S O . A N D A S U G G E S T IO N A S
T O M O W I T M A Y A P P E A R B Y ISSO
PRCFARCO B r n S I R R E A L T Y CO M PA N Y
FBBtRAL INC U.& A
a P N IL I9 3 Z
Fig. 4.— Shanghai's expansion In starlike
fashion.
(From J. S. Potter, The China Journal. XVI.
No. 5 [May, 1932J, 255.)
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71
Westex*n Road.
Land values follow the same trend.
The highest
value Is the area near Hanking Road or the Bund? next in Bubbling
'■'ell Road, and lower In the Great Western Road.
By 1935 an area
of* Bundslde property was valued at more than four millions while
in 1842 only two hundred dollars ( M e x ) B a d e in I860 a tract of
34.5 m ow at Hanking-, Tibet, and ehehklng Roads was sold at Tls. 84
per mow.
"Later, 1882 the old Town Hall site on Hanking Road was
o
acquired at Tls. 3,750 per J i o w . T h a t means In twenty-two years
the land value Increased more than fifty-eight times in Hanking
Road.
"In IS63 the piece of swamp land on
n ow stands brought Tls. 30 per mow.
Vv’h l c h
the Race Course
In 1866 23 mow farther out
on Bubbling Well Road changed hands at Tls. 20 per mow.
It Is
due to the rapid increase of land values and buildings that Shang­
h a i ’s total, real estate value is at Tls. 5,000,000,000 of which
Bome Tal. 3,000,000,000 or more is in land and Tls. 2,000,000,000
in buildings.
The total real estate of Chicago is about
30,000,000,000--six times more than Shanghai.
On account of the
high land value, the factories have to limit their space, some­
times to move out from the high, rent area; the residential area
also moves out from it.
As we know, as soon as the m o d e m trans­
portation and the power-Biachine-in&ustry developed, Shanghai’s
expansion was toward the area outside the International Settle­
ments.
The former British Settlement is no longer an aggregation
of many districts but is only a business center of Shanghai where
the department stores, offices, theatres, retail and wholesale
stores are located.
The high rent of this area drives the factory
1
Amanda Boyden, "Changing Shanghai," National Geop.-ra.rihlcal
Magazine, LXXII, Ho. 4 (Oct., 1937), 4S7.
~J- S. Potter, "Shanghai1s spreading Acres," The China
Journal, XVL, Ho. 5 (May, 1932), 257.
5Ibid........
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72
and residential bull ding out of* It.
-.'any nerr factories have
located recently In H antao, Hanghow, Chapel, and Poatung.
The
population moved from the International Settlements to the Chinese
territory and the 'rest suburbs of the International Settlements.
Tills tendency was obvious from the year 1852.
Factors in the Growth of Shanghai
Since IS SI s, when the Yangtze River was opened, Shanghai ’s
trade has rapidly increased.
Flth the advent of modern machinery
and the extension of technical services, transportation was
cheapened and quickened, large scale industry developed, and popu­
lation tended to concentrate in Shanghai.
Ihirther-more, its vast
hinterland supplied it with cheap labor and raw materials.
major factors In Shanghai’s growth are, briefly,
of trade and industry,
These
(2) the increase
(2) the I m p r o v e m e n t or extension of tech­
nical services, (3} the Increase of population and cheap labor,
(4} tire vast fertile hinterland, and {5} political security.
1. The Increase of Trade and Industry
Two important facts should be observed, namely, the In­
creased rate of the value of all trade Increased faster than the
increased rate of population in Shanghai.
Trade conditions in
Shanghai reflect both the world economy and trade conditions In
China.
The value of trade nearly doubled itself In the second
decade, of the nineteenth century,- being Tls. 556,774,4:63 in 1921,
and Tls. 1,111,044,038 in 1831.2
The value of trade In Shanghai
reached Its climax in 1931 when It constituted 47 per cent of all
Chinese trade.
In 1930 a n d ;1931 the world price of silver fell
"K'i’oodJaead, China Year Book. 2924 (Tientsin: The Tientsin
Press, 1924).
~vVoodhend, China Year Rook. 1931 (Shanghai: The Morth
China Dally Bess and Herald, 1931) .
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73
abruptly; consequently, the prices of all foreign commodities,
when converted into Chinese currency, become higher than before.
This increase in prices accounted for the increase in the foreign
trade figure of China.
since September, 1931, -when England and
Japan went off the gold standard, the exchange rates of foreign
currencies began to fall, and the prices of foreign commodities,
1
when converted into Chinese currency, also fell ’with them.
From
1933, Shanghai accounted for more than half of the trade of China
(in 1S33, 53.4 per cent; 1934 , 56.6 per cent; 1935, 53.7 per cent;
and 1936, 56.1 per cent).
This does not mean that Shanghai’s
foreign trade has proportionally increased, because since August,
13-32- Manchurian exports and imports have been excluded from the
figure for all China; thus the percentage which Shanghai trade
constitutes has become larger.
In 1934, the United States began
to raise the price of silver; this caused a deflation in Chinese
currency and cut down foreign trade.
Thus far we have noted the effects of the world depression
and silver depreciation on the value of foreign, trade of Shanghai;
but the figures on trade do not present a very clear picture of
the development of
industry in Shanghai.
There is no way of sep­
arating Shanghai's
industrialization from the vicissitudes of the
foreign trade upon
which it depends.
Another index of the importance of Shanghai to the economy
of China is shown in customs revenue.
Shanghai in 3.900 accounted
for 44.1 per cent of the total customs revenue of the whole na­
tion; in 1930 it constituted 47.9 per cent.
p er cent means & great deal.
The increase of 3.8
The customs revenue of the whole
nation increased rapidly, but the custom revenue of Shanghai in­
creased more rapidly.
^T>. K. bleu,
Computed in index numbers with 1900 as the
op
. c l t . » pp. 143—47.
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74
base year, the custom revenue of the whole nation in 1930 was 790,
and of Shanghai 1217.*
From 1900 to 1930 the custom revenue In­
creased eleven times; from 1921 to 1931 the value of all- trade
doubled.
Before Shanghai became a treaty port all the trade of
China was carried oil in Canton.
After Shanghai was opened, to
foreign trade it left Canton by the wayside.
The Shanghai contri­
bution to the total Chinese export trade rapidly rose to one-third
in 1851 and to considerably over one-half in the years immediately
follovd.ng.~
After the openeirig of the Yangtze ports in 1881 and
1862 the import trade of Shanghai doubled from 1860 to 1863.
The
most important trade which Shanghai took over from Canton at this
time was cotton, tea, and silk.
One may judge what type of city Shanghai is by its trade
and the importation of the manufactured products which promote
its industrial development.
quantities of cotton.
Formerly Shanghai imported large
The quantity decreased gradually from 1924,
until in 1955 the total value was only one—thlrtietli of that of
1925 but still one-third of v«hat is imported into the country.
This shows the development of the cotton spinning industry in •
Shanghai.
The Importation of raw cotton and textile machinery
also decreased.
The exportation of silk, was affected toy the world
economic depression.
The value of silk exported in 1934 was only
about one-tenth that of 1 9 2 9 -3
The largest quantity of wheat
flour exported in 1933 was from Shanghai.
The importation of
both industrial raw materials and machinery to Shanghai was high­
est in 1931 and for the whole country was highest in 1830.
The
^-Woodhead, China Year Book, 1912-1932.
c>
~ H . B- Morse, The International Relation eh ins of the
Chinese Bapire (Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh, 1910), p. 358.
*3
Lieu, on. cit.. p. 149.
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75
manufactured products imported in China came almost exclusively
into Shanghai.
2. The I.T.provement or Extension
of Technical Services
The development of the Yangtze l-Hver and canals for trans­
portation has shortened the distance from one port
011
the Yangtze
to another, and from the Yangtze Valley to the ocean-
Shanghai
sas the geographic center for the distribution of imports and the
outlet for exported goods; it was not until the Yangtze ports
sere opened that trade appreciably Increased.
The rail-way, tram
car, automobile, electricity, water worts, telegraphy, telephone,
airplane, and other foreign inventions were rapidly introduced to
the masses of urban population.
This meant that population and
raw materials were dragged, into the city.
Before the twentieth
century, when m o d e m technical services had not yet been intro­
duced into Shanghai, the Shanghai community was homogeneous.
There was no social stratification, no municipal government.
Public roads and ferries were the only public services.
The Com­
mittee of Ferry and Road took the form of government with an
annual expenditure of S3,841 o n l y .~
The three bridges which now
cross Hongkow Creek were built of wood, and tolls were collected
from those who used them.
Young men took up the service volun­
tarily in fire brigade -with eagerness and enjoyed the excitement.
The fire w e l l , the creek, and river were the only available sources
upon which the fire engine could draw.
Fire alarma were given by
the church bell and the firing of three guns from the senior manof-war in port and the bell of the steamers in harbors.
Later in
18S5 a big bell was erected at the central fire station.
A land
renter made his own road and handed it over to the municipal
Potter,
op.
cit., pp. 7Q-76.
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76
council t:o keep it.
made the road.
Later on, tlie council bought the land or
Streets were lighted at night with, oil lamps- C5-as
was not used for street lights until 1855.
Electricity was used for lighting the Bund in 1883 hut not
developed for industrial purposes until 1911.
Electricity made
possible the location of factories both inside and outside the
International Settlement.
Since 1932 the fact cries outside the
International Settlements (but Inside the Chinese territory) in­
creased at a considerably faster rate with the use of electric
power.
In regard to electric consumption, between 1911 and 1931
the total number of units sold rose from 7,919,410 to 755 ,547 »907.
The average annual sale of Industrial power from 1S30 to 1934 was
511,233,000 •kilowatt—hours of which 77.8 per cent was consumed by
cotton mills, 7.3 per cent by flcur mills, 1.3 per cent by rubber
p
works, and 1.28 per cent by silk mills."' Districts well supplied
with electric power have many more factories than, those equally
well situated but without adequate electric power.
V/ater works are also being Improved.
of 1,699,225 gallons of water was used dally.
In 1921 an average
In I S 35 the Inter­
national Settlement alone consumed about 55,000,000 gallons every
3
twenty— four hours.
The Nanking—Shanghai and Shanghai—Kankow—Ningpo railways
are essential to the esp&nsion of Shanghai.
By these means the
native products are brought to Shanghai and the imports of foreign
goods are distributed 5„n the hinterland.
However, foreign inven­
tions like railroads were getting too far ahead of the ideas and
■^The China Press, The silver Jubilee of the Republic of
China (1936), p. 74.
2
J. C. Orchard, BShanghai»'' The Geographical Review,
XXVI, No. 1 (lan., 1936), 26.
3
The China Press, oo. cit. . p. 134.
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77
customs of* the people.
Mien Shanghai
t?g s
opened to foreign trade,
the residents; in ?/oosung were afraid of the railroad passing
their community.
mosa in 1875.
They tore up and shipped the rails to the For­
The case was different at the beginning of the
nineteenth century when Shanghai controlled 45 p er cent of the
value of trade of the whole country. Raw material had to be trans­
ported to Shanghai* and foreign food to its hinterland.
Shanghai
seemed to be the best port in the Yangtze Delta connecting six
hundred miles of railroad.
The number of passengers carried by these railroads is
closely related to the value of trade in Shanghai in the years
1925 to 1934.
Both of them reached their climax in 1931.
P as­
senger traffic declined in 1927 when the Revolution reached the
region of the Yangtze near Shanghai and in 1932 when the Japanese
invaded Shanghai.
The number of passengers carried by these two
lines reached a maximum of 18,969,130 in 1931.
The number of
passengers of the Banking-Shanghai Railroad increased annually
from the years 1925 to 1931 and reached its climax of 10,750,306
in 1934, but there was an irregular fluctuation in the case of
the Shanghai-Hangchow-JJingpo Railroad.
Mobility measured by the movement of the city folk is
more significant Inside the city than outside.
The number of
people going out of and coining into Shanghai via these two rail­
road lines is 15,973,770^ in a year, but a total of nearly
120,000,000 passengers were carried by trams and the trackless
traras of the Shanghai Electric Construction Company,
hot less
than 150 trains pass the most congested c o m e r of Hanking and
p
Checking Roads in a rush hour.
In Shanghai a tram may carry an
■*l.ieu,.
op
', oit. , p. 414.
% h e Shanghai Journal. XXXJ. (May, 1935), 357.
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78
average of 70 to 80 persons-
Thus there would be frora 9,000 to
10.000 persons passing the congested corner on trams alone in. an
hour-.
In 1933 there vrere 141 buses in daily service, about 53
miles of tram lines, sand several, thousands of miles of* motor
highways between Shanghai and other distant cities.
Automobiles
were introduced into Shanghai in 1922 and. are considered expensive
service facilities.
Within eight years (from 1926 to 1934} the
number of automobiles more than doubled (from 4,010 to 9,337),
but the less expensive bicycle increased about three times (from
9,817 to 32,916).
As the modern, technical services developed,
the carriage and the wheelbarr-oi? rapidly disappeared.
3.
The Increase of Population
Shanghai's population tripled itself within the twentyfour years from 1910 to 1934.
That is, it has been increasing at
the rate of about 100,000 per- year.
fluctuations in the growth.
However, there are some
The population increased less than
100.000 from 1S10 to 1920, but more from 1920 to 1930, approxi­
mately 100,000 from 1930 to 1934 except in 1938 when the Japanese
invaded Shanghai.
to 1S34.
The populatIon remained quite stable from 1930
Taking 1S30 as an index of increase, then, lOO In 1930,
we find Index numbers of 104 in 1931, 103 In 1932, 109 in 1933,
and 113 in 1934Taking the three areas (the Chinese territory, the Inter­
national Settlements, and the French Concession.) separately,' we
find that within twenty— five years (1910—1935) the Chinese terri­
tory gained 1,475,642 population, that is, an increase of 259 per
cent; the International Settlements gained 647,902 population, or
129 per cent; and the French Concession gained 398,094, or 342.2
per cent.1
The Chinese territory gained the large ot number of
^ i e u , oo. elt., pp. 396 and 423-
lieu has no figures
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79
population, but the t'renoh Concession had the highest rate of in­
crease from the year 1910 to 1935.
The high increase is due primarily to migration.
excess of births over deaths cannot account for it.
The
For example,
the excess of births over deaths ■was -3,950 in 1935 and 24,486 in
1936.
This small, natural increase cannot account for- the greatly
increased population in Shanghai.
We do not know how many people
come into Shanghai each year, but we do too— that In the Chinese
territory from 1929 to 1934, there were 161,25-5 more people coning into the Chinese territory than were going out from i t .
Without a doubt, this large number of immigrants are mostly labor­
ers from the neighboring districts.
In a study of the number of
factory laborers In various Industries in Shanghai, it was found
that the number of laborers Increased from 223,680 In 1928 to
312,914 In 1930.2
The reasons for the significant Increase In the population
of the Chinese territory In Shanghai may b e :
first, lower ren­
tals in the Chinese territory; second, the migrants first settle
at the periphery of the city, which means the Chinese territory;
third, the development of transportation facilities in the Chinese
area.
People have begun to move out from the International Settle­
ments Into the Chinese territory because of the lower rentals In
the latter area.
The assessed value of buildings in the Inter­
national Settlements was Increasing In a fluctuating trend.
The
number of vacant houses increased faster during the years from
1931 to 1934.
The percentage of vacancies In high-rent foreign-
etyle houses was greater than in the Chlnese-style houses In
for 1935 on the French Concession, so we added the average numeri­
cal Increase for the last five years (1930—1934) to the population
o f 1934 to obtain the population for 1935.
^ l e u , o p ♦ cit. , p. 397.
The Shanghai Association, o p . cit., chap. ix, p. 1.
