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RELATION OF MALE SEX DELINQUENCY TO LATER BEHAVIOR: A STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF CURRENT AND FOLLOW-UP RECORDS OF 256 JUVENILE OFFENDERS, SEGREGATED FOR COMPARISON INTO TWO ESSENTIAL TYPES

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University Microfilms
300 North Zeeb Road
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106
A Xerox Education Company
73-3108
LD3907
.33
Doshay, Lewis J
1940
Relation of male sex delinquency to
.D7
later behavior; a statistical analysis
of current and follow-up records of
256 juvenile offenders, segregated for
comparison into two essential types...
Kev; York, 1940.
ix,=la,292 typewritten leaves, tables
(3 fold.) diagrs.,forms . 29cm.
Thesis (Ph.D.) - New York •university,
.School of education, 1940.
Bibliographyr
p.290-292.
A60442
- ]
Xerox University Microfilms,
ft,:, List
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106
T H IS D IS S E R T A T IO N HAS BEEN M IC R O F IL M E D E X A C T L Y AS R E C E IV E D .
p»w
RELATION OF MALE SEX DELINQUENCY TO LATER BEHAVIOR
A Statistical Analysis of Current and Follow-up
Records of 256 Juvenile Offenders, Segregated
for Comparison into Two Essential Types
Lewis J. Doshay
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of
Philosophy in the School of Education of
New York University
1940
J(JI 1-8 -19 4 Q '■
PLEASE NOTE:
Some pages may have
indistinct print.
Filmed as received.
University Microfilms, A Xerox Education Company
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PART A
THE PROBLEM
Chapter
I
Page
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
1
The Purpose
The Scope of the Problem
Nature of Sex Offenses
Justification for Limiting Study to Boys
Segregation of Cases into Primary and
Nixed Groups, for Comparisons
Minor Related Problems
II
SIGNIFICANCE OF, AND PREVIOUS RESEARCH INTO, TEE
PROBLEM
7
Significance of the Study
The Import of the Sampling
The Absence of Available Data on the Subject
The Need for Data by Parents, Social '.York­
ers, Courts
Pioneering Nature of the Study
Previous Research on the Subject
Inadequacy of Samplings
Absence of Intensive Treatment of Material
III
PROCEDURES EMPLOYED IN COLLECTING DATA
The Source
Methods in
Methods in
Methods of
of the Case Material
Analysis of Case Material
Collecting the Later-Life Data
Treatment of the Collected Data
PART B
IV
14
THE BACKGROUND
FAMILY AND HOME CONDITIONS OF THE TWO COMPARED
GROUPS
21
»
Introduction
Status of Parents
Age Distribution of Parents
Race of Parents
Nationality of Parents
Education and Cultural Achievements of Parents
Income and Occupational Status of Parents
Dead and Disabled Parents
A 6G 44 2
ii
IV (Continued)
Home Status
Housing Conditions and Crowding
Broken Homes
Social Aid
Sibling Status
Ordinal Position of the Sex Delinquent
in the Family
Full, Half, and Step-Siblings
Criminal siblings
Summary
V
FACTORS IN THE PERSONALITY AND BEHAVIOR OF THE
PARENTS
Introduction
Alcoholism and Drug Addiction
Court and Prison Records
Gross Immorality
Neglect of the Children
Desertion by the Parents
Extreme Cruelty
Pronounced Profanity
Quarreling among Parents
Special Analysis of Defects in Primary Group
Parents
•Special Analysis of Defects in Nixed Group
Parents
VI
SOCIAL PAID COMMUNITY FACTORS
Introduction
Bad Neighborhood
Gangs and Bad Company
Excessive Notion Picture Attendance
Demoralizing Recreational ...ctivities
Habitual Late Hours
Maladjustment at School (School Problem)
Occasional or No Church Attendance
School Attendance (Truancy)
Grade Advancement
Employment among the sex Delinquents
Hazardous Vocational Interests
Play Life and Play Role
j
Summary
PART C
VII
PERSONALITY AND BEHAVIOR OF TEE
DELINQUENT
GENERAL TRAITS AMONG THE DELINQUENTS OF THE TWO
COMPARED GROUPS
Age Distribution among the Two Compared
Groups
Chapter
Page
VII (Continued)
Puberty
Pace
■Nationality
Religion
Intelligence
Gusraary
VIII DISORDERS OP MIND MID BODY .AMONG THE SEX DELIN­
QUENTS
83
Introduction
Physical Disorders
Glandular Disorders
Summary
Nervous and Mental Disorders
Summary
IX
DISORDERS IN BEHAVIOR AND TEMPERA,VENT
90
Introduction to Behavior Disorders
Gambling
Smoking
Alcoholism and Drug Addiction
Delinquency Habit
Enuresis (bed-wetting)
Nail-biting
Pace and Head Tics
Sleep Disorders
Effeminate Habits ("Sissy" types)
Speech Impediments
Conflict with Pamily
Rebelliousness
Attention-Seeking
oneakiness
Destructiveness
Strong Lying Habit
Temper Tantrums
Introduction to Temperament Disorders
Restlessness
Stubbornness
Aggre ss ivene s s
Timidity (Docility)
Surliness
Apathy
Moodiness
Callousness
Cruelty
Summary
X
TYPES OP JUVENILE 0PPEN3ES AMONG THE TV/0 SEX GROUPS
Introduction to Sex Offenses
iv
106
Page
Chapter
X
(Continued)
Excessive Masturbation
Exhibitionism
Peeping
Obscenity in Speech and Hriting
Fellatio
Sodomy
All Types of Perversions
Groups Affairs with Grils
Bex Attempts with Young C-irls
Hetero-Sexual Experiences
Touching Goman's or Girl's Body
Incest with Sisters
Incest Attempt with Mother
Gadism
Violent Sex Assault on a Homan
General or Non-Sex Type Offenses
Summary of Sex and Non-Sex Offenses
Delinquent’s Pole in the Sex Offense
XI
COURT AND CLINIC TRE, jlvIXNT OF THE SEX OFFENDERS
121
Clinic Recommendations and Court Dispositions
Number of Visits to the Court Clinics
Months of Probation to the Clinic
Summary
PART D
XII
THE OUTCOMES
135
ADULT SEX FAILURES
Absence of Sex Failures in Primary Group
Sex Failures among Mixed Group Members
Types of Adult Sex Violations in Mixed Group
Case-Histories of All Mixed Group Sex Fail­
ures
Comparisons of Sex Failures with Other studies
Evidence that Sex Failures do not Fulminate
into Adulthood with Violence
Summary
XIII
ADULT FAILURES:
VIOLATIONS OTHER THAN SEX
Non-Sex Failures in Both Groups Compared
Major and Minor Non-Sex Violations Compared
Nine Sample Case-Histories of Mixed Group
Failures
Types of Sentences for Non-Sex Violations
Adult Failures in Relation to Puberty Status
of Juveniles
Colored and White among the Outcomes
v
156
Chapter
Page
XIII (Continued)
Non-Sex Offenses Compared with other
dtudies
Court and Clinic in Relation to the Outcomes
3ur.im.ary
XIV
ADULT FAILURES AND SUCCESSES
179
Summary Comparison of Failures, and Sen­
tences, in the Two Groups
Successes
Introduction
Adult Successes, with Juvenile Recidivism
Juvenile Sex Recidivism Compared in
the Two Groups
Juvenile Non-Sex Recidivism Compared in
the Two Groups
Case-Kistories of Sex and Non-sex Juve­
nile Recidivists
Adult Successes, with and without Juvenile
Recidivism
Continuous Successes
Case-Histories of Continuous Successes
Favorable and Unfavorable Early Traits
Related to Success and Failure
Set of Circumstances Versus Specific
Trait, among the Delinquents
Summary
PART E
CONCLUSIONS
XV
GENERAL SUMMARY
215
XVI
GENERAL CONCLUSIONS
232
Important Field of Social Concern
Formerly Neglected
Original Values Derived from this Pio­
neering Investigation
Answers to Major and Minor Related Problems
Answers to Problems not Originally Anti­
cipated or Considered
Limitations
Prediction Possibilities
XVII
IMPLICATIONS
254
Juvenile Sex Delinquency as Self-Curing
Consideration of Special Treatment Measures
Prevention Measures
APPENDIX
271
BIBLIOGRAPHY
290
vi
LIST OF TABLES
Table
I
Page
Disparity in the Ages of Parents in Primary and
Mixed Groups
24
II
Dead and Disabled Parents
30
III
Broken and Unbroken Homes
34
17
Factors in the Personality and Behavior of
Parents
46
7
Social and Community Factors of the Delinquents
52
71
Intelligence Distribution among the Delinquents
81
711
Physical and Glandular Defects among the Delin­
quents -
84
Nervous and Iiental Disorders among the Delin­
quents
87
Behavior Disorders among the Compared Groups
of Bex Delinquents
93
7III
IX
X
Temperament Disorders among the Delinquents
101
XI
Juvenile Gem Offenses (Types)
108
XII
Juvenile Offenses Other than Sex
108
XIII
Delinquent's Pole in the Sex Offense
116
XI7
Clinic Recommendations and Court Dispositions
123
X7
Number of 7isits and Months of Probation to
the Clinics
124
1071
Total Number of Cases with Adult Failures
132
X7II
Total Number of Adult 7iolations
134
X7III
Types of Sentences for Adult Violations
169
ytt
Juvenile Recidivists (and Violations)
185
XX
Background and Personality Factors in Relation
to 0utcoxae s
803
Age Distribution of Parents at Time of Birth
of Delinquents
273
XXI
vii:
Table
Page
XXII
Race Distribution of Parents and Delinquents
274
XXIII
Nationality of Parents and Delinquents
275
XXXV
Parents' Educational Background
276
XXV
Parents' Mastery of English Tools
276
XXVI
Family Income
277
XXVII
Father’s Occupational Status
278
XXVIII
Housing Conditions and Crowding in the Home
279
XXIX
Social Aid
280
XXX
Ordinal Position of Delinquent
281
XXXI
Only, Youngest, and Oldest Child Frequency
282
XXXII
Ratio of Full to Half, and Gtep-Giblings
283
XXXIII
mental Age and Grade Advancement of Delinquents
284
XXXIV
Employment of Delinquents
285
XXXV
Play Life of Delinquents
286
XXXVT
Play Role of Delinquents
286
XXXVII
Age Distribution of Juvenile 3 ex Delinquents
287
XXXVIII Distribution of Delinquents in Pre- and PostPuberty
XXXIX
XL
288
Religion of Juvenile Gen Delinquents of Two
Compared Groups
288
Church Attendance among the Delinquents
289
viii
LIST OF DIAGRAMS
Diagram
Following
Page
25
1
Disparity in the Ages of the Farents
2
Race Distribution of the Parents and Delinquents
25
3
Nationality Distribution of Parents
26
4
Broken and Unbroken Homes
35
5
School Adjustment
66
6
Age and Puberty Distributions in the Primary
and Mixed Groups
77
7
Nationality Distribution among the Delinquents
79
8
Intelligence Distribution among the Sex Delin­
quents
80
9
Offenses Other than Sex
114
10
Clinic Recommendations and Court Dispositions
121
11
Total Number of Adult Violations
133
12
Types of Sentence among 112 Adult Violations of
The Two Groups
169
FORMS
Form
I
Case-History Analysis Coded Card
271
II
Outcome Study, Follow-up Form
272
ix
PART A
THE PROBLEM
CHARTER I
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
The Purpose:
This study will seek to establish the significance of the
relation of early sex offenses among males to later behavior.
It will be based upon compared group analyses of two types,
among the 256 male juvenile sex cases, that had been studied
and treated at the Mew York City Children's Court clinics from
six to twelve years ago.
At the time of the original study the
boys were within the age range of seven to sixteen years, but
at present, with two exceptions, they are anywhere from sixteen
to twenty-eight years of age, thus presenting a fair cross-section
1
of life when criminal tendencies fully manifest themselves.
Scope of the Problem:
The use of the six-year period since a child’s last treat­
ment at the clinic, as an adequate minimal interval to represent
2
later life behavior, is warranted by researches in allied fields.
1~.
2.
The Seventh Annual Report of the Commissioner of Correction,
State of New York, 1936, p. 220, shows that close to half
of the resorted 24,099 male adult law violators were within
the range" of 13 to 26 years of age; C. uoring states "The
average a-e of criminals at their first conviction is about
22 years.* . . . . "The commonest age for recruiting of
criminals is between 15 and 20." The English Convict, pp.
123-124.
Many authors employ a period of two to five years from the
time of the original study and treatment, as a gauge of
later behavior. Thus, '.V. Eealy and P. A. Bronner, in New
Light on Juvenile Delinquency, Chapter 12, make use of a
two to three year interval, while 3. and E. T. Glueck, in
One Thousand Juvenile Delinquents, p. 6, employ a fiveyear period.
From the minimum, however, the interval widens to twelve years,
permitting a more substantial measure of adult life.
This also
serves to provide a larger sampling of sex eases, so that con­
clusions for prediction and treatment may be available, con­
sidering that boys’ sex cases constitute a very small proportion
of the total number of delinquents that appear in the juvenile
courts and clinics.
The sex offenses in the cases studied include a variety
of violations of the social codes, such as writing or uttering
obscene language, excessive masturbation, exhibition of sex
parts, peeping, forceful or accepted relationships with the op­
posite sex, and passive or active perverse practices with young
individuals or adults.
The sampling of sex cases includes all
instances of sex violations among boys, with the exception of
those of the feeble-minded, that reached the Children's Court
clinics of the five boroughs of New York City during a period
of seven years, from private and public institutions, social
welfare agencies, parents and guardians, as well as officers of
the law.
These cases should therefore represent a fair cross-
section of boys' sex offenses in the community.
1
3ex offenses among girls involve a totally different set
Xi
Various surveys of courts and institutions reveal that sex
offenses among juvenile females occur SO to 50 times as of­
ten, in relation to other offenses, as among juvenile males,
and that, with few exceptions, the drive toward sex offenses
among girls is of a totally different type. See Juvenile
Delinquents in Public Institutions, United States Depart­
ment of Goi.mercs, Bureau of Census, 19oo, p. 16. Suostantiation of these differences is also noted in the data and
comments of <7. kealy and F. A. Bronner, "The most common
offense among the females, as one might expect, is sex de­
linquency. . . . Of the entire group of females, 191 or
almost 75 per cent had during juvenile court age engaged
of motivations ana dynamics, and the writer, having worked al­
most exclusively with boys at the clinics, is most intimate with
their problems and personalities; hence there is justification
for limiting the study to sex offenses among boys.1
In order that an adult sex offense may be judged specif­
ically in relation to the original sex offense, it seemed nec­
essary to the investigator that a so-called "primary" group,
which had no known involvement in any offensive behavior other
than sex, be segregated from the total of 256 cases.
comprises 108 cases.
This group
The remaining 148 juvenile sex cases,
which are definitely known to have been involved in a maxed
set of offenses, such as stealing, burglary, desertion of home,
ungovernableness and truancy, in addition to sex offenses, will
be distinguished hereafter as the "mixed" sex group, and will
be utilized for comparisons with the primary sex cases.
It is
recognized that some primary group cases may have been impli­
cated in offenses other than sex, which were undetected, or
if known to the family and public, were unrevealed to the Chil­
dren’s Courts,
->uch cases would all the same conform to the
definition of the primary group.
Although the objectives of this study might conceivably
be achieved with only the primary sex group cases in relation
to the later outcomes, nevertheless, because the studies on
juvenile sex problems and outcomes, in the literature, contain
1.
in sex irregularities. . . . Oomparaole to the ’profession­
als’ among the males (16 burglars, five hold-up men, 1_
thieves, two swindlers, two eex perverts), there were among
the females 22 prostitutes, one thief, one swindler." Delinouents and Criminals, pp. 35,56.
P. Alexander and H. itaub justify limiting their study to
male criminals thus "The investigation is limited to males
because they continue to play a dominant role, not only in
criminality but in the structure of society." The criminal,
The Judge, and The Public, p. 33.
4
"mixed sex" type of oases, it is considered desirable to include
the mixed group in this study, for comparisons with the primary
group as to background, personality traits, and later life out­
comes.
Minor Related Problems
Through an analysis of the parental, home, and neighbor­
hood factors, as well as the personalities of the sex delin­
quents or offenders, and their later life outcomes, it may be
determined whether a boy, representative of the primary group,
is possessed of a different configuration for prediction and
treatment from a boy representative of the general character­
istics of the mixed group.
The investigation will seek to derive further understanding
of differences existing in the two groups, through detailed casehistory reports of 30 members of the two groups, from the time
of the original study to the present.
This research will also seek to establish to what extent,
if any, juvenile male sex cases of either group become a men­
ace to society during adult life, through the commission of
violent sex offenses or crimes other than sex.
This being an extensive and intensive investigation, looking
towards an understanding of the subject of male juvenile sex de­
linquency (see Chapter II), the study will perhaps throw light
on still other questions, such as:
1.
Is there any relationship between the unfavorable fac­
tors in the early life of the male juvenile sex delinquent and
his later failure to adjust to social codes?
2.
Is there any relationship between the early favorable
5
factors in a sex case and the later successful adjustment to
social requirements?
5.
/ire there noteworthy differences in the percentage of
failure during later life amorr, the two sex groups under con­
sideration, and the findings cf Healy and Bronner^ and the
2
Glueclcs, among boys who have committed ail types of offenses
or delinquencies?
4.
Do cases committing sex offenses after puberty fare
differently in later years from those committing such offenses
before puberty?
5.
Did follow-up treatment in the clinics bear any defi­
nite relationship to the outcomes?
6.
Did the justices of the juvenile courts cooperate with
the clinics in the completion of programs intended for the re­
habilitation of the sex delinquents?
7.
oince no two children are exactly alike and since some
variation exists in all of us, do the outcomes and personality
studies warrant a conclusion that a distinct trait deviant under­
lies all sex cases, or special types of sex cases, determining
the specific conduct during early life?
If such a uniform trait
exists in these cases, is it possibly related to intellectual,
biologic, physical or social factors?
Is it susceptible to
treatment?
8.
Do the outcomes in later life justifjr the beliej. that
early sex offenses permanently mar the personality of the indi­
vidual and condition his adult conduct?
3*.
'7. Healy and
Eronner, Delinquents and Criminals, p. 201.
6. and I. I . Glueck, ojq. cit., pp. 155, 197.
6
9.
What types of male juvenile sex offenders, if any,
warrant segregation; serious concern; psychiatric treatment;
psychoanalytic treatment; supervision; close follow-up; change
of neighborhood; shift to a different home set-up; special re­
creational and athletic facilities; school adjustments; min­
imum of attention?
10.
Do the studies of later life behavior favor the trans­
fer of jurisdiction, management and treatment of any type of
sex oases among male juveniles, from the Children's Courts to
the community agencies?
I
7
CHAPTER II
SIGNIFICANCE OF, AND PREVIOUS RESEARCH INTO, THE PROBLEM
Significance of the Study;
An extensive investigation of this nature, devoted exclu­
sively to the subject of male juvenile sex offenders, with an
intensive analysis of the individual oase history of each of­
fender, has never been made.
Significant values should be
derived from it, particularly since the writer is well versed
in the problem, having examined and treated thousands of boys
at the Children’s Court clinios of New York City and having per­
sonally studied and treated many of the children included in
this survey.
The investigator’s series of 256 oases, in the
two groups, constitutes a very large sampling of oases of this
nature, representing, as it does, all the boys’ sex oases (exelusive of the feeble-minded) that appeared before the juvenile
oourt clinics of all the boroughs of New York City during a per­
iod of seven years.
Minor studies of boys’ sex cases are to be found in the
literature, but they fall far short of the stated objectives,
since some of them are theoretioal discussions based only on
a few case-histories, while others are essentially large-scale
statistical surveys of all types of juvenile offenses, slightly,
if at all, concerned with the factors and implications of sex
offenses among males.
As an instance of the latter, Healy and
Bronner, in their report on the lives and outoomes of 4000 juve­
nile delinquents, devote less than a page of an entire book to
the question of male sex delinquency.1 Furthermore, lest the
investigator’s series appear small, it may be of interest to
note by comparison that these authors list only 55 boys' sex
oases among their offenders, as the largest such sampling in
the present literature. Another large and carefully conducted
2
survey by the Gluecks reveals only nine sex oases in a series
of 1000 delinquent boys.
It is also noteworthy that the juvenile sex oases report­
ed in the literature were admittedly involved in other offenses
besides sex at their initial study; hence any sex offenses that
occurred among them in later life were unsuited for a study of
direct relationship to the earlier sex offenses.
There is no
known attempt at segregation of the male juvenile sex oases in­
to a primary type, either for comparison with the mixed type
or for direct relationship to sex offenses in adult life, such
as has been initiated in the present investigation.
In view of
this, and the reasons before stated, it may be possible for this
study to contribute original and significant values for an uhderstanding of the background and make-up of the juvenile sex de­
linquent, in terms of his later life behavior.
Furthermore, in the present literature, there is no source
to whioh one can turn for comprehensive enlightenment on the im­
portance of boys' sex offenses to behavior in later life, as a
basis for prediction and the intelligent planning of a treat­
ment program.
A rather important field of social oonoern seems
to have been negleoted.
Tl
2.
It is therefore to be hoped that this
W. Healy and f . A. Bronner, ©£. oit.. p. 127.
S. and E. T. Glueok, 0£. oit., p. 142.
9
study may find it possible to provide data that will be useful
to public and private agencies, throughout the country, in deal­
ing with sex problems.
It may supply information which will
be helpful in the guidance of parents, court probation officers,
social welfare workers, school administrators, teachers, Big
Brother workers, and institution personnel, in their day-today problems of sex delinquency among their male charges.
This work may prove of value to juvenile and criminal
courts, in the management of male sex delinquent*.
Better in­
sight into phases of boys* sex problems should serve to offset
"snap” judgment in prediction, or a uniform treatment, which
in the case of a "good” boy, already in the throes of guilt and
embarrassment over a degrading offense, could cause lasting men­
tal suffering, whereas a similar approach in a calloused offender
to whom sex delinquency is just another of a long series of of­
fenses, may have no effect whatever.
A sex act is but a symptom, which has no meaning without
relation to the total personality of the boy.
One cannot prog­
nosticate, guide and properly treat a child on the basis of such
a symptom, any more than a physician can properly treat an ill­
ness solely on the basis of a symptom of fever or rapid pulse.
The physician requires a working knowledge of the patient's past
history, his habits, previous illnesses, present illness, lab­
oratory data, as well as an understanding of the funotion of
the bodily systems and organs, and the patient’s special reac­
tion to his environment, in order to be in a position to treat
intelligently, as well as to be able to predict the outcome of
10
1
an illness.
The field worker or parent is similarly in need of
a preparation in the comprehensive understanding of the male
sex offender, in order to be in a position to judge properly,
to treat, and to plan for the future of the child.
It is to
be hoped that this investigation will contribute something to­
wards suoh an understanding.
This study may also help to allay undue anxiety and alarm
on the part of some parents over an isolated sex offense among
their offspring, and on the other hand may serve to arouse other
neglectful parents to their responsibilities, where recurrences
of such events appear among their children.
It should not be surmised that the sampling of £56 oases
of the Children’s Courts clinics represents the full scope or
variety of boys’ sex offenses in New York City, during a period
of seven years.
Sex offenses among boys occur in the community
much more frequently than is indicated by the sampling, but most
of these offenders esoape detection, are known only to sooial
agencies, or, thoug^happrehended in the act, fail to appear in
court.
Non-appearance is due to a variety of reasons; shame of
a family to air a matter of sex in public; fear of parents that
a court reoord may operate permanently against the interests of
their boy; low moral standards of certain families, which cause
them to pay little or no heed to suoh offenses; ultra-progressive
types of family that regard exhibitionism, peeping, and the like
as juvenile events along the oourse of normal sex evolution;
I!
Hippocrates, the father of medicine, was interested in the
whole man. "His attention was centered upon the patient, not
merely his symptoms.’’ H. W. Haggard, Mystery, Magic, and
Medioine,’* p. 33.
11
prejudice of some families against all courts; wise or unwise
disciplinary measures considered and employed by parents as ade­
quate substitutes for oourt redirection.
For the above and other
reasons, thousands upon thousands of sex offenses committed by
boys are privately dealt with by parents and guardians, some­
times impulsively, at times judioiously, and at other times per­
haps injuriau&ly.
To the intelligent parents among them directly,
and to the others indirectly, via guidanoe from enlightened soc­
ial workers, this study may bring understanding of a subjeot which
up to the present time seems to have been largely neglected.
This study does not olalm finality, but such conclusions
as may be reached are to be regarded as tentative hypotheses,
which may be helpful to further research.
It is therefore to
be considered as a pioneering or exploratory effort.
That little
knowledge has thus far been developed on this subject is reflect­
ed in the recent introductory remarks of an outstanding exponent
of child guidance work:
"I don’t understand sdx delinquency. . .
Nobody understands sex delinquencies.
Some day we may. . . ."^
Previous Research on the Subjeot:
Healy, who is considered the "father of ohild guidanoe work"
2
in this country, presented a pioneer study on the nature of of­
fenses among children and adolescents, inoluding a genetic, large­
ly speculative theory of juvenile sex delinquency, based upon
Freudian psychoanalytic concepts.
He desoribed the individual
sex offenses of a number of boys, but the material was not organ-
Yl
2.
J. S. Plant, tJnderstanding Sex Delinquency, Year Book, Nation­
al Probation Association, p. 203.
W. Healy, The Individual Delinquent, p. 353.
12
izad to permit of conclusions,
furthermore, his cases were too
few to b e of significance to the problem of juvenile sex in re­
lation to later life behavior. At a later date, the same author
1
reported a study of personality conflicts ih a group of 4-0 cases,
among which were several sex cases of the male juvenile type.
2
Later still, Healy, together with Bronner, produced a statisti­
cal survey of 4000 cases of juvenile delinquency of all types,
among which were 53 male sex cases listed in the tables.
There was
no no special treatment afforded the sex material, to which refer­
ence has been mads on the first page of the preceding Chapter.
An another survey of outcomes among 501 delinquents placed
3
in foster-homes, Healy mentions 19 cases of boy sex offenders,
and notes the following:
"The nineteen boy offenders comprise
for the most part cases of masturbatory practices with other boys,
and a few who engaged in homosexual relations with other males.
The numbers are too small and the offenses too scattered to per­
mit of drawing conclusions."
4
Healy and Alexander recently reported an intensive casehistory study, among which were several instances of male sex
offenders.
Jtill more recently Healy and Bronner made a com5
parative study of the personalities of 143 offenders of all types
and of their non-offender siblings.
There were a few instances
of sex offenses among the b oys, insufficient to be of signifi­
cance on the subject.
1.
2.
5.
4.
5.
v/. Healy, Mental Conflicts and Misconduct, p. 29.
V/. Healy and F.
Bronner, 0£. oit., p. 127.
Vi. Healy et al., Reconstruction Behavior in Youth, p. 41.
V;. Healy and IT. Alexander, Roots of Crime, p. 163.
V/. Healy and F. A. Bronner, Hew Light on Juvenile Delin­
quency, pp. 160, 175.
13
A most notable contribution^to child guidance work was re­
cently made by the Gluecks, involving a survey of outoomes in
a thousand children, engaged in all forms of law violations. Their
investigation, however, adds little insight into the problem,
since there were only nine oases of sex delinquency listed among
the total and no segregation was made into primary and mixed sex
cases.
2
Durea lists, among 368 delinquent boys, nine instances of
sex violations, with no special treatment of the material. Lee
3
reported on a survey of outcomes in 196 oases of oonduct disor­
ders that had originally received treatment at the Bureau of
Child Guidance, but there were too few boys' sex oases among
4
5
6
7
them to derive conclusions. Slawson, Moll, Thomas, and Burt
made their contributions towards understanding the conflicts
8
that underlie sex misoonduct in male juveniles. Freud and his
9
10
11
school (including Pfister, Kempf, et al), Adler and his school,
and many others added their varied viewpoints and theories on
male juvenile sex phases, but did not materially contribute to­
wards an understanding of the significance of male juvenile sex
delinquency in its relation to later life behavior.
T~.
S. and S. T. (Jlueck, One Thousand Juvenile Dellnaueats, p. 155.
M. a . Durea, Survey of Offenses Committed by JuvenileDelin­
quents , p. 62;
3. P. R. Lee, An Experiment in the Evaluation of Social Case
Work, p. 166.
4. J. Slawson, The Delinquent Boy,pp. 6, 221.
5. A Moll, The Sexual Life of tEe Child.
6. W. I., anO). S. thomas.~The~T7hlld in America.
7. C. Burt, The Young Delinquent. p. 62.
8. S. Freud, The Collected Papers.
9. A. Pfister. The Psychoanalytic Method.
10. E. J. Kempf.~~FsyohopathologyT~
11. A. Adler, Understanding Human Nature, p. 76.
2.
14
CHAPTER III
PROCEDURES USED IN COLLECTING THE DATA
As previously stated, only male sex eases were used In
tills investigation.
For obvious reasons, feeble-minded chil­
dren, or those showing an intelligence quotient below an arbi­
trary 70 on the Stanford-Binet Soale, were excluded.
Although
in general feeble-minded individuals have not been proved to
respond less favorably to treatment than normals, it was con­
sidered desirable not to inject the factor of feeble-mindedness
1
into the study. Except for these, all reports of sex oases
among boys, during the years 1928 to 1938 inclusive, found in
the files of the clinics of the Children’s Courts of the various
boroughs of New York City, were acoepted for the research, in
direct sequence, in order to obviate possible criticism that
cases were selected with special advantages in the outcomes. It
involved a most painstaking review of over 5000 records in order
to obtain the 256 oases for this study, male sex offenses con­
stituting only five per cent of male delinquents.
Colored chil­
dren were included in the series and speoial comparisons of the
traits and outcomes for this group will be made with those among
1.
E. H. Sutherland, in Principles of Criminology, p. 95, reveals
a well-balanced study of the relationship or feeble-mindedness to juvenile offenses and orime, and finds that, as a
general factor, it is relatively insignificant.
15
the white.
There were 26 colored to 230 whites In this series.
A detailed case-history record of eaoh of the 256 oases was
entered on a coded oard form, specially constructed for this pur­
pose (see Appendix, p.'^'Tl, Form I).
The data from these cards
were transferred to separate summary sheets for the primary and
mixed groups, containing all available personal, familial, and
social traits of the offenders.
These summary sheets afforded
the material for the construction of frequency tables and graphs,
to bring out comparative values in the two sex groups, and to
determine the likely predisposing factors in the home and the
personality of the child, as they operated for success or fail­
ure in later life.
The follow-up procedures employed to trace the later be­
havior of the 256 cases consisted of the following:
(a)
The records of the probation department of the Chil­
dren's Courts of the various boroughs of New York City
were searched for evidence of later juvenile offenses
among the cases accepted for study.
(b)
The servioes of the Social Service Exchange Clearance
Bureau of New York City were utilized to gain inform­
ation as to adult court, prison or institutional re­
cords of the oases under consideration.
(o)
The Bureaus of Criminal Identification of New York City
and State were contacted for adult criminal records
of the oases under study.
(d)
Adult oriminal oourts, correctional and penal institu­
tions were reached for specific data on violations
among the oases.
16
(e)
The Juvenile Aid Bureau of the Police Department,
sohools, hospitals, relief agencies, child and fam­
ily welfare agencies, were reached for additional
information on the later life behavior of these ju­
venile sex offenders.
(f)
Homes were visited and families, neighbors and the
subjects were interviewed where possible and desirable.
Information gathered by procedures (a) to (f) was entered
on follow-up forms, constructed for this survey (see Appendix,
p.272-, Form II), showing the outcomes in behavior during these
years subsequent to the original court clinic study.
The oases
were olassed as failures when there was proved evidence of a re­
turn to sexual offenses in adult life, i. e ., 16 years or older,
when an individual is considered past the juvenile stage, and
has to face his offenses in an adult court.
While the ohief ob­
jective of this study was to establish the extent to whioh early
sex offenders returned to sexually undesirable behavior in lat­
er years, nevertheless, criminal behavior of any type manifested
during later years was to receive consideration.
Suoh cases were
similarly treated as failures, but were classified separately
in the analysts, interpretation and conclusions.
While attention will be given in the discussion on outoomes
to information gathered from various welfare agencies and home
oontaots, nevertheless it seems that the only effective means
of preventing bias, suspicion, hearsay, and casual opinion from
entering into and perverting the oriterion of failure and suc­
cess is to base the same entirely on the presence or absence of
indisputable evidenoe of law violation.
This is furthermore
17
neoessary because of the lack of facilities in this study for
a painstaking oheok upon all reports and claims with regard to
a delinquent, for and against him.
It is also justifiable, since
it permits of a comparison of the outcomes in the two sex groups
in later life, with the earlier offenses, on data that are re­
corded and verifiable in courts, correctional and penal insti­
tutions.
Eealy employed a similar criterion of failure and
success:
Without much more detailed aocounts than were avail­
able, indeed without personal contacts or restudy of the
individual, it would be impossible to make fine discrim­
inations, to evaluate success and failure in terms of
use or disuse of best potentialities, or in terms of
happiness or economio productivity. More specifically,
outcome was to be counted a success, when the individ­
ual was living in- the community without detriment to it
and had engaged in no criminality (whether he presented
any problems in his personality or was content with his
lot, it was not considered practicable to determine).
Conversely, failure denoted actual delinquency— all in­
dividuals having court records and adjudged guilty as
well as those committed to correctional institutions
were regarded as failures.!
It is anticipated that objection may be raised to the cri­
terion, on the grounds that it excludes from consideration other
phases of adult misbehavior, such as habitual idleness, dis­
obedience to parents, late hours, gambling and flirtations,
that had not reached police attention.
Nevertheless, on sober
reflection it may be conceded that it is very difficult to base
the criterion of success or failure on such vague and contro­
versial material, or to derive sdientifio determinations and
conclusions therefrom.
More specifically, the subject may deny
the accusations or allegations, perhaps justly, by attributing
1.
W. Healy and F. A. Bronner, Delinquents and Criminals, pp.
19, 28.
18
his 'idleness' to eoonomio factors beyond his control, or to
a desire to protect the family home relief status, by abstaining
from low-paying jobs.
He might reasonably explain the »dis-
obedienoe' to rejeotion on the part of his step-father, beoause
of his lack of productive income.
He might claim that his 'late
hours' are occasioned by a desire to avoid conflict in the home.
To the charge of 'gambling’^ he might retort thus:
I gamble when I have not earned anything in months?
for a few pennies occasionally to pass time."
"How could
I play cards
To the allegation
of 'flirtations* he m£ght claim that all the boys in his street
conduct petty flirtation with the girls, and that he occasion­
ally practices 'petting* with the girls, as do the others, but
may firmly deny any violation of the sex codes.
Furthermore, to place total value on the parents' ver­
sions alone (and no small portion of private agency records
obtains its origin in statements of parents) would require of
the writer to pass subjective verdicts of guilt or non-guilt
upon the children, in order to make it possible to utilize such
non-cheoked and unestablished data statistically.
It should be apparent from the above that the interests
of objective precision warrant the sacrifice of disputable and
vague minor complaints of misconduct, and justify resting the
oriterion of failure or success on the presence or absence of
established law violations among the cases during adult life.
The only oriterion of failure in this study will be objective
evidence of an adult criminal court record, with an established
offense, or commitment to a correctional or penal institution.
19
It is realized that other than the legally recorded vio­
lators may have committed serious sex or other orimes against
the community in whioh they were not apprehended, but since the
extent and nature of such offenses are unknown, it would be idle
speculation to pay more than passing attention to this situation.
Violations of the law whioh occur prior to the age of 16,
following the original study for a sex offense, will not be con­
sidered as failures, but will receive separate attention and
treatment in the outcome part of the study.
The following part of the investigation will be devoted
to research into and statistical digest of the significance of
the various phases of the background to the lives of the de­
linquents in the two compared groups.
PART B
THE BACKGROUND
20
PART B
THE BACKGROUND
Introduction:
In order that the reader may gain a clearer concept of
the personality traits that differentiate the primary group
of sex delinquents from the mixed (for relationship to the lat­
er life outcomes in Part D ) , an analysis of the background in­
fluences whioh mould and shape the development of the delinquent
deserves first attention.
With such a plan in mind, this part of the investigation
will concern itself with the following:
Family ahd home conditions of the two compared sex groups,
Chapter IV.
Factors in the personality and behavior of the parents,
Chapter V.
Social and oommunity factors, Chapter VI.
21
CHAPTER IV
FAMILY AND HOME CONDITIONS OF THE TWO COMPARED SEX GROUPS
Introduction:
Social influences in the home and neighborhood play upon
the inherent plastic equipment of the child, in a manifest as
well as intangible manner, to mould and shape the delinquent
as we see him later.
In line with this, Shaw finds
The boy delinquency rate in Chicago was 206 to 1000
for a district within one mile of the center of the city;
56 for the second mile; 6 for the third mile, and none
for the fourth mile.l
This shows the influence of morbid neighborhoods as a cause of
delinquency.
Thechild does not bring
with him from the cradle.
personality traits of a delinquent
In this regard, Kempf remarks that
The fact that psychopathic personalities are to be
found among the ancestors of a psychopath has been made
the flimsy ground upon whioh the dogmatic thinkers in
psychiatry hare made the assumption of defective her­
edity*, fhereditary taint*, ’constitutional inferiority*,
etc. This assumption upon mature consideration is noth­
ing less than amazingpand could hardly have been wilder
or more unproductive.*
The present investigator, in a previous research entire­
ly devoted to the question of inheritance of mental and behavior
abnormalities, commented on the same subject as follows:
Yet, facts prove that individuals oarrying this neuropathio trait have not only survived to our present day,
but have flourished to a point where their ratio has inT!
2.
C.
E.
R. Shaw and Others, Delinquency Areas, p. 170.
J. Kempf, 0£. oit..p. 80.
r
22
oreased alarmingly in proportion to the ’fitter* untainted
types. Henoe we must either conclude that this (psychotic,
psychopathic, or neurotic) trait could not possibly have
been inherited, since as an inferior trait it survived
so suooessfully, or that it was inherited as a superior
trait, carrying success in a struggle for existence.
Unless proof can be brought in support of our present
unwarranted belief in mental disease heredity, only two
courses lie open to us, either we dlsolaim that the neuro­
pathic constitution is inherited, or announce that it is
inherited as a desirable trait. We know, unfortunately,
that the neuropathic trait is not desirable, but a re­
gressive trait, hence we must concede that it is not
inherited.1
Lombroso's and allied theories of the inheritance of crim­
inal (and henoe necessarily delinquent) traits obtain little
recognition or aooeptance.
Reckless and Smith comment on these
theories as follows:
Sohlapp and Smith present in the "New Criminology”
some oases of the glandular effects on crime. This work
is the nearest approach to the Italian School of NeoLombrosians. In fact, Schlapp and Smith identify them­
selves with Lombroso, but with a new emphasis on glandular
relationships to crime. The treatment is almost wholly
theoretical and the number of oases definitely explain­
ed is small.2
With these introductory remarks declaring the great import
of background influences, a detailed analysis of the background
in the lives of the delinquents of both compared sex groups will
be presented.
Status of Parents:
Age Distribution of the Parents
An old fallacy that sex delinquency (or often carelessly
referred to as "degeneracy” ) in children is related to over­
age, under-age, or great disparity in the ages of the parents
at the time of conception, persists in some of the literature.
XI
2.
3.
L. J. Doshay, Evolution Disproves Heredity in Mental Dis­
ease a. Medical Journal and Record, 1930, p.- TOUT
W. C. Reckless and M. Smith, Juvenile Delinquency, p. 98.
A. MacDonald, Juvenile Crime and Reformation, p . 290; also
C. Lombroso, Crime, Its Causes and Remedies, p. 170.
3
It is of interest, therefore, to examine Table XXI (see Appen­
dix, p.273) and note that among the 256 fathers of these so-ealled
immoral children there were only four (4) fathers or 1.4 per cent
of the series above the age of 50 at the time of the birth of
the delinquents; that only 20.4 per cent were above 40 years of
age; that only 23 per cent of the mothers were above 35 years
at the time of conception of the delinquents.
From the above
it must be apparent that, since approximately 70 per cent of the
parents were under 35 years of age at the birth of the sex de­
linquents, no one would be justified in indicting them with sen­
ility, deoadence, or impairment of the vitality of their offspring
through overage.^
At the age of 35 the parents must have been
in the prime of life, hence the theory that senility in the par­
ents is responsible for sex delinquency in children is disproved.
The ages of the parents were taken as of their last birthday.
Immaturity in the parents at the time of the birth of the
ohildren can hardly be regarded as a cause of sexual promiscuity
in the latter, since Table XXI (see Appendix) reveals that only
five (5) per cent of the parents were under 20 years at the time,
2
and only 20 per cent were under 25 years of age.
1.
2.
Groves and Ogburn in discussing marriage figures of the Na­
tional Census of 1920 reveal that no more than 75 per cent
of parents had married prior to 35 years of age. Hence if
70 per cent of the parents in this study gave birth to the
delinquents before 35 years of age, they surely were close
to the norms. E. R. Groves and W. F. Ogburn, American Mar­
riage Relationships, p. 221.
The same authors show that 15 per cent of the parents were
under 20 years of age at the time of marriage. Groves and
Ogburn, oj>. oit.
24
TABLE I
Disparity in the Ages of the Parents in Primary and
Mixed Groups
Number of Years
of Difference in
Parents’ Ages
Primary Sex Group
(108 Cases)
Expressed in
Percentages
Mixed Sex Group Totdl Sex
Cases
(148 Cases)*
Expressed in
(256 Cases)
Percentages
Expressed ii
Percentages
0
1
a
8
4
6
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
15
13.9
17.6
14.9
13.9
8.3
10.3
1.8
4.6
4.6
5.5
1.8
1.8
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.9
10.8
15.6
12.2
11.6
4.8
5.5
8.8
6.1
4.1
2.8
4.1
4.8
4.1
2.0
0.7
0.7
1.3
12.2
16.5
13.3
12.4
6.4
7.4
5.9
5.5
4.3
3.9
3.2
3.5
2.3
1.2
0.4
0.4
1.2
Totals
100.0
100.0
100.0
Mean of the Dif­
ferences in the
Ages of the Parents
3.5 Years
4.9 Years
4.2 Years
* Difference in the ages of parents of four oases unknown.
Disparity in the ages of the parents as a factor is readily
disputed by the data in Table I, showing that for the entire ser­
ies the mean (M) of the differences in the ages of the parents
is only 4.2 years.
It is common knowledge and experience that
beoause of eoonomio, social and psychological factors, as well
as the more rapid physical maturation of the female, the man is
usually older than the woman at the time of marriage.
In over
25
54 per oent of the sex oases, the disparity in the ages of the
parents was no greater than three years.
Suoh small differenoe
in the ages of the father and mother could not conceivably be
considered as a significant determinant of faulty inheritance
in the children.
It is also significant that as the years of
disparity between the parents increases, the frequency ourve in
Diagram 1 drops steadily, indicating that age disparity is not
a factor in the causation of sex delinquency.
Disparity in this
series is no greater than that found in the general population.^
Race
Table TM1 (see Appendix, p.hih ) and Diagram 2 reveal that
7.4 per cent of the primary group members and 12.2 per cent of
the mixed group members are colored.
are 10.2 per oent colored.
In the entire series there
This is a smaller percentage of col­
ored than is found among the non-sex or general type of delin2
quents. The critical ratio (CR) of the differenoe between the
frequency of sex and non-sex offenders among the colored is only
1.8, which is less than true reliability, and furthermore, the
total number of oolored oases in the series is too small to de­
rive significance on this score.
XI
2.
These authors state that the earlier age of marriage of wom­
en than of men is found in both urban and rural districts;
two factors contribute: young women mature sexually earlier—
economic support of family is necessary. E. R. Groves and
W. E. Ogburn, op. oit.
Reckless and Smith state that Negroes supply a proportion of
all delinquent children greater than the proportion of Negroes
in the total population. Thus in 1928, 16 per oent of all
delinquent children was Negro.
(The Negro ratio in total
population is about four per cent.) W. C. Reckless and M.
Smith, op. oit.. p. 63. Among the total of all types of de­
linquents appearing at the New York Gity Children’s Courts
in 1933, there were 17.5 per cent colored. Annual Report of
the Domestlo Relations Court. New York City, 19^4, p. 45.
ur :
A*UlSHI-W'
-a
RIB
E
H
IJ
J
H
H
S
S
J
i£
il!;5
1
iS
f
\
foaaiafo:*8
lUi T it:
m; us:
Ui..
i
i
I.
i;
1
il
Z
8
Si
IiSSifN M | ■■■»•MBS* ■■■■■•■••«
I § * • * • • § • * ! » •••■
*1
■>■■■ ■•••«
26
Nationality of Parents
i
No outstanding differences appear between the primary and
mixed group membdrs on the score of parental nationality (see
Table XXIII, p ,%1$, Appendix).
In Diagram 3, it is noted that
the percentage of native-born parents in the primary group is
36.6 (average of f&thers and mothers), and in the mixed group
40.2; and that the percentage of Italian nationality among the
parents is 19.9 in the primary group and 18.9 in the mixed. Among
the other nationalities, the variations between the primary and
mixed groups are also small.
The critical ratio (OR) of the dif­
ference in the largest nationality class of the two groups is
only 0.6, whioh is not reliable, and the differences between
the two groups in the other nationalities are likewise unreliable.
Foreign-born parents constitute about 60 per oent of the
total in both groups, as against only five per oent foreign-born
delinquents (see Table XXIII, p.Z75", Appendix).
While the dif­
ference between the frequency of foreign-born parents and delin­
quents is very pronounced, it nevertheless cannot be considered
a factor in sex delinquency, since the ratio is fairly uniform
in both the primary and mixed groups.
While the nationality find­
ings are interesting, they do not appear to operate as a factor
in male sex delinquency.
Education of Parents and Mastery of English Language Tools
Education of parents is classified in the categories of
college eduoation, high-sohool eduoation, elementary, informal,
and no education.
Elementary sohool training accounts for ap­
proximately 75 per oent of the parents of both groups (see Table
XXIV, p.l'7^, Appendix).