J
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30
1934, the former being: 13.? and the latter being 7 per cent.
Be­
cause land values are low in the Chinese territory the factories
established in the Chinese territory can own more space.
There
is also cheaper labor and equal convenience in communication com­
pared with the International Settlements.
That is why more fac- •
tories were built in 1933 than, before in the Chinese territory.
The mileage of both paved and un.paved roads in Shanghai has in­
creased in all three areas, but it increased, faster in the Chinese
territory.
In the year IS20» the Chinese territory had 93,786
miles, the International Settlement, 175,516, and the French Con­
cession, 55,915.
In 1934, the Chinese territory had 213,487, the
International Settlement 183,02S, and the French Concession
64,617.^
In regard to Shanghai’s outside growth, we may quote
Potter’s observation as follows:
Most significant In Shanghai’s building statistics for
the past few years Is the Increasing figure for construction
outside of the Settlement and Concession boundaries.
Out of
the total of Tls. 62,351,259 in building permits for 1931,
the outside areas provided Tls. 16,940,844.
This is more than
twice the amount for the French Concession and nearly half of
that for the International Settlement.
Up to 1925 the outside
areas ran only Tls. 1,000,000 or less per year, less than five
per cent.
By 1928 the figure had risen to 10 per cent, by
1930 to 16 1/2 per cent, and by 1931 to 27 per" cent. The
city’s growth is actually forcing an Increasing amount of de­
velopment outside of the boundaries.2
Cheap labor is generally accepted as a vital factor in
Shanghai's growth.
It Is the human resource of the Yangtze Delta
in which Shanghai is situated.
The cheap laborers are migrants.
The writer investigated the village near by the University of
Shanghai three years ago.
In that village almost all the forty
householders came from the small villages neighboring Shanghai The laborers first sett3.e down at the periphery of the city near
1Lleu, op. cit. , p. 402.
•2Potter, op. cit. (May, 1932}-
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81
the Yangtzenoo or Chapel district.
As their economic status im­
proves, they move Into the residential area in the industrial dis­
trict.
In normal times there are about 230,000 industrial workers
in the International Settlements and in. the whole of Shanghai the
number is about 300,000.
4.
The Vast Fertile Hinterland
Shanghai has a vast fertile hinterland willch supplies it
with silk, cotton, rice, tea, tobacco, and other important mate­
rials.
The availability of cotton and tobacco brought 64 of
China’s 136 cotton mills and 43 of her 60 tobacco factories to
Shanghai.
On the other hand, the quality of the raw material
from its hinterland is not high, and some raw materials have had
to be imported.
foreign trade.
raw material.
This has led to the development of Shanghai’s---Shanghai still uses a large quantity of imported
Many cotton mills depend on American cotton; wheat
flour mills depend on Canadian or Australian wheat.
5.
Political- Security
The state-anal that security is one of the main causes for
Shanghai's growth is not true to the factswas already a stsall trade center.
Before 1S42 Shanghai
bliether or not the foreigners
had come in, as soon as China developed both her foreign and do­
mestic trade Shanghai was to become a trade center.
The estab­
lishment of the two foreign settlements as places of safety and
stability avoiding civil war and foreign Invasion simply accel­
erated the process of urbanization in Shanghai by absorbing the
large population from outside.
During the Talping Event in 1852,
a great number of the population fled Into the foreign settle­
ments from Shanghai’s neighboring districts,
so that the Chi­
nese population numbered half a
the
million
In
foreign settle-
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raent s.■*' These refugees did not; stay there permanently; cany of
. them returned to their former homes.
The result of this
tos
that
whole streets of newly built houses were deserted, a long line of
warehouses along the river front representing nearly T l s . 1,500,000
lay empty, wharves stood disused, and land values were greatly de­
flated.
How many people stayed in Shanghai at that time, no rec­
ord. can be found, but the population, of Shanghai In 1870 was only
250,000.
If this figure Is reliable, one may say that only a
minority of the refugees stayed there.
Physical Structure of Shanghai
The physical structure of Shanghai is much like that of
any Western commercial metropolis.
The heart of the city, the
central business district, commences at the Bund or river-front
end of Hanking Road and continues all the way up that thorough­
fare into Bubbling Well Road.
soochow Creek is the north boun­
dary and Avenue Jaffre the south.
Soochow Creek cuts a sinuous
path down through the city and joins the bhangpoo at the northern
end of the Bund.
Raw materials and food supplies are brought In
from country districts.
The "Khangpoo River is shallow; ships
must either anchor In the- streams or berth at some distance from
the business district.
Topographically speaking, both the
Yangtzepo District and Wushung are better situated than the area
which we now call the central business district.
The central business district was built up by political
forces rather than natural forces.
This area was the British
Settlement in 18-45, when Britishers were allowed to acquire land
south to the Yanghlngpong, east to the Whangpoo River, and north
to Honan Road.
V-
Two years later they pushed the boundary westward
L. H- Pott, pp. cit., p. 5S.
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83
Fig. 5.— The regional development; of the city of
Shanghai.
(Map adopted from Justice Feetham, Report to
the Shanghai Municipal Council, p. 356 Ccrosshatchlng by
■cne author J.)
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84
as far as Defense Creek (Tibet .Road) .
The Talping Event In 1852
brought half a million population into this .area.
Cheap Chinese
shanties for refugees were built in what is now Hanking Road,
which has become the most congested section of the city.
As
Shanghai developed Into a great commercial center, better build­
ings and large department stores sprang up.
The trend of exten­
sion of the central business center Is always west’-vard.
From
1845 up to 1900, residential dwellings have been crowded out of
this area, and stores and office buildings have been rapidly
bulIt.
The central business area is doiQiJiated by stores, depart­
ment stores, office buildings, legal firms, commission merchants,
newspaper and printing firms, banks, and exchange stores.
There
are also hotels, theatres, restaurants, dance halls, consulates,
municipal buildings, a few bus terminals and wharves and ware­
houses along the Bund, but there are no railroad terminals.
are at the periphery of Shanghai.
They
The most significant feature
in this area Is the huge bank buildings standing along the Bund
for miles.
cal control-
The foreign banks are Interested in trade and politi­
In the history of the Chinese civil war*, one finds
that foreign banks played an important part behind the scenes.
Chinese banks have also tried to dominate many fields of Interest
by opening branches In almost all cities in China.
Relations be­
tween foreign and domestic banks are often in a state of
tive-oooperstion.B
compel I-
The extent of their conflict and accommodation
depends upon international relations.
There Is no ssone of deterioration but there are a few de­
teriorated belts both in the north and the south of the central
business district.
These belts are groups of lanes behind or
among the big stores.
Each lane consists of rows of either double
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85
or multiple dwellings.
The owners of these unsanitary crowded
buildings are real estate companies owned by the rich merchants
who reside at t h e periphery of the city.
The dwellers are those .
of low income dio like to live near the downtown area.
They are
shopkeepers, waiters, artisans, men and women in domestic and
transportation services, old professional prostitutes who estsblish houses of prostitution, and “field workers," street-walkers,
who take men to their cheap rooms or to hotels.
The deteriorated
belts are the regions in which vice, crime, and other definite
indices of social disorganization bulk large.
At night, hundreds
of "field workers" with their "adopted mothers" walk along Xianhing
Road and Tibet Road where most of the hotels and low-class theatres
are located, with prostitution houses near by.
The "adopted
m o ther1' usually talks to the man on the street for the "field
worker" and for this service gets all or part of the money.
On
the sidewalks of the three big department stores, hundreds of
them set eyes upon the passers-by.
Men dressed in foreign, styles
are seldom caught b y them, but those with long gowns and smiling
faces are always grasped.
People who come to Shanghai from small
towns certainly feel excited about this rough behavior, but the
police in the International Settlements permit this underworld
enterprise.
The industrial districts are nearer to the means of trans­
portation. by water and rail than the central business districts
in Shanghai.
six parts.
The Industrial areas in Shanghai may be divided into
The mills and factories were first built in the
Yangtzepo region near the Whangpoo River-
This region is the
most important one, where large cotton spinning ana weaving mills
are located.
The Chapel ares near the terminus of the Kanklng-
Skanghai Railway is occupied by small concerns such as silk fila—
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as
turesj weaving sheds, knitting mills, machine shops, and chemical
works-
Along Soochow Creek, several miles beyond Jessfield Park,
there are large cottoa^ flour, jute mills and chemical works.
The Kantao District of the Chinese City is occupied by small ma­
chine shops, spinning and weaving factories, chemical works# and
ship-building docks.
In Paotung, there are large numbers of
cotton, paper, and tobacco enterprises and oil warehouses.
Trie Yangtzepo district is the oldest.
It tas chosen to
be the industrial center because of its physical proximity to the
central, business district and to transportation facilities.
There
are wharves for big transports to carry raw materials in and fin­
ished commodities out.
railway or a river:
Each of the six areas mentioned is near a
the Yangtsepo district lias the advantage of
the Whsngpoo River, Chapei has the Hanking-Shanghai Railway, the
Han'tao area has the Ykangpoo River and the Nlngpo-Kanchcs- Shanghai
Railway, Paotung has the Whangpoo River, and the area on the west
is on Sooehow Creek.
The workingmen* s houses are not separate from the indus­
trial. districts, nor do they fora a zone.
adjacent to the factories.
They are in between or
The Yangtsepo workingmen live near
the factories in areas of low rental comprised of huts, company
houses, or similar types of dwellings.
The huts are made of very
inflammable materials such as matting, straw, bagging, old boards,
and the like.
There you can discover shoulder high huts with any odds
and ends such as broken pieces of wood, grass, reed or dis­
carded iron sheets serving as tile for the roof; for windows
there are little holes in the mud wall; rain or shine, summer
or winter, the same darkness, dampness and dirty smells pre­
vail.
Some have a few pieces of broken-down furniture coated
with slimy dust so that one cannot.tell the material of which
it is made, some even without what could be called a chair
for the occupants not only sit on the ground but sleep on it
as well.1
^Lleu, on. cit. , p. 1.72-
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S7
Those workers who cannot afford, to pay rent in company'
houses or better types of dwellings just "squat" on a tiny piece
of land on which they build their huts.
b a d , and furniture is simple.
houses built In rows.
Sanitary conditions are
The company houses are two-story
There is a paved alley in front of the
buildings, but the interior of the structures warrant the asser­
tion that these factory dwellings are in even worse condition
than the native type of building.
They have one room upstairs
and two downstairs. Including a small kitchen at the back.
This
1 b called one residence, and rentals are from eight to ten dol­
lars per month.
Ordinary -working families cannot afford to pay
this sum for rent;
gether.
therefore, three or four families live to­
Xn Larason’s study of 221 families, the average number of
persons per room came to 3.13 while the average rooms per family
was 0.94.
It is interesting to note, Lam son asserts, that the
amount of property owned by these families Is much smaller than
that of the village families studied.
Some factory workers live
with the small merchants and shopkeepers in better houses.'5'
Factory, workingmen's house, and slum go together in.
Yangtzepo and In the Chapel district.
huts made of straw and mud.
stream.
In the slum people live in
They drink and wash In the same
Sanitary conditions are unspeakable.
are left uncovered.
Garbage and sewage
"Birty dampness pervades the atmosphere in
the vicinity of these human habitations."
Ho information is
available on the occupation and income of the people in the slum,
but they are probably bargera, unskilled laborers, and loiterers.
In the last several years, the city government of Greater
Shanghai has spent about eight hundred thousand Chinese dollars
^K. I). Lam son, "The Housing Condition of Shanghai* s
Labor,1’ The Chinese Economic Journal. XI, No. 1 (July, 1932) 149—
150.
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OS
In ■building; up
modern villages to remove the slum areas and to
furnish better homes for the working classes-
But sometimes the
people In the slum areas have refused to move.
Hear Chi rig Kland
Road, Chapel, there Is a vacant lot of about eight "mow"
utilized
by the poor from Vernlng and Y on-Cheng as eltes for their mudhuts.
At the beginning of this year the oraer of the lot wanted
to build houses there for renting, but these squatters refused to
move, giving one tiling or another as excuses.
After much negoti­
ation and mediation, the owner was to give each of the latter flfP
teen dollars and two "twans11 of rice, and the squatters were to
move away in 24 hours.
However, fifty—nine refused to move in
.spite of the agreement.
They got a mob of two hundred persons
and planned an attack.
The residential areas extend from Bubbling Well Bead down
west of the International Settlements to Yu Yuen Road and from
Avenue Jaffre down west to the end of the same road at the French
Concession.
Some are in I-Torth Szechuen Hoad.
areas are-.called "li" or villages.
Within each "II" there are
lanes where dwellings are built in rows.
s. residential community.
sub-business centers.
Many of these
Each "11" Is walled as
Many of them are between stores in the
They are owned b y real estate companies,
banks, and wealthy merchants.
Sometimes several rows of build­
ings stand alone in a district.
The residents of these areas are
professional m en, white-collar people, Chinese officials, retired
militarists and their relatives and friends, merchants of higher
Income, and the like.
They go to the business center In the morn­
ing and come back; at night.
They can afford to educate their
^One "mov?" Is about 1/6 of an acre.
2
A "Ivan" is about ICO pounds.
d a m s o n , The Chinese Economic Journal.. XI, 173.
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39
children in high schools on colleges, and can afford recreation
and medical care.
They associate with the upper classes and ex­
ploit the working man.
The majority of 'them say nothing against
the municipal government, even when threatened, nor do they sup­
port the labor movement when the laborers arc suppressed.
This
type of Chinese td.ll sell his soul to earn a. living.
Beyond the area of multiple dwellings or the "li" there
is an area of single-family dwellings in the Western style, owned
by both Chinese and. foreigners.
The residents are Chinese offi­
cials having high posts in the government service, retired mili­
tarists and politicians, head gangsters, 'bankers, industrialists,
compradors, lawyers, doctors, managers of firms, and the like.
They can afford a bodyguard and a car.
Western language is
preferable and Western ways of living are popular in these areas.
This is more true in the areas west of the International Settle­
ments and the French Concession.
It has been said that the higher the economic and social
status a man has the higher will be the value of land in the area
in which he lives-^
Segregation and natural Areas
The segregation of population and the formation of natu­
ral areas is apparent in Shanghai and other Chinese cities.
Ac­
cording1to Parts: such segregation of pojjulation is made on the
T
R. E. Park, "Community Organisation and the Romantic
Temper,” The C i t y , ed. Park and Burgees (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1925) , p. 13.5.
H. W. Zorbaugh, HThe Statural Areas of the City,” Urban
Community, ed. Burgess (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1936), pp. 222-223.
T-. Wirth, "A Bibliography of the Urban Community,” The
C i t y ,ed. Park and Burgess, pp. 203-4.' Park and Zorbaugh empha­
size land value as the selective factor In the settlement of popu­
lation.
Wirth also stressed the factors of land values as of pri­
m ary Importance In the distribution of various elements in the'
city.
J
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90
basis first; of language and culture,, and secondly of raoe.^
The
most; significant of these areas in Shanghai are the Russian Com­
munity In the French Concession, the Cantonese district in Forth
Szechuen Road, and the Japanese section in Hongkew.
The v.hite Russians first arrived in Avenue Joffre and
Rue Lafayette In the French Concession and later settled there
permanently.
Their number now reaches 2,200.
It was very slowly
that the ever-growing Russian community managed to become selfsupporting.
It had to be content with a standard of living far
below that demanded "by other foreigners.
The Prussians became
bodyguards, watchmen, chauffeurs, garage mechanics, bus drivers,
and train Inspectors; a few owned food shops In Avenue Joffre. In
time, a number found employment In the foreign municipal services
as park keepers, police, etc.
The women became stenographers,
cinema attendants, nurse girls, ship assistants, and professional
dancing partners.
than it was.
Their present economic condition is much better
They own some property of their own.
Avenue Joffre Is two long rows of Russian shops, cares,
.dressmaking establishments, millinery and hairdressing establish­
ments,
shoe stores, small drapers* shops, provision stores, and
photographic studios.
Russian signs are everywhere, although
some are owned by the Chinese.
Their social Institutions are also
far better organized than before.
There is no Russian consulate
in. Shanghai.
The Russian Immigrant 3 Committee grants Identity certifi­
cates and assists Russians to register and to obtain pass­
ports, but its main function is to coordinate the community's
social and charitable activities.
It had fifty—two different
Russian societies affiliated with It— charitable organiza­
tions, unions of ex-soldlers, social clubs, mutual help
-I
R. E. Park, ’’The Urban Community as a Spacial Pattern
and a Moral Order,” Urban Community, ed. E. ?/. Burgess, P- 9.
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91
_ y .
_
„
-
Co77v r n t A 7 i } f y
Fig. 6.— The natural areas of the city
of Shanghai.
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92
societiesj schools, cultural study groups, trade and profes­
sional organizations
They have their own school and newspaper, and they are constantly
struggling to raise themselves up to the seme level as the other
foreigners and to overcome their state of disorganization and un­
rest.
The second generation speaks English and probably Chinese
as well as Russian.
parents load.
They have fewer difficulties than their
There has been no tendency so far for Russians to
intermarry with Chinese, but some observers have been worried
about the future of the Russians because the political tide is
against them since they have no chance to go back to Russia.
Thousands of Cantonese in Shanghai speak a different dia­
lect and live in different ways from the rest of the ChlneseThey establish their own schools, churches, recreational institu­
tions, and typical Cantonese restaurants.
Formerly they were
compradors, employees, storekeepers, restaurant owners, or waiters.
nowadays their occupations vary.
The second generation mingles
with the Shanghai natives and migrants; however, they still speak
Cantonese.
The Japanese section has a national unity which is so
strong that the- residents consider themselves almost an indepen­
dent nation.
own array.
They have built a garrison, and they maintain their
Their daily military rehearsal disturbs the peace not
only in the areas adjacent to them but in the whole.city as well.
The Chinese resistance of January 26, 1931, was the symbol of pro­
test against the domination of the Hangkow section by the Japanese
and the extension of their political influence.
With fear of in­
security in mind the Japanese always try to get more control in
the police department of the Municipal Council.
With the fear of
H. Aust.lce, "Shanghai's VSiite Russians," Contemporary.
XCL (February, 193?)., 216.
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93
being threatened by the strong and better organised city govern­
ment of the Greater Shanghai, the Japanese alaays watch closely
the activity of the latter and the plan of building a greater
Shanghai in Klangwan.
Several years ago the Japanese attempted
to extend their sphere of influence 7jy buying up all the fields
adjacent to the Japanese factories in Yangtaepo down to the Civic
Center of the Chinese territory.
At that time the University of
Shanghai ©as almost encircled by the Japanese forces.
Since the
university had little financial resources# it had no choice but
to allots? the Japanese to buy land around the earapus.
The Japanese have their own houses of prostitution#
s c h o o l s t h e a t r e s # and stores in Kangkow, they have the largest
factories and mills in Yangt zepo, and they maintain a news ser­
vice station and an institution for propaganda in the city.
Be­
sides language and cultural differences, political design is one
of the most important factors in the formation of the Japanese
section.
Besides the three natural areas mentioned# we find the
yellow and white races segregated from each other in Shanghai.
The whites reside mostly in the southwest section of the Inter­
national Settlements, Bubbling ’Veil Road, Yuyen Road, and the
west part of the French Concession.
Population of Shanghai
The Number of Population and Its Increase
The population of Shanghai before the nineteenth century
is not well recorded; however, it Is generally accepted that the
Taiping Event of 1652 brought the number up to half a million.
“In a Japanese school called Hong Men, every student Is
required to travel over some part of the Interior of China and
give a detailed report to be used for political purposes. Br.
Stewart Y u i ’s lecture In the University of Shanghai, 1937.
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94
The number reached 11,000,000 in 1910; in 1930 there were more
than 3,000,000; and in 1936 there were 3,800,000.
The average
annual increase from 1910 to 1936 was about 100,000 or about
S per cent.
The numerical Increase did net change much between
1930 and 1936, but the percentage of increase decreased to 3.28.
This suggests that the population of Shanghai is reaching its
saturation point, but since the history of the urbanization of
Shanghai is less than fifty years old, the city will probably con­
tinue to attract about 100,000 people annually, though the per­
centage of annual increase m a y not be so high as before.
table: ii
THE P0P0LAT1GH OF SHANGHAI®Increase of
Population
Humber of
Population
1910
1936
l,185,S59to 3,810,618
1930
1936
3,183,557
3,810,618
Average .Annual
Increase
Number
of
Increase
Percentage
of
Increase
Humber
of
Increase
Percentage
of
Increase
2,624,752
-221.4
100,952
8.5
Humber
of
Increase
Percent age
of
Increase
Humber
of
Increase
Percentage
of
Increase
19.7
104,510
627,061
o .28
aData from The Chinese Economic Journal, X X , H o . 3
(March, 1937} , 302b
This figure is from D. K. Lieu, oo. cit. , p. 423.
Let us compare the population growth of Shanghai and
Chicago.
One nay see the rapid growth of the city of Shanghai In
the period from 1920 to 1930.
The percentage of Increase in 1930
over the preceding ten years was 117.2 in Shanghai as compared
with only 25 in Chicago.
The increase is so significant that one
can hardly imagine that Shanghai has not yet reached a stationary
population.
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95
TABLE 12
THE GROWTH OF POPULATION OF SHANGHAI
AND CHICAGO, 1910-1930
City
Chicago®Year
Number
of
PopulatIon
1930
1920
1910
3,376,438
2,701,705
2,185,283
Shanghai
Increase over
Preceding 10
Years
Number
Per­
centage
674,733
516,422
486,283
25.0
23.6
28.7
Number
of
Population
3,259,1 1 4 k
1,500,000°
1,185,859d
Iacrease over
Preceding 10
Years
Number
Per­
centage
1,759,114
314,141
117.2
26.5
®Da.ta from Walter Thompson Co. (compilers), Population
and Its Pi strlbution.
Data from Woodhead, ot>. cit. , 1933°I-oid. , 1923.
d
Data from Lieu, as. cit., p. 423.
IJo one knows the rate of natural increase of Shanghai* s
population.
Even the number of births and deaths is unreliable.
Birth registration was a failure In the Chinese municipal area
.•and was started in the International Settlements only as late as
1932.
Sex Composition
Sex composition may be expressed in sex ratios.
In the
United States, more female migrants go to the cities than male.
The ratio of males to females in the cities, therefore, is gen­
erally low.
The situation In China seems to be the opposite- The
higher sex ratio in the Chinese cities is due to the attraction
of commerce and industry to the male migrants.
Women were left
behind, either in the rural districts or in the neighboring re­
gions of cities, because of lack of opportunity for them and the
Inability of the men to support them in the cities.
However,
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96
sex ratios differ somewhat In different types of cities (cf.
Table 13).
Shanghai has a lower sex ratio as compared with the other
cities because of its recent development as a commercial and in­
dustrial center.
Its weaving;, spinning, and cigarette factories,
offer more economic opportunities to the women than arty other
cities in China-
In the textile industry, for example, 70 per
cent of the factory laborers were women.
Taking all types of fac­
tory laborers as a whole, the female laborer constituted 60 per
cent in the years 1928 to 1S2S.
For this reason, the sex ratio
of 136.17 in Shanghai was the lowest of all large Chines© cities.
This sex ratio is still high when compared with that of the gen­
eral population of China, of Chicago, or some other American
cities.
On the other hand, if the commercial institutions and
business concerns In Shanghai employed as many women as Chicago
does, the percentage of women might be as high as that of the men.
TABLE 13
SEX RATIO IK URBAN AMD RURAL DISTRICTS, CHINA
Urban
Rural
Place Peiping Nanking Tsingtac Hankow Canton Shanghai 38,256 Farm
Families
1935
19 o5
1935
1935
1928
192S
192S-1933
Sex
Ratio
158.58
157.26
155.77
155.1
141.6
136.17
108
The sex ratio of 108 males per 100 females In the Chinese
rural district Is unusually high in comparison with that of VJes- .
tern countries.
This is due partly to the under enumeration of
females and the high female mortality.
The sex ratio of the age.
group under four years In the rural area (108) is much lower than
that in the Chinese municipal area <116.1) and that of the working
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97
families in Shanghai (119).
Again, under-reporting of females
and certain social factors are responsible.
At ages 5-14, the
ratio goes up both in rural and urban areas, but gradually comes
down to 108 and 100 at ages 15-19 in the respective places.
In
the. city the proportion of males rises again from the ages 30-39.
This is a general phenomenon, for cities of all countries have
always had a rele.ti.vely large group of adults In. the prime of
life.
The excess of females in the old age groups reflects the
more favorable mortality of women in the latter part of life.
But in an Industrial city like Shanghai, the condition is not so
favorable for the old people as in the rural regions or in Peiping,
where the standard of living is not so high and heavy industries
have not yet been developed.
Age Composition
The data here for Shanghai are from the working families,
which are not representative of Shanghai’s general population.
It is surprising that the percentage of children under 4 years of
age is 2.5 per cent higher in the working families in Shanghai
than in the farm families in the rural areas.
This is not the
result of higher fertility of the working class but the result of
the under—reporting of the female children of the farm families.
It is more reasonable to believe that the percentage of children
at this age in the rural areas in 1.8 higher than that in the
Chinese municipal area in Shanghai.1
The percentage of children
under 4 Is high both in rural and urban areas when compared, with
the Western countries.
This is due to the higher birth rate of
the Chinese.
As in all Western cities, there is a large urban deficit
The Shanghai Civic Association, Statistics of Shanghai
(Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1933), chap. II, p. 3.
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f
98
TABUS 14
PERCENTAGE OF URBAN AKB RURAL POPULATION
BY 5-YEAR AGE GROUPS
Urban
Age
Group
305 Working Families
in Shanghai
1929—1930s-
Rural
Peiping
1917 b
12,456 Para Families
in China
1929-1931°
0- 4 ....
16.03
5.4
13.5
5- 9.
10.00
5.6
11.9
.
10-1^ ....
8.44 ■
6.3
9.9
15- 1 9 ....
9.08
8.6
9.2
20-24....
11.49
lO. 5
8.8
25-29....
9.22
11.1
8.4
30-34....
8.44
10.9
6-9
35-3S....
7.80
10.3
6.9
40-44... ..
4.75
8.4
5.6
a5 - 4 9 ....
5.46
6.S
5.6
50-54....
3.69
4.S
4.0
55-59....
2.20
3.8
3.6
60—6 a .....
1.63
2.6
2.3
65-69....
0.99
1.8
1.6
7 0- 7 4 ....
0.43
1.1
0.9
75 and
over... .
0.35
1.2
0.9
Total...
100.00
98.8
100.0
aAdopte& from the City Government of* Shanghai, Standard
of* Living of Shanghai. 1934, Table 4, p. 95.
- P. Gamble and J. S. Burgess, Peking, A Social survey
(Hesr York: George H. Doran Co., 1921} , p. 416.
°Adopted ?/ith modification from C. M. Chiao, "Rural Popu­
lation and Vital Statistics for Selected Area of China, 1929—
1931,° Chinese Economic Journal. XV, No. 3 (March, 1934), Table
6, 321.
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99
at the ages 5-19.
In China there are about 27.S per cent In
urban working families as compared with 31 per cent In rural farm
families.
At the age of 20—40 the v/orking families had a consid­
erable ercess of population (nearly 6 per cent) over the farm
population.
At the age of 40-49 the population of 308 working
families is very much the same as that of the rural families- al­
though in urban communities one would, expect a greater proportion
of persons in the productive age groups.
It is expected that the
rural districts have more old people than the urban, but there
are more old people in Peiping than In the rural district.
Birth, h eath, and Infant Kortality
Registration of births and deaths in Shanghai has been
conducted separately by three municipal governments, the Chinese,
the French, and the International, but no one uniform report has
been made and no registration completed.
Birth registration in
the Chinese municipal area was unsuccessful, and in the Inter­
national Settlement it was a new enterprise.
In the Chinese municipal area the birth rate In IS29 was
11.4; in 1930, 11.3; 1931, 16.0; and 1932, 10.3.
The death rate
was 13.4, 13.2, 12.7, and 8.6 In these respective years.
These
figures are based on the number reported to the Bureau of Public
Health only, and underenuxaeratlon of births and deaths is ex­
pected.
In the International Settlement the reported number of
births before 1935' was believed to be less than a quarter of the
true figure.
In 1935, the birth rate was 18.35; in 1936, 18-70;
and in 1937, 13.67.
These figures were probably lower than the
actual number, owing to the fact that only a small proportion of
confinements receive qualified attention.
For the French Con­
cession we find no data at this moment.
Bata on deaths are usually more reliable, but in Shanghai
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I
100
a number of unreported corpses dumped on vacant plots o f land,
signified the existence of unreported deaths, although some of
these exposed corpses had been counted in th© number of deaths.
The average annual death rate for the years 1927-1936 m s
In 1935 It V7as 12.0; 1936, 15-4; and 1937, 29.8.
14.7.
The extremely
high, rate In 1937 was a result of the urar situation ■s'lth an In­
crease of deaths caused by violence and accidents.
TABLE 15
A COMPARISON OF CRUDE BIRTH, DEATH, AND INFAST
MORTALITY OF SHANGHAI WITH
38,256 FARM FAMILIES
tJrban
Rural
33,£56 Farm
Families
(1929-1931)a
Chinese
Municipal Area
{192S-1S32)”
Chinese in Inter­
national settlement
(1935-1937)°
Birth
Birth per
1,000
Population
38.3
12.9
16. 6
Death
Death per
1,000
Population
27.1
12
22.6 (?)
14.7 (?)
Infant Mortality
Death under
1 to 1,000
156
....
109
aSee J. L. B u e h , Land Utilisation In China (Chicago: The
University of Chicago press, 1938).
^The Civil Association, on. cit. The data are not very
reliable, because incomplete and under-reporting Is apparent.
cShanghai Municipal. Annual Reoort, 1935, 1936, 1937.
The
death rate of 1937 raises the average rate teo high (22.6).
It
is better to take the annual average rate from 1927-1936 (14.7).
The birth rates mere higher in rural, than in urban areas.
This mas partly due to the higher birth rate of the farmer and
the larger proportion of women and married somen In the rural
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101
districts.
Early marriage has something to do with it also.
Death rates, too, were higher in the rural areas than in the
urban.
This is just the opposite of the situation in the United
States.
The high death rate in rural districts was raised by the
Insufficiency of medical care of the children as well as of the
adults.
The farmers are us u a l l y 'ignorant8 conservative, and
superstitious in regard to health matters.
Houses are unsanitary,
the community has no sanitary practices, and disease is therefore
easily spread.
some bearing.
Age differences in population composition may have
In the rural districts we find more old people and
young children whose possibility of dying is high, while in urban
communities most of the adults are in the productive ages whose
death rate is rather- low.
The infant mortality rate was low in cities and high in
rural districts.
The data show the Chinese infant -mortality to
be 109 in the International Settlement in Shanghai, and 156 in
rural districts-
This is because in the city there are more pub­
lic health services, improvements in medical care, and. higher
standards of living.
In Western countries, the male infant mortality rate
seems higher than the female rate.
The tendency is reversed in
Chinese rural districts like Kisngyen.
Tills is believed to be
the result of underestimate of female babies, and infanticide.