States
/ LwifrU
n
mmm
1
*1
rxalll
s.*
87
There Is a small weighting of those who have at least a
high-sohool eduoation among the parents of the primary group
(12.9 per oent), as oompared with the mixed group (5.3 per oent).
The CR of the differenoe Is 2.0, whioh suggests some reliability.
A fairly uniform distribution of Eduoational and Amerioan
Cultural Achievements exists among the fathers and mothers. (See
Tables XXIV and XXV, pp. %
. v d f-f-. , Appendix.)
Parental acquisition of English (speech, reading and writ­
ing), as obtained from probation officers' and olinios' records,
is apparently not a factor since the difference in the percent­
ages of the primary and mixed groups is small, 3.8 in reading,
and 5.8 in writing.
Although approximately 25 per oent of the
primary group of parents and 27 per oent of the mixed group of
parents are unable to write or read English (see Table XXV, p.z-iu.
Appendix), only 16 per oent of the parents of both groups are
illiterate; henoe the ten per oent differenoe is attributable
to the possession of literate skills in other languages.
There is an advantage of eduoation higher than public sohool
among the parents of the primary group.
English skills and il­
literacy are about evenly distributed in the two groups.
Income and Occupational Status
The family income oategories are derived from levels for
decent and healthy living conditions determined in Labor Con­
ditions in Amerioan Industry. High income designates earnings
above fifteen dollars a week per family member; comfortable
olass corresponds to earnings of five to fifteen dollars a week
per family member; and poor income below five dollars a week.
Occupational status was arbitrarily classified as managerial,
business, skilled, semi-skilled, unskilled and unemployed.
Table XXVI (see p.2-77» Appendix) reveals the income status
of the family to be a possible factor in the lives of the chil­
dren of the two oompared groups.
Thus there is a greater pro­
portion of better incomes in the primary group, as oompared with
the mixed (9.1 per cent : 1.8 per cent in the high income range,
and 27.3 per cent : 20.7 per oent in the comfort class), equal
to a CR of 2.4, whioh is close to reliability, although 2.5 would
be the margin of true reliability.
Higher occupational status among the fathers again favors
the primary group, with four in the managerial rank, as against
none in the mixed group, and 14.3 per oent of primary group fa­
thers listed under business rank, oompared with 6.3 per oent in
the mixed group (see Table XXVII, p . A p p e n d i x ) .
The critical
ratio of the differenoe of the two groups suggests some reliabil­
ity (CR- 1.9).
There are 63.6 per cent of the primary group families list­
ed in the poverty income class, as against 77.5 per cent of the
mixed group families.
A large portion of unknown income families recorded in the
table is accountable to broken homes, parents who deserted, are
divorced or separated, and fathers in mental hospitals.
These
families, because of the conditions enumerated, very likely fall
within the lower economic range, though not necessarily so in
specific instanoes.
In a recent work^ Healy and Bronner found that only one-third
1.
W. H eaiy and T T
p. 44.
a
. Bronner, New Light on Juvenile Delinquency,
of the families of delinquents enjoyed an adequate inoome; that
half of the families existed on marginal incomes; and that 16
per cent were entirely dependent on public aid.
They supply
no oomparable figures for the general population.
1
Lund, employing a control group, found that only 26.7 per
oent of the non-delinquent children studied came from the econ­
omic groups that furnished 66 per cent of the delinquents.
The Gluecks comment as follows on general population:
”. . . .but reliable data as to the economic status of the geno
eral population are unavailable.1*
Shaw and McKay, however, present the following on the gen­
eral population status:
The coefficient of correlation between these rates
of (economic) dependency and the rates of delinquents in
the 1917-1923 juvenile court series is o.74. . . .A third
series of dependents used in this study included children
in families whioh received financial aid under the pro­
visions of the Mothers’ Pension Aot during 1917-1923.
The rates of dependency were calculated upon the basis
of the total population under 15 years of age in the 113
square mile areas. . . . When the rates to t this series
of dependents are correlated with the rates of delinquents
in the 1917-1923 juvenile court series, the coefficient
is 0.63.,a
Although no single trait shows a high reliability of dif­
ferenoe between the two oompared groups, yet the occurrence of
higher inoome, education and occupational status among the par­
ents of the primary group, versus the mixed, serves to reflect
a consistent trend whioh may bear relationship to better gen­
eral characteristics among the primary group parents.
IT
2.
3.
D. Lund, Uber die Ursachen der Jugendasozlalltat. p. 45.
S. and E. f. GlueckT'SbO ArlHInal Careers, p. li3.
C. R. Shaw and H. D. McKay, Social Factors in Juvenile Delin­
quency, National Commission of Law Observance, Report on the
Causes of Crime, United States Oovernment Printing Office,
Washington, Vol. II, pp. 76-77.
r
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Dead and Disabled Parents
Disabled parents, as listed in Table II, are those with
serious mental and physical disease only, those orippled in body
and mind, in mental hospitals, tuberculous hospitals, invalids,
and the like.
It must be apparent that no mild physical ail­
ments are considered in the Table, else the figures might have
been many times as great.
There is evidence of slightly greater disorganization in
the lives of children in the mixed group than in the primary
group, as judged by the frequenoy of parental deaths and phy­
sical and mental defects (53.4 per oent : 42.5 per cent).
The
critical ratio (CR) of the difference in the two groups is 1.7,
which suggests some reliability.
Out of the total series of 256 oases there are 86 dead
parents or 34 per oent.
There are 39 parents, or 16 per cent,
seriously crippled mentally and physically.
1
Grimberg presents the following on deaths among parents
of delinquents:
out of a total o £ -498-cases, mothers were dead
in 107 oases, or 21 per cent, fathers were dead in 93 oases, or
19 per cent, both parents were dead or unknown in 37 cases, or
eight per oent.
Grimberg*s figures are slightly higher than in
these data, and may be due to a different sampling, but they
nevertheless serve to point out the high mortality incidence
among parents of delinquents.
The findings in this study indicate that almost 50 per oent
1.
L. Grimberg, Emotion and Delinquency, p. 29.
of the children of both sex groups are affected by death or ser­
ious disability among the parerts, with a slightly greater pro­
portion in the mixed group.
Home Status:
Housing Conditions and Crowding
Housing conditions are classified as home owners, high rent
(ten dollars or more per person), average rent (five to ten dol­
lars per person), and low rent (less than five dollars per person
per month).
Rent per room is not employed in this study because
it is not considered a reliable index, since five persons might
live in one crowded and cheaply furnished room, and yet beoause
the rent is 15 dollars per month, the impression might be gain­
ed that these individuals are living in comfort and luxury.
Crowding, as employed in this item, is arbitrarily set to refer
to homes where there are more than two oooupants to a room.
In the primary group are found 18.5 per cent home owners,
as against only 8.3 per cent home owners in the mixed group
(see Table XXVIII, p.Z7<?, Appendix).
The critical ratio (CR)
of the difference is 2.1, whioh shows a close approximation to
reliability.
Low rent housing conditions show a slight difference in
favor of the primary group, as oompared with the mixed, 23.6
per oent : 28.6 per oent.
There is a suggestion that more than a reasonable amount
of earnings are expended on housing among the poor families,
since although a total of 71.8 per cent of the 256 families are
classified as poverty income types, only 26.7 per cent of them
are found classified as living in low rent homes.
Other faotors
may, however, aocount for this, such as agency supplemental as­
sistance, differences in the levels considered as low inoome and
low -housing, and so on.
Nevertheless there is indication that
the poor families are sacrificing a more than reasonable share
of their inoome for housing, to the possible exolusion of such
vital needs as adequate food, clothing and recreation.
Crowded housing conditions ocour in 27 per cent of the mixed
group oases as against 20 per cent of the primary.
Burt noted^
that as compared with homes from the same social level, over­
crowding was present in the homes of the delinquents studied by
him 1.32 times as frequently as in the non-delinquent population.
Burt did not believe that crowding was a factor of importance
in delinquency.
Broken Homes
Broken homes signify either a dead parent, divorced or sep­
arated parents, or a deserted parent.
Even in instances where
there is a re-marriage on the part of a widow or widower such
a home is considered broken, because the original status with
regard to the child A -> longer operates.
Table III shows tuvt in the primary group there are slight­
ly fewer broken homes the a in the mixed group, 43.4 per cent :
50 per oent.
In the racial tabulation below it will be shown that among
the white population of the series, unbroken homes account for
54 per cent in the primary group, as against 37 per oent broken
homes, leaving a margin of 17 per cent unbroken homes.
TI
C. Burt. The Young Delinquent, p. 85.
On the
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r
other hand, in the mixed group white population there are 46 per
cent unbroken homes, against 41 per oent broken, or a margin of
only five per oent unbroken homes.
It is of further interest
that the proportion of broken homes among the colored, in the
two groups, is astoundingly greater than among the white sex de­
linquent population (see Graph 4).
The following tabulation
brings this into clearer perspective:
Broken
Colored
Primary
Mixed
5.5 %
8.8%
White
Primary Mixed
37.9%
41.2 %
*
Unbroken
1.9 %
4.0 %
54.7 %
46.0 %
* If British West Indian Colored were excluded: o.7 %
It is evident that whereas among the white there is a slight
margin in favor of intact homes in both groups, among the colored
the broken homes are more than twice as frequent as the unbroken;
furthermore, if the five intact British West Indian colored wesfe
excluded, the ratio of broken to intact homes among the Amerioan
colored would be still more striking.
Even though the number
of colored in the series is small, it is noteworthy that the
critioal ratio of the difference between broken homes among the
white and the American colored is equal to 4.7, which is highly
reliable.
Shideler estimated\hat only 25.3 per oent of the children
in the total population come from families broken by death, di­
vorce or separation.
His study of 7,598 juvenile delinquents
in industrial schools of 31 states indicates that 50.7 per oent
T;
e. h
. Shideler. Family Disintegration and the Delinquent Boy
in the United States, Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology,
Jol. VIII, No. 5, p. 713.
UniroJten
»si$i
ix
a
I
36
of them come from suoh broken homes.
He therefore finds that
juvenile delinquency and broken homes correlate highly.
Reckless and Smith remark as follows on the broken home:
"It would seem that a loosening of the family oontrols cannot
be expected to result in anything save an inorease in delinquency.
For it is in early life that foundations of habits called selfcontrol are laid down."^
Shaw and McKay, in a carefully controlled study, report the
following on the subject of the broken home:
The rate of broken homes among 1,675 delinquents is,
therefore, 42.5, while the rate among t~e 1,675 boys in
the control group is 36.1. . . . The greatest difference
is in the Negro group where the actual rate of broken homes
among the delinquents is 66 per cent, and the expected
rate in the control group is 50.6 per cent. . . . In the
American group the rate of broken homes is 40.5 in the de­
linquent, and 35.3 in the control group; Italian broken
homes 27 per oent in the delinquent and 24 per cent in
the control group. . . .It was found that the difference
between the rates in the delinquent and the control groups
furnished a very inadequate basis for the conclusion that
the broken home is an important factor in delinquency.*
It is a matter of interest that although no factor in the
background may possess a more severe potentiality of impairing
the harmonious growth and development of a child than a broken
home, nevertheless, since the frequency is almost similar in the
two sex groups, it indicates that, as a rule, one factor alone
is not a determinant of serious personality or behavior disburbance in a child, unless it is accompanied by other destructive
influences.
Social Aid
Social aid denotes any dependence of the family upon commun­
ity agenoies, suoh as Child Welfare, Family Welfare, Physical and
1
2.
Reckless and Smith, op. olt.. pp. 18, 126.
C. R. Shaw and H. D.“McKay, ©£. olt.. pp. 275, 276, 284.
Mental Welfare, Child Guidance Clinios, etc.
The total figures for various forms of social aid present
significant differences in the two compared groups, with only 27.7
per cent of the primary group families so participating, as against
47.2 per cent of the mixed group (see Table XXIX, p. 12o/ Appendix).
The critical ratio (CR) of the difference in the two groups is
3.4, indicating definite reliability.
♦otal dependency on all forms of social aid occurred in 2.8
per cent of the primary and 10.1 per cent of the mixed group fam­
ilies.
There was almost four times the frequency of application
for "every type of social aid" among the mixed group families as
among the primary group.
The critical ratio of the difference
in the two groups is equal to 2.4, which is d o s e to reliability.
In a oarefully conducted and controlled study, Healy and Bron1
ner found that 16 per cent of the families of delinquents were
entirely dependent on public aid.
The rather striking difference in the amount of social aid
sought and required by the families of the two groups is fur­
ther indication of fundamental variations in economic status,
management of the home, and general construotiveness among the
parents of the two groups.
It is significant to note that while
the poor income families in the
mixed group total 77 per cent
against 63 per cent in the primary group, yet 47 per oent of the
mixed group sought or required social aid, as against only 27
per cent of the primary group families.
This disparity may be
due to the greater ratio of broken homes among the mixed group,
but it may also be due to a lesser sense of pride, civic and
lT
W. Healy and F. A. Bronner, New Light on Juvenile Delinquency,
p. 44.
38
sooial responsibility among the mixed group families, so that
they more readily turned to sooial assistance, as compared with
the primary group members.
The comparative frequency of nall
types of sooial aid" among the mixed group is suggestive of
considerable social, physioal and moral decay in the homes of
the mixed group children, which may operate as causative fac­
tors towards the development of delinquent attitudes and be­
haviors in these children.
Sibling Status:
Ordinal Position
The ordinal position of a child in a family refers to the
sequence of birth, suoh as the oldest, seoond oldest, etc., or
the youngest in the family. Considerable attention is paid in
1
2
the literature, especially by the Adlerian School of Psychology,
to the factor of the position of the child in the family unit.
It is to be noted from Table XXX (see p.z?/,Appendix) that
in the primary group there is a greater distribution of sex cases
among the youngest children than is found in the
mixed group.
The critical ratio (CR) of 1.5 suggests some reliability.
The
difference may be due to greater docility (Table X, p.lo/) and
T.
2.
On the ordinal position of 153 delinquents, Healy notes that:
The oldest children constituted 25 per cent of the cases, the
youngest 12 per cent, and the intermediate 63 per cent of the
cases. W. Healy and P. A. Bronner, 0£. olt., p. 52.
Hirsoh submits the following on the ordinal position of de­
linquents: Eldest 24 per cent, intermediate 50.4 per cent,
youngest 17.6 per cent, and only child eight per oent.
Hirsoh, 0£. cit.. p. 84.
Adler remarks on the ordinal position: "The striving for
power of a second born ohild has its especial nuance... .
these children are always under pressure. . . .the older has
usurped the place of importance." 0£. olt.. p. 84.
39
and more physical infirmity (Table VII, p.8> ) in the primary
group, leading to greater submissiveness and participation in
sex delinquency among the youngest of them.
Intermediate chil­
dren appear more frequently in the mixed group, perhaps beeause
by definition this
group of oases is involved in all types of
offenses besides sex, necessitating a more aggressive and stur­
dier body than is likely to be possessed by the youngest members.
The lower frequency among the oldest children of both groups
in Table XXX (see p. 2 * i,Appendix) is in part explained by the
Children’s Court age limit of sixteen years.
The youngest cases constitute 62 instances or 24.2 per oent
of the complete series of 256 cases (see Table XXXI, p.z^^^Appendix).
The oldest ordinal position constitutes 54 instances or
21.1 per oent.
The ’only* ohild is comparatively less fre­
quent sex offender, with 30 instances or 11.7 per cent.
The
intermediate position accounts for 110 cases, or 43 per cent
of the series.
Except that there is a slightly greater tendency for young­
er children in the primary group, and intermediate children in
the mixed group to become involved in sex offenses, the ordinal
position of a child is without apparent significance as a factor.
Full. Half and Step-Siblings
Sibling is a term applied to a brother or sister of the
delinquent under consideration— an issure of both parents of
the delinquent.
A step-sibling denotes that the so-called bro­
ther or sister stands in relation to the delinquent only acci­
dentally through the re-marriage of one of the parents, and that
the issue is not from either of the true parents of the delin­
quent (or no blood relationship).
A half-sibling denotes that
the so-ealled brother or sister is an issue of only one parent
of the delinquent.
It is rather surprising to note the small ratio (11 per oent)
of families in the total series of 256 oases, with step or half­
siblings as compared to 89 per oent with full siblings (see Tab­
le XXXII, p. 2 a3,Appendix).
There is almost a uniform percentage of step and half-siblings
1h
per oent
the primary and mixed groups of sex delinquents
: 10.8 per oent).
(1 1 .1
Half and step siblings are fairly
evenly distributed in the primary and mixed sex group, and ap­
pear not to operate as factors.
Criminal Siblings
This inoludes oases of juvenile offenses among brothers or
sisters of the delinquents under investigation, as well as in­
stances where siblings were involved in adult original courts
or jails.
The frequency of these offenses among the siblings
of the mixed group oases is 12.8 per cent, as against 6.4 per
cent in the primary sex group, or exactly twice the frequency.
There is a suggestion of true difference in the oritioal ratio
of 1.9.
Approximately ten per cent of the entire series of 256
oases have one or more
siblings with a court or prison record;
only 1.2 per cent of the 256 cases have two siblings with crim­
inal record, and only 0.4 pvr oent have three suoh siblings.
This trait tends to undermine indirectly ehhioal standards
in the home, and directly to wield an unhealthy influence upon
the other siblings, in some instances.
on this as follows:
Shaw and McKay comment
The extremely high rate of crime among the young men
between 17 and 21 years, of age, living in the areas with
high rates of juvenile delinquency, is convincing proof
of the presence of criminal influences surrounding the
boys in these areas. . . .The presence of a large num­
ber of older offenders in a neighborhood is a fact of
great significance for the understanding of the prob­
lem of juvenile delinquency.1. . . .In some oases de­
linquent and criminal patterns of behavior are transmitted
through the personal oontaots within the family group.2
Summary;
The conditions in the home and family seem regularly to
favor the children in the primary group as against the mixed
group, on the score of parents' education, parents' occupation­
al status, family income, housing conditions, family dependence
on public aid, dead and disabled parents, broken homes, and crim­
inal siblings.
Parental education favors the children in the primary group,
with 4.6 per oent of their parents college trained, as against
two per cent in the mixed group, and 8.5 per oent of the primary
group parents with high-school education, as against 3.3 per cent
in the mixed group.
Occupational status favors the children in
the primary group with
3.8 per oent of their
managers, against none
in the mixed group, and 14.3 percent of
the
fathers listedas
primary group parents listed as owning a business, against
6.3 per cent in the mixed group.
High family income appears
among 9.1 per oent of the primary group, and only 1.8 per cent
of the mixed group.
Home owners appear among 18 per cent of the primary group
families, as against only eight per oent in the mixed group fam­
ilies.
This difference may be related to the higher incomes
among some of the primary group families.
Y.
2.
C. H. Shaw and 3. D. MoKay, oj>.
Ibid., p. 135.
cit.. p.
127.
The incidence of deaths and
serious physical and mental
disability among parents is in slight favor of the primary group
children, with a
mixed group.
ratio of 42.5 per oent to 53.4 per oent of the
There is death among the parents in 34 per oent
of the series of 256 cases, a serious disability in 16 per cent.
Dependence on public aid significantly favors the children
in the primary group, with
27.7 per cent of their families so
recorded, as compared with 47.2 per cent in the mixed group.
This is equal to a OR of 3.4, indicating definite reliability
exists in the difference.
Criminal siblings are found
to occur among 12.8 per cent
of the mixed group members, as compared
with 6.4 per cent in
the primary group, or a critical ratio (CR) of 1.9, suggesting
some reliability in the
difference between the two groups.
There are still other favorable and unfavorable factors
operating in the home
life of the children of the two groups,
which are not receiving attention in this report, because they
do not lend themselves to statistical treatment or exact eval­
uation.
Among the former could be mentioned these points: great
devotion of a parent to his children, tutoring of children with
their school work, personal attention to their recreational needs
provision of proper sex education, general preparation for the
exigencies of life, careful attention to physical defects among
the children, and spiritual and ethical guidance.
Among the
latter may be mentioned the favoring of one child by a parent
as against another, the rejection of a child by a parent, employ­
ment of
a
ohild by one parent to spy on the other, unreasonable
restriction of a child’s play life, burdening a child’s mind with
a parent’s economic, social, physical and marital problems, rival
ries among children, grown children permitted to sleep together,
mismanagement of the highly sensitive, neurotic, or bed-wetting
ohild, etc.
It must be recognized that the human personality
is an extremely complex mechanism, and whereas a seemingly triv­
ial remark or event may profoundly affect the life of one child,
it may miss another entirely.
Healy, in a comparative study of
delinquent and non-delinquent siblings from apparently similar
1
backgrounds, comments on the signal importance of these intang­
ible and immeasurable factors.
Ira Wile states:
"Many morbid
influences in the home never reqch us; there are more subtle in­
fluences at work in the home, and many a home atmosphere, which
to the casual observer may appear beneficial, is nevertheless
harmful."
o
The finding that 50 per cent of the children of both sex
groups are affected by death or serious disability among the
parents, when considered in conjunction with other factors that
have been or will be discussed later, i. e., poor housing, low
income, desertion of the parents, divorced and
separated par­
ents, parental neglect of home and children, criminal siblings,
etc., serves to refleot the tremendous amount of social path­
ology operating in the
lives of the children under investigation.
Mental deficiency in the parents must operate as a potent fao3
tor in the conduct of one parent to the other, and towards the
children, as well as in the management of the home, but no de-
Tl
2.
3.
W. Healy and F. A. Bronner, New Light on Juvenile Delinquency,
Chapter V.
I. S. Wile, The Challenge of Childhood, p. 7.
S. and E. T. Glueok, in One Thousand Delinquents, p. 78,state
that feeble-mindedness among the parents of thedelinquents
occurred in probably 19 per cent of them. N. D. Hirsch, in
Dynamic Causes of Juvenile Crime, p. 64, claims that one or
both parents are feeble-minded in 11 per oent of delinquents.
pendable data exist in our records to permit a determination of
the frequency and seriousness of this trait.
Although the par­
ents report at the court clinios and are interviewed, they are
not examined psychometrically, and haphazard opinions as to
feeble-mindedness are unreliable.
The study reveals a regular weighting of unhealthy home
and family factors in the mixed group, and favorable home fac­
tors in the primary group.
While no single trait, with the
exception of social dependency, shows a high reliability of
difference in the two groups, nevertheless the evidence of a
consistent trend is important.
in one
It is realized that many factors
specific case, or one factor in an entire group, would
not materially alter the status or prospects of a group, but when
a factor tends to corroborate many others, as regularly favoring
one group as against the other, it obtains
total of favorable
significance. The
home and family factors in the primary group
is 72.2 per cent, as against 35 per cent in the mixed group, or
a critical ratio (OR) of difference equal to 6.4, which is def­
initely reliable.
ality and behavior
The difference may be related to the person­
factors in the parents, of the two groups of
boys, which are to receive attention next.
r
45
CHAPTER V
FACTORS IN THE PERSONALITY AND BEHAVIOR OF THE PARENTS
Introduction:
The discussion of the factors in the personality and be­
havior of the parents, as they affect conditions in the home
and the lives of the two groups of sex delinquents, directly
or indirectly, will concern itself with alcoholism, sex irreg­
ularities, previous court and prison records, neglect of the
children, periodic or permanent desertions of the home, ex­
treme cruelty, quarreling among the parents, and pronounced
profanity in the presence of the children.
It is recognized
that still other than the defective traits in the parents, as
listed in Table IV, may have operated in their influence on the
delinquents.
Suoh might be gambling on the part of the parents,
late hours, staying out overnight, lack of spiritual, ethical
and humane feelings, and so on.
But it was not found possible
to represent these traits statistically; hence they have been
omitted.
It is felt, however, that no serious loss toward an
understanding of the background should result thereby, since
if no point should be made by the more definite major parental
factors about to be presented as indices of forces warping the
personalities of the children, little further could be achieved
by accounts of those factors which are comparatively vague and
intangible.
46
TABLE IV
Factors in the Personality Behavior of Parents of the Primary
and Mixed Groups
Type of
Defect
Alcoholism*
(Drugs)
Court and
Jail Records
Primary Sex Group
108 Cases
Mixed Sex Group
148 Cases
Father
Father
Mother
Mother
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
10
9.3
2
1.8
22
14.9
4
2.7
4
3.7
1
0.9
12
8.1
1
0.7
3
2.0
79
53.4
:
Gross
Immorality
3
2.8
X
0.9
10
6.8
Neglect of
Children**
**
**
17
15.7
* *
**
Desertion
11
10.2
1
0.9
16
10.8
6
4.1
Extreme
Cruelty
3
2.8
0
0.0
10
6.8
3
2.0
Pronounced
Profanity
1
0.9
0
0.0
5
3.4
1
0.7
Quarreling
among Parents
7
6.4
-
-
15
10.1
-
36
***
37.0
61
***
63.0
61
***
63.0
Total Defects
per 100 Cases
Total Defects
per 100 Cases
36
Excluding Negltiot
***
37.0
20
4
23.7
26.8
-
65
**♦
76.3
12
***
73.2
ather of mixed group and one mother
of primary group.
** Although neglect of children is listed in mother's column, no
small share of blame rests with fathers.
*** Percentages of total defects calculated separately for the
fathers and the mothers in the two groups.
Alcoholism and Drug Addiction
Alcoholism as here recorded is not concerned with occas­
ional or even recurrent temperate imbibation, but signifies a
chronic or periodic type of drinking in which the individual
loses all control of reason, balance (physical as well as mental)
and concern for the welfare of himself and his family— squanders
his earnings to the deprivation and distress of the family, of­
ten invites a loss of employment through drink, abuses and as­
saults members of the family, employs profane language at home,
causes street brawls, reaches wards of hospitals or jails, or
descends to immorality.
Alcoholism was found to the extent of
14.9 per cent of fathers of the mixed group of sex delinquents
as against 9.3 per cent of the fathers in the primary sex group
(see Table IV, preceding page). These figures may be somewhat
low.
1
Healy claims alcoholism in the parents in 31 per oent of
2
a thousand repeated offenders. Again, Burt found only 6.5 per
cent alcoholism among the parents of his delinquents and only
2.5 per oent of the non-delinquents. Hirsch, on the other hand,
3
places excess alcoholism among parents of his delinquents at 41.4
per cent.
The figures in this study are intermediate to those
of Burt and Healy.
There were two instances of alcoholism among the mothers
of
the primary group, and four in themixed group.
TI
2.
3.
W. Healy. The Individual Delinquent, p. 155.
C. Burt, 0£. olt., p. 62.
N. D. Hirsoh, 0£. oit., p. 64.
Severe al-
ooholism, as defined above, when it occurs in a mother; than
when the same occurs in a father.
It implies a serious and
ofttimes permanent break in the personality of the woman, a
general let-down of normal interests in the home, and neglect
of the children.
Immorality is a frequent accompaniment of
severe alcoholism in a woman, and in the summary table it will
be noted that one of the primary group alcoholic mothers and
three of the mixed group alcoholic mothers were so involved.
The total number of mothers addicted to alcoholism, however,
is too small to be of significance.
I
Drug addiction was found in only one parent of each of the
groups, and hence was not considered necessary to list separately
in the summary table.
Its importance, however, when it occurs,
rests in the fact that it denotes total disorganization of the
personality of the parent, with concurrent by-effects on the
lives of the children.
Court and Prison Records
It is important to note that Table XV shows that this most
serious trait in the fathers occurred more than twioe as often
in the mixed group as in the primary sex group (8.1 per cent :
3.7 per cent).
The oritioal ratio of the difference is 1.7, and
suggests some reliability.
A record of this nature in a parent
does not necessarily imply a permanent loss of ethics and morals,
since it is not unheard of for a parent who had himself erred
to have profited sufficiently from his bitter experiences as to
set exceptionally high standards for his offspring.
Generally
speaking, however, criminal court and jail experiences among
parents are associated with a poorer type of personality and
49
lower ethics, morals and sooial views, which are often morbid­
ly reflected in the attitudes, feelings and behavior of the
children.
Again, in instances where the ohild gains knowledge
of the father’s transgressions of the law, it creates diffi­
culties in social adjustment because of an unconscious identi­
fication with the father, with the development of feelings of
inferiority in the presence of sa-considered decent members of
the community, and a sense of suspicion, hate and vengefulness
against all lawfully constituted authorities.
Under other con­
ditions, in a sensitive child, a feeling of futility, hopeless­
ness and frustration develops from a knowledge of a parent’s
criminal background with a rapid downward course in the behavior
1
of the child. Healy lists court records among the parents in
20 per cent of his oases; 12 per cent for serious criminal or
immoral aots, 8 per cent for minor offenses.
Worthy of note is the fact that there is one instance of
a jail record (see Table IV) among the mothers of each of the
sex groups.
Gross Immorality
This type occurred in three fathers and one mother of the
primary group as against ten fathers and three mothers of the
mixed group.
This classification of immorality should not be
oonfused with an occasional illicit affair on the part of in­
discreet parents, widowers, divorces, etc., since if these were
included the figures in Table IV would sum up to many times the
above figures.
The defect as recorded in the Table implies a
total breakdown of morals in the parents, drunken and immoral
T7
W. Healy and F . A . Bronner, New Light on Juvenile Delin­
quency, p. 27.
50
parties in the home, prostitution, paramours entertained with­
in the home, lewd activities in the presenoe of the children,
and degenerate practices in the home with others or upon the
children.
Under the sub-heading of "Alcoholism", it has already been
noted that among mothers immorality is commonly associated with
intoxication.
1
In a closely cheeked study of 200 delinquents and 400 non­
delinquents, Burt found sex immorality in 2.4 per cent among
parents of delinquent cases against none in the control group,
and drukenness in 6.5 per oent of parents of delinquents and
2.5 per cent of non-delinquents.
Burt’s figures are generally
lower than in this country, because of different conditions and
sampling.
Neglect of The Children
Neglect of children is based on objective data in the in­
vestigation reports of the probation officer, who checks the
home conditions, and obtains information from neighbors and
relatives, as well as one or the other parent and sometimes
both.
Neglect portends certain deficiencies in the character
of the parents, which serve to deprive the children of a reas­
onable amount of care, training and wholesome guidance, as is
found in homes where alcoholism is rampant, homes with immoral
and psychopathic parents, homes with mentally or physically in­
competent, feeble-minded or indifferent parents, homes with ig­
norant and hostile step-parents, etc.
Neglect of children warn found in Table IV to occur in 53.4
per oent of the mixed group and 15.7 per cent of primary group
homes.
51
1
Healy and Bronner found that 22 per cent of a series of
4000 offenders or delinquents suffered from extreme parental
negleet.
i
nNegleot of children" is listed in the mother’s column of
the summary, not beoause the father is entirely absolved from
contributing his share to the neglect of the children, but be­
oause the mother is more closely identified with the routine care
and guidance of the children.
Furthermore, it was believed that
any attempt at arbitrary numerical segregation of this item among
the fathers and mothers would be largely subjective and hence
misleading.
Neglect of children may be regarded as an important factor
in the lives of our delinquents, since the defect occurs more than
three times as often in the homes of the mixed sex group as in the
primary group, 53.4 per oent
IV.
: 15.7 per cent, as shown in Table
Furthermore, the critical ratio (CR) of the difference is
equal to 6.9, a ratio which is highly reliable.
Desertion by Parents
Periodic or permanent desertion of the home and family by
fathers appears with almost equal; frequency in the primary and
the mixed sex groups (10.2 per cent
is apparently not a
: 10.8 per oent) and hence
determining factor in sex delinquency in one
group as oompared with the other, as shown in Table IV.
Desertion among the mothers occurs in six instances in the
mixed group, as against one in the primary group.
This defect
is significant when it occurs in a mother, since this is produc­
tive of serious repercussions in the lives of the offspring.
r!
W. Healy and F.A. Bronner, Delinquents and Criminals,
p . 125.
52
Desertion in a mother is activated either by a sudden infatuation
in an individual of poor intelligence, or by a lack of eharaoter
to fight to t the welfare of the ohildren against an ugly mate,
or by a breakdown in personality occasioned by drink and its oonsequenoes.
Extreme Cruelty
Cruelty to ohildren is listed only when there is evidence
in the record of actual morbidity on the part of a parent to­
wards a child— tying a child to a pole, looking him in a cellar
all night, brutal physioal discipline, extreme violence to a ohild
during drunkenness, or oruelty occasioned by mental spells in par­
ents, occasionally inoited by step-parents.
defect
This character/among the fathers occurs almost three times
as often in the mixed group of offenders as in the primary (6.8
per cent
: 2.8 per cent).
It is also of interest to note that
of the ten fathers so listed in the mixed group, six of them were
chronic alcoholics and one was an epileptic.
No instance of cruelty was found among the mothers in the
primary sex group in Table IV, but three such instances occurred
in the mothers of the mixed sex group offenders.
Kempf comments on cruel parents thus:
"Most of our chronic
lawbreakers, and asocial adults, thieves, pimps, and prostitutes,
whether mental defectives or not, are chronically asocial in their
tendencies, because of the pernicious influence of mismated par­
ents or the hatred of the adults who raised them."
1.
E. J. Kempf, oj>. oit.. p. 104.
Pronounced Profanity
Profanity on the part of parents is of serious oonoern, sig­
nifying as it does a total let-down of moral standards and con­
trols in the parents, creating thereby feelings of loss of respect
for elders in the eyes of the children, and difficulty in proper
identification with the parents for later self-determination in
the community.
Only instances of habitual, uncontrolled obscenity,
of a type likely to injure the moral fibre of a child, were in­
cluded in Table IV.
It is interesting that among mothers of both groups, show­
ing a total of 111 defects, only one instance of profanity is
recorded.
This serves to indicate the degree of care employed
in selecting the items out of a mass of available data of occas­
ional vulgarism and cursing by parents which are commonplace in
many of the low-standard homes.
This character defect in the fathers occurs in 3.4 per cent
of the mixed group, and o.9 per cent of the primary group, as
shown in Table IV.
While the small incidence of the trait might
appear to be without bearing, nevertheless the sum of suoh defects
offers a rather imposing pioture of unhealthy parental influences,
as will be noted in the summary.
Quarreling among Parents
This factor should not be accepted as signifying occasional
misunderstandings or momentary episodes of difficulty between
parents.
It is assumed to represent continuous and serious con­
flict between the parents of a type that could not fail to affect
injuriously the mental and even the physical health and sense of
security of the ohildren.
The
evidence is furnished by the
probation offioerfs investigation and by inquiry among neigh­
bors and relatives.
It was
found to exist in 10.1 per cent of
the mixed group homes, as against 6.4 per cent of the primary
group homes, as shown in Table IV.
1
Healy noted that quarreling of a serious nature existed in
12 per oent of the homes of delinquents; that alcoholism, im­
morality and criminalism existed in the parents of 21 per cent
of the cases; that nearly half the cases came from homes broken
by death, desertion, divorce or separation.
repeated offenders, there
Among 2000 young
were living under reasonably good con­
ditions for the upbringing of a child only 7.6 per oent of the
cases.
This is an alarming revelation on the extent of morbidity
found in the background of oases of delinquency.
It will be noted
that in background and behavior the mixed sex delinquents closely
correspond to the sampling of Healy and Bronner1s juvenile de­
linquents of all types.
Note:
It is not always possible to express intrinsic values by
mere figures which without more detail might fail to refleot the full score of personality differences exist­
ing among the parents of the two compared groups. Therefore
a more complete description of the specific defective traits
in the parents is offered.
The summarized data appear in
Table IV, p. 46.
1.
Special Analysis of Defects in Primary Group Parents
(a)
Alcoholism:
Only two instances were found of intact
pathologic homes on the basis of alcoholism, but the children
were living in child-oaring institutions much of the time, and
hence had little oontaot with the parents.
1.
These two homes were
W. Healy and F. A. Bronner, Delinquents and Criminals, p. 129.
55
likewise affected by immorality and criminality.
In all cases of parental alcoholism in the primary group,
with the exception of the two mentioned, the father was either
dead or out of the home, upwards of five years (four oases);
eight fathers were more than ten years out of the home or pos­
sibly dead; one mother listed as a drunkard had been dead eight
years, and hence had little influence on the child; one mother
who was a dope addict and an immoral person, as well as a drunk­
ard, had little contact with the delinquent, who spent most of
his life with relatives.
(b)
immorality: This form occurred in one father, inter­
ested in other women, whom the mother had forced out of the home
ten years before; hence there was little direct bearing upon the
ohild; there was another similar case of immorality in a father
who was out of the home eight years; one case was that of a de­
generate father, who committed sodomy on the delinquent in our
series; and a fourth was a~mother listed under (a) who was im­
moral, as well as a drug and alcoholic addict, but the boy was
out of the home the greater part of his life.
(o)
Criminality:
Of four fathers with court records in
the primary group, two were for chronic alooholism, the third
was arrested for striking his wife during drunkenness, and the
fourth was the degenerate father who committed sodomy on the
delinquent in the series and was consigned to the Tombs.
parent had no previous criminal record.
This
One mother had a oourt
reoord many years before, because of the alleged theft of jewel­
ry from an employer.
(d)
Cruelty: This form appeared in two homes, but one
father had deserted ten years before and hence had little bearing
on the delinquent, while the other father had been dead five years
2.
Speoial Analysis of Defects in Mixed Group Parents
(a)
Alcoholism:
This type oocurred among twelve of the fa­
thers, with the homes intact; hence the standards affecting the
children may have been seriously lowered.
The conditions were
apparently accepted or tolerated by the wives, since the homes
continued unbroken.
There were three additional homes which al­
though not fully intact still constituted a continuous unhealthy
influence upon the children in that the fathers, who were alco­
holic, were periodic deserters, and frequently returned to dis­
turb the lives of the offspring; one of these deserters left the
home only two months prior to the appearance of the child in court
Among the drunken mothers one home was intact; another was
periodically broken; in three cases drunkenness was accompanied
by immorality, and one mother of the three also engaged in ex­
cessive profanity.
(b)
Immorality:
This form existed in three cases with in­
tact homes where the fathers were both alcoholic and immoral;
three cases with immoral fathers who had deserted or died years
before the child appeared in the clinic; three of the four mothers
who drank excessively were erach reported to be immoral, and one
of their homes was intact, thus producing a continuous influence
upon the children; two of these mothers were periodic deserters
of the home; thwee of the oases listed as immorality showed the
mothers dead and the ffathers leading an immoral existence with
mistresses; one father was immoral, syphilitic, and in a mental
hospital for ten years prior to the appearanoe of the child in
oourt.
(o)
Court or Jail Records:
This type occurred in twelve
fathers; one was a gunman, who had killed a man; six others had
criminal court and jail records; two others were in court for in­
toxication and disorderly conduct; and three were under juris­
diction of family courts.
record.
One
mother is listed with a court
This woman was also extremely oruel to bur delinquent,
frequently hanged his head against the wall as a threat to pre­
vent his revealing her unsavory affairs.
She had been dead five
years prior to the boy's appearance in the court clinic.
(d)
Excessive Cruelty:
This appeared in 13 cases, where
the fathers were also alcoholic.
Nine of these homes were intact,
so that there was continuous influence upon the children up to
the time of their appearance in court.
In five of the 13 cases,
profanity is also reported to have existed, and three of these
homes were intact.
Six other homes where cruelty was reported showed two of them
as
intact; one father had died ten years before the child's court
appearance; another five years before; one father was a profes­
sional gambler;
and one father was a beggar and chronic liar.
There may have been many more instances of immorality, al­
coholism, cruelty and profanity among the parents, but the listed
data, carefully and objectively evaluated, suffice to present an
index of the demoralizing forces operating in the lives of the
children of the two groups, and particularly among those of the
mixed group.
Summary
1.
Table 17/, p. 46, reveals a total of 36 defects per 100
oases in the primary group fathers, and 61 per 100 in the mixed
group.
This is equivalent to a ratio of 57/ per oent defeotive
58
traits among primary group fathers, to 63 per cent among the mixed
group, or a
critical ratio (CR) of 3.7; this shows the differ­
ence to possess true reliability.
Several traits were repeated
in the Table for the same parent, so that the actual number of
parents involved is smaller than recorded for defeots.
The sig­
nificance of the total figures rests in the apparent summary
weighting of unhealthy personality traits among the mixed group
fathers, as compared
2.
with the primary.
The mothers of the mixed group are listed with a total
ratio of 76.3 per cent character defects as compared with only
23.7 per cent among primary group mothers.
Here again repetition
of traits is found to occur in individual cases.
However, the
fact that faulty traits occur more than three times as often
among mixed group mothers is of even greater importance than the
higher frequency of unhealthy traits among the mixed group fath­
ers, since mothers are in more continuous relationship to the
children, especially during the formative years, and more ful­
ly determine their development.
In justice to the mothers, it
needs to be supplemented that the item "neglect of children"
was arbitrarily recorded in the mothers* column, although the
fathers no doubt contributed their share towards the neglect.
However, in regard to
the mothers, etfen if this item were omit­
ted, the comparative ratio of defective traits among mixed group
mothers would still be 73.2 per cent, compared to 26.8 per cent
among primary group mothers (see Table IV, p. 46).
The critical
ratio (CR) of the difference is 7.2, which reflects high relia­
bility.
3.
Neglect of children appears four times as frequently
in the mixed group as in the
primary group.
59
4.
Alcoholism and desertion are the salient defects among
the fathers of the primary group, whereas alcoholism, jail re­
cords, desertion, immorality and extreme cruelty predominate
among the fathers of the mixed sex group.
5.
It is to be noted that if the "neglect" item be omitted,
there is a far greater frequency of character defects among the
fathers than the mothers. In the primary group the ratio of defects
of fathers to mothers per 100 cases is 36
group the ratio is 61
:
12.
: 4, and in the mixed
The ready implication of the dif­
ference in the ratios is that.the mothers, as a sampling, are con­
stituted of better personality material than the fathers in both
groups.
6.
Summing the defects of fathers and mothers of each group,
one finds a significant total of almost twice the number of char­
acter defects in the parents of the mixed group as compared with
the primary.
It is also apparent that not only are the defective
traits in the parents decisively balanced against the opportunities
of the children in the mixed group, but that the favorable factors
of home and family life (see Chapter IV) are signifioantly want­
ing among the children of this group.
1
Healy and Bronner found quarreling of a serious nature in
12 per cent of homes of delinquents; alcoholism, immorality and
criminalism among 21 per cent of the parents.
The impact of home
and family conditions upon the delinquent is stressed by the Glueoks:
The important point is that a family tradition of law­
lessness and vice, and the attitudes evolved in the homes
where such lawlessness and vice are common experiences, are
not conducive to a habit of mind and behavior that ordinar­
ily makes for decent c i t i z e n s h i p . 2
1.
2.
W. Healy and F. A. Bronner, op. oit.. p. 130.
S. and E. T. Glueck, 500 Criminal Careers, p. 112.
r
60
CHAPTER VI
SOCIAL AND COMMUNITY FACTORS
Introduction:
The influence of the home and the parents of the delinquents
has been discussed.
To complete the background picture an an­
alysis will be made of the extra-domicile factors in the lives
of the delinquents of the two compared sex groups.
The effects
of neighborhood agencies, elements and influences are of signal
importance to the health and welfare of a child, particularly
in sections where homes are poorly organized, controls and su­
pervision lacking, and where the children more or less contin­
uously come under influences of the morbid and antisocial cur­
rents of the "street".
Bad Neighborhoods
Data regarding this item are derived from information in
the probation officers’ investigations and records, whioh in
turn is based on classified and recognized ratings of morbidity
of certain segments of New York City.
This factor (see Table V,
p. 62) is found to operate among 52.8 per cent of the mixed group
cases, as compared with 35.1 per cent of the primary group, or
a CR of the difference equal to 2.8, which denotes true reliabil­
ity.
In cosmopolitan life, with its crowded slum areas, children
who are entirely abandoned to their own resources, among vicious
unorganized elements and gangs, find it very difficult to retain
and maintain decent viewpoints and behavior.
The result is a
sharp straggle for existence, significance and happiness against
the continual onslaughts of aggressive and antisocial types. Re­
sistance to the gang means not only great risk of bodily harm
and abuse, but also exclusion from games and neighborhood ac­
tivities, and hence requires an exceptional amount of individ­
ual courage.
Boys are not infrequently compelled to face such situations
against great odds, either because shame and pride prevent them
from turning to parents and guardians for assistance, or because
some parents are known to tell their children, who complain of
difficulties with "tough" boys, to "fight their own battles".
Thus many children who intrinsically detest the ideologies and
behavior of gang types, nevertheless eventually, through pressure,
are forced to acoept these conditions for protection and security.
They become warped in personality, so that they soon become in­
distinguishable from the others, and in turn serve to drag still
others down to this level.
But why do these young men want to persuade you? Beoause they desire to seduce you; they do not care for you,
they take no real interest in you; their only motive is
a secret spite because they see that you are better than
they; they want to drag you down to their own level. Do
you think you have anything to gain by this? Are they so
much wiser than I? Is the affection of a day stronger
than mine?l
The fact, however, that 35 per cent of the primary group ohil
dren were exposed to these so-called bad neighborhoods and yet
managed to be free of the taint of the mixed group members, such
as stealing, arson, etc., would imply that such neighborhood fac­
tors, of themselves, are not invariably determinants of a child’s
behavior, provided that proper home conditions exist to offset
their influences.
1.
J. J. Rousseau, Emile, p. 297.
TABLE V
Social and Community Factors of the Delinquents
in Primary and Mixed Croups
Primary Group
108 Cases
No. of
%
Cases
Type of
Defect
Bad Neighbor­
hood
Mixed Group
148 Cases
No. oi
%
Cases
Total
256 Cases
No. of
*
Cases
38
35.1
78
52.8
126
45.3
Bad Company
(Gang)
E
1.8
39
26.3
41
16.0
Excess
Movies
4
3.7
13
8.8
17
6.7
Demoralizing
Recreation*
1
0.9
16
10.8
17
6.7
Chronic Late
Hours
0
0.0
47
31.7
47
18.4
Sohool Mal­
adjustment
5
4.6
109
73.6
114
44.6
43
39.8
90
61.0
133
52.0
1
0.9
8
5.4
9
3.5
-
-
Occasional or
No Church
Attendance
Hazardous
Vocations**
Total Factors
per 100 Cases
87
24.3***
270
•75.7***
* Includes visits to pool rooms, penny arcacles, public dance halls
unsupervised parties, houses of prostitution, eto.