The effect of either the decline or the increase of infant
mortality upon the general death rate has been great.
!,The con­
trol of infant and child, mortality has been the most important
factor in the growth of population in the West .since the latter
part of the eighteenth or the beginning of the nineteenth, century.
"^W. s. Thompson, Population Probiem (New York; McGrawHill Book Co., 1930), p. 14S. ...
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102
X f the death rate and the infant mortality rate of China declines
and the birth rate remains the same, the future population prob­
lem will be serious.
Population Distribution
The population distribution of shanghai v?as and is af­
fected by political tides.
Whenever its neighboring; regions had
trouble, Shanghai felt the burden of a large number of migrants.
Whenever the city itself was in difficulty the International
Settlement and the French Concession were havens of safety for
refugees.
The Taiplng Event of 1852 and the .Revolution of 1927
are instances in point.
Before 1836, when the British and Ameri­
can Settlements were combined into one, population had been con­
centrated largely in the British Settlement.
population spread \?egtward and northward.
After 1836 the
The Yangtzepo district
became the center of a large number of factories and working
houses, the western part of the International Settlement being a
residential area.
The Honkew district in the north of the Inter­
national Settlement was crowded with both business houses and
residential buildings.
The French Concession extended westwara
and absorbed a large number of residents.
After 1932, due to the
increase of technical services, roads, 'water, and electrical
supplies, and other varieties of modern conveniences, the Chinese
municipal ares gained in population and ne w buildlngsFcpulation distribution may be seen by its density.
The
business and industrial centers have the higher population den­
sity.
The International Settlement, where two-thirds of the fac­
tories and the majority of the business of Shanghai is located,
had the highest density— 49,040 persons pe r square kilometer In
1934.
The French Concession had a density of 48,747, and that of
the Chinese territory, occupying the largest area, was only 3,893-
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103
Within the Chinese territory there are some variations.
The area
of Chapel and the area along Coochow Oreeh, where the small fac­
tories are concentrated , have very much the same density as do
the Settlements, the area at the periphery having the lowest den­
sity.
The average density of the Shanghai population was 34,000
persons per square kilometer in 1934 as against 920 persons per
square kilometer in the Chinese crop area, and 1,148 in the cul­
tivated area in 1933.
The density of the Shanghai population was
thus thirty times higher than that of the farm population in
China.
Foreign Population in Shanghai
Shanghai has been known as the melting pot of races and
cultures in the Orient.
Westera culture has influenced the Chi­
nese on the one hand, and on the other hand Chinese culture Is
somewhat accommodated to the Western culture.
Intermarriage has
been going on; the marginal man, the so-called Eurasian, found
himself discriminated against by both parent-stocks-
As Laason
states, ’’The Shanghai Eurasian is caught In a culture eddy not
advancing either in the native culture which is sweeping on toward
modernization or in the foreign group.11 The majority of the
parents who produced this hybrid, offspring are in the lower in­
come brackets which account for the low social position of the
offspring.
They are different from both the native and the
foreign groups.
Their position is somewhat like that of immi­
grants of the second generation in America.
The high income
group has no intention of settling down in Shanghai forever.
The
American, the British, the French, and some other Europeans send
their children back to their fatherland for education and mar­
riage.
But the White Russians and some Orientals, like the
Koreans, Siamese, and Filipinos, have a tendency to stay.
The
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104:
Mi'nlte Russians could not go back to Russia because of the politi­
cal tide against them; the Korean political refugees have to stay,
while other Orientals say find better chances in Shanghai than in
their own country.
The total number of foreigners of fifty nationalities in
Shanghai «as around 60,000 in 1935, of which 25,522 were Japanese;
10,858 Russian; 9,921 British; 4,015 American; 1,908 French;
1,715 Geraan; and the rest minorities.
Almost each of these
nationalities Inhabits a specific area, as for example, the Japan­
ese In Honkew, the Russians in Jeff re Avenue, the French In the
west of the French Concession, and the Americans and other Euro­
peans either in the west of the French Concession or in the Inter­
national Settlement.
in about twenty years.
The foreign population lias tripled itself
Its rate of Increase is slightly higher
than that of the Chines© in Shanghai.
In ISIS there were only
20,924 foreigners, while in 1935 there were 60,000 or more.
Kow
with more than, fifty different nationalities represented, the
number of nationalities represented is greater than that of Chi­
cago-
The majority group is the Japanese.
The Japanese have
doubled their number in the five years from 1S1G to 1915, from
3,466 to 7,387.
In the twenty— five years after 1910, their num­
ber had increased more than three times, from 73S7 to 25,522.
One must not forget that the Japanese immigrant s were encouraged
by their government to settle along with the advancing imperialist
troops.
Thus the Influx of Japanese was abnormally high.
Social Organization
Gilds, Chambers of Commerce, and Unions
The merchant gild is organized by merchants of the same
trade irrespective of provincial barriers.
They meet now and
then to. determine the market and .settle disputes arising betiveen
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105
members.
It is the solidarity of these gilds that makes for
stability of market and hence for- social peace.
the trade are strictly observed.
The ethics of
Each trade in Shanghai lias one
gild of this hind.
Bach of the foreign nationalities has a chamber of com­
merce; the Chinese also organizing their own.
The function of
the foreign chamber of commerce is to promote trade, to arbitrate
disputes, to direct local politics, to give information to its
ovn government at hone, and sometimes to influence the trade
policy of its government.
In Shanghai, all the trade gilds and
chambers of commerce are organized into the General Chamber of
Commerce.
The largest organisations affiliated ’with it are the
Chinese, American, Belgian, British, French, German, Italian,
Japanese, Dutch, and Norwegian Chambers of Commerce, and the
Swedish Association of Shanghai.
A part of the working class of Shanghai has organised
into unions.
The total number of laborers in Shanghai including
the workers In the factories, the wharf porters, and the ricksha
coolies in 1534 was about 350,000,"L but there were only 59,936
-anion members-
This means one out of aim laborers was organised.
TABI.E 16
THE NUMBER OF UNIONS AND UNION HETiTBEHS IK SHANGHAI
1932-1935*
Kind of
Organ! sat ion
Industrial....
Occupational..
Total.....
Number of Members
Number of Unions
1932 1933 1934 1935
34
34
68
35
37
75
39
45
84
47
72
119
1932
1933
1934
1935
36,464 37,741 38,025 32,887
23,472 24,502 27,536 32,731
59,936 62,243 65,561 65,618
*The Chinese Year Book. 1937, pp. 763-84.
■H»Ieu, op. cit. , pp. 111-13.
^The Chinese Year Boole, 1937, pp. 765-64-
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106
Unionization, however, is generally increasing.
Between 1952 and.
1935, there "fas an Increase of about 16,000 people annually.
There were S3 labor unions in 1932 and 119 In 1935.
The number
of unions increased at the rate of about 1? per year.'*'
Financial Institution
Shanghai Is a super-city as measured by financial domi­
nance.
Perhaps It may be compered, to Kew York in this respect.
The first foreign bank In China was the Oriental Banking
Corporation— a British bank., which established a branch at Shang­
hai In 1S4S.
Of the total number (34) of foreign banks in China,
6 had head offices arid 23 kad branches In Shanghai in 193?.
The
foreign banks have fostered foreign business and promoted politi­
cal influence by loaning money not only to their own nationals
but to Chinese warlords and the Chinese government as well.
The
Chinese monetary reform of 1935 was facilitated by the action of
both the American and British government throtigh their banks in
Shanghai.
Two or three decades ago, some of the foreign banks
issued their own bank notes, 'but now these notes have nearly dis­
appeared except in frontier cities and places under foreign in­
fluence .
All of the foreign banks are located In the Wbangpoo Bund.
The modern Chinese banks in Shanghai are patterned largely
after European and American systems.
limited to business.
Their- function is not
They have oorporated closely with the na­
tional government in maintaining the stability of the money mar­
ket unifying the monetary system* and conserving the currency.
The success o f the monetary reform of 1935 and the war economy of
the present time are largely due to their sound organization and
■^See Table IS.
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107
corporation with, the national government.
Because of their poten­
tial influence in politics* financiers .and politicians have tried
to consolidate them in order to establish a more powerful influ­
ence within the government»
At the present time, the Klangeu and
Chekiang financiers control these m o d e m banks.
There are twenty-
six in' Shanghai* and many of them have branches in cities through­
out china.
The Central Bank, the Bank of China, the Bank of Com­
munications, and the Bank of Agriculture are the largest among
them.
The native bank operates under the old Chinese system
which we have discussed earlier.
They are Important only in the
cities inhere m o d e m banks have not yet developed.
In the commer­
cial and industrial cities like Shanghai the native bank is xm~
important.
Many of them have been transformed into m o d e m barks
or have disappeared.
Of the 1,040 native banks in China in 1937"
only SS were in Shanghai.
Educational Institutions
Shanghai is the heart of contemporary cultural activity
In China through its educational institutions.
Shanghai ranks
first in having the largest number (25) of institutions of higher
learning.
It provides university education for students from all
parts of China.
Shanghai had 11 technical schools, 20 vocational
schools with 5,920 students in 1930-3"
Private correaponderee
schools, trading institutions, and night echools for professional
men can only be found in China in a commercial and industrial citylike Shanghai.
Most of the professional and. technical institu­
tions are located in the business district of the International
Settlements.
In regard to secondary schools, Shanghai lias only
“The Shanghai Civic Association, Statistics of Shanghai.
1955, chap- xlv, p. S.
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2 per cent of the total number of students in China.
Greater Shanghai ranlts first, however, in the percentage
of children of school age In school.
In recent years the city
government of greater Shanghai paid more attention to establish­
ing popular educational institutions; 52 popular schools and 19
supplementary schools were established in 1352, most of which were
7
in the Chinese territory.
A large number of libraries and museums, and the constant
flow of visitors signify that there Is a lively interest in cul­
tural affairs in Shanghai.
There are more than twenty—five large
libraries and three magnificent museums in Shanghai, almost all of
which are private.
The exceptions are the municipal library and
museum In Kisngwan.
Extensive scientific research Is carried on
by various research institutions.
The Shanghai Science Institute
in the French Concession has been run by Japanese interests.
The
Henry Lester Institute for medical research is supported by the
British in the International Settlement.
The Academic Sinlca
(National Research Institute) has erected a. large building on
3Tu Yuen Road In the fTest District, where scientific research of
all hind is being carried on.
In 193’?, Shanghai had 12 Chinese newspapers.
The leading
ones, such as the Shun ?ao and the Sin Wan Pao— each of which has .
a daily circulation of 100,000— extend their Influences 3-nto the
adjacent territory.
In 1935, Shanghai h ad 45 of the 109 Chinese
magazines in China, 52 o f the 322 periodicals, S of the 143 news
agencies, 20 of the 159 foreign newspapers, and 48 of the 56
Chinese publishers-®
1Ibid., pp. 10-11.
^Figures from the Chinese Year Book. 1935-1936.
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;
109
Recreatlonal Institutions
In 1935 there were .about thirty-one motion picture the­
atres In Shanghai of which five showed only foreign pictures^ and
the rest showed both Chinese and West era pictures.
The five
theatres showing foreign films were attended mostly by the Wes­
terners and the Chinese of higher economic status . Students are
steady visitors-
Chinese cinemas are legion, some of them being
of considerable sise and Importance.
The most prominent ones are
located along the western section of the business center along
Tibet Road and several more are bunched together in the Honkow
District.
Four foreign dramatic Institutions are maintained:
The
Shanghai Amateur Dramatic Club., the American Players* Association,
the G-erraany Amateur Dramatic Club, and the International Art
Theatre studio.
The variety of languages and nationalities makes
any one appeal difficult.
The Chinese modern drama Is represented
by a number of theatres, a number of movie stars and art lover sThe m o d e m Chinese drama Is similar to that of the Western coun­
tries .
Street language Is used instead of that no longer under­
stood by a layman.
In them.
Professional people and students are Interested
The old drama appears either In lov/-cla.ss theatres or
in theatres of old style.
The language used In the old-style
drama is hard to understand, but the story is knovm t o •every at­
tendant .
The most popular institution is the Great World, on
Tibert Hoad, in which vaudeville shows, modern and ancient dramas,
shooting galleries, penny'arcades, restaurants, galleries of
horrors, and all other popular amusement devices are available.
There are many similar institutions scattered over the city.
Cabarets and dance halls have been, introduced Into
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no
Shanghai.
There are sixteen registered, cabarets' in the Interna-
tional Settlements of which a. large number are In the Hankow
district.
A number of dancing schools are located in the business
center and sub-centers.
Ballrooms are available only In the high-
class hotels.
Hai Alai was Introduced Into the French Concession from
South America.
It is a popular game.
The race course In the
International Settlement Is the center for all kinds of Western
games for the Westerners; and the large athletic fields, stadium,
and other recreational grounds in the Civic Center in KIsngwan
are provided for the Chinese especially.
Government
Shanghai is divided into three parts, namely, the Chinese
Territory, the International Settlement, and the French Concession,
each of which has Its own government.
The Municipal Council of the
International Settlement
Before the establishment of the Municipal Council, each
consul of different countries In Shanghai, besides exercising
jurisdiction over his own nationals, took part In the general
supervision of settlement affairs when In 1SS3 because of the
Paiping Event, the Chinese took refuge in the settlement.
The
addition of their population augmented the complexity of municipal
affairs.
Although the Westerners wanted to protect themselves
against danger from without , they were unable to accomplish much
In so far as they remained an unorganized community in which each
of their national groups lived under its own laws and was subject
to the jurisdiction of Its own consuls.
In 1S54 a. sniall committee
of three merchants was created by the .meeting of Land Renters of
the Settlement to take charge of matters concerning roads, Jetties,
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Ill
and some other affairs.
This group was the forerunner of the
Municipal Council and. was inspired by the British legal office in
Hongkong, and henceforth tool: legal action only through the
British consul in Shanghai until its status and authority as the
Municipal Council were clearly defined twenty years afterwards.
The council was an executive body, all neasures adopted at the
Ratepayers' meeting Toeing subject to the approval of the consular
body in Shanghai and the diplomatic corps at Pehing.
The Municipal Council is composed of from five to nine
members elected by foreign Land-Renters and Ratepayers.
"The
electorate is limited, to foreigners who own land of not less than
*1
five hundred taels ‘ in value and who are householders paying an
assessed rental of
o
upward.
not
less than five hundred tael per annum and
Before 1928 the Chinese had no representative in the
Municipal Council despite the fact that they comprised 96 per
cent of the total population of the International Settlement and
paid 60 per cent of all the taxes.
were allotted to the Chinese.
In 1928, however, three seats
The ntamtoer of members of the Munic­
ipal Council increased to 12, of which 5 were British, 3 Chinese,
2 American, and 2 Japanese.
In 1930 the number of councillors
increased to 14, of which 5 were Chinese, 5 British, 2 American,
and 2 Japanese.
The council consisted of a chairman, a vice
chairman., and a number of advisory committee.
The method of al­
locating the number of councillors to different national groups
is quite arbitrary.
The methods of election are different among
%
the Chinese and the foreign groups.
1
One tael equals 75 cents In .American money.
2P o t t , a Short Story of Shanghai (Shanghai: Kelly end
Saleh, 19*28) , p . 113.
3
VV. C. Johnstone, Jr., The Shanghai Problem
(Palo Alto,
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122
The Municipal Council of the
French Concession
The section of* land requested "by the French In 1849 sas
delimited toy the Chinese authorities.
No form of municipal
government was instituted until 1362, when the French Concession
7,'as established by sxi agreement with, the Chinese authorities.
During the years 2849 to 1862 the municipal affairs were adminis­
tered by the Consul-General-
In 1862, the French Consul-General
called a meeting of Land Renters at which he appointed five mem­
bers of the Council d* Administration Municipal de la F’rancaise.