**Shining shoes or selling papers all night; dancing in saloons, etc.
♦♦♦Percentages of total factors calculated on the basis of the sum
of these factors in the two groups, for comparative ratio.
Note:
More than one factor in Table V listed per case.
63
Bad Company and Gangs
The gang factor referred to in previous paragraphs was found
to operate in £6.3 per cent of the cases in the mixed group, where­
as only 1.8 per cent of the oases of the primary group were found
to have participated in such bad company, as shown in Table V.
This difference is of phenomenal importance, in view of the fact
that the ratio of bad neighborhoods was no greater than 52 per cent
in the mixed group to 35 per cent in the primary group. Favorable
factors may therefore be assumed to have been at work in the pri­
mary group (see p. 44).
It indicates a profound variation in at­
titudes, behavior and ideation among the boys of the two groups,
as they either accepted or rejected the friendships and standards
of the gang type.
It is recognized that not all gangs are evil-
minded or destructive in behavior, but most of those operating in
slum districts become so from time to time.
The gang, as consti­
tuted in the poor, disorganized neighborhoods, may engage in games
or athletics one minute and turn to holding up people or stealing
pocketbooks the next minute.
In this connection, Thrasher says,
The present study does not advance the thesis that the
gang is a ’’cause” of crime. It would be more accurate to
say that the gang is an important contributing factor,
facilitating the commission of crime, and greatly ex­
tending its spread and range. . . .The boy in the gang
learns the technique of crime by observing it in older
boys. . . .exact information as to the technique of
crime is imparted in the gang. Experience in a gang
of the predatory type usually develops in the boy an
attitude of indifference to law and orderG-one of the
basic traits of the finished gangster. . . .The gang
boy very early acquires the independence which is char­
acteristic of the finished gangster— learns to sleep away
from home and live on his own (predatory resources). . ..
The boy usually acquires in the gang an attitude of fat­
alism, a willingness to take a chance— a philosophy of
life which fits him well for a oareer of orime.l
1.
F. M. Thrasher, The Gang, pp. 381-392.
1
Burt reveals bad companionship (including gangs) to exist
in 23.6 per cent of delinquents, as against only one per cent
among non-delinquents. Note should be made of the d o s e resem­
blance of Burt’s figures to those in the mixed and primary groups,
which correspond fairly well respectively in type of behavior—
the mixed group are the confirmed delinquents involved in all
types of offenses including sex offenses, while the primary group
of boys are those involved in no delinquencies other than the sex
2
violations. Healy and Bronner make claim of 62 per cent bad com­
pany (including gangs) among 3000 delinquents, which is consid­
erably higher than the percentage found in this study, and serves
to convey the morbidity of certain environments.
Excessive Attendance at Movies
Movie attendance among the delinquents was listed as exces­
sive, only where evidence existed in the record, either upon com­
plaint of the parents or the admission of the boy that movies were
visited three or more times a week.
This condition was found to
exist among 8.8 per cent of the cases in the mixed group and 3.7
per cent of the primary group (see Table V). The exact signifi­
cance of this item is not clear without available detailed know­
ledge as to the type of cinema, the boys’ reactions to the same,
etc.
Burt findi movies a faotor in 7 per cent of his delinquents.
Excessive motion picture attendance is found in 55 per cent
4
of the delinquents by Healy and Bronner. These figures are some­
what high and are no doubt occasioned by a different criterion
T~,
Burt, op. cit..~~p. 125.
2. W. Healy and F. A. Bronner, Delinquents and Criminals, p. 179.
3. C. Burt, 0£. oit.. p. 137.
4. W. Healy and F. A. Bronner, New Light on Juvenile Delin­
quency, p. 53.
of "excessive attendance", but cognizance should be taken of the
disorganized general behavior of these boys— they play truant
and use lunch money for movies, desert home, and invariably find
their way into the movies at every chance; the proceeds of steal­
ing ventures go largely to movie fare.
Demoralizing Recreational Activities
This item includes unhealthy recreation on the part of chil­
dren, such as visiting pool rooms, penny aroades, gambling places,
public dance halls, unsupervised parties, houses of prostitution,
and the like.
These demoralizing recreational interests occurred
with a frequency of 10.8 per cent of the mixed group as compared
with only 0.9 per cent of the primary group (see Table V).
The
marked difference in frequency may be closely linked to the difderences in behavior, on the basis of which the two groups were
originally segregated, and may obtain further reflection in pos­
sible sharp differences in the personality traits of the children
in the two groups, to be considered in the next part of this study.
1
Healy and Bronner found 20 per cent of their delinquents
participating in poor types of recreation.
Habitual Late Hours
This condition was found to exist to the appalling frequency
of 31.7 per cent of the mixed group cases, as against none re­
corded among the cases of the
primary group (see Table V). This
should not be interpreted to signify that no member of the pri­
mary group ever remained out late at night, but that as a reg­
ular practice against the wishes of the parents no such instance
was found to exist in this group.
1.
The great frequency of this
W. Healy and F. A. Bronner, Delinquents and Criminals, p. 181.
objectionable practice among the children of the mixed group
can only denote that they were completely beyond the control of
their parents, or that their parents were so deficient in char­
acter and social responsibility as to be totally indifferent to
such behavior on the part of their offspring.
This trait may
bear important relationship to the general antisocial conduct
of the mixed group children, to possible serious disturbances
in personality, which will be discussed in later chapters, and
to frequent participation in gang life and demoralizing recrea­
tional activities, as differentiated from cases in the primary
group.
Maladjustment at School; School Problem
Maladjustment as listed in Table V does not refer to occas­
ional disobedienoe in a child, or to infraction of a few school
regulations, or to a momentary outburst of defiance at a teacher.
It represents a condition where a ohild is in complete rebellion
and disharmony with the school system, in continual defiance of
law and order in the classroom, and beyond the control of several
teachers who attempt to rehabilitate the child to the requirements
of school discipline and the program.
Maladjustment at school
was found to exist among 73.6 per cent of the mixed group cases,
as against only 4.6 per oent of the primary group (see Diagram 5).
The deplorably high frequency of school maladjustment among
three-fourths of the mixed group population may be considered a
potent force for evil, albeit it is recognized that maladjustment
is but a symptom among many other evidences of disorganization
in behavior among these children (late hours, gang activities,
demoralizing recreation and general delinquent habits). One can
P r lr r
73.1
r«r*\? r y .
readily appreciate that a child who is totally beyond the con­
trol of his family and hostile towards society, because of gang
and antisocial ideologies, interests and activities, would auto­
matically resist, defy and obstruct the orderly processes of the
olassroom, and constitute a problem and perhaps a menace to the
school.
On the other hand, one can also realize that a child
who through nervousness, poor school work and truancy has ac­
quired few academic akills will turn from school routines and
compliance because of feelings of futility, inferiority and un­
happiness and in response to pressure from parents, attendance
officers, and ashool authorities may resort to desertions, with
the consequent stealing, burglary, etc.
Healy and Bronner find'*'
40 per cent of the delinquents showing a strong dislike for school.
Occasional or No Church Attendance
This item was found among 61 per cent of the cases in the
mixed group, for all religious denominations, as against 39.8
per cent of the cases in the primary group (see Table V).
The
true reliability of this difference is reflected in the critical
ratio of 3.4.
The weighting of this trait is again found to oc­
cur in much greater frequency among the members of the mixed
group.
The lack of constant spiritual guidance and influenoi
in the lives of more than half of the total number of oases is
disturbing, although it is diffioult to gauge the frequency of
such events in the general population, for comparative statis­
tics, owing to a laok of reliable data and the fragmentary and
TI
W. Healy and F. A. Bronner, New Light on Juvenile Delin­
quency. p. 53.
66
1
inadequate samplings.
The findings reflect upon the negligence
or indifference of the parents and in the mixed groups may, in
addition, be related to the fact that these children, through
aggressiveness, have broken away from family controls.
Payne offers his view on the causes of delinquency: "Many
of the social phenomena of the twentieth century, such as crime,
may be traced directly to the break-down of the aid authority of
the family, the church, and the school, and the failure to sub2
stitute in their place adequate controls within the individual."
Hazardous Vocational Interests
This factor accounts for 5.4 per cent of cases in the mixed
group as against 0.9 per cent in the primary group (see Table V).
It concerns such unhealthy vocational practices as selling news­
papers throughout the night, shoe-shining or entertaining in grills,
saloons, and night clubs, etc.
School Attendance
School attendance is regarded in this study as regular, if
there is an absence of habitual truancy.
Isolated events of school
absence, for any reason, and even if inexcusable, are not consid­
ered of serious import to school discipline or to a boy’s oppor­
tunity for progress with his grade work.
There is hardly a boy
who at one time or another has not played truant during his school
career.
TI
2.
The donfirmed truant, however, who openly flaunts his dis-
The Glueoks comment on this circumstance as follows: "The
absence of reliable comparable data regarding the non-delin­
quents does not, however, as some have inferred, vitiate all
research into the make-up of delinquents." S. and E. T.
Glueok, 0£. olt.. p. 63.
E. G. Payne, Principles of Educational Psychology, p. 123.
69
regard for school attendance regulations by repeated and persist­
ent absence from sessions and classes, against the advice and
admonition of parents and school authorities, is a problem of con­
cern to himself and the school, and a bad example to other ohildren.
Regular school attendance has much to offer the boy, both as
preparation for later life, and in improvement of personality,
through indoctrination of proper attitudes, conditioning to reg­
ular habits of application to problems, and instillation of necess­
ary rudimentary skills and knowledges.
vantages to the
The loss of all these ad­
truant is evident, but since habitual truancy
will be treated among the general offenses (see Table XII, p. »°«)
Chapter X), it was omitted from Table Y to avoid duplication of
data.
Moreover, the problem could not
an offense and a factor.
properly be treated as both
However, the question of school attendance
required some attention at this point.
It should be observed that
88.9 per cent of the primary group members showed regular school
attendance, as compared to only 40.4 per cent of the mixed group.
Grade Advancement
The mental age (M. A.) is employed for relationship to school
progress, instead of the ohronoligical age (C. A.), in order to
make it possible to determine to what extent the intellectual
potentialities of the delinquents are utilized to best advantage
in the two compared groups.
The concern here is not the measure
of the ohild’s intelligence, but what he aohieves with it.
A comparison of the two groups shows that in high school
there are found 15.7 per cent of the primary group oases, compared
with only 6.7 per cent of the mixed group (see Table XXXIII, p.2.81*,
Appendix). This is greater than the intelligence differences
between the two groups and is reflected in a critical ratio of
difference equal to 2.2.
Almost uniformly, from the sixth year mental-age level up­
wards, it is observed that the mixed group members fall behind
the primary sex group members, suggesting that the mixed group
children are not making use of their maximum intellectual endow­
ment, and that failure in school advancement among them is due
to other than intellectual factors.
This may in part correspond
to previous evidence that three out of every four members of this
group presented problems of maladjustment at school (see p. 66).
There is also asuspicion that some of
the mixed group with
the older members of
low IQ'swere advanced by the teachers, the
possible explanation being as follows:
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
the age and size of the boy
a required percentage of promotions in each class
a need for getting problem boys quickly through,
and out of school
occasionally as an inducement for better cooperation
and effort on the part of a boy
Differences are
plishment in the two
brought out on the b*.*is of school accom­
compared groups, which a
due to other than
intellectual factors, and are probably intimately related to dif­
ferences in the personality and life habits of the children in
the two groups.
Employment among the Sex Delinquents
Employment among the delinquents consisted of part-time for
those attending or not attending school and full time for those
no longer in sohool.
Success at obtaining employment among the delinquents out
of school is about equal in the two groups, 12 per cent primary
to 10.2 per cent mixed group cases.
71
Among delinquents In school there is a suggestion of great­
er frequency of employment of mixed group delinquents as compared
with primary groups (18.2 per oent
: 11.1 per cent), or a crit­
ical ratio of the difference of 1.5.
The slight difference may
be related to the greater opportunities for spare-time work among
mixed group boys, coming from homes of greater disorganization
and neglect (see Summary, Chapter 17).
Many other boys may have
worked occasionally selling newspapers, shining shoes, and run­
ning errands, who have not been recorded in Table V, but the es­
tablished data represent in general the conditions with regard
tti> this item.
It is significant to note in Table XXXIV, p.iss*, Appendix,
that employment accounts little, if at all, for the tremendous
frequency of late hours among mixed group members appearing in
Table V as compared with the primary group, 32 per cent
: 0 per
cent.
Frequency or type of employment among the delinquents can­
not be considered a
factor in one group as compared with the other.
Play Life and
Play among children is
Play Role
classified as organized and super­
vised gang play, unorganized and random play, and "limited" play,
the last referring to play restricted to infrequent occasions,
as when parents fear a child may injure its health.
The
primary group participates more frequently in organ­
ized play, such as Boys’ Clubs, Scout Groups, Church Groups,
Junior Navel Cadets and Police Athletic League than do the mixed
72
group boys, IS per cent
: 7.4 per cent, as shown in Table 232V,
p. %*(» Appendix.
It should be observed that there is greater frequency of
"limited" play among the delinquents of the primary group as com­
pared with the mixed group, 18.6 per cent
: 8.8 per cent. This
is equal to a critical ratio (CR) of difference of 2.2, which is
close to reliability.
pated from the
This difference could have been antici­
knowledge derived in Chapters IV and V, that the
primary giraup boys do not have the abundance of freedom of street
life and play which is permitted the mixed group boys, with the
greater disorganization in their homes, and the absence of close
supervision and control.
Furthermore, the greater frequency of
constitutionally weaker types among the primary group (see Table
VTI, p.SH-) may in part explain the lesser participation in out­
door vigorous play.
r \e limited play life might lead one to ex­
pect the development of seclusiveness, nervousness and warping
of the personality among the primary group children, but that this
is not the case will be noted in Chapter VTII (Nervous Disorders),
which reflects very favorably on this group as compared with the
mixed.
From Table XXXVI, p.
Appendix, it is apparent that in lead­
ership the primary group children more than match the more aggressive
mixed group children (8.3 per cent
:6.8 per cent), but in the play
role of "bully" there is evidence that the mixed group, with its
coarser and more delinquent types, is three times as frequently
so engaged as the primary group (32.5 per cent to 10.2 per cent).
In the follower play role, 41.9 per cent of the mixed group chil­
dren are listed, as against 32.4 per cent of the primary group
ohildren, but the parge percentage (49.1) of unknown play role
among the primary group would make it likely that no small share
of this belongs in the "follower” classification.
The tentative conclusions derived from the play life and
play role of the delinquents are that primary group children
participate more abundantly in organized play; that there is
a comparatively greater frequency of limited play among the
primary group boys; that "gang" play is much more frequently
participated in by mixed group boys; that leadership is equally
as frequent among the primary as the mixed group boys; and that
the "bully" role is play occurs three times as ofteh among the
mixed group children.
Summary
In totalling the factors in the extra-domicile life of the
children in the two compared groups of sex cases (see Table V),
we find 270 instances per 100 oases in the mixed group as against
87 in the primary group, or 75.7 per cent as against 24.3 peroent.
This difference is highly reliable, since the critical ratio is
8.3.
The most serious factors— participation in gangs, demoral­
izing recreation, chronic late hours and maladjustment in school
occur from ten to thirty times as often in the mixed group as in
the primary.
Chronic late hours, found among 31.7 per cent of
the mixed group oases, as against none in the primary group, re­
flect a complete break-down of parental controls, or an indif­
ference on the part of the mixed group parents as to the oonduct
of their offspring.
These items, together with demoralizing re­
creation and gang participation, may be strong determinants of.
school maladjustment; these four items appear to be the most po­
tent precursors of general delinquent behavior common to all
ohildren of the mixed group, on the basis of which they were
originally segregated from the primary group.
It should furthermore be noted that while counter-balancing
and mitigating influences operated in the homes of the primary
group children to offset the undesirable social and community
factors, comparatively few such advantages existed within the
homes of the mixed group delinquents (see data on homes and par­
ents, Chapters IV and V).
Outstanding proof of the existence of
these strengthening forces in the homes of the primary group is
afforded by the finding that although 55 per cent of the primary
group cases were submerged in neighborhoods classified as definite
ly "bad", only one per cent of them participated with "gangs",
whereas by comparison 52 per cent of the mixed group cases lived
in such neighborhoods, and 26 per cent of them participated in
bad company and gangs.
The other factors of community life, such as church attend­
ance, school attendance, grade advancement, hazardous vocations,
part and full-time employment, and play life similarly reflect
advantages in the primary group, as compared with the mixed, but
the differences are
not so pronounced.
The play life of the delinquents requires clarification
to avoid possible misunderstanding.
to favor
This factor may be considered
slightly the primary group children only in the sense
that a greater proportion of them participated in organized and
supervised play facilities than the mixed group (12 per cent to
7.4 per cent).
On the score of "limited" play, however, the mixed
group delinquents carry the advantage, in that only eight per cent
of them are so classified (see Table XXXV, p. x 8(ot Appendix)^
75
as compared with 18.6 per cent of the primary group.
Greater
disorganization within the homes of the mixed group cases prob­
ably accounts for the greater freedom of street life and play
among them, as well as the break from family controls, already
noted in the keeping of late hours, poor church attendance, poor
sohool attendance, maladjustment at home and at school.
to a
While
certain extent "limited" play constitutes a drawback to the
wholesome development of a child, yet when considered in the light
of the regular weighting of favorable factors in the primary group,
and unfavorable factors in the mixed group, the item of limited
play, found weighted in the primary group, is probably not a fac­
tor of importance to the personality.
In school attendance, it is noted that 88.9 per cent of the
primary group members were regular in attendance, as compared
with only 40.4 per cent of the mixed group.
Truancy will be dis­
cussed among the offenses in Chapter X; hence it is not includ­
ed in Table 7 of this chapter in order to avoid duplication of
data.
It was felt necessary, however, not to omit entirely this
important item here, and for this reason a few remarks appear
in the body of this chapter.
School advancement favors the primary group cases to a great­
er extent than should be expected from the advantage of higher in­
telligence among them.
This difference may be due to greater fre­
quency of regular school attendance and less school maladjustment
among these boys. Thus in high school are found 15.7 per cent of
the primary group, and only 6.8 per cent of the mixed group mem­
bers, or a CR of the difference equal to 2.2, which is close to
reliability.
(See Table XXXIII, p. j-HifAppendix, for data on
school advancement.) NEW YORK UNIVERSITY
SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
•
LIBRARY
•
r
76
PART C
PERSONALITY AND BEHAVIOR OF THE DELINQUENT
Introduction:
The subject of the preceding section of the study was the
background of the juvenile sex delinquent.
Comparative group
analyses were made of factors in the parents, home, neighbor­
hood, that bear upon the lives of the children during their plas­
tic, formative years, and which serve to determine their person­
alities and behavior, including delinquencies.
Part C of the investigation will be ddvbted to a comparative
study of the traits and behavior problems existing among the two
groups of sex delinquents, as outgrowths of these background forces.
The following phases will receive attention:
I.
General traits of the two compared groups of sex de­
linquents
II. Disorders of mind and body among the sex delinquents
III. Disorders in temperament and behavior
IV. Types of offenses committed by the two groups
(a) Sex offenses
(b) Offenses other than sex
V.
Court and clinic treatment of the offenders
PART C
PERSONALITY AND BEHAVIOR OF THE DELINQUENT
f
I
77
CHAPTER VII
I.
GENERAL TRAITS AMONG THE DELINQUENTS OP THE TWO COMPARED
GROUPS
Age Distribution and Puberty
It is significant to note in Diagram 6, and in Table XXXVII,
p. s.?1,Appendix, that remarkable uniformity exists in the distri­
bution of cases in the two groups, at the different age levels.
(The age at the last birthday is utilized in the Table and Graph.)
Thus, in the 7 to 14 year age range, there were 47 per cent pri­
mary and 46.7 per cent mixed group cases; in the 14 to 16 year
range, 50.2 per cent primary and 48.6 per cent mixed; in the 14
to 15 year level, 22.4 per cent primary and 21.6 per cent mixed;
and in the 15 to 16 year level, 27.8 per cent primary and 27.0
per cent mixed group cases.
The mean of the ages in the primary
group was 13.7 years, and in the mixed group 13.5 years, showing
the close correspondence in ages of the delinquents of;the two
compared groups.
Table XXXVIII, p.a.??, Appendix, and Diagram 6 reveal a slight­
ly greater frequency of mixed cases below the puberty level, as
compared with the primary (24.4 per cent
: 16.4 per cent). The
critical ratio of the difference is 1.7, which shows an absence
of true reliability.
In commenting on the difference, it might
be safe to postulate that the greater occurrence of sub-puberty
promiscuity among members of the mixed group as compared with
the primary might be attributable to the greater disorganization
-..rn
Ilf
-tx
(0
fO
19-
(it
..
A.^K
__tLui«j a
._(?
e'tv
78
in the homes and lives of the former, with maladjustment, tru­
ancy, desertion and late hours, and the fact that these young
individuals roam the streets unsupervised— a ready prey for schem­
ing degenerate elements in the Mlieu.
The mean of the ages when puberty set in among the members
of both groups was 12.0 years.
Puberty brings an activity of the
sex glands, which heightens the adolescent imagination, excites
the emotional and bodily states, arouses sacral and autonomic
cravings, and contributes to the commission of sex offenses. Thus
83.4 per cent of the primary group and 73.4 per cent of the mixed
group sex offenders were past puberty, i.e., were early adoles­
cents.
It should be noted also that all the aggressive and vio­
lent sex offenders in the series were early adolescents, while
the pre-pubescents engaged in petty, sneaky or passive sex epi­
sodes.
Race
For data and a discussion of the question of race among the
delinquents, reference should be made to p.25, sinoe in no in­
stance did the race of the delinquent differ from that of the
parents.
It was noted on p. 25 that only 10 per cent of the
total number of delinquents in both groups were of the colored
race, with 12 per cent in the mixed group, and seven per cent
in the primary group.
(See Table XXII, p.stv^Appendix, and Dia­
gram 2.)
Nationality
Nationality among the delinquents shows little variation
in the two groups.
Native delinquents constitute 93.6 per cent
of the primary group and 95.6 per cent of the mixed.
Foreign*-
born delinquents account for 6.4 per cent of the primary, and
4.1 per cent of the mixed group cases, as shown in Table XXIII,
p.ITS,Appendix, and Graph 7.
The small percentage of foreign-born delinquents in the ser­
ies, five per cent, is in sharp contrast to the very large per­
centage, 60 per cent, of foreign-born parents (see p. 26, and
Table XXIII, Appendix).
This signifies a difference in cultur­
al patterns, language and customs between the children and par­
ents to varying
degrees.
However, the fact that there is uni­
formity in the frequency of the foreign-born parents in the two
groups, and similarly of foreign-born delinquents, would denote
an absence of any significance resting in the trait of nation­
ality.
Religion
The particular faith of a child (see Table XXXIX, p.Aff^Appendix) appears not to operate as a factor in sex delinquency,
as there is an almost even distribution of the various religions
among the primary and mixed group members, (Catholics 50 per cent
primary group, and 52.7 per cent mixed; Protestants 28.7 per cent
primary, and 29.7 per cent mixed; and Hebrews 21.3 per cent pri­
mary, and 17.6 per cent mixed).
The importance of regular church attendance as a factor is
difficult to evaluate.
Table XI, Appendix, shows 45 per cent
regular church attendance for all denominations in the primary
group, and 34 per cent for the mixed group.
It would seen that
absence of regular church attendance is a loss to the character
and personality of the ohildren, and for fuller discussion ref­
erence should be made to p.
67.
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80
Intelligence
The Intelligence ratings in this study are based on the
Stanford-Binet standardized tests, although performance in var­
ious other psychometric tests are taken into consideration.
Differences in intelligence appear to be a factor in the
two groups (see Graph 8) and they may play some determining role
in the later life adjustment of the delinquents, for better or
worse.
The primary group has in the range above 110 I. Q,. 7.5
per cent of the eases, as against 2 per cent of the mixed group;
in the
class of 100 to 110 I. Q,. are 13.9 per cent primary and
10.1 per dent mixed group cases; in the class of 90 to 100 I.Q,.
are 16.6 per cent primary and 16.3 per cent mixed; 80 to 90 I.Q,.
has 30.6 per cent primary and 28.4 per cent mixed cases; 70 to
80 I. Q,. contains 27.8 per cent primary and 37.2 per cent mixed
oases; and in 60 to 70 I. Q,. range there are 1.8 per cent primary
and 4.7 per cent mixed cases (see Table 71).
A small number of
cases (nine in all, or 3.5 per cent of the entire series), al­
though falling below the 70 I. Q. level, have been included in
this study because other indications prompted the psychologist
and psychiatrist to believe that these cases were not feeble­
minded.
The significance of the intellectual differences in the two
groups obtains emphasis in the following tabulation:
Above Normal Ratios (100/ I. Q.)
Primary Sex
Group
Mixed Sex
Group
Below Normal Ratios(-80)
21.4 %
29.6 #
12.1
41.9 %
The critical ratio (CR) equals 1.8, suggesting some reliability.
JIO
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81
TABLE VI
Intelligence Distribution among the Delinquents of the Pri­
mary and Mixed Sex Groups
----- a-----u ------
Range of
Intelligence
Quotient
“ ---- =1
Primary Sex Grou p
108 Gases
Mixed Sex Group
148 Cases
Total
256 Cases
No.
%
0.0
2
0.8
3
2.0
9
3.5
13.9
15
10.1
30
11.7
18
16.6
24
16.3
42
16.4
80-90
33
30.6
42
28.4
75
29.3
70-80
30
27.8
55
37.2
85
33.2
60-70
2
1.8
7
4.7
9
3.5
Unknown
2
1.8
2
1.3
4
1.6
108
100.0
148
100.0
256
100.0
No.
%
No.
120 +
2
1.8
0
110-120
6
5*5
100-110
15
90-100
Total
The distribution in the two groups within the so-called nor­
mal range of intelligence, 80 to 100 I. Q., is about equal in
the two groups, 47.2 per cent of the primary and 44'.7 per cent
of the mixed group.
The employment of a slightly lower normal
range than the one usually employed (90 to 110 I. Q,.) may be
considered justifiable by the somewhat abnormal conditions under
which the children take the teats at the court clinics, excite­
ment, shame and guilt associated with the sex offense, emotional
stress arising from exposure to the family,' and the anxiety of
the outcome of the court action.
1
Healy and Bronner submit the following intelligence distri­
bution among their delinquents (feeble-minded excluded): 110 I. Q.
and over:
11 per cent; 90 to 110:
53 per cent; 80- to 90:
27
per cent; 72 to 80: 7 per cent; and 69 to 72: 2 per cent. Ter2
man finds the following in a representative sampling of the gen­
eral population:
cent; 80 to 90:
110:
below 70 I. Q;
1 per cent; 70 to 80:
9 per cent; 90 to 110:
5 per
65 per cent; and above
20 per cent.
Summary:
The general characteristics of the delinquents tend to the
advantage of the primary group only in the item of intelligence,
which shows a CR of difference of 1.8.
Race, religion and nation­
ality are apparently not factors in the behavior of the two com­
pared sex delinquent groups, since these items occur with almost
equal frequency in both groups.
Nor is age a factor; yet it was
found that one-fifth of the entire series ranked below puberty or
adolescence level, and four-fifths above, and that the aggressive
and violent sex offenders are adolescents, while the pre-pubescents
engage chiefly in petty, sneaky and passive sex roles.
Intelligence favors the primary group cases to the extent
that 21.4 per cent of them rank above 100 I. Q., as against only
12.1 per cent of the mixed group; that only 29.6 per cent of the
primary group rank below the 80 I. Q. level, as against 41.9 per
cent of the mixed group cases (see Table TE).
T~,
2.
W. Healy and F. A. Bronner, 0£. oit.. p. 52.
L. M. Terman, The Intelligence of Sohool Children, p. 8.
83
CHAPTER VIII
II.
DISORDERS OF MIND AND BODY AMONG THE COMPARED SEX
DELINQUENTS
Introduction:
The general traits of the two compared groups— a primary
group of 108 sex delinquents, not known to have been involved
in any offenses other than sex at the time of the original study
in the Children's Court clinics six to twelve years ago, and a
mixed sex group of 148 delinquents, known to have engaged in
other offenses besides sex at the time of the original study—
have been examined in the preceding chapter.
The primary groups
showed a slight advantage over the mixed group only on the basis
of intelligence.
With this preliminary orientation, it should now be possible
to point out any significance found in the more salient factors
which differentiate the members of the two groups.
This will be
done on the basis of disorders of body, mind, temperament and
behavior, a study which will form Chapters VIII and IX.
Physioal Disorders (Including Glandular)
The physioal defects recorded in Table VII are of a serious
nature, including partial blindness, deafness, crippled body,
tuberculosis, severe heart ailments, and marked malnutrition.
Mild physioal deviations are not considered here, since there
is scarcely a child who at some time has not suffered from some
minor ailment.
T".
In this connection, Healy and Bronner.point out
W. Healy and F. A. Bronner,
0£.
oit., Chapter V.
84
the insignificance of minor ailments in the behavior patterns
and life course of a child.
The listed glandular defects were not of the disabling type;
most of them consisted of mild types of thyroid and pituitary
-
deficiency, with obesity and slight underdevelopment of the gen­
italia (Froelich type).
TABLE VII
Physical and Glandular Defects among
the Delinquents
Physical
Defects
Types
Serious Physical
Defects
Glandular (Endocrine)
Defects
(Over or underfundtioning; over or
underdevelopment)
Total Defects per
100 Cases
Primary Sex Group
108 Cases
Mixed Sex Gr cup Total
148 Cases
256 Cast
No. of
Cases
%
No. of
Cases
12
11.1
5
3.4
5
4.6
6
4.1
15
67.7*
7
32.3*
%
jo
iJo. of
Cases
17
6.7
11
4.3
-
-
* Percentages in "Total” calculated on basis of the sum of the
factors in the two groups per 100 cases, but the number of de­
fects per 100 cases is so small that the percentage ratios do
not probably bear much significance.
The serious defects in physical make-up account for 11.1 per
cent of the oases in the primary group, but only 3.4 per cent of
the mixed group, showing a OR of 2.3; this difference is rather
85
significant in revealing that a certain proportion of the pri­
mary group children possess poor physical structure. This was
1
also noted by Healy as a ppssible cause for children of similar
type escaping delinquent conduct, such as hitching on cars, de­
sertion escapades, robbery, etc. (but not to the exclusion of
some petty sex venture).
Involvement in aggressive antisocial
behavior requires a hardy body, and is reflected in the compara­
tively small percentage of physical infirmities in the children
of the mixed group.
The glandular defects are apparently distributed about equal­
ly in the two groups (4.6 per cent in the primary and 4.1 percent
in the mixed group), indicating that this is not a factor.
The
critical ratio (CR) of the difference is only 0.2, which refleots
no reliability whatever.
Glandular or endocrine disturbances
among delinquents have been emphasized to unwarranted proportions
2
by some writers, especially Schlapp, who devoted an entire volume
to it, with photographs, measurements of arms and body ratio, and
detailed interpretations of possible microscopic variations among
children (which are normally to be expected, even in the health­
iest specimens— see p. 22).
The small percentage of glandular
defects, particularly when occurring in a study of sex cases,
clearly enough indicates that delinquency or criminality (sex or
other offenses) do not neoessarily result from these factors.
Summary of Physical and Glandular Disorders
Serious physioal infirmity among the sex delinquents cannot
Y
£•
Ibid., Chapter IV.
MS"Schlapp and;1E» >
S
»
.
;
Criminology.
be considered an important factor, in view of the small incidence
in the series.
Nevertheless, the comparatively greater frequency
in the primary group may be of slight significance.
The mild
physioal ailments are of no oonsequency to delinquency, and are
therefore not considered in Table VII.
Glandular disorders were
not found to be important in either sex group.
Wile states that "There is too free a tendency to seize up­
on a physical fact as sufficient to account for all the diffi­
culties of childhood without correlations with the other elements
of the personality.
Nervous and Mental Disorders
The diagnosis of mental disorder is determined by a thor­
ough study of the past behavior of the boy, his reactions dur­
ing the examination, and his mental content, whether he expresses
delusions of persecution, or hallucinations; whether he is ser­
iously disturbed emotionally; whether he presents bizarre behavior
patterns; whethere there is a history of convulsions, serious
head injury, or congenital syphilis; and whether there is a mor­
bid outlook on life, or a paranoid attitude toward sooiaty, its
conventions and codes.
As previously states on p. 14, cases of
feeble-mindedness have been excluded from the investigation.
Table VIII shows that in the primary group there are 32
instances of nervous and mental disorders per 100 cases, and in
the mixed group 70 such instances per 100 cases, or a ratio of
31.5 per cent in the primary group to 68.5 in the mixed group.
The
critical ratio (CR) of the difference in the two groups is
5.6, which reflects high reliability, and is also highly signifi­
cant.
T~.
I. Wile, op. olt., p. 21.
87
TABLE VIII
Nervous and Mental Disorders among the Delinquents*
Types of mental
Disorder
Primary Group
108 Cases
No. of
Cases
%
Mixed Group
148 Cases
No. 0t
Cases
%
Total
256 Cases
%
No. of
Cases
Psychotic
2
1.8
7
4.7
9
3.5
Post-traumatic
1
0.9
2
1.3
3
1.2
Epileptic
3
2.8
1
0.7
4
1.6
Post-encyphalitio
0
0.0
2
1.3
2
0.8
Post-chorea
0
0.0
1
0.7
1
0.4
Congenital Syphili s
0
0.0
1
0.7
1
0.4
Psychopathic
4
3.7
18
12.2
22
8.6
Neurotic
18
16.6
37
25.0
55
21.5
Unstable
7
6.4
35
23.6
42
16.4
31.5**
70
68.5**
Total Disorders
per 100 Cases
32
-
-
* Only one disorder listed for any case.
** Percentages calculated on the total disorders in the two
groups per 100 cases.
The differences in the two sex groups on the score of posttraumatic, epileptic, post-encephalitio, post-chorea and congenital
syphilitic conditions are negligible.
But in the categories of
psychopathic, neurotic and unstable personality pronounced dif­
ferences appear in the two groups, with almost four times as many
88
instances among members of the mixed group as among the primary.
It is to be noted that seven cases of the mixed group are classi­
fied as psychotic, compared to two cases in the primary group.
In Table VTII no case is repeated for more than one mental diag­
nosis.
The psychopathic personality signifies a morbid type of
personality, with a strong antisocial leaning, rebelliousness
against social conventions and regulations, and in this item are
found 18 cases of the mixed group, as against only four in the
primary group.
Summary of Mental and Nervous Disorders:
The ratio of mental and nervous disorders in the two compared
groups is 31.5 per cent in the primary group to 68.5 per cent in
the mixed group.
Under the categories of psychopathic personal­
ity, neurotic, and unstable personality, there are almost four
times as many instances in the mixed group as in the primary.
Hirsch states that wIn at least 65 per cent of our cases
(general court delinquents) a major abnormality exists, of either
intellect or the personality.
This percentage of deviation is
probably from.four and a half to five times as great as is found
in the population at large.
Hirsch’s ratio of delinquent to non-delinquent children on
the basis of mental and personality differences corresponds so
closely to that found among the mixed and primary group sex de­
linquents that one could fairly consider the mixed group as similar
in make-up to Hirsch’s delinquents, particularly since by defini­
tion the behavior of the mixed group was that of general delinquents
1.
N. D. Hirsch, o£. oit., p. 60.
89
who in addition had been involved in sex offenses.
In contrast,
the primary group children,who had been involved in no known
offenses other than sex, appear to correspond to Hirsch*s nondelinquents in the general population.
r
90
t
CHAPTER IX
III.
DISORDERS IN BEHAVIOR AND TEMPERAMENT
Introduction:
Behavior defects are important indices of deeper underly­
ing disturbances in the personality donfiguration of the individ­
ual.
It should be apparent from the occurrence of 414 behavior
disorders among the 148 mixed group cases that more than one be­
havior disorder is recorded in Table IX per child.
While some
behavior defects are of mild type, such as face and head tics,
nail biting, etc., others are of a more serious nature, such as
bed-wetting, speech disorders, gambling habits and temper tan­
trums, and are allied to deeper disorganization in the personality.
The behavior disorder is an overt manifestation of some disturbance
in the feelings, viewpoints, interests and cravings of the child,
whether acquired through poor home training, attempts at compen­
sation for intrinsic inferiorities, or indoctrination by undesir­
able neighborhood influences.
Many behaviorisms readily lend
themselves to remedy in some boys, but not in all.
Some behavior
faults are very difficult to eradicate in any child, particularly
if associated with unhealthy temperamental traits of excitable­
ness, instability, impulsiveness, irritability and rebelliousness.
Still other behavior disorders will disappear spontaneously, only
to reappear under a fresh emotional shock, just as the entrance
of a step-mother may re-awaken bed-wetting in a child.
behavior disorders than those appearing in Table IX are:
Additional
late
91
hours, excess
movie attendance, demoralizing recreation, school
adjustment, etc., for which reference should be made to Chapter
VI and Table V, p. 62.
Disorders in Behavior
1.
Gambling; This form occurs in 9.5 per cent of the cases
in the mixed group as compared with 1.8 per cent in the primary.
There is a true difference in the critical ratio (CR) of 2.9.
While all children gamble at times with tickets or a few pennies,
nevertheless, when gambling assumes the proportion indicated in
Table IX, where a boy is strongly addicted to the excitement
and routine of gambling, to the extent that he steals at home
or outside in order to indulge continually in the habit, and
persists in the same against the admonitions of parents and
teachers, it needs to be considered of significance to the total
personality and
2.
the behavior of the boy.
Smoking:
As shown in Table IX, this refers to exces­
sive indulgence and craving for the habit, and not to an occas­
ional puff at a cigarette by a boy seeking to establish significance
in the eyes of a group or to gain a thrill.
When smoking is so
strongly intrenched in a boy or early adolescent that he cannot
reveal the extent of it to his family, and can only gratify this
urge through stealing in the community, or pilfering at home, it
assumes importance in the boy’s personality and behavior. In this
category we find 16 instances in the mixed group, as against five
in the primary group.
Cognizance is also taken of instances where
boys were so addicted as to defy openly commands of parents to
discontinue the practice, and in the misunderstanding and conflicts
that ensue, to desert their homes, develop unwarranted hostilities
98
to family and society, and delve into various offensive esca­
pades, through vengefulness or abandonment. Healy and Bronner
1
find that 30 per cent of delinquents engage in much smoking.
Alcoholism and Drug Addiction:
It is worthy of note
that there are 11 cases so listed in the mixed group, but not
a single instance in the primary group.
Alcoholism in a young­
ster is not intended to imply serious proportion or continuity,
as in the case of an adult. However, this habit is so destruc­
tive of morals in a juvenile that any occurrence of indulgence
in intoxicants by a boy, whether at parties with the opposite
sex or in a group of his own sex, may be considered significant.
Furthermore, the formation of this habit in a juvenile is con­
ducive to undue and premature sophistication, and an interest
in the opposite sex, public dances, and the practice of keeping
late hours.
There was not a single instance of drug addiction
among the 856 cases.
4.
Delinquency Habit:
This type denotes a chronic habit
of committing various offenses in violation of the social codes.
In this calssification we fine 86 instances (17.6 per cent) of
the mixed sex group.
The absence of this trait among the pri­
mary group is to be expected, from the original definition of
the primary group, as one who had not been involved in offenses
other than sex (nor had any previous Court record for offenses).
5.
Enuresis or Bed-wetting: This is a condition often
referred to as a "weak” bladder.
Actually, bed-wetting results
from faulty habits, a lack of proper training during the formative
T.
W. Healy and F.A. Bronner, New Light on Juvenile Delin­
quency, p. 58.
to
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Behavior
TABLE IX
Disorders* among the Delinquents
1
26
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10.2
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10.6
0.8
53
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20.7
26
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Total
256 Cases
4.3
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8.2
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20.7
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23.0
34
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94
years of life, or severe nervousness.
Normally, the sphincter
reflex of the bladder should come under control of the brain at
two years in the daytime, and at three to four years at night.
Some children control the habit slightly earlier, others slightly
later.
However, when a child wets himself during the day after
the age of five, it is a sign of poor habit control or marked
nervousness; similarly,
if a child wets his bed during the night
after the seventh year,
even once, it is a
oontrol.
similar sign of poor
Bed-wetting may be of various degrees and may occur in
one child once a month, perhaps as the result of an unusually ex­
citing episode (as the entrance of a step-mother into the life
of a child, an exceptionally exciting motion picture, etc.), while
in another boy it may be a regular nightly
occurrence.
As a rule,
however, even the worst bed-wetters manage to control this faulty
habit during early adolescence and at 15 or 16 it is a rare oc1
currence. In the mixed group are found 23 per cent bed-wetters,
and in the primary group 17.6 per cent.
The slightly greater
frequency in the mixed group, equal to a CR of 1.1, is probably
related to greater nervousness among these children, as noted in
the section on "mental disorders".
Soiling, or the failure to qcquire control of the rectal
sphincter, or the loss of oontrol through nervousness, occurs very
rarely among older children, and in the total series of 256 cases
there is only once such instance in the primary, and one in the
mixed group.
It is a filthy habit, much more annoying than wetting,
and is reflective of an exceptionally marked state of nervous dis­
organization.
T~.
Wile remarked on enuresis that drugs are not necessary in
95 per cent of enuresis, that the condition disappears spon­
taneously. I. S. Wile, 0£. oit.. p. 28.
95
6.
Nail Biting:
This disorder is not of itself of para­
mount significance to the health and outlook of a child, but
combined with other neurotic habits it serves to confirm the
existence of an unhealthy personality pattern.
In the mixed
group are found 13.5 per cent of such cases, and in the primary
group 6.4 per cent, or a critical ratio of 2.7.
This coincides
with previous finding of the greater frequency of neurotic dis­
positions among the mixed group children.
7.
Face and Head Tics:
These forms appear in 4.1 per cent
of the mixed group, and one instance of the primary group.
The
tics are nervous mannerism or habits, with frequently recurring,
annoying, and disturbing movements of the lips, face, eyes and
head.
Occasionally they spread to include jerking movements of
one shoulder or the other.
The habit once established is fairly
difficult to eradicate, since it is allied to deep nervous me­
chanisms.
8.
Sleep Disorders:
Sleep walking and sleep talking are
disturbing symptoms in children and regularly imply a highly ner­
vous type of constitution.
In line with the previous finding of
a far greater incidence of nervousness and excitability in chil­
dren of the mixed group, we find 15 per cent of the mixed group
children so afflicted, as compared to only 2 per cent in the pri­
mary group.
Occasional sleep talking among children of four to
ten years of age, particularly after exoiting events, is a fairly
common occurrence.
Regular recurring sleep talking, however, es­
pecially in a child past ten years, is a sign of nervous ill
health.
Sleep walking is always an unhealthy sign.
Sleeping
with the mother or sister was found to occur among 2.7 per cent
of the mixed group cases, as compared to 2.8 per cent of the
96
primary oases, indicating the generalminfrequency of the condition
and the lack of variation in the two groups.
9.
Effeminate habits: These forms (in so-called Msissy"types)
are found to exist in almost equal frequency in the two groups,
5.5 per cent
: 5.4 per cent, and hence are not considered of de­
termining value in one group as compared with the other.
These
habits readily lend themselves to correction under proper redi­
rection of exeroises, interests and activities.
The condition
is found among over-sheltered children, particularly only childrem, who are deprived of participation in normal play with others,
because of the parents' fear of bodily injury.
10.
Speech Impediments:
These disorders consist of func­
tional disturbances, such as stammering, stuttering, and lisping
(tongue-tie) speech, or organic congenital speech disturbances.
Speech disorders of one type or another, the commonest being stam­
mering, occur in 4.7 per cent of the mixed group and 3.7 per cent
of the primary.
They are usually caused by nervousness, badly ac­
quired habits and faulty training, except in rare cases where an
organic condition exists.
Speech defects can and should be rem­
edied in early life.
11.
Conflict with the Family: This occurs among 20.9 per
cent of the mixed group members as against only 6.4 per cent in
the primary group, or more than three times as often.
Conflict
may be of varying degrees, from the serious open revolt against
all parental authority and control to the temporary outbursts
occasioned through jealousy ofc gome member of the family.
Only
such cases as were reported to be in severe conflict at home were
included in Table IX.
97
12.
Rebelliousness: This trait marks a serious alteration
in a boy’s attitudes, feelings and reactions towards his family,
the school and the community in general.
It is highly signifi­
cant to note that 43.5 per cent of the cases in the mixed group,
or almost half of them, were so calssified, as against only 4.6
per cent in the primary group.
The large incidence of rebellion
and defiance among members of the mixed group may bear a strong
relationship to the almost universal maladjustment revealed by
this group (late hours, gang life, demoralizing recreation, etc.),
and to the great number of (Sffenses committed by them, to be dis­
cussed in the next chapter.
13.
Attention Seeking: This type is found among 6.8 per cent
of the mixed group, as compared with 1.8 per cent of the primary
group.
This demand for attention from the family, teacher and
others is usually associated with feelings of inadequacy, and if
not gratified or adjusted, may lead to mild types of behavior re­
actions.
14.
Sneakiness:
This habit is found to occur in 14.2 per
cent of the mixed group, as compared with 6.4 per cent of the
primary group cases, or a CR of 3.0.
This large ratio in the
mixed group is rather surprising, since from the comparatively
greater docility and timidity existing among primary group chil­
dren (see Table X), one might have anticipated a much greater in­
cidence of sneakiness among the latter.
15.
Destruetiveness: This form was found in 15 oases of
the mixed group as against one in the primary.
This trait is
probably linked with other phases of disrespect for authority
and the rights and property of others, inclusive of the parents,
since the destructive behavior occurred within the home, as well
98
as well as at school and in the community.
16.
Bully:
This manifestation among boys occurred three
times as frequently in the mixed group as in the primary group,
32.4 per cent
: 10.2 per cent.
The greater incidence is possibly
related to other aggressive.' traits among the boys cf the mixed
group, such as rebelliousness, destrictiveness and conflict with
the family.
Strong Lying Habit:
This trait appears in greater fre­
quency among the mixed group, to the score of 10.8 per cent, as
compared with 1.8 per cent in the primary group. Knowledge of this
trait depends in great measure upon the information submitted by
the parents.
In the item are included instances where money is
borrowed at neighborhood stores for personal use, on the pretext
that it is intended for the parents, and also instances where
change is appropriated by boys in false accounts in shopping.
On the subject of lying, Kempf has this to say:
The grand old law, that "honesty is the best policy",
has a critical significance in the development of personal
power. It often requires the endurance of great anxiety
to honestly endure the prospect of failure, particularly
when a dishonest adaptation, as a lie, secret or malicious
advantage may give temporary relief or advantage to the
cravings and tensions. But the enduring of anxiety in
turn gives the individual a sublime reward in that the
autonomic apparatus is so constituted that the situation
of tension forces it to augment its vigor and thereby
develop and acquire skills, endurance, insight and power
in honest competition with his mi]jeu, for the recognized
adaptation of his just autonomic demands.!
18.
Tantrums: Temper tantrums are found to occur in 23 per
cent of the mixed group as against 9.2 per cent of the primary
group, or a critical ratio (CR) of 3.1.
Tjiis disorder is always
reflective of poor discipline and training by the parents or guar­
dians, coupled occasionally with a nervous set-up in the child.
1.
E. J. Kempf, o£. oit.. p. 59.
99
Tantrums are overt compensatory exhibitionisms for deeper-lying
states of cowardliness and inadequacy, and are motivated by im­
pulse to gain attention, sympathy or significance, particularly
in the eyes of the mother.
who have been "spoiled".
They appear most commonly in children
The condition can readily be corrected
during early life, but is difficult to remedy after the pattern
becomes strongly fixed.
Temperament Disorders
Introduction:
While it is desirable to treat separately the disorders of
temperament and behavior, it should be apparent that in certain
aspects no sharp line of cleavage exists between emotion and be­
havior, since one very often leads to and is associated with the
other.
A boy who suffers from enuresis and is regularly chas­
tised for it will develop certain concomitant emotional reactions.
Similarly a boy who is moody and stubborn will unquestionably man­
ifest moodiness and stubbornness in his conduct.
Despite this
seemingly thready, and perhaps artificial, demarcation between
emotion and behavior, it was thought possible that values would
be derived from a study of the salient unhealthy temperament pat­
terns displayed by the delinquents during clinic interviews, and
as reported by the probation officer, parents and educators. It
should also be realized
that a particular temperament is not a
continuous feature in a child^ but may come and go, or fuse and
transform into other temperaments; that while emotion is a fleet­
ing state of feeling response to a stimulus, temperament is more
deeply linked to the particular affective pattern of the child,
and is attached to a large segment of a child’s personality,
100
ideas and behavior.
It should also be noted that since there are
148 sex delinquents in the mixed group, and 336 temperament dis­
orders are listed for them in Table X, more than one abnormality
is listed per child.
1.
Restlessness and ExcitablenessA These are found to ex­
ist in 73.7 per oent of the mixed group cases and only 8.3 per
cent of the primary group, (see Table X).
This striking varia­
tion in the two groups may possess extreme significance for the
personality and behavior of
with the primary.
the mixed sex delinquents as compared
The fact that three-fourths of the mixed group
children are found to be so disturbed in temperament may either
operate as a cause for their marked antisocial behavior, their
rebelliousness and maladjustment at home, school and in the com­
munity, or may, in part at least, be a resultant of such uncon­
trollable and offensive behavior.
Whether cause or result, this
appears to be the most prominent trait associated with the unhealthy
behavior of the mixed group children, and a strong differentiat­
ing item between the mixed and primary group boys.
As examples of restlessness, the following are cited, from
the mixed group cases:
#222:
T~
12 years, truant, maladjusted at school, bully, ag­
gressive, smokes, late hours, rebellious at home,
stubborn, impulsive, violent, defiant, pulls mother’s
hair, breaks windows, tempers, wild language to
mother, steals, deserts, sodomy with adults, sodomy
attempt on younger hrother, etc.
Healy and Bronner find the following among 153 carefully
studied delinquents: Over-restlessness and overactivity
— 34 per cent of the cases; tempers and irritability—
28 per oent. W. Healy and F. A. Bronner, New Light on
Juvenile Delinquency, p. 53.
101
TABLE X
Temperament Disorders*
Emotional
Defects
Primary Group
108 Cases
Mixed Group
148 Cases
Types
No. of
Case s
No. of
Cases
%
%
Total
256 Cases
No. ojCases
*
Restlessness
(Excitable)
9
8.3
109
73.7
118
46.1
Stubbornness
7
6.4
72
48.7
79
30.8
Aggressivenes s 10
9.2
63
42.5
73
28.6
34
31.4
20
13.5
54
21.1
Surliness
2
1.8
23
15.5
25
9.8
Apathy
8
7.4
3
2.0
11
4.3
Moodiness
8
7.4
14
9.5
22
8.6
Jealousy
1
0.9
5
3.4
6
2.3
Callousness
0
0.0
9
6.1
9
3.5
Cruelty
1
0.9
18
12.2
19
7.4
75.4**
-
-
Timidity
(Docility)
Total Disorde:PS
per 100 Cases 74
*
26.6**
227
More than one disorder listed for some of the oases.
** Percentages calculated on basis of the sum of disorders in the
two groups per 100 cases, for comparative ratio.
102
#215:
10 years of age, wild, untidy, dirty, enuresis, de­
structive, uncontrollable at school or home, sex
attempt with sister.
#212:
14 years, untidy, truant, lies, destrictive, late hours,
steals everything in sight, fights at home, throws bot­
tles from roof at children, attacked several little
girls.
#199:
age 13, confirmed school problem, gambles, late hours,
stutters, bully, ungovernable at home, vulgar language
at home, enuresis, threatened to kill his father,
rebellious and excitable.
#110:
age 13, nail-biting, pilfering, desertion, late hours,
bully, rebellious at home and school, ungovernable,
forced sodomy on small boy.
2.
Stubbornness: This unhealthy temperament is found to ex­
ist in 48.7 per cent of the mixed group cases, as against only 6.4
per cent of the primary group cases.
The difference in frequency
is again found to be pronounced, and unquestionably significant,
as a refelotion of the different type of character and make-up of
the mixed group boy, as compared with the primary.
3.
Aggressiveness:
This item similarly refelcts the un­
healthy personality make-up of the mixed group members, among
whom it is found in a frequency of 42.5 per cent of the cases, as
against only 9.2 per cent of the primary group.
This triad of
restlessness, stubbornness and aggressiveness is found, either
singly or combined in six to ten times the frequency in the mixed
group, as compared with the primary group; it probably operates
as a profound determinant of unhealthy behavior patterns in the
mixed group cases, and may be considered a major index of abnor­
mal personality make-up in these boys, compared with the members
of the primary group.
The reliability of the differences in the
two groups, as judged by this triaad,, is supported by a CR of 9.0.
4*
Timidity:
This temperament pattern, which includes shy­
ness, is found to a much greater extent among the primary group
103
than the mixed (31.4 per cent against 13.5 per cent).
The re­
liability of the difference is supported by a OR of 3.4.
While
this item cannot be considered favorable or desirable, yet on the
other hand it is probably not a serious detriment of behavior in
a boy, since this alone, of all the unhealthy emotional patterns,
is found predominantly in the primary group.
this study, it would
From the sum of
seem that timid children, as a group, do
not constitute poor material in behavior or outlook.
5.
Surliness:
This is found in 15.5 per cent of the mixed
group children, as compared with 1.8 per cent of the primary group.
The critical ratio (CR) of the difference is 4.3, or definitely
reliable.
Surliness reflects a rather morbid turn in a boy’s per­
sonality, and is associated with an attitude of smugness, indif­
ference, and ugliness toward people.
It is often a forerunner of
a paranoid state of mind in later years.
The pronounced differ­
ence in frequency is further indication of basic variation in make­
up among the children of the two groups.
6.
Apathy: This occurs in only eight cases of the primary
group and three cases of the mixed group, and is apparently of
no signal importance to the general behavior of either group of
boys.
7.
Moodiness:
This form is found in 9.5 per cent of the
mixed group as compared with 7.4 per cent in the primary group,
and similarly is not of weighty significance.
8.
Callousness: This emotional abnormality among the delin­
quents is found in 6.1 per cent of the mixed group, but not at all
in the primary group.
While present in only nine oases of the mixed
group, the trait denotes such serious morbidity in the feelings
104
and behavior of a boy with regard to ethics, morals, family ties
that it demands important consideration as a factor.
The rno3t
vicious and violent offenders of the social codes, as well as
violators of others’ feelings and property, with no concern or
qualm of conscience, are those listed under this category.
9.
Cruelty:
This type is found among 12.2 per cent of the
offenders of the mixed group, while only one such instance is re­
corded in the primary group.
This trait similarly denotes a ser­
ious alteration in the personality and may be regarded as a fac­
tor of importance.
Summary:
Among disorders in Temperament (gee Table 1) 227 instances
per 100 cases are listed in the mixed sex group, as compared with
74 in the primary.
The high reliability of the difference is
reflected in the CR of 8.3.
While the total emotional abnormal­
ities are three times as frequent in the mixed group as in the
primary, it is important to point out that the most morbid and
disturbing temperament disorders, such as surliness, callous­
ness, cruelty, restlessness, stubbornness, aggressiveness, occur
six to ten times as frequently among the mixed group members as
among the primary.
The pronounced disparity in the frequencies of the serious
teiaoer ament disorders among the two compared groups of sex cases
indicates that sharp differences exist between the personality of
the mixed group boy, and that of the primary.
Other evidence of
a sharp difference in personality among the members of the two
grouos has already been offered (see mental disorders in previous
chapter).
It should also be recognized that certain advantages
in the form of better home controls and conditions, and higher
105
charaoter
traits in the parents, have been shown to exist among
the primary group children, as an offset against oooasional and
minor appearances of temperament disorders among them.
But com­
paratively few such advantages exist in the homes and parents of
the mixed group children to counteract the many severe emotional
disorders among them (see Chapters IV and V).
Healy found^counter-
balancing satisfactions to operate effectively in the lives of his
non-delinquent sibling controls (which are fairly similar in make­
up to the primary cases— see pp. 88-89) as a compensation for cer­
tain physical and emotional abnormalities, without which delinquency
might have been expected to ensue.
It should be noted that Healy*s
delinquents had engaged in all types of offenses, in this sense
corresponding to the mixed group cases of this series.
Among the behavior disorders shown in Table IX are found a
total of 280 instances per 100 cases in the mixed group, as com­
pared with 90 in the primary group, or a ratio of 75.7 per cent
to 24.3 per cent.
inite reliability.
The CR of the difference is 8.4, showing a def­
The significant occurrence among the mixed
group children of such serious behavior disorders as rebellious­
ness, gambling, alcoholism, destructiveness, chronic lying, late
hours, ets., to a frequency of four to fifteen times as often
as in the primary group, may be attributed to the sharp differ­
ences in personality among the two groups of cases, already re­
ferred to above.
Tl
W. Healy and F. A. Bronner, o£. cit., p. 130.
106
CHAPTER X
IV.
TYPES OF JUVENILE OFFENSES COMMITTED BY THE TWO GROUPS
(a) Sex Offenses
Introduction:
The various types of juvenile sex offenses will be consid­
ered individually, with comparative data of members of the two
groups, a discussion of the nature and significance of certain
types of sex offenses, and comments from the literature where in­
dicated.
Excessive Masturbation: Table XI shows this type of sex
irregularity to occur in 40 instances or 37 per cent of the pri­
mary group cases and 40 instances or 27 per cent of the mixed
group.
bility.
The CR of the difference, being only 1.6, lacks relia­
In this item are also included cases of mutual mastur­
bation.
1
Healy and Bronner mention 25 per cent of their delinquents
showed extreme masturbation, which means that every fourth case
was a serious masturbation problem.
These figures reflect the
intensity of glandular and emotional excitation existing among
early adolescants and the great need for proper guidance and sex
hygiene preparation to protect them against drifting into still
other and more serious sex interests and practices, such as ap­
pear in Table XI.
TT
W. Healy and F . A . Bronner, New Light on Juvenile Delin­
quency. p. 52.
107
In this connection, Kempf says,
The practice of some masturbation is almost univer­
sal at this age (adolescence), and is not to be considered
harmful if not excessive, and if it does not exclude the
seeking of playmates and winning their esteem. The selfloving, fanciful, autoerotio individual cares little for
the world, except to be aggrandized and otherwise left
alone to dream and brood.
2
Havelock Ellis reveals the following: ". . . .of 347 acad­
emic students, 71 denied that they practiced masturbation, which
seems to imply that 79 per cent admitted that they practiced it."
Hitschman states:
Masturbation in the littlest children seldom and only
in excessive cases demands the interference of the parent
or tutor— onanism (at 3-5 years) must within some limits
be considered a normal phenomenon. This is normally soon
replaced by the so-called latent period, when all sex is
dormant. If the practice during this pre-puberty period
is excessive it must be checked, but not by gruff and ter­
rifying prohibition. The masturbation of puberty cannot
be entirely avoided, because in our civilized social or­
ganization too great an interval has been interposed be­
tween the awakening of the sex instinct and the possibility
of its gratification.3
Excessive masturbation demands attention, by redirection of
the glandular energies into vigorous muscular activity in sports,
games, and athletics, and wholesome mental activity, through suf­
ficient social interaction.
Excessive masturbation finds its
most helpless, wretched and ready victims among the early adoles­
cents of the moody, day-dreaming, introspective and introverted
type, who spend too much time in idle or romantic speculation,
and too little time in play, exercise and healthy laughter.
2.
Exhibitionism:
Self-exposure occurs in almost equal
frequency in the two groups, 9.2 per cent primary, 10.1 per cent
ll
2.
3.
B. J. Kempf. op7 oit., p. 131.
H. Ellis, Studies in Psychopathology of Sex, Vol. VT, p. 236.
E. H. Hitschman, Freud’s Theories of the Neuroses, p. 20.
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109
mixed, usually in adolescents of the timid, sneaky type,
these
oases are almost invariably apprehended in their acts.
3.
Peeping: This form was found in 4.6 per cent of the
primary sex cases and 2.7 per cent of the mixed cases.
uals who peep are often referred to as "voyeurs".)
(Individ­
The same per­
sonality type operates here as in exhibitionism, but these offenders
are not so regularly apprehended.
One boy broke a small hole in­
to a woman’s toilet of the subway.
4.
Obscenity: This takes the form of writing or speaking
vulgar language, sending lewd messages to teachers, girls, etc.
It was found to exist in 7 instances or 6.4 per cent of the pri­
mary sex group cases and 40 instances or 27 per cent of the mix­
ed group sex cases.
This rather large difference in occurrence,
equal to a CR of 4.8, between the two groups may be of signifi­
cance in relation to the more disorganized and generally aggressive
behavior among the members of the mixed group.
5.
Fellatio: Perversion by way of the mouth, both active
and passive, was found in a total of 19 instances in the primary
group or 17.5 per cent, as against 28 cases, or 18.9 per cent,
of the mixed group.
The passive form is found chiefly among pre­
puberty, defenseless children who are forced or bribed into the
act, while the active form occurs among the adolescents.
6.
Sodomy:
Perversion by the anus was found to occur for
all types, including practices with adults, small boys, young girls,
..and with one’s father or older siblings, in a total of 47 instances
or 43.4 per cent of the primary group, and 61 instances or 41.2
per cent of the mixed group.
Common.terms not infrequently applied
to sodomy are "buggery” and "goosing".
The specific types of sod­
110
omy and their frequent appearance appear in Table XI and hardly
call for comment.
The
adolescent finds this activity a physi­
cal substitute for distasteful masturbation, and a mental sub­
stitute for intercourse.
and to be
While these practices are unhealthy
condemned, nevertheless, when occurring among juve­
niles, they should not be regarded in too morbid a light, nor
the boys ’’perverts” or ’’homosexuals”. The vast majority of these
offenders engage once or a few times in these unhealthy affairs,
and
turn from them spontaneously through disgust, shame or fear
of exposure.
Only tiro members of the mixed group showed such
abnormal craving for the practices as to warrant the designation
of "homosexual”.
Perversion of this type occurs much more commonly among ju­
veniles than is surmised, and find their counterpart in some of
the tribal rituals of our present day, according to Westermarck.
"Sodomistic acts are committed with the sacred men of a tribe.
. . . In Morocco, supernatural benefits are to this day expected
not only from heterosexual, but also from homosexual intercourse
with a holy person,
7.
All Types of Perversions: This condition is found to
occur among seven cases of 6.4 per cent of the primary group, as
against 16 cases or 10.8 per cent of the mixed sex group.
Under
this heading are classified cases that have been known to engage
in all varieties of perversion, including sodomy, fellatio, mut­
ual masturbation, etc., usually in passive roles.
8.
Group Affairs with Girls:
This was found to exist in
only three instances of the primary group or 2.8 per cent and no
1.
E. Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, Yol. I, p. 224.
Ill
such Instances listed in the mixed group.
These instances were
of a mild petting and investigation nature, among a group of school
children, on a roof adjoining the school.
9.
Sex Attempt with little Girls: This was found in eight
instances of the primary group or 7.4 per cent and 17 instances
or 11.5 per cent of the mixed group.
The CR of the difference
being only 1.1 shows an absence of reliability.
Most of these
cases were attempts at surface sex gratification on the body of
the little girls, but in a few instances there was actual attempt
at penetration of the sex parts, with physical and emotional in­
jury to the girl.
10.
Hetero-Sexual Experiences:
These instances of inter­
course with adolescent girls and women were found to occur in
twelve cases of the primary group or 11.1 per cent, as against
11 cases or 7.4 per cent of the mixed group.
Rousseau (who from
his own life experience should know) states in his classical treat­
ise Emile, that "His horror of adultery and debauch keeps him at
a distance from prostitutes and married women, and the disorders
1
of youth may always be traced to one or the other."
11.
Parts:
Touching or Exploring Sisters* Women *s or Little Girls *
This was found to occur in 18 instances or 16.6 per cent
of the primary group cases, and 21 or 14.1 per cent of the mixed
sex delinquents.
Inspection and manipulation of a sister*s sex
parts are much more common than revealed in Table XI, and are us­
ually of no serious import to the life of either child if other­
wise well-behaved, although parents learning of the action may
become greatly alarmed.
Y.
The same applies to cases of touching
J. J. Rousseau. Emile, p. 296.
113
and inspecting little girls.
Cases, however, where a strong im­
pulse leads an adolescent to touch the body of an adult woman
are of a more serious nature, the experience very often invol­
ving a severe physical and emotional shock to the woman who in
the excitement is not infrequently thrown to the ground by the
adolescent.
12.
Incest with listers:
This was found to exist in one
case or 0.9 per cent of the primary group, as against 12 such
instances or 8.1 per cent of the mixed group cases.
the difference is 3.3.
The CR of
These sex situations were very morbid,
and two of the sisters in the mixed group became pregnant and
gave birth to babies, as a result of the incest.
Parents or
guardians, through lack of supervision and guidance, were regu­
larly found responsible for these unfortunate happenings.
13.
Incest Attempt with Mother: This occurred in only one
instance of the primary group and was found upon actual study not
to have Involved the specific aim of intercourse, but rather a
crazed and excited adolescent desire to grasp the widowed mother’s
breasts, and to touch her naked body.
The excitation was contri­
buted to in part by the mother’s wearing of thin and almost trans­
parent garments during the heat of the summer.
In the process
of grabbing at his mother the boy tore her dress, which quickly
brought him to his senses in a rather severely shocked state; later
when the boy was placed on probation he responded well.
Lhe mother who obtains a separation or divorce (a widow
also— author’s note) sometimes encourages the son to feel
that he is his mother’s hero. He enthusiastically responds
with affection for her and prematurely seeks responsibility.
This affection, as he matures, if not effectively subli­
mated, will be likely to express itself frankly, at first
in dreams, and then in obsessive cravings, in the form of
sexual interest in the mother.1
r:
E. J. Kempf, opT oit.. p. 99.
113
14.
Sadism:
This occurred in three instances or 2.8 per
cent of the primary group, and 4 instances or 2.7 per cent of the
mixed group.
These sadistic cases consisted of one case where
a boy burned a little child’s sex organ with a heated stick, de­
riving some kind of morbid gratification from the suffering of
the child; the other cases were those of marked brutality toward
girls, without any actual attempt at sex.
Monroe quotes Plutarch’s life of Lycurgus, on the sadism
of the Spartans:
In the daytime the governors of the youth had them
hide themselves in the most private places and at night
the youths sallied forth into the roads and killed all
the Helots (serfs) they could meet with. Nay, sometimes
they fell upon themin the fields and murdered them.
One notes instances of
sadism, substituted for the sex act,
in Pfister’s account of cases:
A fourteen year boy hates his younger brother and tor­
ments him— every morning he awakes him by sticking his
finger into his mouth— the patient had been misused pederestically by associates, erotically excited, and tried
the act symbolically on his brother, with the finger.2
A 16 year old boy saw a cat sitting in the sun; un­
rest seized him; he procured a stick and struck the sleep­
ing cat on the nose full force; the young cat was halfdead with pain and fright, but the boy had a morbid sense
of pleasure, in torture he felt the sweetest delight
and sexual orgasm.3
15.
Violent Sex Assault on a Woman:
This occurred in only
one instance of a 16 year old adolescent belonging in the mixed
group, who in a violent fit of sex madness brutally assaulted,
and almost killed the wife of a tenant in his father’s house, dur­
ing the absence of the woman’s husband.
This boy later displayed
evidence of a temporary mental derangement.
1.
2.
3.
P. Monroe, Source Book of IKlafory of Education, p. 22.
Pfister, The Psychoanalyse Method, p. 158.
Ibid., p. 77.
i
114
There may have been other sex offenses committed by the
children of the two groups which remained unrevealed, and hence
not listed in Table XI, but the submitted data suffice to provide
an understanding of the most common sex offenses committed by
pre- and post-adolescents.
It should be noted that more than
one sex offense is recorded in the Table per child.
(b)
Offenses Other than Sex
The various types of general offenses, or offenses other than
sex, appear in Graph 9 and Table XII, together with the frequency
of occurrence among members of the two groups.
The listed of­
fenses include desertion of home, chronic truancy, ungovernable
and mischievous behavior, peculation, stealing, arson (pyromania),
robbery, burglary, and violent assault.
The data are not submitted for the purpose of contrasting
the frequencies in the two groups, but rather to show to what ser­
ious extent these offenses occur among the mixed group members
as likely outgrowths of a different set of background influences
and personality traits from those operating in the primary group
(see summaries in Chapters IT, V,
VI, VIII and IX).
Among the population of the mixed group, there are a total
of 867 offenses other than sex, many of them very serious in type,
while only 20 instances of mild offenses (12 truancy, one ungov­
ernable, two peculation, and one petty pilfering) appear among
twelve boys of the primary group.
Even these mild and comparative­
ly few offenses should not have appeared among the primary group
oases, which by definition (see p. 3) were not supposed to have
been involved in any known offense other than sex.
However, the
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115
disorepanoies oame to attention only after the statistical analy­
ses of the two groups of cases were on the way to completion.
Separate treatment, nevertheless, will be afforded these twelve
primary cases in the secetion on outcomes, and interestingly enough,
thus far they do not seem to have impaired the values in the com­
parative study of the two groups of sex offenders, on the basis
of’’background” and "personality” factors.
It is significant to
reflect on the profound differences in traits existing among the
two compared groups of boys, even with the above dozen cases in­
cluded with the primary group.
Little comment seems necessary on the number and nature of
the individual offenses committed by the mixed group delinquents,
because first, this study is primarily concerned with the inci­
dence, nature and significance of sex offenses rather than general
offenses, and second, it is believed that the data in the Table
and Graph are sufficient to answer the purpose.
But it is of more
than passing interest that there were nine instances of violence
(one
resulting in the death of the victim), 14 instances of bur­
glary, five of robbery, five of arson, and 43 of stealing among
the more serious offenses committed by members of the mixed group.
This situation suggests by mere inspection that fundamental dif­
ferences exist in the habits, character and behavior of these
boys, as compared with the members of the primary group.
Summary:
Table XI shows a total of 168 sex offenses in the primary
group per 100 cases, and 182 in the mixed group.
The ratio of
the offenses in the primary group would be 48.0 per cent, and in
the mixed group 52.0 per cent.
The CR of 0.5 of the difference
116
is not significant.
The mean (M) of the sex differences in the
primary group is 1.7 and in the mixed group 1.8 sex offenses.
TABLE XIII
Role in Sex Offenses*
Among the Cases in the Primary and Mixed Groups
Type of Role
Played by
Sex
Offender
Primary Group
108 Cases
%
No. of
Cases
Mixed Group
148 Cases
No. of
Cases
%
Total
256 Cases
No. of
Cases
%
Passive
33
30.5
34
23.0
67
26.1
Willful
41
38.0
59
38.8
100
39.0
Forceful
28
25.9
41
27.7
69
27.0
Vicious
3
2.8
13
8.8
16
6.3
Undetermined
3
2.8
1
0.7
4
1.6
108
100.0
148
100.0
256
Total
*
-
One role designated for each offender.
From an evaluation of the individual sex offenses as they re-
fleot upon either of the compared groups, it can be stated that
a significant item is the occurrence of twelve instances in the
mixed group of incest with sisters, two of whom became pregnant
and bore babies, a rather sordid index of the extent of disorgan­
ization in the character of these delinquents and their families.
The reliability of the difference in the two groups is shown by
a CR of 3.3, since there was only one instanoe of attempted in­
cest in the primary group.
Another item showing a high reliability
of difference in the two groups (CR
: 4.8) is obscenity.
117
Other than the above offenses, the primary group boys are
found to engage in the various types of sex offenses with al­
most equal frequency, willfulness and vehemence as the mixed
group boys.
From this it should be evident that while the fac­
tors in the background operated as important determinants of
differences in the personality and general delinquent behavior
of
the members of one group, as compared with the other, they
were of little significance to the sex irregularities, which
occurred with almost
groups.
equal frequency and ferocity in the two
Hence, it should be apparent that if the prognosis and
treatment of a sex case were to be based entirely on the type
and severity of the sex offense (and unfortunately this is known
to occur), great injustice could come to boys with good prospects,
and unwarranted leniency perhaps to boys with warped minds and
poor outlook.
The study thus far discloses the need for and im­
portance of judging the total personality of the child, and the
fallacy of basing treatment and prediction on the sex act alone.
Precisely what traits in the personality and background are
of determining value for prediction and management of a sex of­
fender will await possible further clarification in the '’outcome**
section of this investigation.
Sodomy with adults, little boys, girls, sisters, brothers
or parents was found to have occurred among 43.4 per cent of the
primary group and 41.2 per cent of the mixed.
While these prac­
tices are unhealthy, yet when occurring anong juveniles, they
should not be regarded in too morbid a light, nor the boys as
’’perverts'* or "homosexuals’*.
The vast majority of these offenders
118
engage occasionally in these unwholesome affairs, and turn from
them spontaneously with disgust, shame, or fear of exposure. It
is to be noted that of the entire series of 256 oases, only two
members of the mixed group revealed such deep interest in and
craving for homosexual practices as to warrant the designation
of ”homosexual” .
Almost all the primary cases and many of the mixed group
cases were motivated towards perverse practices (i. e. sodomy,
fellatio, mutual masturbation, etc.) by momentary impulse, imi­
tation of
others, by seduction, force, bribery, curiosity, by
desire to gain the favor of older members of a gang, or by sud­
den glandular excitement.
On sober reflection, almost all the
delinquents felt ashamed and guilty of their acts, manifested
revulsion towards their experiences, and retained no trace of in­
clination to return to these practices.
It is often interesting
to observe hardened delinquents, who show no hesitancy in justi­
fying stealing, burglary, or arson, on some pretext, (particularly
because they are ”have-nots” ) register deep shame, embarrassment
and guilt over a comparatively minor sex indiscretion.
The role assumed in the sex offenses presents no marked
difference in the two groups, as may be noted in Table XIII.^he
forceful role is evenly matched in the mixed and primary groups,
as is the willful role, but the passive role favors the primary
group slightly.
The vicious sex role is more frequent among mem­
bers of the mixed group than among the primary(8.8 per cent to
2.8 per cent), although the total of the vicious sex role in the
two groups is small, as compared with the other roles in sex of­
fenses.
The CR of the difference in the two groups on the score
119
of passive role, and vicious role, is 1.3 and 2.2 respectively,
both of which are below reliability.
That this idea is not entirely new may be shown from the
following quotation from Rousseau’s Emile:
My son, there is no happiness without courage, nor
virtue without struggle— by virtue is meant strength of i
will— this need arises with the awakening of the passions.
-And again, Kempf:
At this transition (into adolescence), boys and girls
tend to become serious rivals for overt demonstrations of
the esteem of the members of the opposite sex, particular­
ly of their own age. This necessitates courageous com­
petition, steadiness and self-control in trials, and a
willingness to suffer from defeats, as well as to enjoy
the glories of victory— heroic age of athletes, and self­
conquest, and writings and reading of romantic literature.
Offenses other than sex, or general types of offenses, oc­
curred in 267 instances among members of the mixed group, and
20 instances in the primary group.
The contrast is not surprising
since by definition the primary group cases were supposed not to
have been involved in any other offenses than sex.
The dozen
boys of the primary group who committed the 20 mild offenses were
included in the primary group through error.
A large portion of
the offenses committed by the mixed group were of violent nature,
including burglary, robbery, thievery and arson.
No detailed
attention is given in this study to the general offenses, be­
cause first, the investigation is concerned primarily with the
incidence, nature and significance of sex offenses, rather than
general offenses, and second, the data in Table XII and Graph 9
suffice to answer the purpose.
Mere inspection, however, of the
great number and the serious types of general offenses committed
1.
2.
J. J. Rousseau, 0£. cit., p. 408.
E. J. Kempf, ££. olt.. p. 135.
120
by members of the mixed group indicates
that
fundamental dif­
ferences exist in the habits, character and behavior of these
boys, as compared with the sex delinquents of the primary group.
121
V.
CHAPTER XI
I
COURT AND CLINIC TREATMENT OF THE OFFENDERS
Clinic Recommendations and Court Disposition
The Court Justices are not required or obliged to conform
to or accept the recommendations of the court clinics with re­
gard to cases referred to them for clinic study.
The Gluecks’^
survey implied that there had been considerable lack of uniform­
ity between the recommendations of the Boston Court clinic and
the dispositions and treatment carried out by the Justice of the
Boston Juvenile Court.
In this light, the findings in Table XIY
and Graph 10 are very illuminating.
They reveal a remarkable
regularity of cooperation between the judges and doctors of the
Juvenile Courts in New York City.
It is particularly striking
since the cases utilized in this investigation were treated and
handled by the clinics and Justices of Juvenile Courts in five
different boroughs of New York City, during a period of seven
1.
The Gluecks comment on court and clinic cooperation (on the
basis of a study made of cases handled by the Boston Juve­
nile Court and J. B. F. Guidance Clinic) as follows: "A
substantial proportion of the clinic’s recommendations were
not put into effect by the court (and its agents). Thus,
the place-of-living recommendations were not executed at all
in one-fifth of the cases; so also two-thirds of those in­
volving placement in a foster-home or with relatives were
not carried out; and over two-fifths of the recommendations
for placement in the country or in a school for the feeble­
minded were not followed.. . . But it seems to be a legit­
imate inference that where so high a proportion of the
recommendations of the clinic were not followed by the
Court, or in the relationships of Court and clinic to the
other agencies." S. and E. T. Glueck, ££. clt.. pp. 128,132.
m i r y Gr,>
M L< <du Grov‘p
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122
years, and yet there is evidence of conspicuous conformity in
spirit and practice, as shown in Table XIV.
The Table reveals that in the primary group, the clinic re­
commended probation for 85.2 per cent of the cases, and that the
Justices placed 83.3 per cent on probation; this demonstrates ex­
cellent cooperation between these two agencies of the Children’s
Courts.
In the mixed group, the clinics recommended probation
for 57.5 per cent of the cases and the Judges placed 53.5 per
cent on probation.
It should also be noted that the clinics re­
commended 3.7 per cent of the primary group cases for commitment
to a correctional institution, and exactly 3.7 per cent were so
treated by the Justices.
In the mixed group the clinics recom­
mended 33.8 per cent for commitment to correctional institutions,
and 39.8 per cent were committed by the Justices of the Children's
Courts.
Since the largest difference between the clinic and court
action shows a CR of only 1.0, it is apparent that these two agen­
cies cooperated closely in their treatment of the cases.
Child-caring placement falls within the same sphere of cor­
respondence between clinic recommendations and court dispositions,
with 7.4 per cent to 9.3 per cent in the primary group, and 6.1
per cent to 8.4 per cent in the mixed group.
From the marked difference in the percentage of the primary
and mixed group cases recommended for correctional commitment
by the clinics (3.7 per cent
: 33.8 per cent), it should be ap­
parent that pronounced variations in the personality ana general
behavior of the two groups of boys must have been revealed, in
order to warrant such action on the part of the doctors.
Dif­
ferences in type and severity of the sex offenses alone did not
justify such marked disparity in recommendations.
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125
Number of Visits to the Court Clinics
Subsequent to the original study in the clinic, a delin­
quent, if placed on probation by the court, was required to re­
main under supervision of the clinic through regular re-visits.
On such ocaasions, the various internal and external problems
of the boy, phases of treatment, the boy’s progress and response
to probation, and modifications in the guidance program were con­
sidered, in conferences with hhe probation officer, the parents
or guardians, and the delinquent.
The re-visit to the clinic,
furthermore, permitted deeper probing and understanding of the
background factors influencing the delinquent’s behavior and per­
sonality, his re-actions and adaptations in his milieu, the life
goals, frustrations and conflicts, wishes, etc.
This was parti­
cularly important in children whowere emotionally blocked and
reserved at the time of the original examination, through fear,
anxiety, and guilt arising out of the offenses, as well as con­
cern as to the court action.
The follow-up contacts were believed
to be helpful to the children, as judged from the response and
cooperation of many of them, but a more objective evaluation may
be offered in the analysis of the outcomes (Part IV).
The re-visits were usually set for intervals of one month,
because of the larger number of cases carried in the clinics,
and the limited personnel.
However, cases that revealed dis­
turbing personality problems, requiring more intensive treatment,
such as bed-wetting, speech disorders, emotional instability;* and
marked inferiorities, were provided more frequent visits. Never­
theless, Table XV will show that, for various reasons, the re-visits
averaged fewer than one per month; furthermore, many cases failed
126
to report during probation, while others reported only once or
twice.
The reasons for not reporting may be stated as follows:
some families, through disgrace arising from the sex affair or
upon advice of the court, moved to a distant part of the city or
State, thereby rendering travel to the clinic difficult; some
families harbored secret or fancied grievances and discouraged
the children from further contact with the court; some parents
were indifferent or incompetent and made little effort to co­
operate; in some instances both parents worked, and there was no
one to accompany the child to the clinic; others failed to report
because the trip to the clinic involved a sacrifice of car fare,
to the exclusion of more immediate needs; and still others could
not report because they failed shortly after being placed on pro­
bation and were committed to one or another insitution.
For
these and other reasons, despite the fact that some cases were
ciruple in nature and required only two or three visits to achieve
a satisfactory adjustment, only 10.1 per cent of the primary
group, and a similar percentage of the mixed group, reported to
the clinics more than five times during probation.
A total of 682 re-visits were made by the delinquents of
both groups, or an average (M) of three visits for the primary
group, and an (M) of 2.5 visits for the mixed group.
In the primary group it is to be noted that 38.8 per cent
of the cases are listed as having re-visited the clinics only
once.
Since among the primary group all the cases, with the
exception of eight, were placed on probation, it would appear
that 31.1 per cent of them failed to comply with the require­
ment to re-visit the clinics for any one of the reasons stated
above.
It should be added that in a very few cases the parents
obtained permission for private psychiatrists to redirect the
127
children.
Table XV reveals that 55.5 per cent of the mixed group of­
fenders failed to report to the clinics after the original study,
but this is explained by the fact that 80 per cent of these were
immediately committed to institutions, while another 15 per cent
failed early on probation and were so oommitted.
In the primary group, 61 per cent made from one to more than
ten re-visits, whereas in the mixed group only 44 per cent, for
the reason just stated.
Months of Probation to the Clinic
As previously stated, it was the practice at that time at
the Children's Coprts of New York City that a case which had been
studied in the clinics and subsequently placed on probation should
remain under clinic supervision until discharged.
It will be observed in Table X V that the great bulk of pro­
bationary cases in the two compared groups were under supervision
of the clinics for a period of less than six months; that some
failed while on probation ( 25 per cent of the mixed group pro­
bationers, or 10.1 per cent of the entire mixed group population)
and were committed to institutions; that some failed to report
for one reason or another, while the remainder were discharged
early in probation as improved or cured of their behavior disorder.
The Table reveals that only 12.1 per cent (or less than onefourth of the re-visit cases of both groups) were on probation
to the clinics longer than six months.
Some of the cases were
retained longer because special personality problems required
intensive treatment, and others because refractory behavior per­
sisted and there was need for prolonged supervision and guidance.
128
There was a total of 651 months of clinic supervision among
the 132 cases of both groups that reported for follow-up treat­
ment to the clinics, with 364 of the total months devoted to the
primary group, and 287 to the mixed group.
The average (M) length
of supervision for the primary group probationer was 5.5 months,
and for the mixed group delinquent 4.3 months.
It is of some interest to note that while half of the mixed
group delinquents were on probation less than three months, only
one-fifth of the primary group were so accounted.
The modal con­
centration in the mixed group is at two months, whereas .in the
primary group it is at six months.
Summary:
One of the most enlightening and gratifying findings in this
survey is the excellent cooperation afforded the clinics by the
Children’s Court Justices of New York City, in the completion of
treatment programs.
The following tabulation brings this into
clear perspective:
Mixed Group
Primary Group
Probation Commitment
3.7 fo
Clinic Recommendations
85.2 fo
Court Dispositions
83.3
fo
3.7
fo
Probation Commitment
57.5 fo
33.8 fo
53.5
fo
39.8
The findings cannot be attributed to coincidence, since the
cases were studied and treated by various doctors and Justices
in the five boroughs in New York City over a period of seven
years.
The remarkable conformity in spirit and practice between
the courts and the clinics, as reflected in Table XIV and Graph
10, may be considered as evidence of faith and confidence, on
the part of the Justices of the Children’s Courts, in the work
of the doctors attached to the court clinics.
The later life
fo
129
outcomes, as given in Part IV, may throw light on the wisdom
of this correspondence of aims and procedure between court and
clinic.
Subsequent to the original study of a child in the clinic,
he was required to remain under clinic supervision, if placed
on probation, until discharged.
Despite the requirement, many
probationers failed for various reasons to report for follow-up
study and treatment.
The re-visits were usually made at monthly
intervals, although cases demanding more intensive treatment were
seen at closer intervals.
There was a total of 682 re-visits
among the two groups, with an average of three visits for the
primary group and two and one-half for the mixed group.
Half
of the mixed group cases could not make re-visits because they
were either committed shortly after the original clinic study,
or during the early stages of probation (25 per cent of the
mixed group probationers were so committed, as against none
in the primary group).
There was a total of 651 months of clin­
ic supervision, with an average of 5.5 months for the primary
group and 4.3 months for the mixed group.
The later outcomes
may throw light on the value of these clinic follow-up treat­
ments.
130
PART D
THE OUTCOMES
Introduction:
As originally stated on p. 18, the later life outcomes in
this study will be treated as failures or successes solely on
the criterion of an established adult criminal court record,
sex or non-sex in nature.
It was not believed feasible within
the province of this investigation to examine such poihts as
idleness, late hours, gambling, disrespect to parents and hap­
piness or unhappiness in adult life, as criteria of success or
failure, without passing into the realm of speculation, rumor,
controversial opinion, and the subjective judgment of the writer.
Hence these items were excluded from the workable data.
On this basis, it was possible to establish that among the
256 cases of the two compared groups of juvenile sex offenders,
no adult sex violations appeared among the members of the pri­
mary group, and only ten adult sex violations occurred among
eight members of the mixed group (see Tables XVI and XVTI).
In
addition, there were six adult general or non-sex violations
among six members of the primary group, and 96 such violations
among 33 members of the mixed groups
It should be pointed out
that only such violations as felonies and misdemeanors were con­
sidered among the outcomes, and that traffic, peddling and sim­
ilar violations were excluded.
It is admitted that still other cases among juveniles than
those listed as failures may have committed adult offenses in
131
which they were not apprehended; furthermore, since the juve­
niles had no finger-print records, some known criminals among
them might have been missed.
However, the search for data on
criminal later-life behavior was so closely checked and cross­
checked with public and private agencies^that few recorded of­
fenders have been overlooked.
Again, these limitations, which
are irremediable under present conditions, do not appear to af­
fect the significant values derived from the outcomes, as will
be noted in the different chapters of this part of the investi­
gation.
It must further be noted that while relatively few adult
sex offenders fail to be brought to the bar of justice, there
are thousands of juvenile sex offenders who are apprehended
but who are not brought to court.
This counterbalances any
discrepancy between the two groups.
1.
Acknowledgement is here made of the valuable assistance
rendered the investigation by many public and private
agencies who gave generously of their time and labor,
without which this report would have been impossible.
Prominent among these are the following:
The Social Service Exchange Clearance Bureau, of New York City
The Bureau of Criminal Identification, Police Department
The Bureau of Criminal Identification, State of New York
Court of General Sessions, Probation Department
Kings County Court, Probation Department, Brooklyn, New York
Children's Courts, Probation Department, New York City
Magistrates Courts, New York City
New York State Training School for Boys, Warwick, New York
The Children’s Village, Dobbs-Ferry-on-Hudson, New York
Juvenile Aid Bureau, Police Department, New York City
The Catholic Guardian Society, New York City
132
TABLE XVT
Total Number of Cases with Adult Failure
(Main Offense and only one is listed for each Offender*)
Type of
Offense
Primary Group
1°8 Cases
Number
Mixed Group
148 Cases
Number
Total
256 Cases
Number
Sex
0
8
8
Burglary (with or
without gun)
0
12
12
Robbery (with or
without gun)
1
6
7
Larceny
1
3
4
Assault
0
2
2
Disorderly Conduct
4
4
8
Arson
0
1
1
Forgery
0
1
1
Total of Adult Failures
6
37
43
14$
86
fo
25
fo
Percentages of Total
Adult Failures
Percentage of Failure
in each Group
5.5
fo
100
fo
“
* Since this study is primarily concerned with sex offenses,
all cases with recorded adult sex violations are listed as
such in this Table, regardless of any other offenses they
may have committed.
The cases with adult failures, as shown in Table XVI, may
be summarized as follows:
Primary
Mixed
Total
(both groups)
8
8
Adult Sex Failures
0
33
Adult Failures due to other Offenses
6
39
47*
41*
Total (all types of failure)
6
Four cases of sex failure are also counted among the non-sex
failures.
133
The nature of the adult violations, as
XVII and
Graph 11, may be summarized thus:
Sex Offenses
Other Offenses-major Type
Other Offenses-minor Type
Total (All Types of Violations)
Average No. of Violations per F
Failure
The
(as
shown inTable
Primary
0
2
4
6
1
Mixed
10
82
14
106
2.9
sentences imposed for the above offenses
shown in Table
Total(both groups)
10
84
18
112
were as follows
XVIII and Graph 12):
Primary
Mixed
Total(both groups)
State Prison (Sing Sing,
13
13
Auburn, Comstock)
0
25
City Prison (Penitentiary,Elmira) 1
26
Correctional School (State Voca­
17
17
tional School, Coxsackie)
0
Suspended Sentence and
33
3
30
Probation
3
2
1
Fines (few dollars)
18
19
Details of Disposition unknown
1
155*
Total (All Types of Sentences)
6
lU*
*0ne adult killed himself when apprehended in a sex violation.
The adult sex failures, violations and sentences will be
analyzed in Chapter XII; the adult failures, on the score of of­
fenses other than sex, will receive attention in Chapter XIII;
and a general consideration of all adult failures and successes,
including a presentation of the juvenile recidivists, will ap­
pear in Chapter XIV.
Thirty illustrative case-hisotires will be presented in
the various chapters:
all the sex failures (eight) in Chap­
ter XII; nine sample non-sex failures in Chapter XIII, and
thirteen of the successes, with and without recidivism, in
Chapter XIV.
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PART D
OUTCOMES
134
TABLE XVII
Total Number of Adult Violations*
Types
Primary Group
108 Cases
of
Offense
Mixed Group
148 Cases
Total (both
groups)
No.
No.
NO.
Sex
0
10
10
Burglary
0
34
34
Robbery
1
9
10
Larceny
1
18
19
Assault
0
4
4
Use or Possession
of Gun
0
14
14
Disorderly Conduct
4
14
18
Arson
0
1
1
Drugs
0
1
1
Forgery
0
1
1
Total Adult Offenses
6
106
112
Percentages of Total
Adult Offenses
5.3 #
Average Offenses per
Violation (M)
1
Note:
*
94.7
%
100.0
2.9
For the number of violators in each group see Table XVI.
Traffic and peddling violations not considered.
CHAPTER XII
ADULT SEX FAILURES
The oases with sex failure and the nature of their vio­
lations will be analyzed in this chapter,
'i'hey may be tabulated
as follows:
Primary Group (108 members)
Mixed Group (148 members)
Total (256 members)
Failures
No.
$
0
0
8
5_jj4
8
3.1
Violations
No.
$
0
0
10
6^8
10
3.9
The absence of cases with sex failure among the primary
group members does not warrant the prediction that a juvenile
primary sex case could never commit a sex offense in adult life.
It merely indicates that no instances of adult sex violations
were found among members of this group.
When consideration is taken of the original objective in
segregating the primary groups from the mixed (see p. 3), the
later life sex findings gain added significance.
Furthermore,
the mixed group adult sex violations cannot rightfully be charged
to the juvenile sex offenses, since the members of this group
were not specific sex offenders in their juvenile careers, but
were known to have been involved in stealing, truancy, and other
offenses besides sex.
This favorable later life finding among
juvenile sex o'ffenders should be helpful to those concerned
with problems of prediction and treatment of male juvenile sex
cases.
The sentences imposed for the sex failures are tabulated
as follows:
136
Type of Sentence
Primary Group
Mixed Group
State Prison
City Prison
Correctional School
Disposition unknown
Total
0
2
0
1
1
0
3
0
3
0
9*
* One adult killed himself when apprehended in a sex
2
3
3
9
act.