The newly created French Municipal Council was later dissolved
because of the conflict of rights between the Consul-General and
the councillors.
A n ew ccuneil was created afterwards.
The council in the French Concession is only an advisory
body, and final authority rests with the Consul-General, who may
veto any action he sees fit.
His veto Is final, subject only to
approval of the French Minister.
Originally the council consisted
of the Consul-General, who Is always president, and 8 members,
4 of whom must be French, and 4 foreign councillors chosen for
two-year terms, half of them selected annually.
In 1914, of the
total 8 seats in the council 2 seats were given to the Chinese
Californiat Stanford University Press, 1838}, p. 61.
"The Chinese Councillors are elected through the medium
of the International Settlement Chinese Ratepayers* Association.
This Association provides for the election of an election commit­
tee of eighty—one members , who elect the Chinese councillors.
This election committee consists of twenty-seven delegates chosen
by the Kantao and Chapel Chambers of Commerce, twenty-seven dele­
gates of the Chinese Ratepayers* Association, and twenty— seven
delegates of the various gilds and street unions in the Settle­
ment.
The foreign councillors are elected by qualified foreign
votes from a list of candidates nominated by a proposer and a
seconder, both of whom must be foreign ratepayers and qualified
to vote.
Polling lasts for two days.
Ballots are secret but must
be signed.
Voters must vote for at least one candidate and for
not more than nine.
If only nine candidates are nominated, they
are declared elected unanimously, and no formal balloting is
held."
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113
for arranging questions touching Chinese residents In the French
Concession.
Later, i n 1927,. 3 French councillors and 3 Chinese
councillors sere added.
Thus, in the present day the total mem­
bership of the council is 15, 8 of whosn are French, 3 Chinese,
and o are other foreigner councillors all chosen by- ballot.
There
are rjroperty qualifications for both voters and councillorsThe City Government of Greater Shanghai
Before the establishment of the Republic of China in
1911, Shanghai was under the control of a Taotal, isho is the im­
mediate superior of the prefects.
He was appointed to Shanghai
to take care of foreign trade, to deal with the foreigners, and
collect revenues for the emperor.
In 1911, a new political sys­
tem was established, and the Taot&i was abolished.
During the
years 1911 to 1926, Shanghai was in the hands of warlords.
was no definite municipal political governing; body.
There
In 1927, the
revolutionary army reached Shanghai and all the Chinese districts
of Shanghai were co-ordinated into Greater Shanghai and controlled
by the city government of Greater Shanghai.
Greater Shanghai was one of the few cities remaining
directly tinder the control of the Executive Yuen of the national
government since 1927.
All other cities were under the control
of the provincial government (with the exceptions of Hanking,
Peiping, Hankow, Tiengtao, and Canton) .
The present city govern­
ment of Shanghai is composed of. a major appointed b y the national
government in Nanking, a secretariat
and & number of councillors
chosen by the raajor, eight bureaus, and three special committees. ■
A provisional city council, appointed by the major., Is an advisory
body to the major.
■^See 1- "W. HacClellan, story of Shanghai (Shanghai: North
China Herald, 1SS 9 ) , p. 111. Johnstone, on. cit., p. 104.
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114,
Occultat:ion
.What we are studying here Is the occupations of the in­
habitants of Greater Shanghai.
Data on occupations of the popula­
tion in the International Settlement and the French Concession
are not available.
upon studying Table 17, we find that the per­
centage of population engaged In domestic service ranks first.
Although the figures do not indicate the proportion of males and
females in domestic service, from actual observation we know that
in every Chinese city fema3.es predominate in domestic service.
It is not difficult to understand why there Is a high percentage
(IS.57} of people engaged in manufacturing and mechanical indus­
tries, because there are .many industrial factories located In
the territory of Greater Shanghai.
The most striking finding is
the low percentage of people In professional services and no
reporting In clerical service.
This is large3.y due to the fact
that the commercial center is not in Greater Shanghai tout in the
International 'Settlement and the French Concession.
Xt may also
be due to the inadequate method of classification, toy combining
clerical service into professional service, the data on which we
have no wa y 1of checking.
From Table 17, we may get some idea of what type of urban,
community Greater Shanghai is-
It is an urban community composed
largely of unskilled, and semi-skilled laborers engaged priraarily
in domestic service.
There ere some skilled laborers in manufac­
turing and mechanical, service, about one-tenth of the population
Is on faros, and there Is an extremely small proportion in pro­
fessional services.
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115
TABES 17
THE COMPOSITION OF THE POPULATION IK THE GREATER
SHANGHAI IK DIFFERENT OCCUPATIONS AMD
PERCENTAGE OB’ PERSONS IK EACH
OCCUPATIONAL- GROUP, 2931'*
Occupation
Number of
Population
In Each Occupation
Percentage
of Population
in Each Ocetipatlon
F a r m.............. .
169,266
9.28
Manufacturing and me­
chanical Industries. .
356,992
IS. 57
Trade. .................
185,381
10.11
Public service.........
l o ,oC4
.72
Transportation and
communication........
108,843
5.97
Professional aervice. ..
84,327
4.62
Domestic and personal
service..... ........
■ 434,879
23.84
Apprentices............
70,207
'3.85
Ml soellsneous..........
70,116
3iS5
Unemployed.............
308,654
16.92
1,823,989
100.00
Total.............
■“Figures from Stat i st 1c s of Shanghai. chap. ii, p. 5.
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CHAPTER V
PElPlHC
Introduction
To the south and the east
l evel9 coastal plain built up by
H wo rig Ho (Yellow River) .
of t-lie city stretches a flat ,
the Pal Ho OVhite River) and the
This plain is the agricultural hlnter-
land for the 20,000,000 people of the province (Chihli).
Peiping
is a city of eoaproaise between iCalyari, the true end of the
desert Journey, and Tientsin, the true end of the land Journey.
1't Is strategically located because of Its close proximity to
Nsnkow Pass, the principal gateway to Mongolia (of. Fig. 7).
Peiping has a healthful climate because of Its dryness
and considerable sunshine.
The temperature is not extreme; there
are only two months of freezing weather In the winter.
In summer,
the moisture from the ocean, combined with the heat, ashes the
climate uncomfortable-
Peiping has twenty inches of rainfall per
year— less than one-half of that of Shanghai.
of the climate is the dust storms in winter.
The worst feature
These dust storms
cover everything with a layer of black dust and make traveling
and traffic sometimes impossible and uncomfortable.
Peiping, lllce that of the rest of the
worked,
The soil In
plain, is loose and easily
it produces enough crops for Its population.
Historical Development of Peiping
In 1121 B.C. Peiping was the city of Chi and was located
outside the northwest corner of the present Peiping.
Xn 723 B.C.,
it was the capital of the feudal state of Yen, under the control
116
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117
C O O K 'S S K E L E T O N
M A P O F P E K IN G .
□
□
T A R T
IMPERIAL
fc
+i
* —l
CITY
■___
o
1
SB
pa
Fig. 7.— A general map of the city of Peiping.
from J. Bredon, Peking, p. 16.)
(Adopted
J
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11S
of the Chou Emperors.
In 223. B.C. Chin Shih Hwang T± attached
the "Seven states" and destroyed the City of Chi.
He made illsself
as the first emperor of Chin Dynasty and established here one of
his thirty-six provincesCity of Ghi was rebuilt.
In 70 A.D. , under the H&n Dynasty, the
At first, it was the City of Yen, later,
in Tang Dynasty, it was called Yu Chou, and it was then situated
at the western c o m e r of the South City.
China and got control of the north.
The Khitans invaded
The city of Yu Chou then
once became one of the capitals of the Liao Dynasty, established
by the Khitsns but destroyed in 986 A .D .
However, the KM.tans
built another larger city for their capital which was called Yen
Ching.
One part of it was the western c o m e r of the south city
inside of the present Peiping.
The new walls were thirteen exiles
in length and thirty feet h i j m , three lines of canals surrounded
the city, and 91C buildings were built.
In 1114, the Akutn, a
chief of a northern tribe of 'Manchuria, took over the city from
the Liao as the capital of the Chin or G-olden Empire.
Strenuous
work was spent on rebuilding and beautifying; the city.
In 1215,
the city was captured and burned for over a month by Jenghiz Khan.
It was named the capital of a new Mongolian province by Jenghlz
Khan.
In 1264, it was made the Yuan capital by Khan's grandson,
Kublin Khan.
In this dynasty, Harco Polo visited Peking and gave
a wonderful description of it.
The Catholic missionary, Giovanni
331 Monte Corvina, was received by the court and permitted to build
a church in the capital.
The Grand Canal was extended fro© the
Yellow River to Tientsin, thus connecting Peiping with Tientsin.
The present city waa founded by the fling Emperor Hung Wu (13631399).
Under his rule Peking for a time was made the capital of one
of the provinces of the Empire and the city was given the
name of Pel Ping Fu (City of the North Place).
The caoital
J
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119
1.
33.
City ot bill
City of Chou
I.iao capital
4. Chin capital
5- luar. capital
6. Pr-esent city
Fig- 8.— The c-hsages of loca­
tion and size of the city of Peiping.
(From Gamble, Peking. A Social Survey
p. 47.)
J
--- ------
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
120
city of the Khans was larger than could he well occupied by
the military garrison of the Kingdom of Ten, so the north and
south walls were moved, the north wall five 11 end the south
wall one 11 to the south, and the walls were built as they are
now found in the North City of Peking.
The first two Ming
Emperors made Nanking or Nan Ching (Southern Capital) their
residence; but Yung bo, third Ming Emperor, moved his court
to the north in 1421* changed the name of Pei Ping Fu to Pei
Ching (North Capital) and made it once more the capital city
of the Empire.
Under the Ming Emperors an extensive building program was
carried on, the ?ru 'fa Ssu or Five-Tower Pagoda, the Temple of
Heaven, the great BellTemple* all date from this period.
In
1435, the earth walls of the capital were faced with brick
and finished as we now find them, 41 feet high, SO feet thick
at the base and 50 feet across at the top. In 1524 Lou .Pei
Yuan, the Prime Minister of the Emperor Chla Ching, built the
South City.
To make room for it, the walls of the old city
of Ten Ching (9S6-121&), which had stood even after the city
had been abandoned, had to be taken down.
In 15S4 the South
City was inclosed with walls and Peking was given its present
fora.1
Mt.en the Kanchus came into Peiping the city was divided
into three concentric districts.
The Forbidden City was for the
Emperor, his wives, concubine, and his court.
bidden City lay the Imperial City.
Around the For­
It was the place for the Im­
perial homes, the place of residence of the members of the cou r t .
The rest of the North City was for the Jianchu barracks.
The
South City was for the Chinese.
Peking was besieged by the British and French troops In
18SO.
Beautiful Summer Palace was destroyed.
As the result of
■ that, the foreigners were given the right to have their diplomatic
ministers live In Peking and the Legation Quarter was given as a
special place of their residence.
out in Peiping.
In 1900, the Boxer Event ease
The foreign troops once more captured Peiping.
In 1910, the Manehu regime ended.
of the Republic of China.
.hands of warlords.
The city was made the capital
Since that'time, Peiping was in the
After 1928, It was under the control of the
central government in Nanking and was made one of the special
^Gamble, oo. cit. « pp. 48-49.
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121
cities in China.
During the lAanchu regime the Chinese sere not allowed to
enter the Tartar City.
They resided only in the Chinese City.
As a result of this restriction, the Tartar City had a few Manchu
residents while the Chinese City was over-populated with numerous
Chine se.
After the decline of the Manchu regime, the population of
Peiping was somewhat redistributed.
The Tartar City is no longer
limited to the MeachuB and the offices.
Common folks have been
moving in there from the crowded Chinese City.
business centers and residential areas there.
They established
There is new ap­
pearance of retail stores, wide streets, small factories.
The
shift of population from the Chinese City to the Tartar may fill
in some of the vacant places in the Tartar City.
Hut the sl.se of
the Tartar City remains the same.
As far as size is concerned, Peiping increased slightly
each time it became a capital, but it never had a definite center
from which its expansion spread.
The second city was not much
different from the first in size, but the third one was bigger
than the second, the fourth was bigger than the third, and the
present city is the largest of all the six in history.
Factors in the Growth of Peiping;
Geographical, factors account for very little of the growth
of Peiping.
Peiping was a trade gate to Mongolia,, a Junction be­
tween the broken country and the plain in the north, but it was
exposed to invasion.
He who captures the plain made Peiping the
capital, and he who captured Peiping controlled t he plain.
Pei­
ping has been an historical danger spot, captured four times,
destroyed twice.
■
Although in early days there was some, domestic and foreign
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12-2
t rade, Peiping was not important economically.
Peiping produces
only the minor important manufactures, such as horn lanterns,
wall papers, stone snuff "bottles, and pipe mouth-pieces®eaving stores, cotton and cloth shops, and
companies have appeared in recent years.
many things upon other provinces.
3n1a.ll
Some
manufacturing
The city depends for
Bice, for instance, comes from
the South; silk, tea, eigarettes also from the South; hides and
salt from the Kortli; food enough for the local demand is supplied
locally.
Even up to the time of the Ching Dynasty, industry was
prohibited in the Tartar City and business was carried on only in
the South City . The soldiers and retainers of the Manchu Emperor,
who lived in the Tartar City, were forbidden to engage in business.
The Nanchus considered merchants to be low-class people.
The
scholars, and all ilanchus for that matter, were neither expected
nor encouraged to study the practice! sciences or economic prob­
lems.
The major factors in Peiping's growth are, briefly,
<1) political .importance and (2) educational importance.
1. Political Importance
Peiping owes its importance largely to its function as a
cultural and political center.
Before any city became important
in the North, Peiping had been the capital" of (a) Chi in 1121 B.C. ,
(b) the feudal, state of Yen in 539 B.C., and (c) Ghln in 249 B.C.
At that time China had not yet extended its territory to the cen­
tral part; population, settlement was concentrated in the Horth.
Being a capital traditionally for so many times Peiping became
once more a capital, of Yuan in 1264.
In order to make Peiping an administrative center for all
China, in 1264 Kublai Khan '’extended the Grand Canal from the
Yellow River to Tientsin, and connected it with Peking toy means of
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123
Pal Ho and a small canal that extends the fifteen miles from
I
i
Peking to the river-
In this w a y , It was possible for the tribute
rice from the provinces to be shipped to Peking by boat, while
goods from the capital could go nine hundred miles south of the
southern terminus of the Grand Canal."
Provincial highways were
built from Peiping to each provincial capital so that tributes
from provinces could reach and feed'Peiping.
Kublai Khan also
built nevr walla thirteen miles in length; three miles of canals
surrounded the city; 910 buildings inside-the walls were supposed
to be the administrative buildings.
The innermost inclosure of
the walls contained the palace; the second was occupied by
barracks and public offices and many private residences-
In the
Tartar City the population consisted of the Emperor’s relatives,
some soldiers, high officials, and "expected officials.*'
Even In
the year 1321, ten years after the formation of the Republic, one
of the officials estimated that there were from 100,000 to 12-5,000
"expected officials" in the city while the actual number of o f ­
ficial positions was between 5,000 and 5,000.®
Before 1927, Peiping was still the political'center where
all administrative buildings and public officers sere concen­
trated and from where the political influence of the central gov­
ernment radiated.
By means of railways, airlines, and highway,
Peiping linked up all the provincial administrative centers, and
through Its bureaucratic system, Peiping ruled the whole of China.
It was also the place where ministers and diplomats from all na­
tions resided and where foreign, representatives stopped between
trips.
Before 1927 Peiping held the same important position as
Washington holds In the United States.