Although the mixed group sex violations do not relate to the
basic problem of sex failures among the true or primary juvenile
sex cases, nevertheless it should be of interest to examine the
nature of these sex violations.
The ten violations among the
eight mixed group sex failures (one having committed threejof
the offenses) appear as follows:
No. of Cases
Type of Violation
5
Sex attempt with a young girl*
1
Stripping and inspecting a little girl
1
Self-exposure to young girls
1
Sodomy with small boys
1
Sodomy with younger sister
1
Accepted perversions with adults
* One adult killed himself when apprehended in the act.
All the mixed group sex failures were past puberty at the
time of the clinic study for their original sex offense except
case G.
T. (p.iis), who was barely passing into puberty when
he was brought to Children's Court for a passive, commerciallymotivated role in sodomy offenses, which had commenced some time
before.
A few months after his first court appearance, however,
he re-appeared in court, and this time in a definitely active
and aggressive sodomistic role, erotically conditioned.
From
the regular appearance of past-puberty juvenile cases among the
adult mixed group juvenile offenders(sex violators), it can be
inferred that since 24.4 per cent of the offenders were below
the puberty atage (see p. 77) at the time of the clinic study,
pre-puberty sex offenders are more readily deterred from later
life sex recidivism.
137
In order to gain fuller Insight into the relationship of
the early life patterns of the mixed group sex violators to their
later sex individual offenses, case-histories of all the failures
are herein presented:
Illustrative Cases:
#Case H.G. This was a white boy, reared in the Catholic
faith, 14 years old at time of Children’s Court Clinic
study in December 1932. His father was Jewish, a criminal,
led an immoral existence, suffered from syphilis, was cruel
to the family, deserted the home five years previously.
He had several illegal marital ventures; he died in the
Observation Ward of Dannemora Prison, where committed for
holding up and killing a chauffeur. The mother was Cath­
olic, a British West Indian, who had lived four years with
a Portuguese paramour. This man, an unskilled laborer,
earned 17 dollars a week;the mother confined herself to
household duties. The boy bitterly resented the man’s
presence in the home. The nieghborhood was a congested,
gang-infested section of the Bronx, New York City.
Harold was the older of two siblings, in the fifth
grade at school, where he was poorly adjusted, and an
habitual truant. He was aggressive, excitable, rebel­
lious, stubborn, and something of a "bully”. He was brought
to the Children’s Court in May 1932 for desertion and
stealing, and was placed on probation. He violated his
probation, and in November 1932 re-appeared in the Chil­
dren’s Court for breaking windows at school. Probation
was continued.
In December 1932, he again appeared at the Children’s
Court for the forceful sex manipulation of a little girl
in the school yard. Clinic study revealed an I. Q,. of 78,
M. A. of ien years, ten months. His diagnosis was psycho­
pathic personality, with convulsive seizures. He was
placed on probation. He continued to behave poorly, de­
serted his home, peculated, and stole outside in the com­
pany of a gang. He exposed himself sexually to girls at
school, and made a sexual assault on a little girl on roof
of house. He was also charged with having burned the face
of a young girl-by viciously throwing a lighted match at
her. For his violations of probation he was remanded to
the Catholic Protectory in January 1933. During this time
and thereafter, he visited the clinic on several occasions,
extending over a period of 17 months. He finally seemed
slightly improved in attitude and behavior and was dis­
charged from probation in the early part of 1935.
In June 1935, at the age of 17, he was arrested for
third degree burglary and sentenced by the Bronx Court to
serve an indeterminate sentence at the Elmira Reformatory.
He was paroled in August 1937. He married, had a son, and
was maintained on Home Relief.
138
In April 1939, he met sudden death by jumping from a
roof when apprehended by some men while in a sex attempt
on a young girl.
It is significant to note that his younger brother
Joseph had appeared on three successive occasions at the
Children’s Court for burglaries, that he was boastful of
his antisocial skills and offenses, that he had been at
the Lincolndale School of the Catholic Protectory in 1936,
and the State Training School at Warwick in 1938, that
his cooperation was poor and his outlook morbid. His
later career is unknown.
§ Case S. B.
This boy was a white Hebrew, born in New York City,
age 14 years and six months at time of Children’s Court
appearance in June 1930. His parents were American:;citizens of Russian birth. The father was a baker earning
35 dollars per week; the mother confined herself to home
duties; home located in congested residential section of
Brooklyn. The children received a fair amount of super­
vision from the parents.
Simon was the youngest of five children. He was in
the second term of high school, an habitual truant, and a
problem in the class. He associated with and was dominated
by an undesirable group of companions, and showed a strong
leaning toward exciting and destructive behavior. His mind
was abnormally absorbed with motion pictures. Has become
aggressive through continual influence of street contacts.
Manifested considerable restlessness. Was rebellious to
parental and school control, sullen and unstable. He re­
vealed signs of marked nervousness, talked in his sleep,
and had strong habit of nail-biting. In November 1936,
he was brought to Children's Court for stealing at school
and placed on probation.
In June 1927, he was reported bothering several girls
in the neighborhood and particularly with attempting sex
intimacies with a seven year old girl, through bribing her
with 25 cents. He was also apprehended robbing a store in
his neighborhood, in the company of his friends. He was
beyond the control of his parents, and the Children's Court
committed him to the Hawthorne Protectory of the Jewish
Board of Guardians, where he reamined for two and a half years.
Shortly after being returned home, he was again in­
volved in stealing from neighborhood stores, and in making
sexual advances to girls. The Children’s Court Clinic diag­
nosed his case as a neurotic personality. The I. 0,. was
found to be 101, the M. A. 14 years, eight months. He was
committed by the court once again to the Hawthorne Pro­
tectory of the Jewish Board of Guardians, where he remain­
ed this time for a period of three years. He reached the
seventh term in high school while at the Protectory.
In January 1934, shortly after returning from the Jew­
ish Protectory, he was arrested for impairing the morals
of a little girl. He appeared in Special Sessions Court
139
of Brooklyn, and waa committed to the House of Refuge
where he reamined 17 months. He was returned to the home
of his parents where conditions -were Wholesome and comfor­
table. Ail the other siblings were of good character,
and the parents were inductrious and decent members of
the community. Bimon held odd jobs in amusement places,
and one time worked on a truck. He was single. For a
short time he was apprenticed learning the upholstery
trade, through influence of his family.
In April 1936, a year after his release from the House
of Refuge, he was arrested for burglary. He was convicted
of the charge and committed to Bing Bing Prison for from
one to ten years. From Bing Bing he was transferred to
Auburn Prison, and paroled in 193S to live with his par­
ents once again. He has come into no known criminal be­
havior since at home, although it is recorded that he
contracted venereal disease on two occasions, once since
he left prison.
y Case G. T.
This was a white Catholic boy, eleven years, seven
months at the time of the original Children’s Court appear­
ance in April 1933. He was born in Hew York City. His
father was a Brazilian end a citizen; his mother an .-merican. The parents were divorced. The mother re-married
and her whereabouts remained unknown. The boy continued
to live with his father, who earned 30 dollars a week, and
maintained a comfortable home. The neighborhood, however,
was a congested, gang-ridden section of Brooklyn, and the
boy had no supervision because the father worked out all
day.
Gerard was an aggressive, excitable, stubborn and
restless individual. He was highly nervous, suffered from
frequent enuresis, nail-biting and temper tantrums. He
was "sneaky", unreliable, and attention-seeking. He was
uncleanly in body and habits. He imitated his mother, in
throwing things when in a temper. He was the fourth term
at school, an habitual truant, did not attend church. He
had a strong fancy for movies, which he visited on every
occasion possible.
In April 1933, he was brought to the Children’s Court
for participating in all types of perversions v/ith an adult, as well as several adolescents, to gain money for
movie fare and other pleasures. He was first introduced
into these practices through force and pressure, but later
began to accept readily and even to solicit the events.^
The clinic diagnosis was neurosis. His I. Q,. was 80, his
M. A. eight years, six months. He was placed on probation
by the court. He violated probation by committing sodomy
on small children, and was committed to the Catholic p r o ­
tectory, and paroled in July 19371 His conduct contin­
ued to be poor. He was sullen and uncooperative toward
his father. He had no trade interests and no regular
140
job. He worked occasionally as a helper on a truck, earn­
ing a few dollars a week for spending money.
In May 1938, Gerard was arrested for committing a sex
assault on a young girl, and was committed through Kings
County Court to a correctional institution, where he has
reamined up to the present time.
# Case A. G.
Here was a white, native Catholic boy, 15 years and
ten months at the time of his Children’s Court clinic study
in December 1929. His father was a citizen, of Italian
birth, who had died two years before. His mother, born
in the United States, after burying two husbands, was car­
ing for her home and nine children, in addition to domestic
work outside the home. The home was crowded with chil­
dren and boarders, but was located in a fair residential
section of Harrison, New Jersey.
Allen was the youngest of the children. He received
little supervision, and at an early age acquired a taste
for street life, excitement and adventure. He allied him­
self with delinquent types and participated in pilfering
expeditions. An older sibling had a Reformatory record,
but it was not known that any influences passed between
them. Allen peculated at home, became an habitual truant,
and absconded from home on several occasions, feeft school
in seventh grade, age fifteen; worked occasionally. He
became involved with a vicious group of adults, who con­
ditioned him to all the crafts and ceremonials of homo­
sexualism. He soon made trips to California on wild
adventure schemes of coming into ”big" money through homo­
sexual practices. Even during intervals at home, when un­
employed and pressed for money, he would venture into
these practices. H e came to Hew York City from his home
n New Jersey because his companions had told him of the
great opportunities for homosexuals in the big city.
In December 1929 he was brought before Children’s
Court, Hew York City, for soliciting and engaging in
homosexual practices as a means of livelihood. Clinic
study revealed a neurotic personality, with effeminate
acquired mannerisms. He was not considered a fixed homo­
sexual, since it was believed he had prostituted himself
for the adventure and profit derived, rather than through
any intrinsic drive or pleasure. Furthermore, he had
sought and engaged in heterosexual practices, and had re­
cently kept company for several months with a girl of long
acquaintance. His I. Q,. was found to be 91, his M. A.
14 years, five months. The court placed him on probation
under superivsion of the New Jersey authorities.
In June 1931 he appeared before Quarter Sessions
Court in Newark, New Jersey, for homosexual practices,and
was committed to State Prison for three years. He was
transferred to a State Reformatory in November 1933, and
paroled the following year.
In January 1935 he was arrested in New York City for
petit larceny, and pleaded guilty in General Sessions Court.
w
141
He was transferred to New Jersey authorities and will re­
main under probationary supervision until 1942.
# Case C. S.
This lad was 15 years, four months old at the time of
his Children’s Court clinic study, in April 1932. He was
a native, white Catholic boy, of native parents. He was
born inside the Bedford Reformatory, where his mother was
an inmate at the time. She was a woman of unusually low
morals, an addict to alcoholism, cruel to the children, a
periodic deserter of children and home, and she frequent­
ly employed foul language at home. She had been arrested
early in her marital life for stealing a diamond ring and
was sent to prison. As Charles grew in years, she took
him with her on immoral ventures, and often beat his head
against the wall, threatening to kill him if he revealed
her escapades to his father. Charles was the oldest of
four siblings.
In 1927 Charles was placed in a child-caring insti­
tution because of the mother’s neglect, and shortly there­
after she died. The father, a skilled workman, earning
40 dollars a week, remarried soon after her death, and
had the boy returned to him. The step-mother was kind,
but offered Charles little supervision. The home was kept
clean and orderly and was located in a fair section of
Brooklyn. He was a nervous, unstable and insecure child.
He attended church regularly, but was a truant and a prob­
lem at school. He was in conflict with the teachers, and
was teased by his classmates because of his effeminate
ways. The father noted, much to his chagrin, that his son
acted like a ’’sissy’’, and that boys in the street called
him a ’’pansy”, that he played with young boys and girls,
jumping rope and rolling marbles instead of playing ball
and other games with boys of his own age range. He was
fond of house chores, and liked to wash dishes and floors,
k-e was docile, excitable, restless, a nail-biter, and a
bully with small children.
In April 1932 he was brought to the Children’s Court
for committing acts of sodomy on his younger siblings, as
well as on other children in the neighborhood. He was al­
so reported as acting queerly, masturbating openly in the
presence of other children, and constantly employing lewd
language. He was examined in the clinic and diagnosed as
a case of psychopathic personality, with what appeared to
be effeminate and homosexual traits. He was in the sixth
grade at school, his I. Q,. was 75, his M. A. eleven years,
six months. He was placed on probation by the court and
re-visited the clinic on five occasions, without effect­
ive change in habits and manners.
In February 1933 he re-appeared in the Children’s Court
for much the same behavior as before and was committed to
the House of Refuge.
In August 1934 he was arrested for practicing sodomy
with a small boy, and his case appeared in Special Sessions,
142
New York County. His whereabouts and subsequent progress
have been impossible to trace. Possibly he is operating
under an assumed alias.
§ Case I. R.
This was a white Hebrew boy, of 15 years at the time
of his Children's Court appearance in July 1928. He was
born in New York City, of Russian parents, who were nat­
uralized citizens. His father was the owner of a small
tailor shop, from which he earned an average of 40 dollars
per week, while the mother attended the home, which was
found on investigation to be clean and comfortably fur­
nished, and situated in a fair, though congested, section
of the Bronx, New York City.
Isidore was the second of four siblings, and had not
been a problem prior to puberty, which set in at twelve
years, but thereafter he displayed signs of a rapidly
developing unhealthy personality. He became increasingly
excitable, unreasonable, moody, impulsive and restless.
He began to show defiance and surliness at home and re­
sorted to temper tantrums, when criticized for his failings.
He seemed definitely disturbed, and it was discovered by
his family that he engaged in excessive masturbation, but
he resisted advice. He discontinued playing games of ball,
and sought the companionship of younger children, for
reasons which will appear later. He spent much time in
day-dreaming at home and at school. Reading and concen­
tration on school tasks became increasingly difficult and
impossible. He played truant, evinced progressive con­
flict and maladjustment at school, and became neglectful
of personal cleanliness and body hygiene. His nervous­
ness was aggravated by insomnia, and to relieve his troub­
led mind he would knock his head against the wall for as
long as a half hour at a time, according to his family
(probably a mosochistic atonement for the guilt arising
from his fancied and real sins).
In July 1928 he was brought to the Children's Court
for having taken young girls on three occasions to a sandpile, removing their clothes, and inspecting and manipulat­
ing their bodies. He was also rreported as possessed of
a mania for examining children's bodies and slapping them
on the buttocks, but without any attempt to hurt them.
The clinic examination revealed a schizoid personality.
He admitted that he had, through dishonest means, come
into secred possession of a book on "Artists and Models"
several years before, and that through the constant gazing
at the nude pictures in this and other "literature" he
became so abnormally aroused,sexually preoccupied that
he feared he was losing his mind. He made abortive at­
tempts to check his phantasy existence and impusliveness,
but found himself too weak for the task. His insight and
attitude were regarded as poor. His I. Q,. was found to be
75, his M. A. ten years, nine months, and he was in the
seventh grade at school. He was remanded to the Chil­
dren’s Psychiatric Division of.Bellevue Hospital for fur­
143
ther observation, study and treatment, and upon his re­
turn to the court was placed on probation.
In 1929 he was arrested for indecent exposure to
girls. He received a suspended sentence in Magistrate’s
Court.
In February 1930, at the age of 17, he was arrested
for impairing the morals of a minor, and was committed to
the House of Refuge, through Special Sessions.
In September 1932 he appeared in Special Sessions
Court, Kings^County, for luring a young girl behind a sandpile and stripping her clothes. He was committed for an
indeterminate sentence to Elmira Reformatory. He was pa­
roled in August 1935, and has continued to live with his
family in the Bronx, since that time, without known detri­
ment to society.
Case C. F.
This was a white Protestant boy, of 15 years and eleven
months at the time of his Children's Court clinic study in
August 1928. He was born in New York City, of native par­
ents. His mother had died the year before his appearance
at Court, and his father had remarried shortly after. The
father was a skilled workman, earning 40 dollars a week;
the step-mother was good <bo the boy and maintained a clean
and orderly home in a residential part of Brooklyn, New
York.
#
Clarence was an only child. His early developmental
history was not available. It was known, however, that
he was an habitual truant, and poorly behaved at school.
It was also learned that the boy was ungovernable at home,
although the parents sought to shield him during court
appearance. He was a dull, excitable boy, given to moods
and impulsiveness. He suffered from nightmares and in­
somnia, and was a chronic nail-biter. His progress at
school was slow because of a low I. Q. and for lack of
interest. He left school at fifteen, and worked occasion­
ally.
In August 1928 he was brought to the Children’s
Court for taking a seven year old girl into a cellar and
attempting forcefully to assault her. The clinic study
revealed a markedly unstable personality, with tics and
spasms of the face and body. His I. Q. was 77, his M. A.
twelve years, three months. He was placed on probation
by the court, and re-visited the clinic on three occasions.
Sex hygiene and general guidance were imparted, but the
boy’s cooperation was at all times vague and detached.
In November 1929 he wg.s arrested for grand larceny.
He appeared in Magistrate Court, Brooklyn. Case dismissed.
In September 1932 he was reported to have lured girls
into cellars and to have made a sex attempt on a young
girl. He appeared in District Court, Brooklyn.
Case
dismissed.
144
He appeared in Kings County Court, where he pleaded guilty,
and received a suspended sentence. He was placed on pro­
bation.
Last accounts show him to be single, living with his
father in Brooklyn, and working with him in a garage. He
is a rather sullen type, but is causing no known diffi­
culties for the community.
Case E. M.
Here is a white Catholic boy, 13 years and two, months
at the time of his court clinic study in September 1932.
He was a native New Yorker, of American parents. His mo­
ther had died eight years before, and his father had re­
married the year after. The step-mother was strict, but
kind to the children. The home was comfortable, and lo­
cated in an uncongested residential section of Brooklyn,
New York.
§
Edward was the third of five siblings, and his older
sister had a Children's Court record. He was excitable,
impulsive, and nervous. He had suffered with enuresis up
to the age of eight. He was a truant, had deserted his
home, and in June 1931 was remanded to the Catholic Pro­
tectory for three months. His behavior improved upon
returning home, except that his truancy persisted. He was
in the fifth grade at school, and not a class problem. He
attended church with regularity, assisted with the house
chores, participated in street games, and showed a strong
leaning towards movies.
In September 1932 he was brought to the Children's
Court for having committed sodomy assaults on his younger
sister on many occasions. The step-mother became extreme­
ly hostile towards the boy on discovering what had oc­
curred, and no longer wished to have the boy at home. The
clinic diagnosis was neurotic personality. His I. Q. was
84, his M. A. eleven years, two months. He was sommitted
to the Catholic Protectory, where he reamined until February
1934. He was now accepted back into the home by the step­
mother. The father worked as superintendent. Edward left
high school to work on a truck, earning 15 dollars a week.
In February 1936, three months after his father had
deserted the home, Edward was arrested for committing
sodomy upon the same younger sister. A lunacy commission
declared him mentally unsound, and he was sentenced through
Kings County Court to Sing Sing Prison for five years,
where he is serving time at present.
145
Case-histories such as the writer has just presented are
necessary in order to give a complete picture of the individual.
Without this information concerning the delinquent’s personality,
inherited traits, background and later outcome, a complete un­
derstanding of the character types and early life events— as
these events relate to later offenses— would be impossible. Casehistories present living pictures of these abnormal individ­
uals which no amount of tables and graphs could offer.
An illustration of this point may be found in the career
of the case H. G.
His father was an alcoholic, was immoral,
syphilitic, a vicious criminal type.
A murderer, he died in
the Dannemora Institution for the criminally insane.
was scarcely better.
The lad was submerged in gang-ridden neigh­
borhoods without supervision.
personality.
The mother
He grew into an ugly, aggressive
A problem at home and school, he soon formed hab­
its which brought him inevitably into the Children’s Court. He
ran the gamut of petty crimes while young, and developed crim­
inal tendencies which, when he became an adult, carried him with
full force to an early and certain death.
1
Shaw and McKay discuss fully the values of the case-history
in studies of human problems and relationships, as a supplement
to statistical digests.
It might be pointed out here how many of the case-histories
indicate a tendency of the sex violators to return to their par­
ticular, original type of offense.
This may be seen in the
case-histories presented in the preceding pages.
Case I. S. re­
sumed his practice of stripping little girls; H. G. returned to
ll
C. R.' Shaw and H.' d7 McKay, Social Factors in Juvenile De­
linquency, Report on Causes of Crime, United States Govern­
ment Printing Office, Washington, D. C. Vol. II, pp.
286, 343.
146
his habit of attacking girls on roofs; E. M. was caught later
committing sodomy, his earlier offense; A. G. continued his
homosexual activities; C. S. continued to commit sodomy on
young boys, the crime for which he was originally apprehended;
and C. F. returned to his old habit of attacking girls in cel­
lars.
The case-history reports disclose that six of the eight
mixed group sex violators came from broken homes, five homes
broken through death of parents, and one through divorce and
later disappearance of the mother.
One case that is making a
good adjustment since his sex violation eight years ago comes
from an intact home.
The other case with an intact home, how­
ever, did not fare so well, having been committeed to Sing Sing
for burglary following his sex violation, although he has been
at home for the past two years and thus far seems to have kept
out of mischief.
There is a slight, but no more than a suggest­
ive, significance in the above ratio of broken homes, because
in the total mixed group population the ratio of broken homes
is considerably less (see p. 33).
The future careers of the remaining seven sex violators
are still unknown and cannot be prophesied.
Whether any or all
of them are destined to become vicious sex criminals and a men­
ace to society, there is no way of foretelling.
It is important
to note, however, that not a single instance of the known sex
violations involved violence or molestation of young women or
mature females.
The only case showing a potentiality of becoming
a sex menaoe was H. G., whose fateful termination has been de­
scribed, and who was a particularly vicious psychopath, with a
highly morbid background and development.
The sex offenses of
147
the remaining failures were largely of the sneak type, invol­
ving the sly inspection of a little girl’s body, a secret at­
tempt to obtain sex gratification with a sister or some other
young girl in the neighborhood through bribery, deception, or
intimidation, or perverse substitute outlets with boys or men.
In no case did the sex transgression endanger the health or
lives of the victims, although severe emotional reactions may
have been occasioned.
The future course of events is nevertheless difficult to
foresee, since a sudden unloosening of violent lust could arise
in any of them, although such action is not anticipated on the
basis of present indications.
Thus, the career of one is end­
ed; in four cases the sex violations occurred nine, eight and
six years ago, with no known recurrences since; two were con­
fined for sex offenses committed at the age of 17, and because
of youthfulness their future course remains a matter of doubt;
and the whereabouts of the last case is unknown since his sex
offense in 1934, when he was 17 years of age.
With greater clarity of vision resulting from the analysis
of the sex outcomes, it is permissible to state that the juve­
nile sex offender who is not conditioned to general lawlessness,
and hence conforms to the definition of a primary sex case, con­
stitutes little, if any, problem to the community on the basis
of adult sex offenses.
It may also be states, with some quali­
fication, that while the mixed group juvenile sex offenders
are a source of danger to society, because of the great number
of general crimes committed by them (see introduction, this Chap­
ter), they apparently do not constitute a menace to the community
on the basis of adult sex violations.
Although many of the mixed
148
group oases prove to be vicious criminals in later life (see
Tables XVT and XVII), little evidence comes to light of sex
offenses among them in later years, and these are of the petty,
sneak type.
Thus, while nearly half the number of mixed group
failures employed guns and other weapons in robberies and bur­
glaries (see Table XVII), none of the sex violations were ac­
companied by any show or act of violence.
Even H. G., the
worst of the mixed group sex offenders, jumped to his death
rather than face the consequences of his sex guilt, and yet
this same man would hardly have dived from the roof to certain
death if apprehended for stealing a car or robbing a store
(probably his first thought would have been to obtain a "good"
lawyer).
This difference in attitude among delinquents and criminals
with regard to sex offenses and non-sex offenses is of profound
significance to an understanding of the later life behavior and
the outcomes revealed in this study.
Shame and guilt with re­
gard to a sex offense is so strongly linked to the rootfc of the
inherited moral cultural pattern of civilized man that, with
few exceptions, when properly stimulated in court and clinic,
they tend to render sex disturbances self-curing.
On the other
hand, because of a pronounced shift in the modern accepted val­
ues of honesty and integrity of character, arising from strong
inroads of greed, politics and selfishness in everyday human
relationships, shame and guilt over non-sex offenses carry much
less potential in the cultural pattern, with the result that
these offenses tend to operate as a conditioning process towards
the commission of still other offenses, rather than as deter­
rents.
149
It is not surprising, therefore, to observe a hardened,
callous delinquent blushingly express his regret and remorse
in the clinic for a relatively small sex transgression, while
conversely showing no trace of concern over a serious general
offense, such as robbery, or an assault on a boy with the aid
of a gang.
Yet no matter how brazen a boy might be, never has
there been an instance in the clinic where a delinquent sought
to defend or justify his sex offense.
It is reasonable to assume that the primary group members,
because of better home environment and personality foundation
(see Table XX), are likely to be more strongly affected by
shame and guilt, and hence better fortified against recidivism,
than is the case with the mixed group members.
This may be at
the root of the absence of adult sex violations in the primary
group.
Considering that there are only eight known adult sex of­
fenders among the 256 juvenile sex delinquents who appeared
at the Children’s Court Clinics of all the boroughs of New York
City over a period of seven years (exclusive of the feeble­
minded), and that the adult sex violations were of the petty,
sneak and perverse type, rather than the violent type, it would
seem apparent that juvenile sex delinquency is not the origina­
tion of the dangerous sex criminals which sporadically menace
society.
Comparison of the outcomes of this study with the later
life sex offenses among juvenile offenders in the literature
is rendered difficult because the latter cases are not segre­
gated into primary and mixed types of cases, nor is the cri­
terion of failure often clearly defined.
In some of the reports
150
oases are grouped together In tables labeled "successes and
failures", without clarification as to whether the basis for
failure rested on casual complaints of sex violation, or on
established evidence of guilt, as in adult courts. Some auth1
ors, as Healy and Bronner, appear to be little concerned with
the topic of male sex delinquency.
These authors assign less
than one page in their text to this subject, but tables present
figures of four per cent sex failures in later life, without
qualification as to whether any or all of them had been invol­
ved
in sex offenses in their juvenile careers.
In a report
2
on 100 underprivileged adult homosexuals, Henry and Gross men­
tion that only one case had a history of juvenile delinquency,
but no statement is made whether the juvenile offense was of
3
sex or some other kind. An interesting comment appears in the
report of the Pennsylvania State Parole Commission to the ef­
fect that, in a check-up of outcomes among 3000 adult parolees,
the men committed for sex offenses did relatively well on pro­
bation, as compared with other types of offenders.
The Gluecks,
in a study of the later careers of 1000 male juvenile delin4
quents of all types, note that there were 28 adult sex offend­
ers, only one of whom had a juvenile sex record, but this juvenile
is not qualified as to whether of primary or mixed group type.
5
Another study by the Gluecks shows that among offenses
for which 510 Boston youthful offenders were sent to the Reform­
atory, only 0.9 per cent were for sex offenses, and that 77.8
1. W. Healy and F. A. Bronner, Delinquents and Criminals, p. 170.
2. G. W. Henry and A. A. Gross, Social Factors in 100 Homosexuals,
p. 594.
3. Pennsylvania State Commission Report, 1927, Tol. II, p. 195.
4. S. and E. T. Glueck, One Thousand Juvenile Delinquents, p. 157.
5. S. and E. T. Glueck, 500 Criminal Careers7 p. 140.
151
per cent of these 510 youths had juvenile court records.
Careful individual study of the background, early life
development, personality, habits and later life behavior of
each member of the mixed group adult sex violators fails to
reveal any specific characteristic or basis whereby one could
differentiate them from the other members of this group, who
had not become involved in adult sex offenses.
Some of the
latter were just as vicious, or even more so, in adult general
or non-sex type of offenses, but no information concerning sex
offenses in later life was available.
Possibly the juvenile
court and clinic contacts had more effectively permeated the
moral, but not the ethical, elements of their personalities.
This is purely speculative, however, and does not fall within
the scope of this study.
The problem is further complicated
by the fact that four of the sex failures committed general
type crimes before and after adult sex violations.
The finding of no adult sex failures among the primary
group members (Table XVT), who by original definition (see p.
3) are the ones properly qualified to represent juvenile sex
offenders, renders doubtful the inference by psychoanalysts
that juvenile sex experiences or sex traumata permanently mar
the personality of the individual.
Even among the 148 aggres­
sive members of the mixed group there were only a few petty sex
offenses during the crucial period of adult life.
The most illuminating finding of this study is the evidence
that among the eight mixed group sex failures there was not a
single instance of a sudden release of violent lust upoA^eaching maturity.
1.
S. Freud, Collected Papers. Vol. I, pp. 242-243; also
0. Pfister. Psyoho'analyt'lc Method, p. 113.
152
The tamperings with sex among these individuals were, by
comparison with the rapid advance in the field of general crime
to burglary and the use of a gun, rather equivalent to the earl­
ier evolutionary stages of petit larceny or disorderly conduct.
This circumstance offers ample latitude, in time, for a care­
ful investigation and evaluation of the past behavior, person­
ality, potentials and prospects of the individual sex failure,
with regards to treatment, or segregation as a protection to
society.
The above item is at least comforting, as it reveals
that the mixed group juvenile sex offenders do not fulminate
into adult life as dangerous sex cases, and that opportunity
is afforded the community to institute precautionary measures.
Summary:
On the basis of the original criterion for. determining
failure or success, it was possible to establish that among
the 256 cases in the two compared groups of male juvenile sex
offenders, there were but ten adult sex violations among eight
members of the mixed group, to none in the primary group.
It
was also found that there were six non-sex violations among
six members of the primary group, to 96 such violations among
33 members of the mixed group (see Tables XVI and XVII).
The offenses other than sex among the few primary cases
were of a mild nature compared to those in the mixed group, al­
most half of those who failed in the latter group having em­
ployed guns and other dangerous weapons in robberies, burglaries
and assaults.
Since the mixed group sex failures were known to
have been involved in other offenses besides sex during their
juvenile careers, their adult sex violations cannot bear re-
153
lationship to the original sex offense.
All the mixed group sex failures were past puberty at the
time of the original juvenile sex offense, suggesting that pre­
puberty sex offenders are more responsive to deterrents than
past-puberty cases.
Case-history reports of all the sex failures are submit­
ted; they add greatly to the understanding of the background
and personality in continuous course and relationship to the
later life offenses.
There is a tendency among the adult sex violators to re­
turn to the same type of sex offenses which were engages in
originally by the juvenile.
The practical significance of
this finding has not as yet been made clear.
Six of the eight sex failures came from broken homes, a
slightly greater ratio than in the total mixed group population.
Among 256 juvenile sex offenders studied at the Children’s
Court Clinics of all the boroughs of New York City over a per­
iod of seven years (exclusive of feeble-minded cases), there
were found only eight adult mixed group sex failures and none
among the primary group.
Furthermore, the adult sex failures
among the mixed group were not of the violent type,but rather
of the petty, sneak or perverse type.
The only likely vicious
psychopath among them killed himself when apprehended in a sex
offense.
These few petty mixed group sex offenders are not
believed to be the source of the dangerous sex criminals in
society.
The future careers of the seven remaining sex offend­
ers of the mixed group are not as yet known, but from present
indications they are not likely to constitute a serious threat
to society.
It is believed that the inherited moral cultural pattern
154
accounts for the marked shame and guilt manifested by juvenile
sex offenders when faced with their offenses; that these gen­
erate strong deterring forces in the personality, rendering
the condition, with few exceptions, self-curing.
This is be­
lieved to contrast with the reactions and attitudes of juveniles
toward general or non-sex offenses, in consequence of which
there seems to develop an increasing conditioning towards re­
cidivism.
It is furthermore believed that the cultural pat­
tern among members of the primary group is much more deeply
rooted, as judged by studies of the background and personality
of these delinquents.
They are therefore more strongly im­
pressed with their wrong-doing at the original study, and show
little recidivism in later life.
Adequate comparisons between the sex outcomes in this study
and the material in the literature are not possible, because the
latter is not segregated into primary and mixed types of cases,
and furthermore the criterion of failure and success in the other
studies is not clearly defined.
No reports, however, in the lit­
erature reflect adversely on the outcomes among juvenile sex
cases, as compared with juvenile delinquents engaged in other
types of offenses.
No specific characteristics could be established as a bas­
is for differentiating cases in the mixed group that are like­
ly to become later-life sex offenders, from those who are not
so destined.
The court and clinic appear to contribute their treat­
ment effects in these juvenile sex delinquents, through stimu­
lating strong currents of latent shame and guilt in the minds
of the boys, which, once started, continue thereafter to operate
155
lastingly as deterrents against later-life recidivism.
The
court and clinic contacts are believed to be the deciding fac­
tors between failure and non-failure in many cases.
The favorable outcomes in the primary group eliminate
any suspicion that a juvenile sex offense tends to condition
the individual to later life antisocial behavior, and renders
doubtful the contention of psychoanalysts that a juvenile sex
experience permanently mars the personality of the individual.
A highly illuminating finding of this study is that the
y
mixed group sex failures do not fulminate into adulthood with
sex violence, but that their sex offenses in later life are
rather of a mild type, permitting ample time for society to
evaluate carefully their potentials and prospects, with a view
to instituting adequate treatment of segregation as a protec­
tion to the community.
156
CHAPTER XIII
FAILURES:
VIOLATIONS OTHER THAN SEX
As originally stated on p. 16, although the study is bas­
ically concerned with the determination of the extent to which
juvenile sex'offenders continue their sex offenses in adult life,
nevertheless crimes other than sex during the adult life of these
sex juveniles require evaluation and will be counted among fail­
ures in the outcomes.
The criterion for failure and success,
on the score of non-sex violations, is the same as that employ­
ed for the sex violations (see p. 130).
The cases with adult failure in general or non-sex type
violations account for 33 cases of the mixed group, and six
cases of the primary group.
In tabulated form they appear as
follows:
Cases of
Non-Sex
Failure
Primary Group
6
Mixed Group
33
Total (Both Groups)
39
Cases of
Major Violations
2
82
84
Cases of
Minor Violations
4
14
18
Total
Violations
6
96
102
The preponderance of serious adult violations is readily
noted in the mixed group sampling of juveniles, which show 82
such instances as against only two in the primary group.
Fur­
thermore, even these two failures cannot rightfully be charged
to the primary group, since they were so included only through
error during the initial stage of collecting and classifying
the material.
The case-histories of these two failures are sub­
mitted, and inspection of the early life history will disclose
157
problems in behavior other than the original sex offense, which
classifies them as mixed group material according to the ori­
ginal definition (see p. 3), and they will be so treated in
later discussions of the outcomes.
Illustrative Cases:
Case G. F: This was a colored Protestant boy of 13 years
and eight months at the time of his Children's Court clinic
examination in May 1930. He was born in New York City of
native parents. His father had died ten years before, and
his mother re-married shortly thereafter. She maintained
a clean, comfortable home in a good neighborhood, in ad­
dition to working outside and earning 20 dollars a week
at domestic work. However, she offered the boy little
supervision, and he drifted of his own accord to great
distances from home. He had a considerable amount of wan­
derlust, perhaps in part due to an early childhood rickety
and restless body. He sneaked in subways, hitched on trucks,
and mingled with an undesirable group of boys. He became
habituated to truancy and was unadjusted at school. His
step-father was unfriendly to the boy and at times act­
ually cruel, particularly when under severe influence of
liquor. There was continual conflict between the parents.
Gerald was the older of two siblings, his younger brother
boarding with a friend of the family, a not uncommon prac­
tice among families of this type. Gerald had also learned
to peculate.
§
In May 1930, he was brought to the Children’s Court
for visiting the girls' lavatory at a school in the com­
pany of a gang of boys, and writing obscene words across
walls, windows and floor. This occurred while the boys
were playing truant from their own school. The clinic
study of Gerald showed him to be of normal personality,
but a weak, suggestible type of boy, who required an ex­
ceptional amoung of close supervision and guidance. He
was in the seventh grade, his I. Q,. was 98, his M. A. 13
years, four months. His parents promised to supervise him
and the court placed him on probation. He re-visited the
clinic twice while on probation, was provided sex hygiene
guidance commensurate with his needs, and cooperated well
during probation.
In May 1931, however, he was returned to the Children's
Court by his parents for ungovernableness, truancy, and
for associating with delinquent companions. He was placed
at Brace Memorial Farm School.
In January 1934, he was convicted in General Sessions
Court of petit larceny for the theft of a pocketbook and
given a suspended sentence. He was placed on probation
which lasted until April 1936, when he was discharged with
a good reoord. His subsequent adjustment was satisfactory,
and he came to no further difficulties with the Law.
158
# Case D. G: This delinquent was 15 years and three months
at the time of his appearance at the Children’s Court clin­
ic in January 1932. He was a white, native Catholic boy,
of Italian parents. The father had been dead five years.
The mother confined herself to the duties of the home,
which was located in a congested, gang-ridden seotion of
lower Manhattan, New York City. The family was dependent
on public subsidies, and caustically critical of society
for not providing them with greater comforts of home. One
older sibling was a psychopath, with an adult court crim­
inal record. The background was distinctly poor.
Dominick was the youngest of four siblings, and was
an excitable, impulsive and restless boy, who was provided
no supervision or concern by his family. His church at­
tendance was claimed to be regular, but his school attend­
ance was haphazard, and he was a serious problem at school.
He associated with a bad group of boys.
In January 1932, he was brought to the Children’s Court
for molesting a woman, forcefully lifting her skirt, and
brazenly propositioning her. He was undoubtedly influenced
in the act by an uncle, slightly older than himself, who
was with him at the time. The diagnosis of the clinic
was brain injury, with unstable personality and epilepsy,
^‘here was gross evidence of akull fracture, resulting from
a previous head injury. The court dismissed him withaa
warning, and advised medical attention to the physical
condition. His subsequent adjustment was continually
poor.
In December 1936, Dominick was arrested for robbery,
and was sentenced through the New York County Court to
serve an indeterminate term in the Penitentiary.
Mention was made on p. 115 of this study that twelve cases
of the primary group should not have been so classified, because
they had committed 20 juvenile offenses, besides sex, at the time
of the original clinic study, albeit these were mild in type:
four instances of desertion of home; twelve of truancy; one for
ungovernableness; two of peculation at home; and one of steal­
ing (see Table XII).
It is interesting to reflect that even with
the inclusion, through error, of this mixed group material with
the primary group, it had little bearing on the comparative find­
ings in the two groups on the score of background (Chapters IV,
V, and VI), personality traits (Chapters VIII and IX), and adult
159
violations (Table XVII), but it does seem to affect slightly
the numerical comparison of the non-sex failures among the two
groups, i. e.
33 : 6.
If, therefore, the aforementioned two
cases (pp. 157,158), who were counted among the adult primary
group failures, and a third, whose offense was disorderly con­
duct for dice playing in public, were omitted from the primary
group, the numerical comparison of adult non-sex failures would
appear as 36 : 3.
Even the corrected numerical count of cases of non-sex
failure and the tabulation of violations (see Table XVTI) fail
to disclose the full score of differences in behavior between
the members of the two compared groups.
Hence, illustrative
case-histories of mixed group non-sex failures are submitted,
as contrast material to the complete itemized data of non-sex
failures in the primary group (for which see p.I (»&<).
Illustrative Cases:
# Case F. V: This boy, 13 years and six months old when
he appeared at the court clinic in December 1928, was a
white Catholic boy, born in New York City of Italian
parents. The father owned a butcher shop and earned
about 45 dollars a week. The mother confined her duties
to the care of the horn?, which was maintained in a clean
and comfortable condition. The house, owned by the par­
ents, was located in a fair residential part of Brooklyn,
New York.
Frank was the second of four siblings. He was a moody
type, impulsive and restless. At times he assisted his
father in the shop, and at other times his mother with
the household work. H e was highly nervous, talked and
walked in his sleep, bit his nails, deserted his home on
occasions, and at one time was a stowaway on a trip to
the British West Indies. H e j^pt late hours against the
wishes of the parents, and showed increasing evidence
of breaking from family control. He was also an habit­
ual truant and maladjusted at school. He was continually
seeking and associating with undesirable types of compan­
ions, despite warnings from parents. In November 1927,
he was placed at the Catholic Protectory for two weeks
by his parents, through private arrangement, in the hope
of checking his undesirable habits. The improvement in
conduct was not lasting, and in luly 1928 he was placed
160
at the Hawthorne Protectory of the Jewish Board of Guard­
ians, again through private arrangements, apparently in
a desperate move by the parents to utilize every medium
of aid in checking the antisocial drive of their son. The
parents were untiring in their efforts to rehabilitate
the boy.
In December 1928, Frank was brought to the Children’s
Court for enticing a six-year old girl into a cellar and
attempting to assault her. He was also reported to be
masturbating excessively. The clinic diagnosis was mark­
edly unstable adolescent. His I. 0 was found to be 97,
his M. A. 13 years. He was placed in a boarding home by
the court. Shortly thereafter he re-appeared in the Chil­
dren’s Court, for violation of probation, and was remanded
to the New York Catholic Protectory.
.
In July 1930, he once again appeared at the Children’s
Court, this time for stealing an automobile, and was com­
mitted to the House of Refuge. He escaped in October,
was re-captured in February 1931, remained at the House
of Refuge until discharged to his parents the following
year. He worked in his father’s store.
In July 1934, he was arrested for third-degree robbery,
convicted in Kings County Court, and sentenced to Elmira
Reformatory.
In June 1937, Frank was once again arrested for rob­
bery with a loaded revolver, was re-sentenced to Elmira
Reformatory for seven years, and is there at present serv­
ing time.
#Case R. R.
This boy was 15 years and eleven months old at his
Children’s Court clinic examination in April 1932. He was
a white Protestant boy, born in New York City, of native
parents. His father was a skilled workman, earning 45
dollars a week. The home was neat and orderly, and lo­
cated in a good residential section of Manhattan.
Richard was the older of two siblings, and his early
developmental history was without significance. With the
onset of adolescence, excessive masturbation led to severe
emotional disturbances, with excitability, restlessness,
and wanderlust. He lost interest in school programs, be­
came habituated to truancy, and turned strongly to phan­
tasy life and movies. Misunderstanding and conflict devel­
oped between the boy and his parents. He became more
excitable, sutbborn and sullen, and resorted to desertions
of home. In January 1931 he was brought to the Children’s
Court for ungovernableness and truancy, and placed on pro­
bation. He responded poorly, became more rebellious to­
wards his parents and a greater problem at school. At 15
he left school and worked occasionally. He began to asso­
ciate with a group of visious characters, and his sex ex­
citement, phantasies and demands grew. He developed an
affair with a 19 year old girl who had a foul reputation
161
had sex relations with her, and deserted home because of
her.
In April 1932, he was returned to the Children’s
Court for violation of probation. His diagnosis in the
clinic was unstable personality. His I. Q,. was found to
be 101, his M. A. 16 years, one month. He ranked among
the highest four per cent of adults in the mechanical
tests. He was returned to probation, visited the clinic
on two occasions, was working, and appeared to be mak­
ing a fair adjustment.
In February 1933, he was arrested for petit larceny.
He pleaded guilty in the Bronx County Court and was giv­
en a suspended sentence. He was placed on probation.
In January 1934, he was arrested for disorderly con­
duct, appeared in Jersey City Court, New Jersey, and was
given a suspended sentence.
In June 1935, he was arrested lor burglary, with
possession of a gun. He was committed through General
Sessions Court to Walkill Prison. He was paroled October
1936.
In May 1937, he was arrested for burglary with the
aid of a gun, and assault, and through General Sessions
was sentences to 14 years to Auburn Prison, where he is
serving his term at present.
Case H. L.
Henry was a colored Protestant boy, eleven years and
seven months old at the time of his Children’s Court clin­
ic study in May 1929. His family had migrated from the
British West Indies five years before. His father was a
laborer, earning 25 dollars a week, and his mother con­
fined herself to home duties; the home was situated in
a congested but otherwise fair section of Manhattan, New
York City. The father was a weak character, and addict­
ed to periodic desertions.
#
Henry was the oldest of three siblings. There was
little check on his spare-time activities, and he readily
acquired the unruly habits of the street. He allied him­
self with the interests, ideologies and practices of a
delinquent group of boys, and soon became rebellious and
unmanageable at home. His warped attitudes and behavior
constituted a problem at school, although he was not a
truant. He still continued his connections with church
and Sunday school. In September 1926, he was brought to
Children’s Court as a neglected child and was committed
to the Colored Orphan Home. Upon returning to his home
he continued to associate with undesirable companions,
and became highly excitable, impulsive and stubborn. He
was restless, an enuretic, and bit his nails. He walked
and talked in his sleep, kept late hours, and was beyond
the control fif his family. He now became habituated to
truancy, and was a severe problem in the classroom, ex­
posing his privates to the young girls, and constituting
a general nuisance and menace.
162
In May 1929, he was brought to the Children's Court
for taking a naighbor’s little girl into the hall bath­
room and attempting to assault her. 3he screamed, despite
his threats, and he was apprehended. He was also reported
to have been badly behaved at home, peculating and steal­
ing from neighborhood stores. The clinic study revealed
a neurotic personality. He was in the fourth grade, his
I. Q,. was 79, his M. 3. nine years and two months. He was
placed on probation by the court.
In August 1929 he was again before the Children's
Court for stealing from a store, and was committed to the
House of Refuge, where he remained until 1933.
In August 1934, he was arrested for petit larceny, for
which he appeared in the District Court. He pleaded guilty
and received a suspended sentence. He was placed on pro­
bation.
In January 1935, he was arrested for burglary, and
was committed to the Penitentiary through General Ses­
sions Court.
In January 1938, he was arrested for disorderly con­
duct, and placed on six months probation.
In March 1938, he was arrested for burglary and petit
larceny, and re-committed by General Sessions Court to
the Penitentiary.
In November 1939, he was again arrested for burglary.
He is in the Tombs awaiting sentence, which this time is
likely to be for an extended term, in view of his long record.
# Case A. C.
Here was a white Catholic boy, born in New York City,
of Italian parentage. At the time of his court clinic
study in September 1931, he was 15 years, two months old.
The parents were non-citizens. The father owned a tinsmith
shop, and the mother attended the duties of home. They
lived in a comfortable house, which they owned.
Andrew was the second of four siblings, undependable,
highly unstable, sullen and rebellious. He was a confirmed
truant, and a school problem, ^e left school at 15 to as­
sist his father at the store.
In September 1931, he made a violent assault upon a
thirty-year old woman tenant in his father's house, while
her husband was at work. He first propositioned the wom­
an, and upon being refused, his sex-madness turned to
maniacal fury, contributed in part by a sudden arousal
of guilt and fear of exposure. He threw the woman force­
fully to the floor, and between her resistance and his
sadistic passion, her face and body were badly injured.
Even the cries and pleas of the woman's little daughter
did not deter him from his mad impulse. The woman was
taken to the hospital, where she remained unconscious for
three days. When Andrew was brought to the Children’s
163
Court he acted in a surly manner. His mother sought to
shield him by claiming that he was a good boy, and pro­
jecting all the blame on the victimized woman. In the
clinic his case was diagnosed as a manic episode. His I.
Q. was 85, his M. A. twelve years and ten months. While
at the Children’s Shelter, pending disposition, he vio­
lently assaulted another boy. ^e was committed to the
Catholic Protectory, where he attempted sodomy on a boy
and was re-committed to the House of Refuge.
After returning to his parents, his work record con­
tinued to be poor. He was highly unstable. In June 1933
he appeared at the Cumberland Hospital, Brooklyn, with a
severe bullet wound, apparently inflicted during at at­
tempt at robbery.
In May 1935, he was arrested in Pennsylvania, and
spent ten days in jail for illegally riding a train and
for disorderly conduct.
In March 1937, he was arrested for felonious assault
and was tried in Kings County Court before a Grand Jury,
but was dismissed for lack of evidence. Before the case
went to trial, he was studied by a lunacy commission and
declared sound in mind. At this time he was married,
and living with his wife and two children on Home Relief.
On February 15, 1938, he was arrested for arson and
for endangering the lives of people; he pleaded guilty
and was sentenced to Sing Sing Prison for five years,
where he is confined at present.
#Case W. G.
This case was a colored Protestant boy, born in the
United States. His mother died nine years prior to his
appearance in the Children’s Court clinic in May 1932, at
which time William was 14 years old. His father re­
married three years after the mother’s death,
separated
two years later, and thereafter maintained a mistress
at home. The father worked as a laborer on occasion,and
in part was supported by public subsidy. The distress
kept the house orderly, but the home was generally con­
sidered immoral. William had little supervision outside
the home, and was in steady conflict with the mistress
while in the home. His church attendance was regular.
He was in the fifth grade, an habitual truant, and a school
problem, ^e was an only child, and bitterly resented the
woman’s presence in the home, as well as the attentions
paid her by his father. He was a moody, irritable, and
sullen type. H e kept late hours, associated with undesir­
able companions, deserted his home on many occasions, and
was generally difficult to manage. He practiced mastur­
bation to excess. In 1931, he was before the Children's
Court as a wayward and neglected child, and was placed on
probation, but his maladjustment continued.
In May 1932, he impulsively struck his father’s mis­
tress a violent blow on the head from behind, with a heavy
broomstick. She never regained consciousness and died the
following day. In justice to the boy it may be stated that
164
he had not anticipated the tragic effects of his momentary
madness. He was examined in the clinic and diagnosed as
a case of severe behavior disorder. His I. Q. was 70, his
M. A. nine years, eleven months. He was committed to the
House of Refuge. He was subsequently transferred to the
New York State Training School, and paroled in September
1954.
In April 1935, he was returned to the State Train­
ing School as a parole violator and remained there until
January 1956, when he was re-paroled. He continued to
associate with bad companions and wa3 highly unstable.
In October 1936, he was arrested for burglary, and
from General Sessions was committed to the Penitentiary
for an indeterminate sentence.
#Case M. B.
Milton was 15 years and seven months old at the t ime
of the Children’s Court clinic study in December 1929. He
was a native white Jewish boy, of Hungarian parents, who
were citizens. The father was an unskilled workman, earn­
ing 25 dollars a week, and the mother attended the home,
which was located in a crowded "slum” district of lower
Manhattan, New York City.
Milton, the oldest of four siblings, received little
supervision, protection or guidance, and found himself at
an early age thrown on his own resources, with the pressure
and onslaught of vicious groups in his milieu. He lacked
the vital fortitude to withstand adversity, abuse and os­
tracism from games by the very elements who regularly re­
sorted to stealing to meet expanded tastes of frequent
movies, candy, cigarettes, etc. Originally a timid and
insecure type, he soon achieved and enjoyed a state of
compensatory aggressiveness derived from greater and great­
er identification with gang practices. Truancy and mis­
conduct at school became habitual phenomena, and he progres­
sively grew away from family control. Despite a brilliant
mind, he was continually failing in his work and classes.
He was highly excitable, unstable, restless and impulsive.
His personality and behavior reflected marked disorgani­
zation. He idled his time at gambling, stealing, visiting
pool rooms and movies with his gang. His cooperation was
nil. He left school in the eighth grade, but refused to
look for work. He was laze, disrespectful to his parents,
associated with vicious types of companions, had affairs
with diseased women, and contracted gonorrhoea.
In December 1929, he was returned to the Children’s
Court for violation of probation. He was diagnosed in the
clinic as a marked behavior disorder. His I. Q. was 110,
his M. A. 17 years, four months. He was committed to the
Hawthorne Protectory of the Jewish Board of Guardians,
where he reamined for two years, and thereafter was under
their supervision and treatment.
In December 1932, he was arrested for the illegal pos­
session of a gun. He was tried in Special Sessions of New
York County, and the case was dismissed.
165
In May 1933, he was arrested for robbery with a load­
ed revolver. He had made a practice of holding up gas
stations. He was convicted of the offense in the Bronx
County Court and sentenced to Clinton Prison for five
years. He was paroled in March 1938.
In June 1938, he was returned to Clinton Prison for
violation of parole. He is serving an indeterminate
sentence there at present.
# Case R. W.
This boy was eleven years and nine months old when he
appeared at the Children’s Court clinic in September 1929.
He was a colored Protestant boy, born in New York City,
of British West Indian parents, who were non-citizens.
The father was a skilled workman, earning 35 dollars a
week. The mother kept a clean and comfortable home in a
congested gang-ridden of Manhattan, New York City.
Roy was the second of five siblings, and had lived
with his grandparents in the British West Indies until
two years before his court appearance, when he came to
live with his parents. The complexity of the new environ­
ment and the influences of delinquent companions wrought
quick changes in his personality. There was little super­
vision by the parents, and the boy became an aggressive
participant of a vicious gang. School lost interest for
him and he became habituated to truancy and frequent movies.
He was excitable, rebellious, and in marked conflict with
his siblings, who sought to check his delinquency. He
suffered with enuresis, kept late hours, and deserted his
home on several occasions. He was definitely beyond the
control of family and school.
In September 1929, he was brought to the Children’s
Court for visiting and living at the home of a white adult
degenerate (a Cuban). He remained with this man for four
days, and accepted sodomy, fellatio, and all types of per­
versions for the money he derived for visits to movies.
The adult sent the boy away only because his wife was re­
turning home. The clinic diagnosed Roy’s case as a neu­
rotic personality. He was in the fourth grade at school,
his I. Q,. was found to be 80, his M. A. nine years and
five months. He was placed on probation and later, owing
to non-conformance, was committed to the House of Refuge
for two years.
In January 1933, he was returned to the House of Re­
fuge for violation of probation.
In August 1936, under the alias of ’’Lefty’’, he was
arrested for burglary. He appeared in General Sessions
Court and received a suspended sentence. He was placed
on probation.
In 1936, he was reported for petit larceny through
identification from Washington, D. C.
In December 1936, he was again arrested for burglary,
and through General Sessions Court was committed to the
New York Penitentiary.
166
In March 1937, he was arrested for burglary and larceny,
and re-committed through General Sessions Court to the
Penitentiary.
On November 11, 1939, he was arrested for burglary,
and sentenced through General Sessions to Sing Sing Prison
for two years, where he is at the present time.
#Case E. P.
Edward was a white Hebrew boy of Russian-born parents;
at the time of the Children's Court clinic study he had
reached his fifteenth birthday. His father had died five
years before, and his mother was an inmate of the Kings
Park State Hospital, suffering from a mental illness of
many years duration.
Edward was the younger of two children, and had been
placed in June 1924 at the Hebrew Orphan Asylum, through
the Children’s Court, because of neglect and lewd behavior,
consisting of writing obscene notes to girls in class, and
employing foul language, and masturbation. After two years
he was placed with a maternal grandmother, who was much too
old to offer the^ boy proper supervision, guidance and con­
trol. His older sister had appeared before the Children’s
Court for a sex affair with a married man, but soon af­
ter a good adjustment was made; she obtained work, and
earned her own living.
Edward continued to drift steadily downward while liv­
ing at the home of his grandmother. He associated with
evil companions, kept late hours, resorted to frequent
truancy, became highly restless and unstable, acquired a
severe nail-biting habit, and openly defied his guardian
and was extremely disrespectful to her. He was vulgar in
habits and practiced excessive masturbation.
In March 1929, he was brought to the Children’s Court.
Clinic study revealed an extremely unstable personality.
His I. Q. was 70, his M. A. ten years, six months. He
was in the fifth grade at school. He was committed to the
Hawthorne Protectory of the Jewish Board of Guardians by
the court, and continued under their supervision and treat­
ment .
In April 1934, the Juvenile Aid Bureau was contacted
by Edward’s sister, who appealed to them for advice and
assistance in the management of her brother. He was 20
years old at the time. His mother was still a patient
at the Kings Park State Hospital. The sister was alarmed
by reports reaching her that Edward was associating with
criminal characters, and that he was suspected of implica­
tion in a number of burglaries. As soon as the Juvenile
Aid Bureau made contact with the boy, he left home, and his
whereabouts were impossible to trace.
In September 1934, however, he was arrested for dis­
orderly oon&uot in threatening a policeman, and appeared
in Magistrates Court, New York City.
In November 1934, he was arrested for burglary, and
appeared in Bronx County Court. He pleaded guilty and
167
received a suspended sentence.
He was placed on probation.
In October 1935, he was arrested for burglary. He
pleaded guilty in Bronx County Court, and while awaiting
sentence, he vigorously assaulted two prison keepers,
wrested the keys from one of them, and escaped from the
prison annex. He was later apprehended and indicted for
felonious assault and burglary. He was sentenced to serve
five years in Sing Sing. He was later transferred to Com­
stock Prison, and in June 1939 was ordered held over for
one more year at Comstock Prison, where he' is now confined.
Case N. W.
He was 13 years, six months, at the court clinic study
in November 1930, a white Hebrew boy, born and reared in New
York City. His father was American-born, a semiskilled work­
man of good habits and interested in his family. His mo­
ther, of Austrain birth, had grown up highly neurotic and
unstable; she was a woman O f poor potentials, had been rear­
ed in an orphanage. Because of inner emotional stresses
and the pressure Sf the care of the younger children, Nath­
an received no close supervision, was permitted to roam the
streets. When he came to difficulties his mother readily
shielded him against the father and reality, depriving the
boy of achieving a sense of responsibility. He appeared on
the surface well-behaved, attended school and synagogue reg­
ularly, was in the eighth grade and not a school problem.
Beneath the surface veneer of conformance, however, there
was a steady growth of an unhealthy streak in his personal­
ity, which was destined to destroy his usefulness to himself
and render him a problem to the community. His mind became
astutely absorbed in artifices and skills to evade detec­
tion and punishment for various sly indescretions. He pecu­
lated and lied. On one occasion he was apprehended and
forced to confess that for allengthy period he had made false
alarm calls to firemen and police to report at a vacant house.
To this same house he had also made many calls to depart­
ment stores for truck deliveries. He derived sadistic
pleasure from the annoyance he caused, and ego satisfaction
from his skill in avoiding apprehension. The unhealthy
trait achieved greater strength when later reinforced by
erotic phantasy and guilt from onanism.
§
In November 1930, he was brought to the Children’s
Court for luring a young girl from Hebrew School which he
attended to the vacant house mentioned above, and manipu­
lating and exploring her body. The clinic diagnosis was
situational reaction to a poor type home environment. His
I. Q. was found to be 101, his M. A. 13 years, eight months.
He was placed on probation and his course continued erratic.
He was later placed in boarding homes under supervision o f
the Jewish Board of Guardians, but responded poorly, abet­
ted by his unhealthy reactions by his mother.
In December 1935, he was arrested for stealing at Macy's
Department Store and referred to the Jewish Board sfeff Guard­
ians for supervision and treatment, "e was never truthful
in his relationships, and failed to cooperate in the guidance
168
program. He was a continual source of trouble to his
parents, made threats to extort money from them, gam­
bled and idled his time in moving picture houses. He
was lazy, indisposed to work, resorted to vague excuses
to escape work, and seemed to get money from shady sour­
ces. He was suspected of thieving.
In 1936, he enlisted in the C C G, and was discharged
in May for serious misconduct, the details unknown.
In June 1936, he was convicted of grand
received a suspended sentence in the General
Court, Manhattan, New York City. The Jewish
Guardians discontinued their interest in him
considering the case hopeless.
larceny and
Sessions
Hoard of
in August,
In January 1937,he was brought before the District
Attorney for extorting money from a girl, on the promise
of a lucrative job with the W. P. A., with which organ­
ization he was then ’importantly* connected. The case
was adjusted without his standing trial. The Jewish Board
of Guardians re-opened the case. His cooperation was poor,
lie had many affairs with girls, had many frustrations be­
cause his shallowness and dishonesty was readily recog­
nized, and annoyed and threatened several girls, necessi­
tating a warning from the Jewish Board of Guardians that
court action would be taken against him. He constantly
shirked work. The Jewish Board terminated an unsuccess­
ful case in 1938. Here was an instance of a warped per­
sonality, an unstable, troublesome type, a-swindler, an
indolent, criminally-minded type, destined to create con­
tinual difficulty for the community.
In contrast to the numerous and violent adult non-sex of­
fenses committed by members of the mixed group, as itemized in
Table XVII and revealed in the above case-histories, few non­
sex violations appear among members of the primary group. These
will be presented below.
(The first two violations have al­
ready received attention in the discussion and case-history
presentations, pp. 156-157.)
First 3 cases
belong in
mixed group
(see p. 159).
Number of Gases
1
1
1
1
1
1
Total
6
Type of Violation
Bobbery
Petit Larceny
Disorderly Conduct-playing dice
Disorderly Conduct-street
fighting
Hisorderly Conduct-disobeying an
r. j
officer
Disorderly Conduct-slugging m
subway
169
TABLE XVIII
Types of sentence for Adult Violations*
Type
of
Sentence
Mixed Group
106 Violations
Primary Group
6 Violations
Number
Number
Number
otate Prison(Ling
sing,Auburn,or
Comstock)
13
0
13
City Prison(City
Penitentiary or
Ilmira Reforma­
tory)
25
**1( robber}
case)
Correctional
ochool (Coxsacicie)
17
Suspended Centenoe
and Probation
30
0
17
**1 petit
larcei ly
33
1 disorde3rly cone.uct
**1 playingi dice
Details of Dispo­
sition Unknown
18
Fined
(few dollars)
2(olugs in
Cubwa y )
*105
Total
Percentage to
Prison or Correct­
ional School in
Each Group
37.2 %
^otal Loth
Groups
112 Violations
1(street
fight)
1(olugs j-n
Jubwaj
**6
26
19
3
111
0.9 %
* One adult killed himself when apprehended in:a sex violation.
** These cases actually belong with the mixed groujih (see p. 159).
Consideration of the sentences imposed on the non-sex fail­
ures of the two groups should throw further light on the profound
difference in behavior which distinguishes the members of the
A-''
two compared groups of juvenile sex offenders. The following
tabulation, derived from data in Table XVTiI and Graph IB, will
prove instructive:
2-7 *f,
D»5p"*7i#n mf
Group vi»L »Tf»ns
Types of SanTenoi in I I I Vfolaluns 4 Bot
170
Type of Sentence
Primary Group Mixed Group Total
State Prison
0
11
11
City Prison
1*
24
25
Correctional School
0
14
14
Probation
3*
30
33
Fines
1
2
3
Disposition Unknown
_1
15
16
Total
6*
96
102
* The prison and two probation cases belong to the
mixed group (see p. 159).
It is seen that the non-sex failures of the mixed group
were sent to penal institutions on 35 occasions during adult
life, contrasted with only one such instance in the primary group.
The weighty sentences in the mixed group coincide with the many
violent non-sex offenses committed by its members, in the 3ame
light as the few mild offenses among its members.
It should al­
so prove interesting to compare the non-sex violations and sen­
tences of the combined groups with the sex violations and sen­
tences among them (for which reference should be made to p. 135).
From data established in the later life outcomes, it can
safely be stated that the prediction possibilities and treat­
ment opportunities for the primary group boy are exceptionally
good, since he is not shown to engage in sex offenses in later
life, and since in only a very rare situation does he become in­
volved in a mild type of non-sex offense.
The prediction and
treatment possibilities for the mixed group juvenile delinquent
are poor, by comparison, because of a marked tendency toward
3-ater life vicious non-sex offenses, and a lesser tendency to­
ward comparatively mild sex offenses.
The adult non-sex offense among the mixed group members
cannot be attributed to their early sex offenses, since these
boys were known to have been conditioned to general or non-sex
type of offenses at the time of the original clinic study, on
which basis they were separated from the primary group members.
171
Furthermore, since among the 108 true, or primary, type of ju­
venile sex offenders only three petty general, or non-sex type
offenses appear in adult life, evidently because these boys
were not conditioned to non-sex offenses in juvenile life, there
is no apparent basis for any belief that juvenile sex offenses
lead to later life non-sex offenses.
It seems that a boy’s status with regard to puberty, at the
time of the original juvenile sex offense, bears importahtly on
the character of the later life behavior, since only three of
the 39 adult non-sex failures were below puberty at the above­
stated time, which is better than the expected ratio (see p. 78).
No detailed comparisons will be attempted between the back­
ground and personality traits of the juvenile sex offenders and
the later life outcomes.
Minute analyses were made of the back­
ground and personality traits of the juveniles in the earlier
parts of the study (see Farts II and III).
The findings were
utilized for comparisons between the members of the two groups.
The writer had also anticipated using these data in relation to
the adult sex offenses.
The later arrival of the outcomes,
however, rendered this procedure unnecessary, since there were
no sex failures in the primary group and only eight such fail­
ures in the mixed group.
Summary comments, nevertheless, will
appear in the next chapter, on the relationship of the salient"
traits in the early life of the juvenile sex offenders, favor­
able and unfavorable, to the later life outcomes, among the mem­
bers of the two compared groups.
As stated previously (p. 14), the outcomes among the color­
ed members of both groups will be compared with the white, in
the following tabulation:
172
Colored Failures
Sex
Non-Sex
No. fo
No.
fo
White Failures
Sex
Non-Sex
No. fo
No. fo
Primary Group
White-100
Colored-8
0
0.0
1
12.5
0
0.0
5
5.0
fylixed Group
White-130
Colored-18
Total
0
0.0
0 . 0.0
5
6
27.9
40.4
8
8
6.1
6.1
28
33
21.6
26.3
Percentage Re­
lations to Totals
of Each Race
0.0
23.1
3.4
14.3
The figures and percentages in the above tabulation cannot
be interpreted too literally because, particularly in the color­
ed segment, the data are based on too small a sampling, for it
may be noticed that one colored primary group non-sex failure
throws 12.5 per cent failure into the colored column.
The total
percentages for the two groups of colored children reveal a
slightly better representation of values.
General inspection,
however, of the comparative data in the two races would justify
the inference that there is a tendency toward greater failure
in sex offenses among the white population in the particular
sampling under study, and a greater tendency toward non-sex
failure among the colored members of the series.
'.(See Table XXII,
p. 7.14-Appendix, and p. 29, for comparative ratios of white to
colored juvenile sex delinquents in the two groups.)
Differing from the findings on broken homes among the sex
failures (see p. 145), the broken feomes among the non-sex fail­
ures did not appear to operate significantly, as compared to
the ratio of such disrupted homes in the general population of
the two groups (see p. 33).
There were 15 broken homes to 14
unbroken homes among the major violators of the mixed groups,
173
and three broken homes to one unbroken home among the minor adult violators of the mixed group; two broken homes among the
major violators of the primary group (those rightfully belong­
ing in the mixed group, see p. 159), and one unbroken home and
three broken homes among the minor violators of the primary group.
Although the non-sex offenses committed by the mixed group
members appear grave contrasted with those in the primary group,
however, when compared with the outcomes in other studies in the
literature, they seem rather favorable.
Thus, the 25 per cent
failures in the mixed group (see Table XVT) stand to advantage
1
when related with Healy and Bronner’s finding of 61 per cent adult
failures in a check of the later careers of Chicago juvenile de­
linquents (employing a similar criterion of failure).
Furthermore,
in Healy and Bronner's series of outcomes, there were 13 instan­
ces of homicide, whereas among the outcomes of this study there
was not a single case of homicide.
In this connection it is in2
teresting to introduce Gluecks* outcomes in Boston among youth­
ful offenders five years after having completed parole from a
reformatory.
These authors found 16 instances of homicide and
murder among the after-careers, and 72.7 per cent of their cases
were failures within the five year post-parole period, on a cri­
terion fairlyssimilar to that employed in this study.
Compared
to the outcomes in the literature, it may be noted that the com­
bined failures in this series of 256 juvenile sex offenders,
covering a period of six to twelve years after the original court
clinic study, and approximating the age range of the above cited
author’s cases, account for only 16.8 per cent of the cases. Fur­
'll
2.
W. Healy and F. A. Bronner, Delinquents and Criminals, pp.28,33.
S. and E. T. Glueck, 500 Criminal Careers, pp. 184,187.
174
thermore, there was not a single instance of homioide or murder
among them.
1
To what extent the fine cooperation of spirit and practice
between the Justices of the New York City Children’s Courts and
the doctors in the court clinics (see Table XIV and Graph 10)
affected the outcomes, through completion of programs for the
improvement of the boys, and to what extent the clinic treat­
ments of many months (see Table XV) contributed toward the com­
paratively good showing of the boys in later life, it is impossible
to estimate quantitatively.
But it can be inferred on the basis
of the comparatively favorable outcomes, the day-to-day reactions
2
of the children, and the opinions of others that somewhere in
the outcomes are reflected the splendid harmony between the two
agencies of the courts and the labors of the clinic doctors in
re-orienting the children toward a better understanding of the
natural functions of the bodily systems, and of healthier pro­
cesses for achieving happiness and balance between the sacral
impulses and the social requirements.
1.
The fact that the clinics
The Gluecks comment on the Boston Juvenile Court and the
Judge Baker Foundation Guidance Clinic as follows:
"A
substantial proportion of the clinic’s recommendations
were not put into effect by the court (and its agents).
. . . . But it seems to be a legitimate inference that
where so high a proportion of the recommendations of the
clinic were not followed by the court, there was some­
thing fundamentally weak in the recommendations them­
selves, or in the practices of the court, or in the re­
lationships of court and clinic to the other agencies.”
3. and E. T. Glueck, One Thousand Juvenilq Delinquents,
pp. 128, 132.
2 . Loc. cit.
175
failed with some of the difficult cases with morbid backgrounds
and distorted personalities does not controvert the above view.
This is true, albeit the findings that four of the eight mixed
group sex failures and 13 of the 35 non-sex failures had been
under clinic treatment for longer or shorter periods, suggesting
that clinic treatment should be concentrated more on promising
cases than on those who are more or less hopelessly conditioned
in their antisocial drive.
The items of outstanding significance among the adfiilt non­
sex failures, as noted from the case-histories and analyses of
the violations (Table XVII), are the markedly poor backgrounds,
the unstable and psychopathic personalities of these individuals,
the ever-increasing severity of their offenses, the frequency
of adult court appearances without apparent deterring effect,
the great amount of fruitless labor and expense invested by the
public and private agencies, in addition to the assumption of
great hazards by the community, and the almost inevitable crim­
inal career that follows, all in the interests of a vicious
group of neurotic, psychopathic, and hopelessly maladjusted
individuals.
This study, however, is primarily concerned with
sex violations, and cannot enter upon a discussion of the in­
tricate phases of the above criminal findings, for which other
studies should be consulted.
Summary:
While the primary aim of this study was to determine the
significance of early life sex delinquency to later life sex
violations, nevertheless, as originally stated (see p. 16), any
type of adult criminal behavior among the sex cases under study
would be taken into account in an analysis of the outcomes, al­
though such offenses were to be treated separately.
With this
176
understanding, it was found that there were 96 violations other
than sex among 33 failures of the mixed group, and six violations
among six non-sex failures in the primary group.
Further exam­
ination of the case-histories showed that three of the primary
adult failures belong with the mixed group and should have been
so classified, since their juvenile careers included other than
sex offenses.
The only criterion of failure was an adult court
record of a proved violation.
The types of sentence imposed on the adult offenders of the
mixed group show the violent nature of their offenses; almost
half of them used guns and other weapons in hold-ups, burglar­
ies and assaults.
Thus, there were eleven instances of mixed
group cases sent to State Prison, 24 instances of commitment
to City Prison, and 17 to a Vocational School of the Department
of Correction.
In contrast, there was in the primary group only
one case of City Prison sentence; this case in reality belonged
to the mixed group.
The three non-sex offenses committed by
members of the primary group were of the mild disorderly con­
duct type; one received a suspended sentence, another was fined
a few dollars, and the disposition of the third remains unknown.
Sample case-histories of the mixed group material are sub­
mitted to illustrate the viciousness of their antisocial drive,
since the qualitative differences in behavior between members
of the two groups are more significant than can be gained from
numerical comparisons.
Puberty seems to be a factor in the outcomes, on the basis
of non-sex offenses, since cases that were past-puberty at the
time of the original sex offense appeared in greater than the
expected ratio among the adult failures.
177
The prediction and treatment possibilities for successful
adjustment among the primary group boys are great because they
do not commit sex violations in adult life, and only a few mild
non-sex offenses.
The prediction possibilities are generally
poor for the mixed group because they commit many and violent
non-sex offenses, in addition to the fewer, and comparatively
milder, sex offenses in adult life.
A juvenile sex offense does not permanently scar the per­
sonality of the individual, nor does it serve to condition him
to later life antisocial behavior.
It is the original general
delinquent behavior of the mixed group boy, and not his juve­
nile sex offense, that stands in definite relationship to his
many adult non-sex violations.
Furthermore, the finding that
there were no adult sex offenses among the 108 members of the
primary group and only three mild non-sex offenses thoroughly
refutes any belief that juvenile sex offenses condition chil­
dren toward a life of adult crime, sex or otherwise.
Despite the gravity of the non-sex offenses committed by
members of the mixed group, they still appear favorable when
compared with those found among other studies in the literature.
The 25 per cent failures in the mixed group compare with Healy
and Bronner’s findings of 61 per cent adult failures, in a check
of the later careers of a group of Chicago juvenile delinquents,
employing the same type of criterion as in this study.
Further,
among the outcomes of these authors there were 13 instances of
homicide, as against not one instance of homicide in this ser­
ies.
Again, Gluecks’ study of the later outcomes of parolees
from a Boston Reformatory, within the age range of the cases
in this investigation and employing a similar criterion of fail-
178.
ure, showed 73.7 per cent failures, and in addition there were
16 homicides and murders among their crimes.
The failures in
the combined groups of this investigation, covering six to
twelve years since the original study, total only 16.8 per cent,
which compares favorably with the outcomes of the cited authors.
The cause for the favorable showing of later life behavior
in this study may, in part at least, rest with the superior type
of cooperation which existed between the Justices of the Chil­
dren’s Courts in New York City and the court clinics, in the
completion of programs for the improvement of the delinquents,
and the work of the doctors in re-orienting the juveniles dur­
ing the original study and the follow-up treatment period.
An evaluation of the outcomes in summaries and individual
case-analyses apparently suggests that clinic treatment in mixed
group or general delinquent type of cases should be concentrat­
ed on boys who offer promise, rather than on comparatively hope­
less material.
179
CHAPTER XIV
FAILURES AND SUCCESSES
Failures
A.
On the criterion established on p. 18 and restated on p.
130, the sex and non-sex failures may be summarized as follows:
Primary Group
Failures
No.
Sex
Non-Sex
Total
*
Mixed Group
No.
0
0.0
8
3
3
S .8
2.8
36*
44**
%
5.4
25.0
30.4
Total (Both
Groups)
No.
8
39
47**
* Three cases included which originally were classified
with the primary group (see p. 159).
** Four cases counted as sex and non-sex failures because
they committed both types of dffenses.
Almost one-fourth of the mixed group population engaged
in adult non-sex offenses, three-fourths of which were of vio­
lent character.
A summary tabulation of all the adult violations
committed by members of the two groups will be given on the fol­
lowing page.
In this tabulation it will be seen that there is
a prominence of general criminal offenses among the mixed group
members, who were by original definition general juvenile de­
linquents, in contrast to the much smaller number of sex Viola­
tions among them.
Furthermore, while the general or non-sex
type, violations were of a vicious character, many of them ac­
companied by the use of dangerous weapons, the sex offenses were
by comparison of a mild type, with the exception of case H. G.
(see p. 137), who killed himself when apprehended in a sex as­
sault on a young girl.
180
Primary
No.
Mixed
No.
Total
No.
Type of Violation*
Sex
Sex attempt with young girl
Stripping, inspecting young girl
Self-exposure to yoang girls
Sodomy with younger sister
Sodomy with small boys
Homosexuality with adults
Total
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
5
1
1
1
1
1
10
5
1
1
1
1
1
10
Non-Sex
feurglary
Robbery
Larceny
Assault
Use of gun
Disorderly conduct
Total
Total (all violations)
0
0
0
0
0
3
3
3
34
10
19
4
14
18
99**
109
34
10
19
4
14
21
102
112
* Three of these offenses originally classified with pri
mary (p. 159).
** More than one violation listed per failure.
There were no sex failures in the primary group, and only
three minor non-sex offenses among its members. Homosexuality
is not a feature in the later life of these juvenile sex of­
fenders, only one such instance having occurred among the 256
oases in the two groups.
There is a definite shift in the sex objective among the
adult sex failures.
Thus, from a total of 252 sex offenses with
an individual of the same sex, among the juveniles (see Table
XI), there are but two such instances found in adult life, where­
as from an original 199 sex offenses with an individual of the
opposite sex, eight such offenses appear in adult life.
The infantile tendencies of peeping and self-exposure, which
accounted for nine and 25 offenses, respectively, in the juve­
nile study, still appear among these young adults, with one in­
stance of each type in the mixed group.
The inversion of sex interest to members of the immediate
181
family also continues among these young men, appearing in two
violations, while among the juveniles there were 38 such in­
stances, constituting approximately a similar ratio, consider­
ing the total of 451 sex violations among the latter.
It is significant that out of a total of 451 sex violations
among the juveniles, and many hundreds, perhaps even thousands,
of other sex offenses, for which they were not brought to court
(see p. 9), there are only ten sex violations in adult life,
and there probably were very few if any others, since the con­
ditions for which juvenile sex offenders are often excused from
appearing in court no longer operate in adult life.
A summary of the total sentences imposed by the criminal
courts for the various adult violations is presented:
Primary Group Mixed Group
Total
Non-Sex Sex
Non-Sex Sex Non -Sex
Sex
Offense Offense Offense Offense Offense Offense
Type of Sentence
2
State Prison
0
0
2
11
11
25
0
0
25
1
City Prison
1
3
14
0
0
3
14
Correctional School
33
32
Suspended Sentence
0
1
0
0
3
2
0
1
0
0
Fines(few dollars)
16
15
3
0
3
1
Disposition unknown
99**
9*
3
9
102
0
Total
* One mixed group sex offender killed himself (H:. g . , P. 137) .
** Three cases originally classified as primary included(see
p. 159). More than one sentence listed per adult failure.
In contrast to 13 members of the mixed group sentenced to
State Prison (Sing Sing, Auburn, Clinton or Comstock), 26 to City
Prison (City Penitentiary, or Elmira Reformatory), and 17 to the
Vocational School of Department of Correction, we find in the
primary group only one suspended sentence, one fined a few dol­
lars and one disposition unknown.
Very little of the vicious
criminal type is reflected in the sentences of the primary group
or their offenses (see p. 179).
However, in the mixed group, in
182
»
addition to the 56 instances of prison and correctional school
sentences, there were 48 instances of suspended sentence and
disposition unknown.
A suspended sentence with probation does not portend an
innocuous event, for not infrequently even a serious offense,
such as burglary with a loaded revolver, may bring a suspended
sentence, particularly if a first adult violation.
Thus, case
E. P. (p. 166) in 1934 received a suspended sentence for burglary
but the following year he committed burglary and felonious as­
sault on two guards in a jail break and was sentenced to state
prison for five years.
Again, case R. W. (p. 165) was placed
on probation with a suspended sentence in 1936 for burglary,
but soon after followed a rapid series of burglaries, for which
he received prison sentences.
Hence, the circumstance that in
30 offenses the mixed group members received suspended sentences
should not be construed as implying that little harm came to so­
ciety through their violations.
The sentences marked disposition unknown, of which there
are 18 in the mixed group, include serious as well as minor of­
fenses.
Some were dismissed, but not necessarily because of the
innocence of the offender.
The sentences of several are still
unknown because of the recency of the arrest, two among them par­
ticularly vicious repeated offenders.
In a few cases the details
of disposition were not clearly defined.
As in the case of the
suspended sentences, therefore, these sentences cannot be con­
strued as insignificant.
The 48 instances of suspended sentence and unknown dispo­
sition among the members of the mixed group probably bear as
much weight in terms of violence to the community, compared to
the two instances in the primary group, as the 56 instances of
183
prison and correctional school sentences of the mixed group
to
hear/no such sentences in the primary group.
If any criticism or commendation is due the adult criminal
courts on the question of whether or not sentence was adequate
to an individual offense, a series of offenses, or the back­
ground and personality of the offender,and whether or not the
probation departments of these courts operated effectively in
protecting the public safety and welfare, it is not the province
or objective of this study to enter upon.
It can only be stat­
ed that the cooperation of the probation department of the courts,
in supplying information with regard to their charges, was ex­
cellent (see footnote, p. 130).
B.
Successes
Introduction:
As originally stated on p. 18, cases with no established
evidence of adult law violations were to be counted as success­
es.
They may be tabulated as follows:
Successes
------------Sex
Non-Sex
Primary Group
^10S tieml3ers)
No. $
108
100.0
105
97.2
Mixed Group
(148 Members)
No.
io
140
94.6
112
75.0
Total (Both Groups)
(256 Members)
No.
io
248
96.9
217
84.8
The total successes strongly favor the primary group juve­
nile offenders, as compared with the mixed group.
The successes
in non-sex offenses among primary group adults is better than
the successes in sex offenses among the mixed (97.2 per cent to
94.6 per cent), but the mixed group suffers by the further com­
parison of only 75.0 per cent successes in non-sex offenses,
against 100.0 per cent successes among the primary group in sex
offenses.
The CR of difference in non-sex successes in the two
184
groups Is 4.6, which means a high reliability.
Again, if, as
has been shown on pp. 178 to 182, the later life behavior of
the two groups is compared on the basis of the number and ser­
iousness of the adult violations, the mixed group suffers far
more severely than when compared only on the numerical basis
of case failures and successes.
In line with the statement of procedure on p. 18, juvenile
violations following the original clinic study are not to be
counted among the failures in the outcomes, since the investi­
gation is basically concerned with the adult life behavior of
the juvenile sex offenders.
Juvenile recidivism, however, will
be given separate treatment, as originally planned.
With this understanding, the successes will be treated un­
der two separate sub-headings:
1.
1.
Successes with juvenile recidivism
2.
1'otal successes (those with and without juvenile
recidivism)
Successes with Juvenile Recidivism:
Out of the total number of successes in the two groups (213),
there were 43 juvenile recidivists, who committed a total of 45
juvenile violations.
The data on the recidivists may be seen
in Table XIX, as well as in the following tabulation:
Type of Juvenile Recidivism
Sex Type
Non-Sex Type
Total
Percentage of Total
Recidivists
Percentage of Total
Successes
Percentage of Sex
Recidivists (to NonSex Type)
Primary Group
2
6
8
Mixed Group
13
22
3F
Total
(Both Groups)
15
28
13
18.6
81.4
100.0
3.7
16.4
20.1
25.0
37.1
34.8
185
TABLE XIX
Juvenile Recidivists and Violations*
Type of Juvenile
Violation
Primary Group
(108 Cases)
Mixed Group
(148 Cases)
Total
(256 Cases
Sex
Sex attempt with girl
Sodomy with boys
Homosexual acts
Exposure
Excess masturbation
Heterosex and gonorrhoea
Total
1
0
0
0
1
0
2
3
3
2
3*
1
1
13
4
3
2
3
2
1
15
Non-Sex
Stealing
Burglary
Robbery
Ungovernablene ss
Railway violation
Total
4
0
0
2
0
6
10
2*
1
8
1
22
14
2
1
10
_1
28
Totals
8
35 •
43
Juvenile Violations per 10 0
Cases
7
24
-
77.5
-
Percentage of Juvenile Vio
lations in each Group**
22.5
* Two violations for one juvenile occurred in two instances.
** Calculated on basis of sum of total violations in the two
groups per 100 cases.
It is interesting to compare the frequency and nature of
juvenile sex recidivism in the tabulation on p. 184 and in Table
XIX above with the data on adult sex failures (see tabulations
and discussion, pp.' 135-136).
The sobering effect of guilt and
shame (see p. 148), and the benefits derived from court and clin­
ic contacts seem already reflected in the juvenile post-study
period, so that during this stage of the follow-up only 15 cases
of sex recidivism appear among the two groups consisting of the
original 256 juvenile sex offenders.
Cognizance should be taken
186
of the possibility that a few of the most aggressive and vic­
ious cases at the time of the original clinic study were past
15 years and close on to 16 years (27 per cent of both groups,
as shown on p. 77), so that violations among them would read­
ily pass over into the adult stage and their offenses receive
attention in adult criminal courts, although it should be re­
membered that there were only eight adult sex offenders. The
comparative sex data appear as follows:
Sex Offenders
Primary Group
Original Series (juveniles)
108
Post-Study (juveniles
2
Adult Offenders
0
Mixed Group
148
13
8
Total
256
15
8
It is pointed out, moreover, that not all sex offenders
during the post-study juvenile period might be accounted for
in the tabulation, but since they were on probation or in in­
stitutions, it is more than likely that such violations would
have been detected.
The sex object during the post-study juvenile period re­
sembles more closely in type that of the original juvenile of­
fenders (see Table XI), than of the adult sex violators (see
pp. 179-180).
The following comparative tabulation is given
(See also Table XVII):
Violations with Same Sex
Original Series
(Juveniles)
(Both Groups)
252
Post-Study (Juveniles)
(Both Groups)
8
Adult Sex Offenders
2
* All are Mixed Group Gases.
With Opposite Sex
199
8
8
No evidence of violence appeared among any of the sex re­
cidivists, and as among the adult sex failures, the sex trans­
gressions were largely of the petty, sneak or perverse type. It
should be pointed out that juvenile recidivism, in offendes other
187
than sex, occurred less frequently than during adult life (28 :
102), and that, moreover, the juvenile violations other than
sex were not of the violent type, involving not a single instanoe
of the use of a gun or other dangerous weapon (compare with Ta­
ble XVII).
The inference is that the adult sex violator does
not fulminate into adulthood with sex violence (see p. 152),
but that the adult non-sex offender does tend to enter maturity
with offenses of a most violent type, for reasons beyond the
scope of this study (economic, social, etc.).
It should be of interest to report that the cases with adult failures were well represented among the juvenile recidi­
vists, with five cases of sex recidivism and five of non-sex
recidivism in the mixed group, and one case of non-sex recidi­
vism in the primary group.
In the tabulation below may be noted the steady transition
towards fewer sex offenses with the passing of time, as a like­
ly effect of self-curing process (see p. 155), compared to the
increase in the number and violence of adult non-sex offenses,
due to a likely conditioning towards such offenses with the
passing of time.
Primary Group Mixed Group Total
(108 Cases)
(148 Cases) (256 Cases)
No.
No.
No.
270
451
181
Juvenile Sex Offenses(original)
14
16
Post-Study Juvenile Sex Offenses
2
10
10
0
Adult Sex Offenses
Juvenile Non-Sex Offenses(original)
Post-Study Juvenile Non-Sex Offenses
Adult Non-Sex Offenses
20
6
3
267
23
99
287
29
102
While the total of 43 juvenile recidivists numerically equals
the total of 43 adult failures, yet the 102 adult violations other
than sex (see p. 177), many of them dangerously criminal in char-
188
acter, stand in sharp contrast to the 29 comparatively mild
non-sex offenses committed by the juvenile recidivists.
Five case-histories will be presented here to illustrate
types of juvenile recidivism included among the successes. The
first three cases, all members of the mixed group, represent
juvenile sex recidivism, while the last two cases represent one
instance in each group of the non-sex juvenile type of recidivism.
Illustrative Cases:
#Case D. K. This was a white Jewish boy, ten years old when
he appeared at the Children’s Court in 1928. He was born
in New York; his parents were naturalized citizens of Aus­
trian origin. The father was a skilled workman, earning
40 dollars a week. The mother was a poor house-keeper,
and neglectful of her duties to the children, who were
permitted to roam the streets. The home was in a congested
part of Brooklyn.
David was a docile, excitable and restless type. He
associated with undesirable street types and became read­
ily conditioned to their aims and practices. He was the
older of two siblings. Defiant of parental control, he
became habituated to truancy, was maladjusted at school.
He employed lewd language in classroom and was bad in­
fluence to other school chilren.
In May 1928, he was brought to Children's Court for
neglect and because he permitted boys in his neighborhood
to commit sodomy on him. Clinic study revealed an un­
stable personality. His I. Q,. was 87, his M. A. seven
years. He was placed on probation by the court,and his
response was partial.
In March 1930, he was returned to the Children's Court
for ungovernableness at home, truancy and misconduct at
school, and for participating in perverse practices. He
had been expelled from school for four months, had pro­
voked fights with children,and employed obscene language
in the class. He was committed to the Hawthorne Protec­
tory of the Jewish Board of Guardians, where he remained
for 18 months, and thereafter was under their supervision.
In July 1932, he was brought to the Children's Court
for throwing bricks at a woman. He was placed under court
supervision.
In October 1934, he was again brought to Children's
Court, for breaking windows, was placed on probation, and
made a fair adjustment while under supervision.
In January 1936, he was returned to Children's Court
for deserting his home, associating with an undesirable
group of companions, and was suspected of implication in
an arson case. He was committed to the State Training
School at Warwick. He found his early adjustment diffi­
cult, because of lack of confidence in his own abilities,
which led him into restlessness, impatience and distrust
of others. At Warwick he was afforded the opportunity
to discover that he possessed considerable skills in box­
ing and with a musical instrument, through which he derived
great satisfaction, a better mental outlook toward him­
self and others, and a lessening of inner anxiety and ten­
sion. He achieved a sense of usefulness, which brought
him confidence and significance. He responded well to
routines and trade training, and in December of the same
year was placed on parole to his parents. He obtained a
job, but his adjustment at home was hampered by misunder­
standings with his father, at one time necessitating the
establishment of a separate home by David. An improved
situation was achieved through guidance. During the past
year, he has been steadily employed on a truck earning 16
dollars a week, and living with his parents in Brooklyn.
He and his father have worked out their conflict, as their
quarrels are much less frequent, and it seems that David
is on the way to a satisfactory solution of. his chief
problem.
#Case A. 0.
He was nine years old at the time of his appearance
in Children's Court in June, 1931. He was a white Protest­
ant boy, born in New York City of native parents. The fa­
ther deserted the family several years back, and the mother
lived in common-law relationship with a friend of the family.
The mother was a janitress, and paid little attention to
her home and family. They lived in a congested section
of the bity.
Allen was permitted to drift on his own and became
associated with undesirable companions. He spent his time
around moving picture houses, learned the art of sneaking
his way in, lost interest in school, became a truant and
a class problem. He was in the second grade. He attended
church only occasionally. He was the oldest of two sib­
lings, an unstable, excitable and enuretic boy. He was
a follower and rather docile.
In June 1931, he was brought to Children's Court for
forcing a little girl to manipulate his virile organ and
also that of his companion. Clinic study showed him to
be neurotic. He was placed on probation, responded well
during probation, and was discharged.
In April 1933, he again appeared in Children’s Court.
He was ungovernable, had peculated at home, and had been
engaged in sex play with several boys and girls. He was
committed to the Children's Village. He was found to be
highly neurotic, and had a difficult time adjusting at the
Village. He ran away several times, did not get along well
with the boys and staff, and found little interest outside
his music. He played in the band and seemed to enjoy this.
190
He overcame his sex habits, and was considered honest.
In August 1937, after more than four years residence
at the Children's Village, he was discharged to live with
his grandpaernts. He is adjusting well, but continues
nervous, introspective and somewhat seclusive. He had
no further record of causing trouble in the community.
Case J. P.
He was nine years, seven months in December 1931,
when he received study at the Children's clinic. He was
a white, hative, Protestant boy of native parents. His
parents had separated eight years before and the father
disappeared. He had been reported as cruel to the son,
and a heavy addict of drink. The boy remained with his
mother, who lived with a paramour for five years. She
worked out, and neglected the boy considerably. The home
was situated in a gang-ridden section of Brooklyn.
ff
John, an only child, was excitable, restless, stub­
born and destructive. In the third grade, he was a prob­
lem at school. He was addicted to truancy.
In December 1931, he was brought to the Children's
Court for participating in various perverse practices with
6n dlderly degenerate, as well as older boys in the neigh­
borhood. lie was at the outset induced through pressure,
but later began to accept willingly the practices be­
cause of monetary gain. The clinic study revealed a neu­
rotic personality, and an I. Q. of 103, M. A. of nine
years, eleven months. He was placed in various foster
homes, and his adjustment was poor.