Gamble, op. olt., p. 55.
gibia. , p.
101
.
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12-3:
2.
Educational Importance-
Peiping was the only place In China to give the highest
examination for* those who had passed the higher examinations In
their
oto
provincial capital.
Those who passed the highest exami­
nation in Peiping were awarded the coveted highest degree of
“Chuangy Y u a n .11 The possession of higher degrees almost inevitably
meant an offer of a higher official, position.
For educational
attainment and official positions alone, thousands of students
and expected officials came to Peiping from all parts of ChinaThe students from different provinces demanded a place to live or
at least to meet their fellow provincials.
Therefore, 413 pro­
vincial halls were built during the Sanchu Dynasty for this, pur­
pose.
Students, officials, and expected officials and other non­
permanent residents from the same province often lived together In
the provincial halls, 'inns, hotels, or houses.
Peiping became a
plot for people f r a m ■different sections of the country— people
who differed widely In customs, tastes, and language, but who had
common hope for educational attainments and official, positions.
In 190S the old educational system was abolished and a
m o d e m educational system was established.
Primary schools, high
schoole, universities and Industrial schools, public libraries,
and museums were established, either by the government, by gilds,
or by private organisations.
The extension of schools and other
matters of educational Interest showed the tremendous public In­
terest In educational development, & development having no com­
parison In any other Chinese city, except Shanghai.
Peiping also
originated the student movement (the Renaissance Movement).
This
movement made various efforts to popularise the use in writing of
the spoken language, to popularize mass education, and to evaluate
Chinese culture.
Today, the students In China still have a
J
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tendency to go to Peiping for* advanced study rat he 2* than stay in
the southern part of China.
Physical Structure of Peiping
Gamhie says:
Peking is made up of five trailed districts, three of
■which are concentric.
The Forbidden City, the old hose of
the Emperor, is in the center, cut off from the rest of the
city by a wo! 1 and moat. Around it lies the Imperial City,
the old home of the lesser members of the Court. Outside of
this is the North or Tartar City, surrounded by a wall 41 feet
high and 50 feet across at the top. The South or Chinese
City joins the North City on the south, its north, wall being
the south wall of the North City.
The Legation Quarter, the
home of the official representatives of the foreign countries,
is a small distr5.ct in the southern part of the North City.
It is walled because of the experience of 1S00, when the for­
eigners in the city were besieged by the Boxers.
For adminis­
trative purposes, Peking lias been divided into twenty police
districts.: The Central Districts are In the Imperial City,
the Inside Districts in the North City, and the'Outside Dis­
tricts In the South City. The Left Districts are on the
east, and the Right Districts on the west side of the city.
The area of the city is S4.TS square miles.
Let us take up the three concentric districts one by one.
The Forbidden C-ity was the home of the Ifianciiu jSnperor, his 'wives
and concubines.
section.
Rows of palaces and temples are found in this
Nobody was permitted to enter this district except the
highest officials and those who were on the call of the Emperor.
The Emperor was the Son of Heaven who ii&d the right to rule the
empire.
Ke appointed and received the governors of each province.
He was the city major and the religious chief-
Most of his time
was spent in political and religious activities.
Around the Forbidden City lay the Imperial City.
It was
the place of residence of the members of the Court only; people
without political posts could not reside In this district.
In It
were administrative buildings, temples, palaces, parks, and recre­
ational grounds.
The Tartar City was given to the Mcnchuss the
"^Gamble, on. c i t ., p p . 2S-29.
J
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1£6
i n . f j 7‘r J L t ‘r o r *
J-1 c
ri
L
C a>^
Fig. 9.— The natunai areas of the
city of Peiping-
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127
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zmsio*.
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S'*. Z.
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/
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Fig. IO.— Twenty police dis­
tricts of th.e city of Peiping.
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128
retainer's9 ana the garrison.
During the Manchu regime the Chi­
nese were not allowed to enter the Tartar City.
The resided only
in the Chinese City which is to the south o±’ the Tartar City.
As
a result of this restriction, the Tartar, or the Worth, City had
a few Manchu residents while the Chinese, or the South, City was
over-populated with numerous Chinese.
The Chinese developed a
center of trade which is now called the Chien Mien area of the
districts of Outside Right 2, Outside Left 1, and Outside Left 2.
The formation of the business center in the South or
Chinese City seemed inevitable under the Manchu regime.
The Man—
chus, who got their pensions from the Manchu government, were not
allowed in business, and. were discouraged from entering commercial
activity.
Business enterprise was looked down upon by the Manchus,
as being beneath their status.
There was absolutely no possibil­
ity, then, of forming a. business center in the Tartar City.
The
Chinese,, on the other hand, were permitted to engage in business,
but because of restrictions against them in the Tartar City they
were forced to stove to the South City to carry on their trade.
The area around Chien alien was the place they chose.In the central business center we find oae— stor*y stores,
hotels, inns, restaurants, bars, banks, markets {raornlng aaxfeets,
night markets, temple markets, food markets, etc.).
People sell
and buy paper flowers, curios, small articles, end commodities
of subsistence. 'The business center is congested, but the means
of transportation are mediaeval-—the most common, forms being
street cars, wheelbarrows, donkeys, and rickshaws.
Three rail­
roads either pass by or go into Peiping, bringing rice, silk, and
cigarettes from the south, and hides and salt from the North.
the districts where most of the business of the city is concen­
trated the population density is from 72,156 to 85,823 persons
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In
per square mile.
5
In districts adjacent to the business center we find some
deteriorated dwellings* the home of the beggar, rickshaw driver,
story teller, entertainer, criminal, and others of the low-income
group.
According to Yen, most of the thefts occur on a few of
the busiest corners of the city, to wit, the district outside of
Chien Mien, the deteriorated areas of Tung Sze Psilott and Ton San
Pcilou.
More than, one-quarter of the crimes in Peiping are com­
mitted outside of Chien Mien, or at the Bridge of Heaven, which
Is not far distant.
city.
These .are the two busiest sections of the
About three-fifths of the criminals live Inside of the
city, most of them In the poverty-stricken district surrounding
the misnamed "Bridge of Heaven."
However, a large proportion of
crimes are in Chao Yang Mien of the Tartar City, quite far from
the business center of the Chinese City.
The cost of living Is
lower there.
Those who have no definite place to live usually sleep in
the small inns.
In winter they crowd together, thirty men in
one room, around one small coal—ball stove. . . . . The dis­
trict outside Chao Yang Mien is the most poverty stricken of
all. The filth, the stench, and the congestion are even'
worse than that found in the slums of other oriental cities.
Xt Is the home of the lowest strata, of society— rickshaw
coolies, beggars, petty criminals, and the unemployed.
For
these .men, crime Is the only way to obtain the necessities of
life.The prostitution districts are around the business area, one in
the southeastern part of the South City, a place of third— and
fourth— class houses; one not far south of Ghlen Mien, to the east
of the main street; and the famous Sight banes, farther to the
south and west.
houses.
The last two contain first— and second—class
There, are about 3,130 licensed prostitutes and 37? broth­
els In these three districts.
XIbld. . p. 34.
The city government seemed very
2C. Y. Yen, os. clt. . p. 54.
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130
.much, interested, in the business of prostitutions, having; a. special
department for the registration of all brothels and prostitutes*
the taxes collected from smoai amount to SlO,967 a month.2-
Con­
trary to expectations, the brothels are places* as Gamble puts
it, of "order, quietness and discipline."
The first— and second-
class houses are serai—m o d e m two— story buildings and some are of
old-style Chinese, ivhile the third— -and fourth-class houses in
the east of this South City are small, poorly lighted, and not
more than four feet wide, leading off from the crowded market at
Tsai Shih. Xou.
In the two districts to the west the brothels are
. on the ordinary Chinese h.utung (lanes) and are often near small
theatres, restaurants, or even private houses.
In earlier days
it was very common for the merchants and politicians to visit
these houses to entertain guests and discuss business.
That is
why the ratio of InJiabltanfcs to recognized prostitutes is high—
second only to Shanghai as compared with the great cities of the
world.
Besides the vice areas mentioned above, there are a num­
ber of unlicensed houses established In certain lanes in the East
■ City and some foreign houses in the neighborhood-©!'-the Tung Tan
Fallon in the southeast part of the North. City.
are Japanese.
f-Sost of the women
West of Chuan Pan Hutung there are a number of
houses in which there are Russian, French, Austrian -and other
p
European women . . . . "
Mo place ii% Peiping can. be called an industrial area..
Peiping has little industry of a m o d e m type.
The city has long
been a political rather than an industrial center, and the local
official Octorl charges have tended to discourage the establish­
ment of modern factories Inside the walls.
'
1
The Western factory
Gamble, on. pit,, chap. x.
"^Gamble., oo. cit. . p. S47-
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231
system was foreign, to the native.
In 1921 the principal examples
of nodern Industry iu Peiping were the telephone company, the
electric light company, the water company, the match company, the
glass factory, and the government uniform factory.
ber of factories in 1S1? was about eighteen.
The total num­
They are scattered
throughout the city with no evidence of zoning;.
The workers, e s-
pecially the boy apprentices, work and live In the same place.
Wages are low, working conditions are bad, and women are seldom
employed.
The residential area of Peiping is in the Tartar City.
The buildings are one-story and are built in rows.
All of them
are Chinese in style and very different from what we find in a
modern city like Shanghai.
After the decline of the Manchu re­
gime, the Chinese moved back into the Tartar City.
tial area now Is more crowded than before.
have sprung up in the residential districts.
The residen
Business sub-centers
In the east there
Is the .East Market; In the west there Is the West Market.
It Is
only In the markets that modern buildings are found.
The Kanehus are no longer separated from the Chinese.
They are no longer the privileged people as they were under the
Manchu regime.
Their mode of life Is not different from the Chi­
nese; their dress is not in fian churl an style. They are now being
assimilated by the Chinese.
They live in the poor section of the
residential area In northwest .Peiping.
Population of Peioin.'a:
The Number of Population and Its Increase
Since Peiping is neither an important trade center nor a
manufacturing city, one could not expect It to be populous.
Ac­
cording to the official data given below, the rate of increase at
the present time is about 1 0 ,CGO annually, or about one-tenth the
J
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132
rate of increase of Shanghai.
According: to Davis, Peiping had
three million inhabitants in the fourth decade of the nineteenth
*1
century,
but today it has only half this number.
The Chinese
government announced the population of Peiping as follows
1012 ............. 725,0.35
1 9 1 3 ............. 727,803
1 S 1 4 ............. 769,317
1915 ............. 789,123
191 6 ............. 801,136
.........811,556
1917 .
1918 ............. 799,395
1919 . ........... 826,531
1920 ........... . 849,554
1921 ............. 363,209
1922 ............. 841,945
1923 . . . . . . . 847,107
1924 . . . . . . . 872,576
1925 ............. 841,661
1926 ............. 816,133
1927 ............. 878,811
1928 ............. data unavailable
1929 . . . . . . 1,369,386 (includ­
ing the suburbs)
Population grovrth in Peiping may be seen in two different
periods.
The first period is from 1912 to 1924, the figures for
which include only the number of people in Peiping proper.
The
rate of increase in. the first period was only 1.7,. and in the
second- period, 8.36.
The second is from 1925 to 1936, figures
for- isSaieh include both Peiping proper and its suburbs.
The in­
crease in the first period, cannot be considered an excess of births
over deaths, but it might be the result of immigration.
The in­
crease in the second period might be due both to ■the extension of
the municipal area in 1929,which brought more people under the
jurisdiction of Peiping.,, and to immigration.
(Of. Table 18.)
The average annual Increase of 12,298 persons in the years
from 1912 to 1924 and 29,872 from 1S2S to 1935 is the result not
■*VT. F. Davis, The Chinese (bondon: Charles Knight Co.,
1 S 3 6 ) , p. 395.
2 China Critic, The China Critic. Vol. II, H o . 12 (Kay,
1930).
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133
of natural increase tout; of migration.
grants than female.
'There are more male mi­
Of the 811,556 in 1981, 63.5 per cent were
males and 36.5 per cent females; 61.7 per cent of the men were
less than 35 years old.
The population of 1238, which numbered
1,4:73,558, had the highest sex ratio among the five largest Chi­
nese cities; Peiping, 15S.5S; Hanking, 157-26; Shanghai, 136.17;
Tsiagtao, 155.17.
This high' sex ratio may be explained toy the
fact that the males have come into Peiping seeking education,
business training, or official positions.
Some of the young men
brought their families and others left their families in the na­
tive villages because of the uncertainty of earning a: livelihood
or an inability to support their families.
But the most impor­
tant factor is that Peiping offers no economic opportunities to
females.
TABUS 18
TK7S POPULAIIOR G-JROttTH OF PEIPIHG, 1912-1935*
Mo - of Population
in Peiping Proper
1912
725,235
1924
872,596
Bio. of Population
Including Both
Peiping Proper
and Its Suburbs'
Increase from
1912 to 1924
Average -'Annual In- ■
crease,,1912-1924
Humber
Percentage
Humber
Percentage
174,341
20.3
12,276
1.7
Increase from
1925 to 1935
Average Annual In­
crease , 1925-1935
1925
1935
Humber
Percentage
Humber
1,266,148
1,564,869
2 9 S ,721
23.6
29,872
Percentage.
2.36
wData from The Chinese Economic Journal. XX, H o . 3 (March,
I S 37), 319.
Age Composition
The under—enumeration of children In Peiping Is worse
than that In the rural and working families of Shanghai.
This
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134
under-enumerat;ion makes the birth rate low,, the death rate high,
and gives a false insight into the population of '.Peiping.
The
lot? proportion of married women, and women in the city proper is
also responsible for the low percentage of population of the young
age groups.
At 0-4, the population of the working families of
Shanghai exceed that of Peiping by 8 per cent.
cess is more than 10 per cent.
At 5—1 9 , the ex­
Peiping has a higher percentage
of persons at the ages 20—24 .and has the highest percentage at
ages 25-2S.
Peiping also lias more people in the productive ages
than the rural districts h a v e .
It is quite unexpected that the percentage of Peiping
population in each of the age groups froza 20 years to 75 and over
should be higher than that of the rural population.
know the reasons for this.
%'e do not
Peiping would seem to be quite suit­
able for old people because it has a low standard of living and
offers opportunities for manual work for the old people-
Unlike
the situation in Western, countries, the death rate In each age
group in Peiping was lower than, that in rural areas.
The span of
life in Peiping was also greater than that In the rural areas.
Birth and Death. Hate
The number of deaths as given by Gamble3' in 1917 was
20,987 and the number of births was 9,566.
According to these
figures the population, should have decreased more than the figure
shown In p. 151
The latter figure is probably Incorrect.
Since
many Chinese people do not like to report the female infant, the
number of births reported may be considerably fewer than actually
exist.
In the case of deaths, reports must be made before the
body is burled; consequently, the figures for deaths are probably
^Gamble, on. cit. , p. 156.
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135
correct.
In 191V, the birth rate was 11. S per 1,000 persons, or
32.6 per 1,000 females, and 51.1 per 1 /ICO females of child—
■bearing ages (16-50).
Prom 1912 to 191? the death rate for the
■whole city was 25.8 per 1,000 persons or 21.S per 1,000 males and
33.2 per 1,000 females.
than that of males.
The death rate of females was higher
We k n o w that the percentage of deaths for
males was 53, while the percentage of raa3.es in the population was
63.5 in 191V.
The Infant mortality rate found by Leanox in 191?
was 184:.! per 3.,000, of which 168.5 for the male and 202 for the
female.
If these birth a nd death rates of 191? are correct s one
may say that the population would fail to replace Itself in 1918.
According to official reports, the population of Peiping proper
was Sll ,556 In 191? and ?99,3S5 in 1918.
lower than what we eapectecl.
The number was even,
However, after the year 1918 popu­
lation trends in Peiping were irregular.
Population Distribution.
The population distribution of Peiping is quite uneven.
In goneral, the highest population density is in the business and
industrial districts, the lowest in the agricultural and largely
residential districts.
At the "same time the higher the density,
the higher the proportion of males.
Let us divide Peiping into two areas as the Manchus did
and describe the population distribution In each of these areas.
The Tartar City, which was only for the Hsnchus, was. divided by
walls into three concentric circles.
The central area., called
the Forbidden C i t y , where the Emperor lived, had the least popu­
lation; the second area, called the Imperial City, where lived
the men of high, offices a nd the retainer of the Emperor, had a
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136
slightly greater* population; the third section,' where lived the
.Vlanchus,'had a greater population than the other two areas corablned.
The uneven population distribution before 1911, the tine
of decline of the ilanchu regime, was the result of artificial
planning rather than of natural forces.
This system of sorting
under the Manchu regime was not for the betterment of the oity
folk, but to keep the common people away from the imperial envi­
rons so that the Emperor would not have to be influenced in any
political issue by public opinion.
A story has been, told that
Emperor- Kang Shin was confined in a palace in the Forbidden City
by the Dowager Empress in order to Isolate him from the reformers
and the scholars.
that the M&nehus called the Forbidden City m a
not only forbidden to the common people; even, the Manchu officials
except on special occasions were forbidden entry-
The social dis­
tance between the royal family and the common people was so great
that they lived in two different worlds.
The common people were
not supposed to shift from one definite area to another, and mem­
bers of the royal family were not to appear in certain districts,
outside the Tartar City, except in times of special festival.
The Chinese City or the South City was for the Chinese,
not the Manchus.
A small number- of Chinese held official, posi­
tions but were engaged in business or other occupations.
People
from other provinces were allowed to live only in this district.
Naturally, markets were developed and population was congested
there.
Even under high population pressure, people could not
shift from this area to t h e relatively empty Tartar City because
of official restrictions.
adjustment.
The result of this was population mal­
After the decline of the Manchu regime, official
restriction was abolished, population shifted from one part of
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137
the city to the other-
As a results, In the Tartar- City, we find
scattered residences, huge palaces and temples, and only a small
T
percentage of very poor people,” unproductive leisure class, and
governmental control group, whereas in the Chinese City we- find a
limited crowded area* congested population, a high percentage of
males, -and many very poor people.
At the present day for administrative conveniences Peiping
is divided into twenty police districts.
Race discrimination and
restriction of residence have "been abolished, yet the pattern of
poptdLafeion.distribution changes little.
Aeeozding to Gamble the
population- density of Peiping in 1917 was 33,886 persons per
square mile.
The density varied from 72,136 to 83,823 persons
per square mile in the five police districts in the center of
Chinese City
where business and industry are concentrated.
is the high©st density in Peiping.
-This
Economic opportunities in
these five districts exist only for men.
Small business men, ap­
prentices, and industrial workers work and live in the same place.
They are either unable to bring their families or too young to
have any.
The migrants visit their families on festival days or
on special occasions.
Because of this, these district's also have
the highest sex ratio, which varies from 170 to 331.
The density varies from 6,029 to 18,244 parsons per square
mile in the three districts situated in the extreme south of the
Chinese City, characterised as the agricultural end semi-residen­
tial areas.
The population density varies from 22,078 to SS,91d
persons in the Tartar City.
The population in the Inner East
City of the Tartar City, where we find the well-to-do people., has
^People who have less than $66 income annually.
Gamble, Peking. a Social Survey, pp. 268-272.
-P
“"See Figure 11 on the next page*
Gee
j
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138
I *&.¥&
’
-r vtrM_
^
«13 ,C*
C A'/zv^ ^s-
W * - ------- \
Fig. 3.1.— The population density of
Peiping according to police distrlcts5 191V (num­
ber of population per square mile) . Data of tills
figure are from Gamble, Peking;.. A Social Survey«
o. 413.
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139
been Increasing whereas the Inner West: City of the Tartar City Is
somewhat deteriorated, with people moving out from it.
exception the commercial area attracts more people-
Without
Both "business
sub-centers in. the Inside heft 1 and Inside Right 1 of the Tartar
City have & higher population density and a higher percentage of
males than any other district in the Tartar City.
There has been no racial discrimination in Pelpizig since
the decline of the iisncbu regime.
The Ranch us have gradually ac­
quired the Chinese mode of life- , and the divergence in their
habits of life is diminishing.
However, there are differences in
"both economic level and social position.
The Sanchus have s. lower
standard of living and inferior position as a result of their
lack of education and business practice a m
th© curtailment of
their former government pension®.
Foreign Population in Peiping
The foreigners have learned from esperlence that a wall
means protection.
They have encircled themselves In Peiping In a.
walled area called the Legation Quarter.
reached 1,52-4.
In 1919 their number
Seventeen nationalities were represented, and the
sex ratio was 209.
The picture was different in 1934, when there
were 3,072 foreigners with a sex ratio of only 139.
The average
annual Increase of the foreigners Is about 103 persons with a
rate of 3 p e r cent.
In 1919 the sex ratio of this section was
greater than that in the Chinese population? but b y 1934 it had
declined to less than that of the Chinese population.
Social Organization.
The Gild
The gild In Peiping is organized by the men of a trade
and includes both employers and employees.
The function o f the
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140
TABI.E 19
FOREIGNERS 12T PEIPING
Number
Nationality
1917a
1932b
Japanese.....
American.....
Russian......
British......
French........
German........
Other.........
59.5
281
15
230
131
152
120
976
536
320
309
162
160
509
Total....
1*524
3,072
sDa.ta froin vvoodhead, on. clt. ,
1835, 1S36.
^ a t a from G-ambl e * on. cit. „
p. 111.
■gild Is primarily economic, including (1) to maintain monopoly
for gild members* (2) to prevent competition, (3) to determine
prices and wages and otherwise- to regulate the procedure of gildsen."
There are some functions other than economic, namely, to
settle disputes of gild members according to the preveiling cus­
toms and laws* to protect the members from official demands for
taxes and heavy charges for the services of the officials.
"Many
Include the functions of religious societies and have definite
forms of religious practice.
2
agencies."
Many also act as philanthropic
The membership of a gild is limited to persons of one
trade.
Seldom do the members in two trades Join one gild.
It is
assumed that when, a man finishes his term of apprenticeship and
starts to sort, he is to be & member of s. gild.
In some gilds
there are special qualifications— economic, moral* or pertaining
John Stewart Burgess, The Gild of Peking: (Hew York:
Columbia University, 192S)* p. 190.
SXbid.
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241
to special training— which are emphasised.
7
Some gilds are or­
ganized along provincial lines, tout no gild limits its membership
to a single district or city.
employees are harmonious-
2
Belations between employers and
The masters of shops and stores often
recognize the standard of living and are quick to grant the needed
increase in. pay whenever circusstsmces warrant.
The gild holds one or two meet Inge a year, usually on the
"birthday of the hero of the gild, or on one of the Chinese festi­
val days.
These meetings are occasions for the members to come
together to enjoy a feast and theatrical play, to worship their
patron saint, to elect officers for the coming year, and to trans­
act and discuss business.
Meetings are often held in the provin­
cial hall, the gild hell*'a temple, a restaurant, or in one of
the stores of its members.
the worship of god.
The first business of the meeting is
An altar for gods is arranged on a raised
platform in the hall, and pictures of the gods are hung on the
wall.
The members of the gild council first bow before the gods
and then the ordinary members follow.
The worship consists in
offering a feast and burning Incense before the picture or the
image of the gods.
The common worship of the gild or saint of
the gild has maintained the gild’s unity and solidarity.
At present, most of the gilds either have been modified
or have disappeared.
Skill with machines makes it possible for
one to find work in several lines and to shift from one line to
another.
Thus, the requirement for membership that one must have
finished his training as an apprentice is no longer held.
The gild also finds it harder to enforce rules or to i n ­
sist that ell men engaged in a given line of business belong to
the gild.
The gild is losing its important functions because of
12bld. . p. 124.
^Gamble, op. cit. , p. 168.
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the fact that the government exercises more legal control over
the gild and refuses to protect the monopoly vfaieh the gild for­
merly enjoyed.
Employers and employees seem to he tending toward
separation fx*ora each other in the gilds.
"In the Incense and
Cosmetic Cfild# the employers and employeee belong to the same
gild hut hold separate meetings and have very little to do with
each other.
Among the shoemakers, the employers have their own
separate organization;
Burgess named eleven Peiping craft gilds that have dis­
appeared because the manufactured products of the gild are no
longer In demand.
Products formerly sold exclusively in China
are n o w expected In large quantities.
Some gilds disappeared
when foreign factories established In China produced more effi­
ciently and cheaply what was formerly made bjr the gild.
On the
other hand, some new craft and commercial gilds, such as the elec­
tricians* gild, the gild of automobile and bicycle business, the
gild of workers In the railways, mines, end post offices, have
been organized.2
Burgess also pointed out that "in many gilds
there Is coming to pass structural differentiation, the employers
and the laborers forming their own respective gilds either volun­
tarily or by compulsion of law. "
The tendency of the gild is
that the craft gilds will be modified Into labor unions and the
employers into employers* associations.
The Chamber of Commerce
The chamber of commerce in Peiping Is an organisation of
a group of business men who are either representatives of gilds
o r officers of corporations.
The chamber of commerce has a board
o f directors which, elects the president and vice-president.
purposes of the chamber of commerce are as follows:
1Ibid-» PP- 170-71.
2 Ibid., pp. 218-22-
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T he .
143
1. To bring about friendly relations between laerehants and
wo rkmen .
2. To conduct researches on Industrial and commercial
questions.
3. To develop industrial and commercial enterprises4. To strengthen all commercial enterprises.
5. To settle disputes between workmen, and merchants.
6. To look after the condition of the markets.
All the purposes are carried out by the president and
board of directors, except that disputes between merchants and
between merchants and workmen are settled by e. court.
A chamber
of commerce court is allowed to hear all cases in relation to in­
dustry and commerce but not civic or criminal cases.
The court
gives the business men quick and inexpensive justice based on the
customs of the district.
Furthermore, the chamber of commerce
acts as an intermediary between the merchants and the government.
The government co-operates vritfc. the chamber of commerce in adopt­
ing laws, and levying taxes, because the latter gives an accurate
account of the business community.
The chamber of commerce may
enforce the regulations which the government has approved and may
collect taxes for the government.
The chamber of commerce includes fifty-eight groups of
4,630 stores, or approximately one-sixth of the number in the
city.
There are control groups among the fifty-eight groups,
such as the manufacturing companies, the Salt Gabel 1 c , and the
merchants’ gild of Peiping.
Of the fifty-eight groups, each gx*oup
has from one to eight representatives in the chamber of commerce but the bankers have thirty.
The Labor Union
Labor unions are commonly found in modern industrial
areas-
Ta Chen gives several reasons why in—modern industrial
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144
society the labor union is preferable to the gilcl..^-----(!) The gild is usually organized oa the basis of the craft
which is disadvantageous to the workers. In a a o d e m industry
which frequently includes several crafts.........(£} The
autocracy of the master in the old gild is sometimes intol­
erable.
In the modern labor union, members seem to have more
freedom.
In the gild, questions of price-fixing, wages and
hours of laborers mere frequently decided by the master. . .
. . Today, these questions are subject to public discussion
by the members.
The first labor union (1913) which was not much different
from the gild, was the Lu Pan Industrial Onion.
It was organised
by those who worship Lu Pan as the founder of their craft, espe­
cially the carpenters, masons, and painters-
The main object of
the union was to fix wages, to organize workshops for those out
of work, and to carry relief work.
From 1913 to 192? there was a
growing tendency for the laborers to organize themselves into
unions.
Since 19:3? tiie government has sought to secure the sup­
port of organized'labor.
The workers of the railways, post of­
fices, and modern industries have organised different unions.
In
1934, there were 22 unions having ? ,955 members In Peiping as com­
pared with 656 unions having 332,36? members In 2? industrial dis­
tricts in China, and 6S unions having 65,561 members in Shanghai
(cf..Table 20).
TABLE 20
THE s m m m . OF UKIOHS ABB ESKBHKS IK FE1PXHG-, 19'32-1935«
Kind of
Union
1932
Humber of Unions and Members b y Year
1935
1933
1934.
U* s Members
Industrial. - . . S
Occupational.8
'Tnt-.at
16
.
.
.
.
.
“Source:
1
22
^-
D *S Members
U» s Members
3,734
1,641
8
12
io
5,375
20
3,734
3,961
7,695
12
22
3,994
3,961
7,955
U 1s Members
4
6
415
4,043
IO
4,458
The Ghinese Year Book (193?), pp. 763-64.
■Letter from Ta Chen; cf. J- S. Burgess,
op
. oit. .
~
J
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op
.223-
145
Religious Institutions
Peiping Is the religious center of China -where various
religions are tolerated.
There are 936 Confueian, Buddhist, and
Taoist places of worship in Peiping, of willoh the Temple of Heaven,
the Temple of Agriculture, the Confueion Temple, and the Laaa
Temple are the most Important.
The Temple of Heaven was the cen­
ter of the old Chinese Worship of Heaven, but now it Is no longer
used for worship because there is no more .an Emperor who alone
can approach the spirit of Heaven.
The Temple of Agriculture was
the place where the Emperor worshipped on the first day of spring
end plowed the first furrow of the year.
Since the establishment
of the Republic in 1911, its altar has been deserted and the
temple grounds are now a public park.
The Temple of Confucian Is
still the center of worship for Confucius in the spring and fall,
fostered by the Confucian society arid the provincial government
of Chihli.
The Lama Temple was the chief of some twenty Lama
temples In Peiping; services are still held there.
Of the 936
temples, many of them are going to ruin, tout no new ones are being
built.
In 1936, the provincial- government of Chihli repaired some
of the temples at a cost of several millions of dollars.
But the
repairs made an Impression on foreign visitors only; the ancient
beliefs ana religious superstitions are no longer Interesting to
the city intellectuals, especially the students.
Many of the
temples have been used for m o d e m primary schools and headquarters
of gilds, or rented to roomers or merchants.
Several writers have considered the gilds as religious
institutions because worship of the god of the gild was the first
business of the meeting and. religious ceremony was formally ren­
dered.
All gilds have some deity or hero that they worship as
the special patron saint of their trade, and he is usually the
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3.46
nan who was the founder of the craft or who was a shilled worker
in that trade.
To worship the founder or patron saint of the
gild is to respect him,
to model oneself after him,
the gild's strength and
solidarity under him.
tomaintain
There were several large religious organisations in
Peiping.
In 1919, the Buddhist Reform Society had 34 temples in
and. around Peiping with
1C ,000 members.'1 It has no intention of
increasing its m e m b e r s h i p o r of opening new branches, nor doing
any evangelistic work fox'* Buddhism.
At the present time, the
Buddhist society is not only participating in social reform work
but also opening schools and doing propaganda work for Buddhism.
Peiping has been the center of the Mohamedans.
In 1319-
there were about 25,000 Bcslems and 30 mosques in Peiping.
Prac­
tically all of the mosques had schools for their members' chil­
dren.
In 1S36, 6 of the IS famous mosques, 6 of the 25 /iohamedsn
organizations, 5 of the 22 publications, and 3 of the IO Moharaedan.
g
schools in China were in Peiping.
Their work cossists more or
less in establishing schools, sending students abroad, publishing
magazines, teaching Mohaaedanlsm» and participating in social
reform work.
Protestant missions made their appearance In 1861, the
London Missionary Society being the first one to enter the city.