In May 1937, Mr. P., who had detached himself from
his paramours, suddenly re-appeared and reconciled with
Mrs. P., who had also freed herself of her friend. The
re-established home lasted only two months. The boy con­
tinued unruly, kept late hours, and associated with un­
desirable companions. For a time he lived with his mother,
then with his father. In October 1937, he was placed by
the Gould Foundation at the Y.M.C.A. and he worked with
his father as an awning man. The father criticized the
boy’s hours and behavior, and John left his father’s em­
ploy, obtained work as a movie house usher, rented a
furnished room and brought girls thereto, acquiring a
venereal disease. He had to remain several months at
the Metropolitan Hospital to be cured of his infection.
The father established a better understanding with the boy,
and John came to live and work with him.
Clinic re—check in 1938 showed the boy to have profit­
ed from his painful venereal condition. He seemed happily
adjusted with his father, stating that the latter had suc­
ceeded in controlling his drink habit, but that his mother
was a disgrace to them. In a deteriorated condition, she
calls only when needing money for drink; she is morally
weak and bears a bad reputation.
191
John seems to have achieved a social, sexual and vo­
cational adaptation and although the future course is still
unknown, there is promise of a satisfactory adjustment,
particularly because of his identification and companion­
ship with his father, who himself, after an immoral and
stormy career, has improved in character.
# Case F. D.
He was nine years, two months, at the time of his ap­
pearance in the Children's Court in April 19S9; was a white
Protestant boy. He was born in the Cfty of native parents.
His parents separated several months before, the father
contributing to the support of the family through the Dom­
estic Relations Court. The parents had been in continual
conflict, largely because the father was an irresponsible
man, an excessive alcoholic, employed foul language at
home in the presence of the children, was cruel, and had
a criminal record. The mother worked out, in addition to
caring for her own home which was, however, poorly kept.
The boy had become associated with delinquent elements
on the street, and had made a strong break from family
controls.
Frederick was the youngest of three siblings. He was
unadjusted at school, in the 2B grade, a problem in the
class, and a menace to other children at school. He was
aggressive, ugly, impulsive and restless. He talked in
his sleep and displayed violent temper tantrums.
In Apfcil 1929, he was brought to the Children's Court
for wayward conduct at home and school. H e was reported
to pull suddenly at girls’ bloomers, expose his sex parts
to girls in the class, strike other children and use vul­
gar language. Clinic study revealed that the boy had sus­
tained a fracture of the skull two years before, and had
been in a hospital four weeks unconscious, vomiting and
suffering headaches. A sharp change in behavior set in
subsequent to the head injury. He was diagnosed as posttraumatic personality. His I. Q. was 98, his M. A. nine
years. H e was placed on probation, but his response was
poor. He made two visits to the clinic, but his conduct
was undhanged, and his language continued vile.
In February 1930, he was returned to the Children's
Court for truancy and peculations. He was committed to
the Children’s Village. He responded well to the routines
of the Village, although mischievous at times, and some­
thing of a leader. He remained at the Children’s Village
until September 1933, when he was placed at home \with his
parents under supervision and guidance of the Village.
His father drank, and the mother earned the living.
The boy continued to make a good adjustment at home,
assisting with the house chores and being compliant. The
parents separated again in 1938, because of the father s
drinking and indolence. Frederick went to live with
his mother and supported her. He worked as an elevator
192
man, and recently purchased a car from his savings. He
has apparently made a good adjustment, with the help of
controlled constructive program of supervision and train­
ing privided during the critical stage of early adolescence.
Case W. W.
He was seven years, five months, at the time of his
Children's clinic appearance in November 1930. &e was a
colored Protestant boy, who had been reared by a maternal
aunt. His father had died six years before, and his mo­
ther deserted shortly thereafter, going South and leaving
the boy with her sister. The mother had never been heard
from since. The aunt's home was neat and orderly, and lo­
cated in a fair residential district of Manhattan, New
York ^ity. The physical needs of the boy were well pro­
vided, but there was no supervision, because the aunt
and her husband worked out all day. The boy fell in with
a bad group of boys, and even at this early age had al­
ready acquired a large store of delinquent skills and
vicious behavior.
ff
William was the younger of two siblings, the older
one living with another aunt, and there was little oontabt
between the two children. William was aggressive, excit­
able stubborn, restless, a bully with other children, talk­
ed in his sleep, showed marked tempers, was impulsive and
a difficult school problem. He was beyond the control of
guardians and teachers. He used foul language at school
and began to display serious behavior problems. He ex­
posed himself to little girls, made sex propositions to
them, and stole. He kept late hours and peculated at home.
Discipline had no effect on him. He was dirty in habits,
careless in appearance and a menace to other children in
the neighborhood.
In November 1930, he was brought to the Children's
Court for a sex attempt on an eight year old girl in his
house. Shortly before that, he suddenly jumped on his
17 year old cousin, and attempted sex play with her. The
guardians were suspicious that he was masturbating, and
they were at a loss to know where he had acquired all his
sophistication. Clinic study revealed a markedly excit­
able and unstable boy. He was in the IB grade, his I. Q,.
was 103, his M. A. seven years, eight months. He was placed
on probation, visited the clinic four times, seemed sur­
prisingly well adjusted for the time, and was discharged
from probation. His conduct disturbances returned the
following year and he was placed in various foster homes.
His instability and misbehavior persisted.
In June 1936, he was brought to the Children’s Court
for stealing, and was committed to the State Training
School for boys at Warwick. He made a fair adjustment
at the institution, conforming to school and shop rou­
tines, and cooperating with the staff. He was paroled
in September 1937, to live with his aunt and uncle. He
was well adjusted in all respects for about a year, when
difficulties and misunderstandings arose between the boy
193
and his aunt. William voluntarily returned to the Train­
ing School in September 1938, and refused to reconsider
returning to his aunt. His emotional stress subsided
while at the institution and in March 1939, he was paroled
to live in a Brooklyn foster home. He has continued in
this home under the supervision of the After Care Depart­
ment of the Warwick institution, and has come into no
further conflicts or difficulties.
While several of the cases under study are known to have
sought and obtained treatment at mental health clinics for ner­
vous ailments, the following case is the only instance known
to have required resident mental hospital treatment.
The case
is remarkably instructive in revealing the damaging course of
an abominably morbid background, its ravaging effects on the
personality, body and minds of the children, with two of them,
the boy under study and his sister, finally terminating their
youthful careers in mental hospitals.
#Case R. G.
He was a Catholic white boy, born in New York City,
and was nine years,ten months old at the time of the clin­
ic study in February 1930. His parents were American
citizens of English origin. The mother was syphilitic,
melancholic and had made several suicidal attempts. The
father was a semiskilled workman, cruel to his children,
and resorted to frequent use of profane language. The
home was poorly kept and was located in a "slum" section
of the city. The children received little supervision
from the parents.
Robert was the second of five siblings. He was in
the second grade at school, an habitual truant, poorly
adjusted to class routines. He was generally disorgan­
ized in behavior, restless, and sneaky. He was a sly
character, busily engaged in the role of business agent
for his eleven year old sister, in her various sex ven­
tures. This congenitally syphilitic sister had been
under treatment as a sex problem for three years at the
Mount Sinai Hospital Mental Hygiene Clinic. In accom­
panying her oneone of her sordid escapades, in which he
was preoccupied in picking up extra change, as well as
in sharing his sister’s gains, a group of adolescnets,
after using his sister, forcefully and brutally perform­
ed sodomy on Robert inside an automobile. He may have
participated in other such episodes, of which nothing
was known, but the last event came to the attention of
the court authorities.
194
In February 1930, the clinic study revealed a
pathic personality with epilepsy, possibly related
latent congenital syphilis. His I. Q. was 71, his
seven years, four months. He was committed to the
olic Protectory, where he remained until May 1931.
psycho­
to a
M. A.
Cath­
In January 1936, Robert re-appeared at the Children's
Court for stealing, truancy and desertion of home. On
this occasion he was committed to the Children's Village,
where the appearance of major convulsions and mental signs
caused his transfer to ^ockland otate Hospital, where he
has remained ever since.
It should be entered upon the record that Robert's
younger brother, James, twelve years old, is at the pres­
ent time at the Children's Village, for marked behavior
disorders— stealing, and one one occasion having caused
the death of a passerby through the release of the brakes
of a parked car. It is of even greater import to note
that Robert's sister, referred to above, is at present
an inmate of the Manhattan State Hospital, suffering from
a mental illness. Agency reports reveal that the parents
are totally irresponsible and uncooperative, hardly com­
petent to care for the children. The father is blind
from syphilis, and the mother, for reasons already stat­
ed, cannot be considered compos mentis.
2.
Total Successes (with and without Juvenile Recidivism)
The continuous successes from the time of the original clin­
ic study, totaling 170 cases, are differentiated from the pre­
viously described 43 juvenile recidivists on the basis that the
former cases are not known to have been involved in any type of
offense during the juvenile post-stjidy period or in adult life.
This may not be interpreted as implying that not a single case
among the 170 committed the slightest transgression since the
time of the clinic study, six to twelve years ago, but that as
distinguished from the juvenile recidivists, and particularly
the adult failures, these cases have not committed any known
violations of the law.
Whether a small or large number of the
170 continuous successes are likely to engage in some type of
lav/ violation in future years is not within the province of this
paper to consider, but from the finding of successful behavior
195
covering the span of years when criminal tendencies fully assert
1
themselves, it is safe to assume that the future behavior may
be gauged by this showing of success.
Whether these 170 cases
made a happy adjustment socially, vocationally or with their
families is not a primary concern of this paper (see p. 18).
The 170 continuous successes, added to the 45 with juvenile
recidivism, account for a total of 213 successes, or 82.S per
cent of the original 256 juvenile sex offenders, studied from
the viewooint of later life behavior.
The success percentage,
2
when compared with Healy and Bronner’s 39 percent successes, on
the same criterion as employed in this study, could be consider­
ed rather favorable.
high reliability.
The CR of the difference is 17.0, showing
The later life successes in this study are
especially significant, when considered on the basis of adult
sex offense alone, in which case the successes total 248 out of
a possible 256, or 96.9 per cent for the original 256 juvenile
sex offenders, and 100 per cent for the 108 primary group-members.
The two casesreferred to on
der sixteen years of
age
page 1 as being slightly un­
have not come into any difficulties,
and are included among the successes.
The successes may be tab­
ulated as follows:
Type of Success
Sex
Non-Sex
Total Successes
Number of Gases Per cent of Total Cases
(— 256 in the two groups)
248
96.9
217
84.8
213*
83.2
* Four cases among the sex failures are included also with
the non-sex failures, having committed both typed of of­
fenses. Among the 213 successes are included 43 with
juvenile recidivism, and 170 with continuous success­
ful conduct.
1.
2.
See Footnote, bottom p. 1.
W. Healy and F. A. Bronner, 0£. cit., pp. 28,33.
196
Five sample case-histories are submitted on the following
pages to illustrate types of background, personality and lat­
er behavior among the 170 continuous successes.
Of the four
primary group cases, two were from good backgrounds and were
placed on probation; one came from a rather handicapped home
set-up, showed an unstable personality, and was placed in an
institution; and the last, with a particularly morbid back­
ground, adjusted when shifted to a new and distant environment.
The fifth case, belonging to the mixed group, had a wretched
background and developmental life, and a morbid personality,
but through a fortunate set of later circumstances made an ad­
justment.
Illustrative Gases:
if Case G-. C. This was a white Catholic boy, born in New
York City, of Italian parents who were citizens. The boy
was ten years, seven months old at the time of his study
in the Children's Court clinic in September 1930. His
father was a skilled tradesman, earning 40 dollars a week.
The mother confined herself conscientiously to the care
of the home and children. They were sober, industrious,
and constructive people, so that they found it possible
on their small income to purchase their own home, which
was located in a fair residential section of the Bronx,
New York City. George was the youngest of seven siblings,
and not one of them had a court record.
George was in the fourth grade, well adjusted at
school and regular in his attendance. He visited church
and Sunday school regularly, and assisted with the house
chores. He received close family supervision and was
well behaved.
In September 1930, he was brought to the Children's
Court for a sex offense. It seems that he had observed
some older boys "do" things to girls, and through imita­
tion, curiosity and a desire to "experience" life, he one
day, while playing with a seven year old girl in a field
adjoining his home, asked her to lie on tor; of him and
placed his organ against her body. He made no attempt,
nor had any intention, to employ force, or to harm the
little girl. Talk among the children in the neighbor­
hood reached the parents of the girl, who became greatly
alarmed over the occurrence, and George was brought to
court. The clinic study revealed a normal personality.
197
His I. Q. was 83, his Ivl. A. eight years, ten months. The
boy was placed on probation by the court, and revisited
the clinic on five occasions, during which general guid­
ance and sex hygiene pertinent to his shears were admin­
istered. His response to probation was excellent and he
was discharged.
He continued to make a good adjustment at home, school
and in his play life. In 1938 the family were still liv­
ing in the Bronx. Four older children were married and
living out of the home. The younger three, inclusive of
G-eorge, were living with the parents. I1he father worked
as a carpenter, kept close watch over the children, and
was very proud of them. The mother was a capable house­
keeper and boarded children in her home.
George attend­
ed high school and worked part-time. There were close
bonds of loyalty between members of the family, and George
had a high regard for his parents. He came into no diffi­
culties with the community or law. He continues to be
well-adjusted, is respectable and sound in morals and
ethics. No trace of recidivism has occurred in a period
of almost ten years.
Case W. M.
This boy was 15 years, eleven months, at the time of
his clinic study in October, 1930. A white Hebrew, native
New Yorker, he was the son of Hungarian parents. His mo­
ther died ten months before,his father, a semi-skilled
workman, earned 35 dollars a week and maintained a decent
comfortable home in a residential section of Brooklyn.
if
V/illian was the third of eight children and was well
adjusted at school, where he reached the fifth term in
high school. The mother's death worked a profound change
in his emotional life. He became moody, sensitive and
introspective. He lost interest in school, which he left
several months prior to court appearance. He began to mas­
turbate excessively and to spend much time day-dreaming.
He met a Negro pianist who was effeminate and a degenerate.
The adult readily victimixed the boy, conditioned him to
the ideologies and practices of homosexualism. He had him
sleep in bed with him on nights when the adult's wife was
out. Txe taught Gilliam all types of perversions,but the
intimacy between the white boy and colored man created sus­
picions which reached the attention of the Society for Pre­
vention of Cruelty to Children; they investigated and had
the boy and degenerate brought into custody.
In October 1930, V/illiam appeared in Children’s Court.
The clinic study revealed a normal personality. His I. Q.
was 104, his M. A. 16 years, two months. He was placed
on probation when the family promised closer supervision.
They v/ere advised to move to a distant neighborhood,which
they did. He was recently reported as working_and living
with his family. He has come to no known difficulties
with the law since the original episode.
1 98
# Case J. K.
He was IS years, eleven months in March 1930, when
he appeared at the Children's Court clinic. He was a
white Protestant boy born in New York, of Greek parents
who were non-citizens. His father had died ten years
before. He was reported as having been a cruel parent,
immoral and a periodic deserter prior to his death. The
mother worked out, in addition to maintaining an orderly
home in a fair section of Brooklyn.
John was a docile type, somewhat nervous and suffered
from enuresis and nail-biting. He was the second of four
children, a member of the Boy Scouts and a church club.
His church and school attendance was regular. He was welladjusted in school and had reached the eighth grade. At
eight years of age, an older boy in the neighborhood had
forced sodomy on the boy,and the mother, in confusion and
distress, sought advice on the problem by confiding in an
old man who boarded with them. Soon after, this old man,
taking advantage of this knowledge, secretly induced the
boy and forced him into regular, degenerate practices. In
order to avoid detection, the man moved from the premises
and had the boy visit him in his new quarters where the
degenerate practices continued up to the time of the court
appearance. The boy was entirely dominated by the threats
of exposure of the old degenerate, and in addition was
tempted by the dollar that he received on each visit. He
had become badly demoralized and was forced into commit­
ting all types of perversions. As the result of this added
nervous strain, John began to stutter.
In October 1930, the morbid relations with the old
degenerate were discovered and John was brought to Chil­
dren’s Court. The clinic study revealed a markedly neurotic
personality. His I. Q. was 114, his M. A. 14 years, eleven
months. He was placed under court supervision in a board­
ing school, but he continued unstable, and his adjustment
poor. He was thereupon committed to the Children’s Vil­
lage, w h e r e he improved in personal cleanliness, worked
well, was pleasant, and showed no evidence of continuance
of his former sex tendencies. He was returned to his home
in August 1932, but failed to adjust because of the ex­
cessive criticism and suspicions of the mother. Johnasked to be returned to the Children's Village in November
1933, and he remained there until August 1934, when he
was placed with a married sister in Connecticut. The ado­
lescent instabilities subsided, and he shortly thereafter
returned to live with his mother in New York City, where
he has been to the present. He works steadily and has
come to no difficulties with the community or the law.
QqqQ Xj• IX*
He was*a
months old at
appearance in
his father in
had separated
-fjr
white Catholic boy, twelve years, three
the time of the original Children's Court
May 1933. He was born in New York City,
England, his mother in Canada. The parents
sine years before. The father was an alcohol-
199
ic addict, had a prison record for the same, and his
whereabouts were unknown. The mother worked as janitress
and the family was partly maintained by public subsidy.
She had been in prison for larceny in Massachusetts years
before. Beyond bearing the children, she could hardly
have been considered a mother, as her interest and at­
tention to the needs and welfare of her children was
practically nil. She had been oppressed by conditions
in life, acquired distorted values, and lived a more or
less solo existence in the midst of her family. The home
was filthy, in continual disorder, and rife with vulgar­
ity, immorality, and conflict, originally between the
parents, and later between the siblings. There was an
ugly family group, and neighbors feared to talk to or
about them.
Lawrence was the seventh among eleven siblings, two
of whom were in feeble-minded institutions, one in an epi­
leptic institution, and two in criminal institutions. The
two criminal older siblings were vicious sex perverts, and
the home was slightly better when they were out of it. The
younger children were placed in child-caring institutions
from time to time, and when at h o m e were permitted to roam
the streets at will. The neighborhood was a so-called
slum district of lower Manhattan, New York City. Lawrence
was a well-behaved child, despite all these dusadvantages.
School and church connections may have operated as bal­
ancing factors. Lawrence attended school regularly and
was well adjusted to the routines. He was, however, a
docile, follower type, tending toward seclusion and intro­
spection, rather nervous, and a nail-biter. He was not
a happy boy.
In May 1933, he appeared in the Children’s Court as
a neglected child and was placed under court supervision.
In September 1933, Lawrence was brought to the Chil­
dren’s Court for participating in various perversions with
the two older criminal siblings, who were back at home.
(It should be reported that these two siblings forced or
induced two of the younger sisters into sex relations, in
consequence of which one of them became pregnant.) It is
reported that the mother made no trace of effort to inter­
fere in the morbid happenings of the hom$, and was not in
the least disturbed over the later developments. Clinic
study showed the boy to be neurotic in personality; his
I. Q,. was 80, his M. A. nine years, nine months. Law­
rence was placed with a child-caring institution for foster
home disposition, but shortly thereafter his maternal
grandparents brought him to live with them in Halifax,
Nova Scotia, where he has resided ever since, working
and adjusting well. The radical shift in environment
was the saving factor in this case.
#Case E. H.
He was 15 years, three months, at the time of his
olinic study in December 1931. Ke was a white, native,
Catholic boy, of Austrian parents, who were non-citizens.
200
The father had been in a mental hospital for 14 years,
and before that had been reported as immoral, excessive­
ly alcoholic, and suffering from syphilis of the brain.
The mother had been living with a paramour for 13 years
and this man had died three years before the b o y ’s court
appearance. The mother, a skilled worker, earned 4Q dol­
lars a week, in addition to attending the chores of home,
which was located in a congested part of the city. A
maternal aunt lived in an adjoining apartment and offer­
ed the patient such attention as she could spare from
her own home.
E u g e n e was the youngest of four siblings, the two
oldest married and out of the home, the other in the Navy.
Eugene had been confined to institutions during his en­
tire developmental life, his mother rarely visiting, nor
did anyone else. He grew up with a marked sense of re­
jection by and hatred toward people. He vented his secret
peevishness and hate on defenseless children and animals.
He was singularly cruel to the former. He was an aggres­
sive, excitable, envious, impulsive, moody and sullen boy.
He had a tendency to play the ’bully* role among younger
children. Shortly before his clinic appearance he had
been taken to his home by his mother, and was superivsed
by his aunt, but he continued to sense a strange coldness
separating him from his mother, aunt, his cousin and his
siblings.
In December 1931, he was brought to the Children’s
Court on the complaint that while alone with his little
cousin he wilfully and maliciously burned the little boy’s
virile organ, and under threat of greater torture had
warned him not to reveal anything. Eugene was reported
to have derived a morbid delight from the suffering of
his helpless victim. xt was also stated, although the
truth could not be established, that he had propositioned
his older married sister for sex relations. The clinic
stujty disclosed a psychopathic type of personality, with
an I. Q,. of 93, an M. A. of 14 years. The boy confiden­
tially admitted that he had in secret practiced sodomy
with older and younger boys at the various institutions
in which he had been placed. Sex hygiene information was
imparted, and a better understanding established with re­
gard to his inner impulses and abnormal emotions. He was
placed in a childless boarding home, as suggested by the
clinic, through the services of the Catholic Home Bureau,
where his adjustment proved satisfactory.
In August 1932, the Catholic Guardian Society was
approached for a plan, but it was found that none among
his relatives wished to accept the boy, so that it was
necessary to continue him in the boarding home, and he
worked part-time to help pay his way. Guidance and sym­
pathetic supervision served to tame his impulsiveness and
bitterness, and he came into no further difficulties on
a sexual or other basis. In 1934 Eugene listed in the
Marine Corps, and was later stationed at a Marine Barracks
201
in South Carolina. It seems that despite an exceptionally
had early career, and a morbid personality, he is on the
road toward a satisfactory adjustment.
It should be possible at this point to appraise the sig­
nificance of the favorable and unfavorable background factors
and the personality and behavior traits of the juvenile sex of­
fender in terms of his later life behavior, as summarized in
abridged form in Table XX.
The favorable factors in the background and personality
of the delinquents are regularly weighted in the primary group,
as a whole, and the unfavorable factors in the mixed group. But
cognizance must be taken of the following facts:
the favorable
traits do not regularly permeate every member of the primary
group, since, allowing for the 12.9 per cent higher parental
education, there are still 87.1 per cent of the primary group
membership whose parents had no higher than average education.
Again, admitting that 21.2 per cent of the primary group delin­
quents had higher than average intelligence, there are still
78.8 per cent who had no such advantage.
Agreeing that 15.7
per cent of the primary group parents were constructive or for­
tunate enough to own their own homes, there still remain 84.3
per cent of the primary group who had no such advantages. More­
over, the mixed group members are not entirely devoid of the
advantages of favorable traits, for it is to be noted that 12.1
per cent of them had higher than average intelligence, that 5.3
per cent of their parents had obtained higher than average edu­
cation, and that 6.8 per cent of the mixed group parents owned
their own homes.
Again the unfavorable traits do not leave the
primary group unscarred, since there are 6.4 per cent criminal
202
siblings among them, 4.6 criminal parents, 15.7 per cent of the
members were neglected by their parents, 27.7 were dependent on
social aid, 35.1 per cent were living in bad neighborhoods, 1.8
per cent were associating with gangs, 4.6 per cent of the pri­
mary delinquents were rebellious, 11.1 per cent truant, 32.4
suffering from nervous ailments, 11.1 per cent from physical
defects, etc.
It was also noted in the outcomes that there were
ywo juvenile sex recidivists and six non-sex recidivists among
the primary group; and finally not all mixed group cases were
adult failures, since 94.6 per cent of the mixed group committed
no adult sex offenses, and 77.7 per cent of the mixed group com­
mitted no type of offense in adult life.
In view of the faulty traits among some of the primary group
boys, as reviewed above, and the good traits among many mixed
group boys, the poor later life behavior among some of the pri­
mary cases, and the good later life behavior among a majority
of the mixed group membership, no possible ground exists for
an assumption that a distinct trait of specific nature and po­
tentials separated or identifies the primary group boys from
the mixed.
The noted difference in behavior between members
of the two groups is not due to fundamental traits of physical,
intellectual, native, congenital or biologic character, but
rather to a difference in the set of circumstances.
Strength of body, in itself,does not determine delinquent
behavior in early or later life, since many boys of the primary
group were of sturdy structure and came to no difficulties, and
many weakling boys of the mixed group were repeatedly involved
in violations.
Native or congenital factors could not have
Background and Personality Factors in
The
Two
Com­
pared
Groups
Twenty Salient Factors
Unfavorable Factors
Background
Delinquent.-:
Favorable Factors
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TABLE XX
id Personality Factors in Relation t0 Outcomes in the
Compared Groups
Lent Factors
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id
Delinauents
Outcome
Adult
Failures
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203
XX
to Outcomes in the
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204
determined that among 108 primary sex offenders there should oc­
cur no adult sex violations, and that among 148 mixed juvenile
sex offenders, there should develop only ten mild adult sex vio­
lations and yet 96 vicious non-sex offenses.
Nor could biologic
factors explain the differences in behavior between the two groups
living under similar climatic conditions, breating the same air
in similar neighborhoods, eating similar food, and sleep vary­
ing without significance in the two groups.
No biologic factors
could have determined that S. K. (p. 198), with a highly mor­
bid background, personality and development should adjust in
later life, while 3. B. (p. 138), with a much better development
and background, should eventually become an adult vicious crim­
inal.
Differences in behavior between the members of the two groups
is not determined by any trait, but rather by a difference in
the set of circumstances which surround the delinquents, parti­
cularly during the plastic childhood and adolescent years. No
one factor determines a boy’s chances for good or bad later life.
Moreover, the factor of bad neighborhood surroundings, which
militate so adversely against children^ operates differently in
the two groups.
For example, while 35.1 per cent of the primary
group are poorly situated, only 1.8 per cent become associated
with gangs (see Table XX), whereas among the mixed group 52.8 per
cent are located in bad neighborhoods, and 26.3 per cent of the
mixed group members become predatory gang types.
There is in­
dication that the factor of bad neighborhood is mitigated among
the primary group by the good influences of home life to a much
"l,
C. R. Shaw and Others, Delinquency Areas, p. 170.
205
greater extent than is the case among the mixed group.
The un­
favorable trait of timidity found among 51.4 per cent of the
primary group, for example, does not disturb the general good
showing of its members in early or later life.
The summary effects on a boy’s personality and behavior,
growing out of differences in the set of circumstances, may be
expressed thus:
The primary group boy comes from a slightly bet­
ter home, with parents slightly more educated, holding slightly
better jobs, possessing slightly greater civic and social pride,
partaking in and depending less on public subsidy, carrying less
grievances against society on the basis of a lack of material
things, the parents are slightly more constructive, the homes
slightly more intact; closer supervision and guidance offered
the children, less alcoholism, criminalism and brutality existing
in these homes; slightly better ethical and moral standards among
the parents, and in view of all this, perhaps a slightly greater
interest in the boy, serving to offset adverse environmental in­
fluences; in turn, the boy responds to the above with a greater
sense of family loyalty, a greater sense of obligation to conform
to home, school and social requirements, more self-respect, and
greater resistance against the breaking-down of family stand­
ards and integrity, by undesirable contacts or companions.
It
is this better foundation in personality, rather than any spe­
cial trait, conditioning to withstand the pressures and threats
of the gang, to respond to social atandards, to carry on the
family tradition of self-improvement, and to employ self-res­
traint
these factors characterize the primary group boy and
lead him toward a better adjustment.
206
A boy with the personality foundation of the primary group,
described above, with good habits and the confidence and support
of his family, could succumb to a new and unprepared-for sex
temptation, but owing to his good character fiber, and to the
painful lesson of shame and guilt derived from the sex offense,
he quiclcly rebounds to his former self, and is less likely to
succumb to further sex indiscretions or to offenses of any other
type.
In contrast, to some degree, with the above is the person­
ality foundation of the mixed group boy, with less parental fav­
orable qualities, less advantages in the home, less supervision,
less home ties, more street life and conditioning by antisocial
types.
Increasing breaks from family controls and greater re­
sistance against family checks occur when social pressure from
school and law representatives bring the boy into strange relief
and conflict with accepted standards; more disorganization in
behavior and controls, follows with desertion of home, truancy,
late hours, increasing identification with ideologies and prac­
tices of unlawful types; more defiance of law and order; more
of predatory means of existence, and more conditioning in de­
moralizing types of recreation, including smoking, further break­
ing of restraints, with increasing selfish impulses and rebel­
liousness, and more and more serious offenses, sex and otherwise.
Court contacts, clinic guidance, shame and guilt, family and so­
cial exposure have less and less meaning to such personality
configuration, and less deterring effect.
It seems that among
the more strongly fixed of these antisocial personalities, selfrespect, as well as family, and even personal identity is lost.
207
There is no regard for the law of God or man, and further con­
tacts with court and penal set-ups only serve to inflame the
paranoidal and antisocial phases of the personality, with ac­
centuated hostility and viciousness toward the old enemy, or­
ganized society, and the onslaught continues unabated, until
death.
Despite the above descriptions of sharply different person­
ality foundations existing among many boys in the primary group,
and some boys in the mixed group, variations occur, so that some
!f
boys in the primary group come from worse homes, develop poorer
personalities, and have worse behavior in later life than some
boys in the mixed group, who may come from better backgrounds,
have better personalities, and who only through excitement or
the temporary influence of bad companions acquire faulty habits
of truancy, peculation, and ungovernableness warranting their
classification with the mixed group.
These boys may do well in
later life, and probably account for the 77.7 successes in non­
sex offenses, and the 94.6 per cent successes on sex offense
basis, during adult life.
However, that a general difference
exists in the juvenile behavior, personality, and home conditions
of members of the mixed group, as compared with the primary group,
receives immediate confirmation in the finding that the Justices
of the Children's Court committed to correctional institutions
at the time of the original study 39.8 per cent of the members
of the mixed group, as compared with only 3.7 per cent of the pri­
mary group.
Even this datum, however, leaves 60.2 per cent of
the mixed group boys not so committed, and all of the primary
group were not placed on probation; hence, regardless of how
208
one examines and analyzes the data, the implication is that a
distinct trait does not sharply demarcate the primary group hoy
from the mixed, hut that a better set of circumstances and con­
ditionings during the crucial developmental years tends to de­
termine better later life behavior for the primary group boy, as
compared to the mixed.
As a general rule, favorable traits in
the background tend to determine good outcomes in adult life, and
unfavorable traits in the background tend to determine poor out­
comes in adult life, even though individual exceptions occur.
Summary:
On the basis of the original criterion of failure and suc­
cess (see p. 18), the outcomes in both groups of juvenile sex
delinquents appear as follows:
among the primary group members
there were no adult sex offenses, and 2.8 per cent minor type
of non-sex offenses; in the mixed group there were sex failures
among 5.5 per cent of the members, and non-sex failures among
25.0 per cent of them.
The adult successes on the sex basis
were 100.0 per cent in the primary group, and 95.5 per cent in
the mixed group; on non-sex basis, the successes were 97.2 per
cent in the primary, and 75.0 per cent in the mixed group.
For
both groups, the failures in sex offenses were 3.1 per cent, and
in the non-sex offenses 15.2 per cent.
The critical ratio (CR)
of difference between sex and non-sex failures is 4.8, showing
high reliability.
For all types of adult offenses, the failures
in the combined groups were 16.8 per cent, and successes 83.2
per cent.
Three of the primary group non-sex failures belong with
the mixed group, and are so classified in the outcomes(see p. 158).
209
One-fourth of the mixed group engaged in adult non-sex of­
fenses, three fourths of which were of the violent type.
In
contrast to this, the primary group members participated in only
three non-sex offenses.
In the mixed group outcomes are seen
such major offenses as 34 burglaries, ten robberies, 19 larceny
cases, and four serious assaults, many of them accompanied by
the use of dangerous 'weapons.
The type of sentences imposed by the criminal courts serve
to reflect further the existence of sharp differences in adult
behavior and personality between members 6:f the two compared
juvenile sex groups.
Thus, 38.0 per cent of the mixed group
adult failures were sentenced to prison or correctional school,
compared to 0.0 per cent in the primary group; in addition, there
were 40 instances of suspended sentence and unknown disposition
in the mixed group, against only three instances in the primary
group.
This study, being limited to the significance of early sex
experiences to later life behavior, cannot enter into the pro­
vince of whether the sentences of the adult courts were or were
not adequate to the non-sex offenses.
There are 213 adult successes among the original 256 mem­
bers of the two groups, or 83.2 per cent.
Included in the 213
are 43 cases with juvenile recidivism, since by established de­
finition (see p. 18) only adult offenders were counted failures.
Juvenile recidivism, following the original sex offense
study, consisted of two sex cases in the primary group and 13
in the mixed group; and six non-sex offenders in the primary
group to 22 in the mixed group.
Neither the sex nor the non-
210
sex offenses among the recidivists were of the violent type,
not a single instance existing of the use of a gun or other
dangerous weapon.
Only two of the recidivists committed two
offenses, all the others one offense.
The progressive lessen­
ing of sex offenses, undoubtedly due to the deterrents of shame
and guilt stimulated by the juvenile court and clinic influences,
may be noted in the sequence of 256 original juvenile sex of­
fenders, fifteen juvenile sex recidivists, and eight adult sex
failures.
There is a shift in the sex objective, naturally to be ex­
pected among the maturing sex offenders.
Thus, with the ori­
ginal sex offenders there were 252 instances of sex affairs with
a person of the same sex, eight among the juvenile sex recidi­
vists, and only two among the adult failures, whereas, compared
to the 199 instances of sex affairs with a person of the oppo­
site sex among the original sex offenders, there are eight such
instances among the juvenile recidivists, and eight among the
adult failures.
There are 170 cases of continuous successful behavior from
the time of the originalssex offense, on the basis of the stat­
ed criteria.
The successes, on the score of adult sex offenses in the
combined groups, total 96.9 per cent, but considered on the
basis of outcomes in the primary group alone, as they should
be (see p. 3), they are 100.0 per cent.
No distinct trait of physical, intellectual, native, bio­
logic or social nature separates the mixed group cases from the
primary.
That sharp differences in personality and behavior do
211
exist between members of the two groups during early and adult
life is attested by comparative data of traits and outcomes,
as well as the 30 case-histories, but these pronounced differ­
ences are not due to a specific trait.
They are due rather to
the operation of a different set of circumstances in the back­
ground and environment of one group as compared with the other,
during the early formative years, which tend in general to de­
termine the personalities, the course of behavior, and the lat­
er life outcomes, even though individual exceptions occur.
PART E
CONCLUSIONS
212
PART E
CONCLUSIONS
Introduction:
This study is a pioneering effort, undertaken to investi­
gate the significance of early life sex offenses among males
to later life behavior, and in particular to determine whether
these juveniles become a menace to society in adult life, on the
basis of violent sex offense, or crimes other than sex.
The
study is also concerned with discovering, if possible, the de­
termining factors in the background, personality and behavior
of juvenile sex delinquents, as they relate to success or fail­
ure in adult life, and criteria for prediction and treatment
of such cases.
It is also considered of value to ascertain
whether a boy involved only in a sex offense differs in pros­
pects and treatment needs from a boy who had engaged in other
types of offenses besides sex, on which basis the cases were
originally segregated into a primary and a mixed sex group for
comparisons.
It should be apparent that to undertake a broad program of
this type necessitated a fairly large sampling of male sex cas­
es, particularly so because allowance had to be made for varia­
tions that normally occur in human nature (and behavior), with
its manifold complexities of reaction to any given situation
or stimulus.
In line with this it is significant to note the
comment of Healy^ the "father of child guidance work" in this
1^
W. Healy et al. Reconstructing Behavior in Youth, p. 41.
213
country:
"The nineteen boy offenders comprise for the most part
cases of masturbatory practices with other boys, and a few who
engaged in homosexual relations with older males.
The numbers
are too small and the offenses too scattered to permit of draw­
ing conclusions."
In order to satisfy the above-stated objectives and condi­
tions, all the cases of male sex delinquency (except feeble­
minded) that had been studied and treated at the clinics of the
Children's Courts of the various boroughs of New York City dur­
ing a period of seven years were utilized in the investigation.
Careful review of the records of over 5000 delinquents was need­
ed to provide the 256 male juvenile sex offenders employed in
the series under investigation.
It should be understood that
such offenders account for only four to five per cent of the
total male delinquent population appearing in courts, and clin­
ics (see p. 14).
The 256 sex cases were separated into 108 true or primary
sex cases, and 148 mixed group cases, for purposes of comparison
of traits and outcomes.
Nevertheless, the original understand­
ing was that only the primary group cases, which by definition
had been involved in no known offense other than sex, were suit­
ed for relationship to later life sex failures among the outcomes.
Adult failure or success was based on the sole criterion of
the presence or absence of an adult criminal court record (see
p. 18).
With two exceptions, the original juvenile sex offend­
ers' ages range at present anywhere from 16 to 28 years, there­
by permitting a fair cross-section of adult life, when criminal
tendencies manifest themselves.
¥
214
Analyses of the background, personality, and behavior
traits of the members of the two compared groups, as well as
the later life outcomes, in sex and other offenses, afforded
adequate material for the derivation of the original and sig­
nificant values that have appeared in Parts II, III, and IV
of this investigation, and which will be summarized in Chap­
ter XV.
General conclusions will be presented in Chapter XVI,
and the last chapter will concern itself with a presentation
of implications.
215
CHAPTER XV
GENERAL SUMMARY
1.
No previous large-scale, intensive study on the prob­
lem of the significance of male juvenile sex offenses to later
life behavior has ever been attempted, to the knowledge of the
writer, and no source book exists on the subject.
Hence the
original data and values contributed by this investigation to
an important field of social concern should prove of service to
public and private agencies, as well as to parents in their dayto-day dealings with such problems (see p. 6).
2.
Colored children were included with the white, and sep­
arate tabulations of traits and outcomes were made.
Compared
to the ordinarily large proportion of colored children invol­
ved in delinquencies of all types, it was worthy of note to find
a rather small ratio of colored boys engaged in sex offenses.
The reason for this was not clear, unless perhaps a greater ratio
of the colored existed among the excluded feeble-minded, although
this is not believed to be the case.
The American colored homes
from which the delinquents sprang showed a tremendous preponder­
ance of broken homes, 85 per cent, to 15 per cent intact homes.
The British West Indian colored showed only a slight tendency
toward broken homes.
Among the white population in the series
of cases, broken homes accounted for 43.4 per cent of the pri­
mary group, and 50.0 per cent of the mixed group.
In the gen­
eral population, Shideler estimated that 25.3 per cent of the
children came from homes broken by death, divorce or separation.
In the later life outcomes, no adult sex violations appeared
216
among any of the 26 colored children, but violations other than
sex were in greater ratio than among the white (23.1 per cent :
14.3 per cent).
Apparently, the colored children of normal in­
telligence in this series grew into adulthood without any ten­
dency toward sex offenses, but with considerably greater tendency
toward non-sex offenses than that among the white (pp. 25, 33,
and 172).
3.
Background factors of family and neighborhood consti­
tute the most important determinants of delinquency, as sub­
stantiated by the irrefutable data of Shaw on social gradients
in a cosmopolitan city.
The old hereditary and phrenologic
theories of Lombroso, and the glandular theories of Schlapp,
as determinants of delinquency and crime, based largely on spec­
ulative, subjective and inadequate data, are no longer tenable
(p. 22).
4.
An age-worn theory that sex delinquency ("degeneracy")
in children is related to over-age or under-age of parents, or
to a marked disparity in the ages of the parents at the time
of the birth of the offspring, is thoroughly disproven in this
study of 256 juvenile sex cases.
With regard to over-age, it
is shown here that 70 per cent of the parents were under 35 years
of age at the time of the birth of the delinquents, and that on­
ly 1.4 per cent of the fathers were past 50 years; not a single
case among the mothers was past 50 years (menopausal factor).
Under-age among the parents as a factor is disproved by the find­
ing that only five per cent of the parents were under 20 years
of age, and only 20 per cent under 25 years of age.
Disparity
in the ages of the parents is removed as a factor, since in the
entire series the average age disparity is only 4.2 years, and
217
in almost 45 per cent of the parents the disparity in the ages
of the mates is one or two years.
This item alone established
the value of the present investigation, in that no large-scale
male sex study had ever been undertaken to test objectively
the veracity of such time-worn beliefs concerning causation of
of sex delinquency (or "degeneracy") among males (see pp. 24-25).
5.
The favorable traits among the parents of the two com­
pared sex groups as likely factors in the personality and de­
velopment of the children may be summarized as follows:
high­
er education of the parents, 12.9 per cent in the primary group
to 5.3 per cent in the mixed group; higher income, 26.0 per cent
in the primary group, to 16.5 per cent in the mixed group; bus­
iness or managerial status of parents, 13.9 per cent in the pri­
mary group, to 6.1 per cent in the mixed group; and home owners,
18.5 per cent in the primary group, to 8.3 per cent in the mix­
ed.
It is obvious that there is a regular, though slight, weight­
ing of advantages among members of the primary group, as com­
pared with the mixed.
When it is recalled that the members of
the two groups were segregated only on the basis of whether the
sex offense was exclusive, or mixed with other offenses, the
above analysis of the background is already beginning to reveal
differences in the traits of the parents of the two groups as
standing in likely relationship to behavior tendencies among the
children of the two groups, on which criterion they were segre­
gated (see pp. 27 to 30).
6.
The unfavorable home conditions among members of the
two groups, as likely factors in the personality and development
of the children, may be summarized thus:
crowded housing con­
ditions, 20.3 per cent in the primary group, to 27.7 per cent
318
in the mixed group; dead and disabled parents, 43.5 per cent in
the primary group, to 53.4 per cent in the mixed group; homes
broken by death, divorce or separation, 43.4 per cent in the
primary group, to 50.0 per cent in the mixed group; partial so­
cial dependency, 37.7 per cent of the primary group, to 47.3
per cent in the mixed group; total dependency on public aid,
3.8 per cent of the primary group, to 10.1 per cent of the mix­
ed group; and criminal siblings, 6.4 per cent in the primary
group, to 13.8 per cent in the mixed group.
The above compara­
tive data again reflect the advantages of background in the pri­
mary group, through the regular weighting of unfavorable home
items in the mixed group (see pp. 31-38).
7.
The unfavorable traits among the parents of the two
compared sex groups, as likely factors in the personality and
development of the children, may be summarized thus:
alcoholism,
9.3 per cent of the primary group parents, to 14.9 per cent of
the mixed group parents; oriminality, 3.7 per cent flf the pri­
mary group, to 8.1 per cent of the mixed group parents; immor­
ality, 11.1 per cent of the primary group, to 17.6 per cent of
the mixed group; neglect of children, 15.7 per cent of the pri­
mary, and 53.4 per cent of mixed group parents; extreme cruel­
ty, 3.8 per cent of the primary group, to 6.8 per cent of the
mixed; pronounced profanity, 0.9 per cent of the primary, to
3.4 per cent of the mixed group; and violent quarreling among
parents, 6.4 per cent of the primary, to 10.1 per cent of the
mixed group.
Once more advantages appear among the primary
group children on the basis of background, as compared with
the mixed group children, in the regular weighting of unhealthy
219
parental traits in the latter group.
Through a detailed anal­
ysis of these unfavorable traits of the parents in their likely
effects upon the lives of the studied delinquents, it was found
that the numerical comparisons do not fully bring to light the
great disadvantages of the mixed group children, the majority
of those listed above having been continuously exposed to the
operation of the destructive traits in the parents, whereas in
the primary group very few were so exposed because the parent
so listed was dead or out of the home during the crucial period
of the child's development, or the boy was living with relatives
or in boarding homes (pp. 46-53).
8.
Unfavorable community factors among the two compared
groups, as a likely potent factor in the personality and dev­
elopment of the children, may be summed up thus:
bad neighbor­
hood, 55.1 per cent in the primary group, to 52.8 per cent in
the mixed group; gangs and bad company, 1.8 per cent of the pri­
mary group, to 26.5 per cent of the mixed group; excess motion
picture attendance, 3.7 per cent primary, to 8.8 per cent mixed
group; demoralizing recreation, 0.9 per cent of the primary group,
to 10.8 per cent of the mixed; chronic late hours, 0.0 per cent
of the primary group, to 51.7 per cent of the mixed; maladjust­
ment at school, 4.6 per cent of the primary group, to 73.6 per
cent of the mixed; occasional or no church attendance, 59.8 per
cent of the primary group, to 61.0 of the mixed; hazardous vo­
cations, 0.9 per cent of the primary group, to 5.4 per cent of
the mixed group; and limited play, 18.6 per cent of the primary
group, to 8.8 per cent of the mixed group.
Here one begins to see clearly the effects of the regular
weighting of unfavorable parental and home factors in the mixed
220
group, and the favorable factors in the primary group, as reflect­
ed in the marked divergence of reaction of the two groups of chil­
dren to community situations.
Stepping into and responding to
community life in the unhealthy manner revealed above, the mix­
ed group boys disclose or mirror the faulty conditionings and
standards of their homes.
Home standards and controls must be
weak among the mixed group boys, if 26.3 per cent of them are
allowed to associate with gangs, whereas in the primary group
families, situated almost in as bad neighborhoods, restrain or
protect their children, so that only 1.8 per cent (or two of
them) become identified with the ugliness and destructiveness
of predatory gang-life.
The unhealthy patterns of personality, reverting to the
faulty backgrounds which are probably much worse than revealed
in the figures, are again noted among the mixed group boys in
the frequent late hours, maladjustment at school among threefourths of the mixed group population, and the many demoralizing
recreational interests.
Limited play, which alone of all faulty
responses is slightly weighted in the primary group, is probably
not a factor of importance (pp. 60-69).
9.
Personality factors among the juvenile sex delinquents
of the two compared groups, growing out of the background fac­
tors previously submitted, as likely determinants of abnormal
behavior among the children are as follows:
high intelligence,
21.4 per cent of the primary group, to 12.1 per cent of the mix­
ed group.