In 1919 there were about 15 foreign, missions, 188 foreign mission­
aries, and 346 Chinese missionaries working with the foreigners.0
The mission work includes evangelism, establishing churches and
schools for lectures, and activities connected with the welfare of
the surrounding community, sad building schools from primary
grades to the university.
Of these schools the most Important
1'Gamble, o p . c it. , p. 370.
^The Chinese Year Book. 1937, pp. 79-79.
.°Gaxnble» o p . cit. , p . 37S...
J
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147
are Peiping University, the Worth China Union Language school,
and. Peking Union Medical College.
The mission schools often net
the competition of the government schools, so they unified, their
staff, support, and management, and established the union insti­
tutions.
For example, Peiping University was founded by the
anialgenent of four schools.
union work-
The missions also developed their
Fach church has its owi .district
be no overlapping or duplicating of effort.
30
that there may
Like the mission
v;ork in other Chinese cities, the missionaries extended, their
1
work from chapel to school campus and community..
The Yotrog Sen's
Christian Association was founded first to carry on this extenj
j
sion work; the Student Christian Association followed; and the
|
Young iSomen's Christian Association was established later.
Through these big religious institutions, the influence of the
Christian outlook overshadowed that of other religious institu­
tions.
Educational Institutions
Before the establishment of the Republic of China in 1911,
Peiping was the educational center, the only city to offer the
highest educational degree.
At that time, the possession of a
higher degree meant an offer of a high official position.
"The
close connection between scholastic attainment and official posi­
tion and the fact that the highest examinations were given In its
examination halls made Peiping the educational as well as the
political center of Old China.
In the second decade of the
twentieth century, Peiping has maintained its position.
A ne w educational system has been introduced into Peiping
schools, from primary grades to the university.
j
"The majority of
X Ibld. . p. 128•
|r
J
.........
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148
the schools are under the National and Local Board or Education,
but 12 other governmental agencies are ms.intain.ina' schools-
The
missions, Roman Catholic, Greek Catholic, Protestant have schools
of -all grades from kindergarten to university, and there are many
that are pr-Ivately n m . 1^
Vocational and professional schools in Peiping are not
well developed.
Several of them are established by governmental
agencies for their ovm field of interest, such as the Hoard, of
Law establishing a Supplementary School of Law, the Board of Com­
munication establishing Postal and Telegrapli Schools, and others.
There are many special.schools in Peiping, such as the blind
schools, schools for poor boys, half-day schools, and actors'
apprentice schools, '.lass education in Peiping seems very active.
Leeture halls and libraries give new ideas and governmental in­
formation to the city inhabitants.
Special teams of lecturers
that follow the temple markets and fairs give lectures to the
public.
Besides the small libraries in the lecture halls, there
are big museums and five public libraries, each of which is part
of the extension education.
Most of the books in these libraries
are Chinese classics on history and philosophy.
Other modern educational agencies also appear in Peiping.
There are 20 newspapers and news agencies and 26 periodicals in
1933; 21 foreign presses in 1937; but no one Chinese book pro­
ducer in Peiping.
Recreational Institutions
Recreation in Peiping reflects the typical social life in
the Chinese urban community.
1Jo big city like Peiping is so con­
servative in maintaining the old types of recreation.
Old-style
GaralDlfc, or>. cit* , p. 32*
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149
theatre-going, feasting* listening to story tellers, the singsong
girl and public entertainers, and visiting prostitution houses,
still hold a prominent place in recreational life.
Westera forms
of recreation, such as moving pictures and billiards, are inter­
esting only to the present generation, especially the student,
but not the general population.
There are several varieties of the Chinese drama.
It
holds its position In recreational, life by having brilliant cos­
tumes, loud clashing music, acting of the female role by a male,
and a pleasant tone in singing.
Besides the regular theaters and
some restaurants, provincial halls and temples where theatrical
performances are regularly given, practically all of the gild
halls, provincial and business, have a theatre stage where some
performance is often presented when there is a meeting.
The man­
agement and organization of a theatre le different from that of
the West.
The owners or proprietors arrange a drama with an
actors’ club.
-Hie income Is divided according to agreement.
In
the past, the seats were divided into the male and female sides
by police regulation, but this division has now disappeared.
In Peiping, the moving picture is not so popular as in
other big Chinese cities.
in Peiping.
In 1936, there were only six theatres
Of the fifty— six Chinese moving picture producers,
not one was in Peiping.
The moving picture is more Interesting
to students and professional men then any other classStory— telling is interesting to the people of low status.
It takes place In the huts, little tea houses, street markets,
lanes, temples, and open spaces.
its popularity.
Cheap admission contributes to
Under a roof, the admission is Just a few coppers
(cents), and in open spaces a voluntary offering is expected.
A
story-teller is a professional man who has gone through an appren-
J
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150
tlceship, learned a lot: of jogs by heart, and practiced his voice
by experience.
He may influence liis listeners by suggestion.
-The local authority has realized this point and organized the
story-tellers into a gild.
The primary purpose is to stop the
telling of stories injurious to the morality of the people.
The
regulation of the gild is strict; inspectors and investigators
are sent to listen to the story-tellersTemple market festivals are held several times a month by
the big temples-
At these festivals there is religious worship,
a fair where all sorts of merchandise is on sale, and various
i
;
recreational devices-
Peoole of all classes are fond of gather -
j
j
ing together to enjoy group life.
I
often spend their time in restaurants in gossiping, and -people of
People of low economic status
higher status entertain their friends in restaurants for social,
business, as well as political purposes.
Sometimes they visit
the house of prostitution or invite the prostitute to the res­
taurant to entertain their guests.
A certain class of inhabitants
enjoys the thrill and excitement of gambling either in the public
place or in their friend's homes-
''Sparrow11 or "Ma-Chisng" is
the most popular game, but card games and table chess are also
popular-
Gambling and drinking frequently accompany the feasting
in the hotels said tea housesM o d e m recreational devices have been introduced into
Peiping, but they appeal only to the students and professional
men.
M o d e m athletics, track., baseball, volley ball, football,
and tennis are nan-commercialised; the moving picture theatre,
pool, ana billiards are commercialized-
Dance halls and cabarets
can not be found in Peiping except in the Legation Quarter where
the foreigners reside.
j
I
i
\
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151
Government
There was no definite form of government in Peiping.
Peiping was the home of tii© Emperor, hut the Emperor 2ma never
ruled Peiping.
In ancient times, the Emperor either appointed
his Minister of Interior or a special 'bureaucr-aey to take charge
of the general affairs of the city.
As we have often heard, the
.
government of .Peiping is a Chinese puzzle; no official record, re­
veals .flow it was ruled toy definite law.
After the decline of the Mancku regime In 1911, the
municipal affairs were nominally under the control of the Minister
of Interior* who is the president of the Municipal Council.
In
practice the work was done by the vice-president of the Municipal
Council, who Is appointed by the president of China on the recom­
mendation of the Minister of Interior and with the approval of the
Chamber Of Commerce.
The Municipal Council is composed of a presi­
dent, two vice-presidents, four heads and four vice-heads of de­
partments, forty secretaries, and some minor officers.
For two
decades, from 1911-1927, Peiping was under the control of war­
lords-
After 1B28 it was under the control of the national gov­
ernment and became one cf the- special cities subject only to the
Executive Yuen of the national government in Hanking.
Since 1931,
under the Japanese pressure, Peiping was in the hands of those
pro—Japanese groups somewhat independent in administration.
How­
ever, the form of government did not change much.
Regarding the administration of Peiping, one should no­
tice that the police work in Peiping is the most extensive and
efficient In ell China.
The Peiping Police Board, not only exer­
cises the duties of the board of health, census bureau, fire and
street cleaning department, and it Is in charge of the charitable
institutions of the city.
Because of its broad administrative
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152
duties almost ten thousand men are connected with the ‘board.
It
is considered the best board in all Chinese cities.
Occupation
There are no data available on the occupations of the
total population In Peiping.
Individual surveys made on selec­
tive communities give us nothing more than the number of persons
engaged In certain occupations.
There Is no information on sex,
age, and Income In each occupation.
Gamble Investigated 382 church members In three districts
inside Peiping, of whom all are from the low middle class having
an annual average income from $XOO to @250.
tJe find that the
majority _of them (22.9 per cent) are engaged. In professional ser­
vices, 11 per cent In public service, nearly 10 per cent In do­
mestic service, and 8.7 per cent in transport at Ion and communi­
cation (cf. Table 21).
The occupational distribution of the'population in Ching
K.o, a market town outside of Peiping, is quite different.
Because
Ching Uo is a market town, it is to be expected that the majority
of the population (26.S per cent) would be engaged In trade.
There are 20.2 per'cent In agriculture, 8 per cent In public ser­
vice, and only 1.5 per cent in professional services.
The Ching
Ho survey Is limited to male inhabitants because of the 630 fe­
male members, only IS have a definite occupation.
The rest of
them sometimes work in stores, sometimes manage family affairs,
and have other occupations.
This Indefinite occupation of women
also can be found in every city in China.
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153
TABLE 2 1
THE COMPOSITION OF 382 CHURCH MEMBERS 2N DIFFERENT
OCCUPATIONS AND THE PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF
PERSONS 12? EACH OCCUPATIONAL GROUP
IN PEIPING, 1919*
Occupation
Number o f
People In
Each. Occupation
Per Cent of
People in.
Each Occupation
Para
Transportation and
communication....
0.3
27
Tr a d e...... .
18
Manufacturing end
mechanical-....
30
Public service
Domestic service
38
Professional
86
22.3
11
M&nchu pensioners
Student s .........
9.0
oo
8.7
29
7.7
6.9
Total
382
100.0
SiData from Gamble, o n . c i t .. p. 602.
i
4
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CHAPTER VI
SCK5HARST
The growth of cities follows settlement and the expansion
of populationin China.
This is true in the "SVestem countries as well as
A city usually grows up near a navigable area at the
transit point of land communication.
In ancient time it served
the purpose of defense or administration.
trade, industry, politics, and culture.
Bow, it is a center of
Tills change in the nature
of cities is the result of outside stimuli.
In the case of
Europe, the Crusades, the discovery of a new route to the Orient,
and colonisation brought about the modern city,
hater, the In­
dustrial Revolution accelerated rapid city growth-
In the case
of China, the impact of Western Influence has effected two stages
of changes:
(1) It promoted the growth of modern cities like
Shanghai, and (g) it has drawn the mediaeval type of city closer
to the m o d e m city.
The tern '‘Western influence" Is too broad to
designate very clearly how the growth,
of the m o d e m city in China
has come about; some specific factors
should be singled out.
•These factors are trade, Introduction and extension of modern
technology, Increase of population, better location, political
and cultural importance.
The city which was important in trad©
seemed to grow faster than that Important In administration and
culture.
This may be Illustrated by Shanghai and Peiping in
terms of the growth of population In the respective cities|
rate of increase of Shanghai’s population la
The
100,000 annually; of
Peiping's, 10,000, or about one-tenth of the rote of Increase of
j
S h a n g h a i.
:J
V
TKA
J
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155
There are contrasts as well as similarities among cities
as far as history, city pattern, population structure, social in­
stitutions, and social life are concerned.
Shanghai's physical
structure is very much like that of any Western commercial metrop­
olis but does not conform to the concentric circle pattern.
There
is a central business center, but no zone of deterioration around
it except deteriorated belts in the Worth and South.
The indus­
trial districts are nearer to the means cf transportation than
the central business districts.
The workingaen's houses are not
separated from the industrial district nor do they form a zone.
They are in between or adjacent to the factories.
to go together with the workingmen's houses.
areas extend toward the west to the city.
The sluras used
The residential
The single families as
well as the poor workingmen* s families and the first migrants re­
side at the outskirts of the city.
is an artificial one.
Peiping's physical structure
There are three layers In the city pro—
seeding outward from the center of the city separated by walls.
These layers are planned zones and not the re suita of social
forces.
The South Gity is somewhat like the commercial city of
Western countries.
There is a central business center adjacent
to which are districts of deteriorated dwellings.
place that can be called an industrial area.
Workingmen's houses
and factories are scattered throughout the city.
area is in the Tartar City.
There is nc
The residential
There are types of areas in Peiping
and Shanghai comparable to these in Western cities, but they do
not shape themselves in successive zones.
Cities as a whole are usually densely populated with
heterogeneous groups having different cult-oral backgrounds -
The
segregation of population a nd the formation, of some natural, areas
is apparent.
There are more people at the most productive ages,
J
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156
a high proportion of migrants,, more unmarried women, hut low
"birth rates, and. a deficit of young people.
teristics are also apparent„
Contrasts in charac­
In the United. States the ratio of
males to females In the cities Is generally low.
in Chinese cities seems to be the opposite.
The situation
Shanghai has a rather
l ow sex ratio as compared with Peiping and other Chinese cities
because of its recent development as a commercial and industrial
center offering more opportunlties to the female t?ox5hers -
In all
'tfeetem cities there is a large urban deficit In the young age
groups, but in Chinese cities, the deficit Is not so large-
It
Is rather unexpected that there should be more old people in
Peiping than in the rural districts.
In the Western countries,
the male Infant mortality rate seems higher than the female rate,
but tills tendency Is reversed in Chins..
In the United states,
urban fertility rises with lowering economic status, the Illiter­
ates had larger families on the average than did the literate,
and different religious groups had different birth, ratescorrelations are not significantly found in China.
These
Urbanization
in. China Is a rather new phenomenon and the effects of it are
felt by only' a few.
The relation between fertility and social
factors should not be strongly emphasized.
The birth rate of
Peiping and Shanghai differ a little, although Shanghai Is more
urbanized.
The death rate of Peiping is higher than, that of
Shanghai.
In these times of rapid change in every modern city in
China, one finds & breaking down of the old social Institutions
and the building up of the new.
The traditional patriarchal
family system is no longer a predominant form.
The size of the
family is small., consisting largely of only the immediate primary
family.
The membership becomes loose.
Individuals need no
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15?
longer conform to or be fitted Into the old traditional standar­
dization.
The craft gild has lost its traditional function and
has been modified or disappeared.
The employers and employees
form their separate associations and unions.
have been weakened, though they still exS.st.
Provincial gilds
The chamber of com­
merces which is modeled on the foreign chamber, is an inter-gild,
organization, an Influential commercial institution in integrating
the complex business community.
The pawnshop is disappearing,
but the native bank still plays a considerable role in small
cities.
The recently developed m o d e m banks constitute the im­
portant factor in a new economic orientation and in the integra­
tion of China.
The Protestant institutions ar-e widely spread
over China and overshadow all other religious institutions.
The
.Protestant mission works have penetrated into the schools as' well
as the communities-
Both the old Chinese and the m o d e m Western
recreational devices flourish side by side in Chinese cities.
The modem, forms of entertainment are m o m
interesting to the
young generation, especially the students, «hlle the old forms
are welcomed by the aged and the xai&dle-claes people.
The m o d e m
city has its municipal government modeled in the foreign city
government, while the small city usually is in the hands of a
local magistrate.
Shanghai has three city governments:
one of
them is under Chinese control, and the others are in the hands of
foreigners.
One of peculiar characteristics of all Chinese cities
is that the modern and the prim3.t±ve industrial institutions
operate side by side.
The modern type is well developed in the
big cities of the coastal and the Yangtze regions, while the
handicraft industry and the small master system which prevailed
in mediaeval Europe are still found in some of the m o d e m cities
and play a dominant role in the old Chinese cities.
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158
Those Chinese cities affected "by Western Influence have
become or are becoming pants of the -world urban communities. They
are no longer typically Chinese cities.
In the process of chang­
ings their spatial pattern, population structure, social rela­
tions,
social institutions, and -way of life will be of great in­
terest to students of social science.
J
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