(It should be understood that psychometric tests re­
present no more and no less than the responses and reactions of
the children to the test batteries; that the tests possess no
221
magio charm for plumbing native intelligence; that children who
have not lived according to their native level of intelligence,
and have not had the benefits of cultural and educational devel­
opment and improvement (whether through truancy, school malad­
justment, indifference or lack of opportunity), cannot respond
to tests standardized on the basis of normal children who had
continuous benefits of culture and education, with the same suc­
cess as children who had not suffered the above disadvantages;
that delinquents who have been totally disorganized in behavior,
with truancy, late hours, demoralizing recreational interests
and indifference to social and educational values are not likely
fully to reveal their native intelligence on standardized tests
as children who are emotionally stable and have continued to con­
form to regular school programs, routines, drills, attitudes and
interests; that the intelligence difference on the tests between
the primary and mixed groups may not represent native values.)
Serious physical defects occurred in 11.1 per cent of the primary
group, to 3.4 per cent of the mixed group; nervous and mental
disorders (exclusive of feeble-mindedness),
31*5
per cent of the
primary group, to 68,5 per cent of the mixed group; disorders
of temperameht (restlessness, aggressiveness, stubbornness, sur­
liness, moodiness, callousness, cruelty, timidity and apathy)
occurred in a ratio of 19.2 per cent in the primary group, to
80.8 per cent in the mixed group.
The greater ratio of physical defects among the primary
group members may have in part contributed to the absence of
general types of delinquency among them, such as burglary, rob­
bery, assault, etc., which require a fairly sturdy body, but
222
cannot be considered an important determinant, since the physical
handicaps appeared in only 11.0 per cent of the primary group.
On the other hand, the more than double the frequency of ner­
vous and mental disorders, and quadruple the frequency of tem­
perament disorders among the major portion of the mixed group
population are very likely the most potent immediate determinants
of the great incidence of abnormal behavior (including all types
of offenses) among members of the mixed group (pp. 81, 85, 86,
and 100 to 105).
10.
Behavior disorders among members of the two compared
groups, which were unknown and not taken into consideration in
the original basis for segregating the groups, reveal important
intrinsic differences:
late hours (already referred to on p. 215),
0.0 per cent among the primary group members, to 31.7 per cent
among mixed group members; maladjustment at school (p. 215), 4.6
per cent in the primary group, to 73.6 per cent in the mixed;
occasional or no church attendance (p. 215), 39.8 per cent of
the primary group, to 61.0 per cent of the mixed; demoralizing
recreation (p. 215), 0.9 per cent in the primary group, to 10.8
per cent in the mixed; associating with gang or bad company (p.
215), 1.8 per cent in the primary group, to 26.3 per cent in the
mixed; gambling, 1.8 per cent in the primary group, to 9.5 per
cent in the mixed; smoking, 4.6 per cent in the primary, to 10.8
per cent in the mixed; alcohol, 0.0 per cent in the primary, to
7.4 per cent in the mixed group;(not a single instance of drug
addiction or use); delinquency habit,(not to be expected among
primary group members, on basis of original segregation), 0.0
per cent in the primary group, to 17.6 per cent in the mixed;
223
enuresis, 17.6 per cent in the primary, to 23.0 per cent in the
mixed; nail-biting, 6.4 per cent in the primary, to 13.5 per cent
in the mixed; 3leep disorders, 2.8 per cent of the primary group,
to 15.5 per cent of the mixed group; effeminate habits ("sissy”
types), 5.5 per cent in the primary group, to 5.4 per cent in
the mixed; speech impediments, 3.7 per cent in the primary,to
4.7 per cent in the mixed; conflict with family, 6.4 per cent
in the primary, to 20.9 per cent in the mixed; rebelliousness,
4.6 per cent of the primary group, to 45.5 per cent of the mixed;
destructiveness, 0.9 per cent primary group, to 10.1 per cent in
mixed group; bully, 10.2 per cent of primary group, to 32.4 per
cent of mixed; temper tantrums, 9.2 per cent of primary group, to
23.0 per cent of mixed; and lying habit, 1.8 per cent in the pri­
mary group, to 10.8 per cent of the mixed group.
The great preponderance of unhealthy behavior traits among
members of the mixed group, as compared with the primary group,
undoubtedly growing out of the great preponderance of unhealthy
factors in the background and personality of the mixed group mem­
bers, as compared with the primary (see pp. 214-216), sustains
the original basis for segregating the groups on the one criter­
ion of presence or absence of offenses other than sex.
This
correspondence of traits, with the basis for separating the groups,
makes it seem very probable that the many behavior disturbances
are fore-runners and determinants of the general offenses among
members of the mixed group (pp. 91-99).
11.
Juvenile sex offenses among the 108
members of the
primary group totalled 181, and among the 148 members of the
mixed group the total was 270.
The sex offenses consisted of
324
excessive masturbation (80); exhibitionism (25); peeping (9);
obscenity (47); perversions by way of mouth,(active (25), and
passive (22); perversions per rectum, with own sex and age (14),
with adults (50), with little boy (26), with little girl (7),
with younger siblings (7), with father or older sibling (4);
all types of perversions (23); group affairs with girls (3);
sex attempt with little girl (25); heterosexual affairs (23);
touching female parts, of little girl (26), of sister (5), of
woman (8); incest, with sisters (13), attempt with mother (1);
sex
sadism (7); and violent/assault on woman (l ).
The 181 sex offenses of the primary group compare to the
270 sex offenses of the mixed group, to the ratio of 40.1 per
cent
: 59.9 per cent.
This ratio of sex offenses in the two
groups approximates the population ratio of the primary group
to the mixed group (108 cases
: 148 cases, or 42.0 per cent
:
58.0 per cent), so that the sex offenses are about evenly dis­
tributed numerically in the two groups. In evaluating the indiv­
idual types of offenses listed above, as they reflect on one or
the other group, it is found that they are fairly evenly distri­
buted in the two groups.
The primary group boys are found to
engage in the various types of sex offenses with almost equal
frequency, wilfulness, and vehemence as the mixed group boys.
The only outstanding difference is the occurrence of twelve in­
stances of incest with sisters among the members of the mixed
group, two of the sisters becoming pregnant and giving birth
to babies, a rather sordid index of the extent of disorganiza­
tion in the character of the delinquents and their families.
In the primary group there was only one instance of an attempt
at incest with a sister.
225
While the recorded perversions are decidedlh unhealthy
practices, yet when occurring among juveniles, they should not
be regarded in too morbid a light, nor the boys considered "per­
verts" or "homosexuals".
The majority of these offenders engage
occasionally in these unwholesome affairs, and turn away from
them spontaneously, either through disgust, shame or fear of
exposure.
It should be noted that of the entire series of 256
juvenile sex offenders, only two members of the mixed group re­
vealed such deep interest and drive toward homosexual practices
as to warrant the designation of "homosexual, and only one such
appeared among the adult sex failures.
All the rest were prompt­
ed by momentary impulse, imitation of others, seduction, force,
bribery, curiosity, a desire to gain the favor of older mem­
bers of the gang, or a sudden release of glandular excitation
(pp. 106-114, and 115-116).
12.
Juvenile offenses other than sex are not introduced
for comparison of the mixed group with the primary, since by
original definition of the primary group, it was to consist of
children who had not been invloved in offenses other than sex,
as differentiated from the mixed group.
These offenses are
introduced briefly into the body of the study to emphasize the
extent to which mixed group boys engage in serious offenses oth­
er than sex, for relationship to earlier developmental and per­
sonality traits among these boys, as differentiated from the
primary group boys.
There was a total of 267 offenses, besides sex, committed
by the 148 members of the mixed group, including burglary (14),
robbery (5), stealing (43), assault (9), one of these resulting
226
in death of victim, arson (5), peculation (25), ungovernable
(36), desertion of home (42), and truancy (88).
Although, as
previously stated, the primary group should have had no members
with offenses other than sex, yet through error in the original
compilation and classification of data, twelve members
Sf
the
primary group were found to have been involved in 20 minor of­
fenses other than sex (truancy (12), desertion (4), ungovern­
able (1), peculation (2), and stealing (1)).
It is interesting
that, despite the inclusion of these twelve mild mixed group cas­
es with the primary, the advantages of background and personality
factors in the primary group, as compared with the mixed group,
were unaffected, indicating that the differences between the two
groups on these scores might have been still more pronounced had
these twelve cases been omitted from the primary group.
In the
later life outcomes, however, it will be noted that three of the
primary group non-sex failures derive from these twelve members,
(pp. 114, 115).
13.
A very enlightening and gratifying finding in the study
was the excellent cooperation offered the clinics by the New York
Children’s Court Justices, in the completion of treatment pro­
grams.
Thus, in the primary group, the clinic recommended 85.2
per cent for probation and 3.7 per cent for commitment, and the
Judges placed 83.3 per cent of them on probation, and committed
39.8 per cent of them.
Compared to other surveys in the lit­
erature, this harmony of program between the doctors and Judges
of the Children’s Court in the various boroughs of New York City,
over a period of seven years, is both illuminating and encourag­
ing (pp. 121-122).
227
14.
There were 682 re-visits made to the clinic among the
probation cases of both groups, or an average of three visits
for the primary group, and 2.5 visits for the mixed group boy.
There was a total of 651 months of supervision by the clinic
of probationers in both groups, or an average of 5.5 months
for the primary group boy, and 4.3 months for the mixed group
boy (pp. 125-127).
15.
The later life outcomes were derived on the sole cri­
terion of the presence or absence of adult criminal court re­
cords of proved guilt.
V/hile the study is basically concerned
with the later life sex violations, nevertheless all adult vio­
lations, sex or non-sex, were treated as failures.
The juvenile
sex offenders had been studied in the Children’s Court Clinics
six to twelve years ago, hence are now, with the exception of
two cases, anywhere from 16 to 28 years of age, thereby per­
mitting a fair cross-section of adult life, when criminal ten­
dencies fully manifest themselves.
The later life outcomes
were obtained through careful checks and crosschecks of Crim­
inal Identification Bureaus, N ew York City and State, various
criminal courts, and probation deparihments of these courts,
correctional institutions, various public and private agencies,
dealing with delinquents and their later careers, and home vis­
its where possible (p. 130).
16.
On the above criterion, the adult failures numbered
43 among the original 256 members of the two groups of juve­
nile offenders, or 16.8 per cent.
There were no sejt failures
in the primary group, or 0.0 per cent, compared to eight in
the mixed group, or 5.4 per cent.
There were three failures
228
in the primary group in offenses other than sex, or 2.8 per
cent, against 36 such failures in the mixed group, or 25.0 per
cent.
Three of the non-sex failures of
the primary group be­
long with the mixed sex group (see p. 159). Four of the mixed
group failures committed sex as well as non-sex violations,
hence appear in both listings. The sex violations among the
eight mixed group sex failures were ten in number, of a rather
mild (sneaky or perverse) type, compared to the 96 violent non­
sex offenses committed by the members of this group, almost half
of whom employed guns and other weapons in hold-ups and burglar­
ies.
The three primary group non-sex failures were of the petty
misdemeanor type.
The sentences imposed by the courts for the
violations reveal the viciousness and unhealthy personalities
of the mixed group members as compared to the primary, since 56
members of the former were committed to prison or correctional
school, as against none in the primary group, or 38.0 per cent,
to 0.0 per cent.
In addition, the mixed group received 48 sus­
pended sentences and unknown sentences,
compared to three such
in the primary group (pp. 156, 168-170,
and 181).
17.
The adult successes among the two groups totalled 213
cases of the original 256 in the two groups of juvenile sex of­
fenders, or 83.2 per cent, and 170 cases of continuous success­
ful behavior from the time of the original sex offense, or 79.9
per cent.
The 43 juvenile recidivists engaged in 45 offenses,
among them 16 sex offenses and 29 non-sex offenses, distributed
as:
two sex offenses in the primary group, and 14 sex offenses
in the mixed group, six non-sex offenses in the primary group,
and 23 in the mixed group.
Among the juvenile recidivists of
229
both groups, neither the sex nor the non-sex offenses were of
the violent type (p. 184 ff.).
18.
It is interesting to note the sobering effect of shame
and guilt, as well as the likely effects of court and clinic
treatment, as deterrents in sex recidivism.
Out of 256 origi­
nal juvenile sex offenders, there appear only 15 juvenile sex
recidivists, and eight adult sex recidivists (pp. 135,148-149,
and 184 ff.).
19.
It is also significant to note the change in the sex
objective with advancing age.
Among the original sex offenders,
252 offenses were committed with a person of the same sex, and
199 with a person of the opposite sex; among the juvenile re-,
cidivists eight sex offenses were with the same sex, and eight
with the opposite sex; and among the adults two sex offenses
were with a person of the same sex, against eight with the op­
posite sex (pp. 179 ff., and 186ff.).
20.
The sex successes in adult life should rightfully be
considered as 100.0 per cent, since by original definition the
primary group alone was qualified to represent the true juve­
nile sex offenders.
The adult failures, sex and non-sex, equal 16.8 per cent
of the series, a rather favorable showing when compared with
Healy and Bronner’s finding of 61 per cent adult failures. More­
over, while there were 13 homicides among Healy and Bronner’s
outcomes, there was not a single instance of homicide in the
outcomes of this study.
The excellent cooperation between the
Justices and the clinics in the completion of treatment programs,
as well as the work of the doctors with the offenders, are be-
230
lieved to be reflected in the comparatively favorable outcomes
(pp. 174, 194ff.).
21.
Thirty case-histories are submitted among the sex fail­
ures, the non-sex failures, the juvenile recidivists and the
continuous successes, to illustrate types among the adult out­
comes.
These histories illustrate vividly the dynamic impact
of environing circumstances in the factors of background and
personality of the delinquents.
No amount of statistics could
portray these factors in their continuous operation for failure
or success in later life.(pp. 137, 145, 159 ff., and 189 ff.).
22. No particular trait of intellectual, native, congenital
or biologic nature separates the primary group boy from the mix­
ed, but rather a difference in the set of conditions surround­
ing the boys of the two groups during the plastic stage of child­
hood and early adolescence.
In general, the boy with favorable
background and a minimum of unfavorable background factors is
likely to respond wrell in later life, and vice-versa, although
individual exceptions occur, owing to accidental and indetermi­
nate adolescent and adult influences.
The primary group boy re­
veals generally better backgrounds, and hence the personality
is better formed, with the result that he may withstand evil
influences better, show greater response to social demands; his
juvenile and adult behavior is better than is the case with the
mixed group boy who has generally less advantages in his back­
ground (p. 202 ff.).
23.
Primary juvenile sex cases are favorable for predic­
tion and treatment because no adult sex offenses appear among
them, and only a few petty adult non-sex offenses, while the
231
mixed group cases are unfavorable in outlook and treatment becuase their members commit many and violent non-sex offenses,
in addition to a comparatively few and mild sex offenses (p.
168 ff.).
*
24.
*
Cases that were pre-pubescent at the time of the ori­
ginal juvenile sex offense do not appear among the adult sex
offenders, and, only'three of them appear among the 39 adult non­
sex offenders, which suggests rather strongly that the pre-pub­
erty stage of life offers greater opportunity for deterrence
against recidivism in later life than the post-puberty stage
(pp. 136, 171).
25.
Since there are no adult sex violations, and only three
petty adult non-sex violations among the 108 primary group juve­
niles, there is no basis for the belief that a juvenile sex of­
fense premanently mars the personality of the individual, or
conditions him to later life antisocial behavior.
Even among
the mixed group members, there are only a few and petty adult
sex violations, and the many and violent non-sex offenses among
them cannot be related to conditioning from the juvenile sex
offenses.
These derive from the conditioning of the many juve­
nile non-sex offenses among them, on which basis they were se­
gregated originally from the primary group (pp. 151, 171).
CHAPTER XVI
GENERAL CONCLUSIONS
Introduction:
This study was prompted by the absence of any available
literature or source book for reference on problems of male
juvenile sex delinquency and their later life outcomes. There
are a few scattered reports in the literature, accompanied by
meager remarks, and listings of juvenile sex cases among sum­
mary tables of all types of offenses; but an intensive treat­
ment of the subject is nowhere to be found.
For no apparent reason, this important field of social
concern seems to have been entirely neglected.
Perhaps one
explanation is that a large enough sampling of cases of this
type from which to draw evaluations and conclusions is to be
found only in the largest metropolitan centers.
Another ex­
planation might be that where adequate material was available,
no apparent incentive appeared for an intensive study.
Thus,
Healy in a survey of 501 juvenile delinquents, finds 19 sex
cases among them, and remarks as follows:
’’The nineteen boy
offenders comprise for the most part cases of masturbatory
practices with other boys, and a few who engaged in homosexual
relations with older males.
The numbers are too small and the
offenses too scattered to permit of drawing conclusions.^
In
a survey by the Gluecks of 1000 male juvenile delinquents, only
1.
V/. Healy et al,Reconstructing Behavior in Youth, p. 41.
233
nine sex cases are listed, evidently too few from which to de­
rive values.
On the other hand, Healy and Bronner made a sur­
vey of 4000 juvenile delinquents, among which were 53 male sex
cases, but the text seemed concerned with other phases of de­
linquency and their later outcomes; hence the problem of male
sex delinquency received little attention or treatment in the
book.
That the field of sex delinquency has, however, been ne­
glected may be gathered from the following recent remarks of
Plant, an outstanding exponent of child guidance work:
"I don't
understand sex delinquency. . . . Nobody understands sex delin­
quencies.
Some day we may.”’'’
In the light of what has been stated, it should be apparent
that the 256 juvenile sex cases utilized in this investigation,
covering as they do all cases of this type that appeared at the
Children’s Court clinics of the five boroughs of New York City
(except the feeble-minded), during a period of seven years,
constitute a large sampling of this variety of material.
More­
over, it should be realized that the task of selecting the cas­
es, applying intensive treatment to the various phases of the
background, personality, general behavior, and the nature of
sex and non-sex offenses, as well as tracing and analyzing the
juvenile and adult later-life outcomes in relation to the ori­
ginal data, involved a labor extended over four years.
The intensive analysis of the large sampling of sex eases
1.
J. S. Plant, Understanding Sex Delinquency, Year Book, Na­
tional Probation Association, p. 203.
234
in this study made it possible to derive original values and
conclusions not only in answer to the propositions and prob­
lems set forth in the statement part of the paper, but also
answers to important problems on the subject, which had not
been anticipated at the outset of the investigation (pp.3-5).
Consideration of the Original Problem:
1.
Careful study of the background factors, personality
and behavior traits of the members of the two compared groups
reveals that no special trait of native, congenital, social,
biologic, physical, or intellectual nature, separates the pri­
mary group sex delinquent from the mixed.
There is an over­
lapping of good and bad traits in the background, personalities
and behavior of the members of both groups, except that there
is a marked concentration of extremely unhealthy traits in a
large segment of the mixed group population, offset by favor­
able traits in a large portion of the primary group.
The mixed group boy, in addition to being a general delin­
quent engaged in all types of offenses besides sex, is a highly
nervous boy, restless and excited, defiant of parental author­
ity, an enthusiast in gang practices and interests, a difficult
school problem, disinterested in school programs, strongly pre­
occupied with movies, smoking, street life, and demoralizing
forms of recreation, a keeper of later/hours, lacking ties to
family and all worthy social institutions, including Boys’ Clubs,
is rebellious and generally aggressive, tends toward destruc­
tiveness, harbors real or fancied grievances, altent or manifest,
against society bordering on the paranoid mental attitude, de­
serts his home frequently, and is generally disorganized in
235
behavior.
This unhealthy personality foundation renders the
mixed group boy susceptible to vicious influences in his milieu
and leads him into ever-increasingly serious offenses.
He has
little in his background, which is usually the origin of an ab­
normal personality, to operate as a check or deterrent against
his antisocial drive..
The primary group boy is more closely attached to home and
family, more controlled, balanced and stable in personality and
behavior, more respectful of community institutions, adjusted
to school programs and routines, compliant and cooperative,
possesses more wholesome ethical concepts, is not antisocially
minded, keeps good hours, and is manageable and trainable; there­
fore he offers a better personality configuration for school,
home and later vocational adjustment.
It is true that he is
slightly more timid, slightly poorer in physique, and more reof
strected in play than the mixed group boy, but since/all of the
unfavorable factors these alone are weighted in the primary group,
it is improbable that they are significant to the personality.
Even among the poorer material of the primary group, where traits
characteristic of the mixed group have been acquired through evil
influences of street life, these seem to be mitigated to some
extent by the tangible and intangible favorable factors of home
and family life.
Careful review of the background, personality, juvenile
behavior and later life outcomes of the members of the two com­
pared groups leads to the conclusion that it is not a specific
trait, but rather a difference in the set of background circum­
stances that separates the members of the two groups.
Thus,
236
a generally better set of circumstances in the home life of the
primary group children tends to condition them toward greater
self-control and self-respect, and with stronger home ties,leads
them to conform readily to social standards.
Hence there is
little tendency toward juvenile or adult general types of of­
fenses.
Furthermore, as a result of the good personality ac­
quired during the early plastic stage of development, when these
primary group boys come into juvenile sex difficulties, acci­
dentally or wilfully, they quickly respond to deterrents of
court, and of shame and guilt, so that no such offenses appear
among them in adult life, and not one member of the group is
sent to prison or correctional school in later life.
The mixed group members are conditioned by a poorer 3et of
background circumstances, hence their personalities reveal much
instability, restlessness, rebelliousness and disorganization,
with little or no home ties.
As a result, they come into many
behavior disorders at home, school, and in the community, be­
cause habituated to juvenile offenses of all types besides sex,
so that while the sobering influences of the moral deterrents
reduce the adult sex offenses among them to a minimum, the gen­
eral offenses loom violently into adult life.
Qonsequently on
55 occasions members of this group are sent to 3tate or city
prisons or to correctional schools.
Despite the evident marked differences in the personality
and behavior of the members of the two compared groups during
juvenile and adult life, there is no specific trait that sep­
arates the members of one group from the other, but rather a
237
difference in the set of background circumstances which mould
their personalities and behavior.
2.
The later life outcomes reveal interesting variations
in the two compared groups.
.Among 108 members of the primary
juvenile sex group, there occurred only two instances of juve­
nile sex recidivism, and no adult sex offenses.
The good show­
ing in later life on the score of sex behavior is particularly
significant because the primary group members were specifically
segregated to represent true juvenile sex offenders, for re­
lationship to later life sex offenses.
It is also interesting, by comparison with the primary
group, that out of the original 14-8 members of the juvenile
mixed sex group there were 13 juvenile sex recidivists, and
eight adult sex recidivists.
The juvenile recidivists commit­
ted 14 sex offenses, and the adult recidivists committed ten
sex offenses, the latter being of apparently no greater sever­
ity than in juvenile life.
By comparison with the later life sex offenses, the pri­
mary group members committed three mild, general type of of­
fenses in adult life, and the mixed group 99 violent general
offenses.
The total cases of adult failure among the 256 members of
the two groups totalled 43, leaving a balance of 213 successes,
among which were 43 cases with juvenile recidivism, and 170
cases with continuous successful behavior, from the time of
the original clinic study, six to twelve years ago.
The adult general, or non-sex, offenses were of a serious
character among one-fourth of the mixed group population, half
of whom employed dangerous weapons in their onslaught on society.
238
This is in sharp contrast to the few and comparatively mild
sex offenses among them in adult life, and to the three mild
instances of adult general offenses among the members of the
primary group.
5.
Although the mixed group members appear as a vicious
aggregation, compared to the primary group on the score of
adult offenses of the non-sex type, yet when compared with the
outcomes for general delinquents in the literature, they do not
appear to disadvantage.
The comparison of the mixed group mem­
bers with general delinquents is warranted, since the former
are truly general delinquents, having been involved in all types
of offenses besides sex, by original definition.
Hence, com­
pared to the 61 per cent failures among Healy and Bronner's ju­
venile delinquents, on the same criterion as employed in this
study, the 25 per cent failures of the mixed group show up fav­
orably, and furthermore, while there were many homicides and
murders among Healy and Bronner’s outcomes, there was not a
single instance of homicide among the outcomes of this study.
G-luecks* study of outcomes of about the same age range and with
fairly similar criterion showed 72 per cent failures and many
homicides.
4.
In dealing with human material, with its manifold fac­
ets and complexities of structure and variations of response to
any given stimulus or situation, it is very difficult to relate
a behavior result directly and specifically to an antecedent
event of many years back.
The same is true with the favorable
results in this study, -when attempt is made to relate them to
the likely good effects of the remarkable cooperation between
239
the Justices and clinics, in the com;
'tion of programs intend­
ed for the improvement of the delinquents.
The comparative fav­
orable results in this study on the score of general or non-sex
offenses have already received attention.
On the score of adult
sex offenses, the juvenile sex offenders in this study make a
similar favorable showing.
Thus Healy and Bronner report four
per cent sex failures among their adult outcomes, but these were
not segregated into primary or mixed types, nor was it made clear
in their study whether these failures had been juvenile sex of­
fenders or general types of delinquents.
By comparison, the sex
failures in the primary group were 0.0 per cent, and .iif the mixed
group sex failures are included, the failures would total 3.1
per cent.
A detailed inventory as to the effects of the court and
clinic, in their cooperation and efforts in the interests of
the juvenile sex offenders, cannot be extracted from the out­
comes for specific evaluation and relationship, since this would
require a special study of its own, and would constitute a gi­
gantic task, for the reason stated at the introduction to this
item.
From the generally favorable outcomes in this study, how­
ever, it can safely be stated that somewhere in the results are
reflected the remarkable harmony of spirit and practice between
the two agencies of the New York City Children’s Courts and the
labors of the court clinic doctors in re-orienting the sex ju­
veniles at the original examination and interview, and during
the months of follow-up treatment.
5.
The favorable factors of family life and the personal­
ity of the delinquents (see Section 22, p. 230) appear to stand
240
in definite general relationship to the favorable later life out­
comes, as exemplified by the findings in the primary group, al­
though individual exceptions occur.
Conversely, the unfavorable
factors in the background and personality of the delinquents (p.
230) reveal a definite general tendency toward relationship to
the unfavorable outcomes in adult life, as exemplified by a
large portion of the mixed group population, again with individ­
ual exceptions.
6.
Thirty full case-history reports of juvenile sex of­
fenders of both groups appear in the section devoted to outcomes
of this investigation to illustrate elements in the background
and environment as they determine types of personality and juve­
nile behavior, in relation to the later life course and parti­
cularly the adult outcomes.
Case-histories are submitted of all
the sex failures, as well as sample cases of adult non-sex fail­
ures, a striking mental case, and several cases each of adult
successes with and without juvenile recidivism.
The case-histories illustrate vividly the personal individ­
ual conflicts of the delinquents in question.
They add a fullness
to the body of statistics, without which the data on personality,
background and outcomes would be colorless and incomplete.
With­
out the benefit of illustrative case-histories, it would be im­
possible to obtain a complete understanding and grasp of the
character types and early life events in relation to the later
life behavior which differentiate large segments of the primary
and mixed group population, regardless of how many statistical
digests had been presented.
Case-histories help to reveal the
human qualities of these abnormal people, impossible to visual-
241
ize in tables, graphs or charts.
The case-history provides a
continuous picture of the sequence of events in the life of the
individual which statistical data cannot portray.
The case-
histories in this study have contributed a great deal to under­
standing causal relationships.
7.
True or primary types of juvenile sex offenders do not
become a meance to society in adult life, since they commit no
sex offenses in adult life, and only rare instances of petty non­
sex offenses.
Even the mixed group juvenile sex cases who by
personality configuration and behavior conform more to the ag­
gressive, general delinquent type than the true sex type, do not
perform poorly in adult life on the score of sex offenses.
Judged
only on the basis of the adult sex offenses(a few petty and per­
verse events), the mixed group members would hardly be considered
a menace or problem to society in their later life behavior. It
is fair to attribute this good later life showing to the deter­
rents of shame and guilt growing out of the moral cultural pat­
tern, and accentuated by the exposure of the original sex offense
to the family of the delinquent during the Children’s Court pro­
cedures.
However, on the score of non-sex offenses, toward which
the social and ethical cultural patterns unfortunately contribute
little of deterrence, the mixed group members appear as a decid­
ed threat to the community.
The approach toward this problem will
receive full attention in the latter part of the following chap­
ter.
It is necessary here only to state that the threat to so­
ciety growing out of the non-sex offenses of the mixed group in
no way derives from or relates to the juvenile sex offenses inci­
dental to this group, since these members are true general delin­
242
quents, and not true sex offenders, as is the oase with the pri­
mary group.
From the adult outcomes of the primary group, which show no
sex offenses among the 108 members, and only three non-sex of­
fenses, no basis exists for any belief that juvenile sex offen­
ses condition the individuals to later life antisocial behavior.
This conclusion is partially warranted, since the primary group
is the one representing true juvenile sex offenders by original
segregation and definition.
8.
A juvenile sex offense or traumatic sexual experience
does not seem to mar permanently the personality of the individ­
ual, as contended by Freudians, since among the 108 juvenile sex
offenders of the primary group there is not a single instance
of an adult sex offense.
9.
All the adult sex failures of the mixed group were past
puberty at the time of the original court clinic study and treat­
ment, a fact which suggests that the pre-puberty mixed group cas­
es, constituting 25.7 per cent of the mixed group population,
responded better to the deterring influences of court and clinic.
To a lesser extent, but still significant, is the finding that
with three exceptions all the adult non-sex offenders were pastpuberty at the time of the original study.
It would therefore
seem that pre-puberty sex offenders offer greater opportunity
for response to rehabilitation programs than past-puberty of­
fenders.
The inference from the above finding is that cases
of this type should be brought to court and clinic as early as
possible.
10. On the basis of the intensive analysis consequent to
243
this investigation of background and personality factors, as
well as the later life outcomes, among the two compared sex
groups, the following four formulae for prediction of outcomes
for juvenile sex offenders, and to a lesser extent for non-sex
delinquents also, seem generally warranted:
1) Background
2) Background
3) Background
A/ Personality A
F/ Personality F
Fj* Personality A
4)
A/ Personality F
Background
Later Life Outcome A (A good)
Later Life Outcome F (F poor)
Later Life OutcomeA- (less than
good)
Later Life Outcome F/ (better than
poor)
The members of the primary group, with the few exceptions
belonging to formula §3, conform to prediction formula #1 by back­
ground, personalitity and outcomes.
The members of the mixed
group were well represented in all four types of prediction, the
successes represented about equally by formulae ^1 and ,f3, and
the failures almost all by formula #2, with a few of formula #4.
The formulae were generally found to conform, and should rarely
prove misleading in application to practical situations, though
special exceptions require comment.
There are circumstances wherein a boy, conforming to for­
mula #1 up to a certain stage of life, suddenly meets new and
stressful situations, which operate as a shock to his present
mind, feelings and equilibrium.
The new situations seriously
distort the original personality out of recognition, displacing
the boy temporarily, or perhaps even permanently, into type $4
prognosis.
Judgment as to prognosis in a boy passing through
the transition stage of such emotional explosion needs to be
held in abeyance until the atmosphere partly clears,
ouch cata­
clysmic change might occur when a boy suddenly discovers that
the woman whom he had always regarded as his mother is not his
244
mother, but a step-mother, a grandmother, an aunt, or a fostermother.
Sudden restlessness, doubt, confusion, distrust and
abandon to moodiness may arise, accompanied by a loss of interest
in school, wanderlust, and other disturbing behavior difficul­
ties, particularly where such disclosures are not properly pre­
pared in advance.
Other types of severe emotional and personal­
ity shock may arise from the loss of a loved parent; the entrance
into the home of a paramour or step-parent; a shift to a poor
and gang-ridden neighborhood through a sudden change in the fam­
ily's fortunes; the change to a new neighborhood in the case of
an introverted, shy and sensitive boy who finds extreme diffi­
culty in making new friends; or the worry and stress of gland­
ular upheavals of adolescence (see // Case I. R., p. 142).
A boy who suddenly reacts poorly to one of these stressful
situations, stepping out of his true personality, may quickly
regain his former equilibrium, or through discouragement, aban­
donment, or severe disillusionment with regard to adult and
public morals and ethics, may head circumstantially or wilfully
into a progressively downward course.
The general tendency,
in these cases, however, is toward eventual self-redemption,
after a period of difficult maladjustment and re-orientation
(see if Case W. M. ,.p. 197).
Again, there are cases conforming to formula if 3 type, com­
ing from the worst type of background and milieu, who through
some fortunate intervention of counter-balancing extraneous
forces, continue to retain excellent personalities, whether
through identification with a kindly neighbor, a teacher, a club
counsellor, a policeman, the priest, some respected family col-
245
lateral, or even a chance contact, or perhaps through impres­
sions gained from book or movie, or a timely shift to a differ­
ent environment (see jj- Case L. N., p. 199).
While the background is the strongest force for cementing
the deeper roots of the personality foundation, nevertheless,
cases conforming to formula # 4 do arise where boys from good
homes, under exceptional circumstances of pressure and bad in­
fluences of delinquent companions, unhealthy ideologies, inter­
ests and personality conflicts, will show rebelliousness to home
and social controls and a progressive abandonment to unworthy
behavior (see # Case 3. B., p. 138; F. V., p. 159; R. R., p. 160).
Finally, examples of formula y 2 are all too plentiful, and
hardly require elaboration (see # Case H. G., p. 137; H. L . , p.
161; E. P., p. 166, etc.).
Incidentally, an instance is offer­
ed that conforms to formula # 2, who through a later fortunate
set of circumstances found it possible to make a satisfactory
later life adjustment ( see £ Case E. K., pp. 199 ff.).
11.
The answer to one of the problems of this study, the
problem relating to the proper procedures of treatment and man­
agement of various types of male juvenile sex offenders, will
appear in full in the next chapter.
Here it need only be stat­
ed that the field of male juvenile sex, in relation to hhe later
life outcomes, has received such broad and deep consideration
in this study that a rich store of values has been derived; these
values should facilitate treatment, in its various ramifications,
on an apparently sound basis of understanding.
12.
The question of desirability of transfer of jurisdio-
246
tion and treatment of juvenile sex cases from court to private
agencies will similarly receive consideration on the basis of
the new findings derived from this investigation, and will ap­
pear in the next chapter.
The limitations affecting conclusions which have been noted
in the study, and there are possibly other limitations in addi­
tion to those pointed out, are of a type to be expected in any
large-scale investigation of human material.
An effort has been
made, however, to keep the derived values, inferences and con­
clusions within the limits of precision permitted by the data.
In the first place, the juvenile sex offenders in the study had
no fingerprint records to aid in checking their later life ca­
reers; consequently a few of the later criminals may have been
missed.
Careful checks and cross-checks of Criminal Identifi­
cation Bureaus, Courts, correctional institutions, and community
agencies have reduced the number possibly missed to a minimum.
The fact that fingerprint records were not available has appar­
ently in no way affected the data used in this investigation.
Another limitation was the absence of comparative a ata on
traits of the 256 delinquents as contrasted with the general pop­
ulation.
In answer to this it may be stated that comparisons
of traits were made where possible, throughout the study, but
unfortunately general population data are unavailable for many
traits; moreover, many of the data found were unreliable because
of poor sampling.
The Gluecks do not believe that the absence
of such comparisons vitiates research into the make-up of delin­
quents.
247
Still another limitation results from the fact that the
feeble-minded sex cases were excluded from this investigation.
However, when recognition is made of the fact that other stud­
ies in the literature reveal that the feeble-minded as a group
do not idffer significantly in personality, behavior and out­
comes from those who are not feeble-minded, the assumption may
be made that no important values have been omitted.
Consideration of Answers to Problems not Originally Anticipated:
In addition to supplying answers to the original problems
and objectives outlined in the statement part of this study, the
intensive treatment afforded the large sampling of sex cases
in this investigation permitted answers to still other prob­
lems in the field of male juvenile sex delinquency— problems
which had not been considered or anticipated at the outset. These
will now be presented.
Since there are no adult sex offenses among the 108 members
of the primary group, and since only a few relatively petty adult sex offenses appear even among the aggressive mixed group
of 148 members, it is not believed that court and clinic-treated
juvenile sex delinquents are the source of the adult vicious sex
criminals that are inflicted upon society.
It should be noted
that among the 256 juvenile sex delinquents in the series, cov­
ering all the sex cases (exclusive of feeble-minded) in the Chil­
dren’s Court clinics of Hew York City during a period of seven
years, there was not a single instance of an attempt or the em­
ployment of violence during a sex offense in adult life.
It can
therefore only be hypothicated that the vicious sex criminals
248
that sporadically menace the community arise not from juvenile
court-treated cases, but rather from juvenile sex offenders who
had not obtained the benefits of court treatment, but who pos­
sibly continued secretly to be conditioned in juvenile sex of­
fenses, without proper deterrence, and thus entered adulthood
with sex violence.
In line with this hypothesis is a recent
study of 100 adult homosexuals by Henry and Gross, wherein it
was learned that only one case amon»5; them had a previous juve­
nile court record; moreover, this single juvenile case was not
specified whether a sex case or a general type juvenile delin­
quent.
Again, the Gluecks find, in a check of the later ca­
reers of 1000 juvenile delinquents, 22 sex offenders, only one
of whom had a previous juvenile sex record in court (nor is this
case specified as to whether of the primary or mixed group type).
The Gluecks report in another study that among 510 youthful of­
fenders who were sent to a Boston Reformatory, 77.2 per cent of
them had juvenile court records before 16 years of age, and that
only 0.9 per cent
of these 510 young men were committed for sex
offenses.
definite answer to this question of the source
A more
of vicious sex adults would, however, require a special study
of its own.
The findings of this study made it possible thoroughly to
disprove age-worn theories that sex delinquency ("degeneracy'')
is caused fey under-age, over-age, or disparity in the ages of
parents, since it is shown that only five per cent of the par­
ents were under 20 years of age, that more than 70 per cent of
the parents were under 35 years of age, and that the disparity
in the ages of the mates, at the time of birth of the juvenile
249
sex delinquents, was only one or two years in 45 per cent of the
cases, and an average of four years in the entire series.
The findings in this study indicate that almost 50 per cent
of the children of both sex groups came from homes where one or
both parents were dead, or disabled physically and mentally. This
appalling item, when taken in conjunction with other factors,
such a poor housing, social dependency, quarrelling among par­
ents, desertion of parents, diverced and separated parents, im­
morality, alsohoiism and criminality among parents, feeble-mind­
ed and cruel parents, parental neglect of home and children, etc.,
serves to reflect the tremendous amoung of social pathology op­
erating in the lives of the children under investigation, with
the disadvantages greatly weighed in the mixed group, as com­
pared with the primary.
There are in addition to the above,
certain intangible and immeasurable factors operating adverse­
ly upon the children, such as the favoring of one child against
the other, unethical attitudes and practices among the parents,
rejection of a child by a parent, employment of a child by one
parent to spy on the other, influencing a child’s mind by one
parent against the other, maltreatment of a highly nervous, or
bed-wetting child, grown children being permitted to sleep to­
gether, etc.
Despite the apparent morbidity of the above items,
certain compensating and mitigating factors appear on all sides
to offset partly their influence.
Such balancing factors arise
from school contacts, church influences, relatives, club con­
tacts, good influence of kindly neighbors, etc.
The broken home of itself is revealed to be not so serious
a destructive factor as one might gather from surface inspection
250
of statistics.
The analysis of the outcomes reveals that the
proportion of intact homes to broken homes among the failures
was commensurate -with the ratio among the successes in the ser­
ies.
That background factors such as have been revealed to op­
erate in the delinquent conditioning of the mixed group chil­
dren are all important, is substantiated by the irrefutable
findings of ohaw on social gradients in a cosmopolitan city.
However, while Shaw stressed the Neighborhood as the condition­
ing force in delinquency, it was possible to prove in this study
that the factors in the home are the all-determining force, since
35 per cent of the primary group children were submerged in socalled bad neighborhoods, while through the graces of counter­
balancing wholesome family influences, only one per cent of them
participated in gang activities.
On the other hand, 51 per cent
of the mixed group children lived in such bad neighborhoods,
and 26 per cent of them became involved with gangs and vicious
companions.
It was also found possible through this intensive study
of background and family life to discover that, while the un­
healthy factors in a parent are an evil influence upon the chil­
dren, nevertheless, an equally destructive factor is the weakcharactered mate who permits such parent to continue to operate
within the home, taking no measures to enlist the aid of pub­
lic authorities, to shift the children to another home, or to
disrupt the pathologic home.
This study included colored children along with the white
among the juvenile sex delinquents.
It was interesting to find
251
in a comparative evaluation of racial factors that while ordi­
narily there is a greater proportion of colored children among
general delinquents than among the general population, yet among
sex offenders in this study, the colored proportion was rather
small.
It should also he pointed out that 85 per cent of Amer­
ican colored children in this study came from homes broken by
death, divorce or separation, compared to 46 per cent among the
white population.
Even the figures of broken homes among the
white children are much higher than In the general population,
Shideler having estimated the latter to be about 25 per cent.
Among the outcomes, the colored children showed less eex fail­
ures and more non-sex failures than did the white.
This investigation has made it possible to prove beyond
doubt that a sex offense cannot and should not be employed as
the sole criterion upon which to base judgment as to prognosis
and treatment.
The sex offense should be considered in relation
to the total personality of the delinquent, his background and
general behavior.
It is apparent from the data on p. 115 that
to have vested judgment solely on the nature of the sex of­
fense would have been highly misleading, since with few except­
ions, the primary group boys committed, proportionate to their
number, as many and just as severe types of sex offenses as did
the mixed group boys.
Yet the investigation has amply proved
that pronounced differences exist between these two groups of
boys, on the score of background, personality, juvenile behav­
ior, social attitudes and later life outcomes.
Hence, prediction
possibilities and treatment needs must not be based on the sex
S52
offense but on the total configuration of the individual. That
the Justices of the New York City Children*s Courts were aware
of this important fact may be readily seen from the finding
that 39.8 per cent of the mixed group members were forthright
committed by the Judges to correctional institutions, after
the clinic reports were submitted in the cases, but only 3.7
per cent of the primary group members were so committed.
It is important to note that the sex offenders became in­
volved in their juvenile offenses through temptation, momen­
tary impulse, bribery, intimidation, desire for material benefits,
desire to gain the favor of someone, such as the leader of a
gang, etc.
Most boys spontaneously turned away from these sex
affairs with disgust or fear, after one or several experiences.
These juvenile sex episodes should not be considered as true
perversions, nor the boys as "perverts'*, or "homosexuals", as
is unfortunately the case in many texts.
Out of the entire
series of 256 male juvenile sex offenders there were only two
cases that were so abnormally fascinated by the practices, and
so affected in personality as to be considered possible "homo­
sexual" types.
Furthermore, there was only one instance of
adult homosexualism among the outcomes in the entire series.
Another finding of this study is that the adult sex vio­
lator tends to revert to the same type of offense as in juve­
nile life; the one who stripped little girls behind sand-piles
in adolescence commits the same offense in adult life; the de­
linquent who attempted sex with girls on the roof acts similar­
ly in adulthood; the delinquent who performed sodomy on his
253
sister in juvenile life, repeats the act upon the same sister
in adult life as soon as his father deserts the home; the one
who practices homosexualism in juvenile life reverts to sim­
ilar practices in adult life, and so on.
The practical sig­
nificance of this finding is not clear at this tirae.
otill another finding among the sex outcomes is that with
maturing years there is a general tendency among the delinquents
to turn their sex interest from an object of the same sex to
one df the opposite sex.
This is in line with the evolution
of the sex instinct, and is therefore to be expected.
The most illuminating and significant finding of this study,
and one which had never before come to light, is that, given
the proper stimulation of court and clinic exposure of the sex
offense to the family of the delinquent, juvenile sex delin­
quency thereafter tends to become self-curing; in the primary
type of sex delinquency it is invariably so.
further comment in the following chapter.
This will receive
CHAPTER XVTI
IMPLICATIONS
In addition to the derived values already reported in the
General Summary and General Conclusion of this study, there are
certain important implications which only a large-scale inten­
sive investigation of this nature could shed light upon, for
the guidance and better management of problems of male juve­
nile delinquency.
The marked prominence of unhealthy behavior traits among
members of the mixed group, as compared with the primary, grow­
ing out of the great preponderance of unhealthy factors in the
background and personality of the mixed group members, proves
the validity of the original basis on which the two groups were
segregated.
It will be recalled that the two groups of juve­
nile sex cases were originally segregated only on the grounds
of presence or absence of offenses other than sex.
The evident
implication of this is that the many behavior disturbances among
members of the mixed group, discovered later in the study, are
the forerunners and determinants of the many general offenses
among them which differentiated them from the members of the pri­
mary group.
It would seem, therefore, that the prevention of
such general offenses as stealing, robbery, burglary, truancy,
and the lilce, rests with the successful correction of the ear­
lier behavior disturbances of rebelliousness at home and school,
/
255
conduct disorders at school, late hours, gang associations, de­
moralizing recreational interests, restlessness, temper tantrums,
sleeplessness, nervousness, etc.
An even more effective approach
toward the prevention of general offenses would come from the
correction of background forces which determine these early
behavior disturbances.
Furthermore, just as the behavior disturbances among mixed
group members are the forerunners of the juvenile general of­
fenses, so the juvenile offenses are the evident forerunners
of the many violent adult general offenses.
If, therefore, ef­
forts to correct the early behavior disturbances through im­
provements in the home and the personality of the boy were to
prove successful, the community would be spared not only the an­
noyance and nuisance of the many juvenile offenses, but also
the serious threat of the adult crimes, for which the members
of the mixed group were committed to Sing Sing, Clinton, or Com­
stock State Prison, the City Penitentiary or Ilmira Reformatory,
and the Department of Correction State Vocational School, on 55
occasions.
That the many early behavior disorders of the mix­
ed group are the all-important stepping-stones to the later
careers of crime is further apparent from the comparison with
the primary group members, where few behavior disorders appear,
where these are readily checked by their better home conditions,
where few, if any, juvenile offenses other than sex occur, where
no serious adult offenses develop, and where not a single case
is sent to a prison or corredtional school.
Fortunately, the causes of delinquency and crime rest no
256
longer on idle speculation or subjective interpretation as in
the days of Lombroso or Schlapp, when heredity and glands were
isolated for condemnation.
The objective studies on social
gradients by ohaw establish irrefutable evidence that environ­
ment is the all-potent force in the causation of delinquency,
except that his emphasis was centered on the neighborhood. This
study has found it possible to confirm that neighborhood fac­
tors are vital in the conditioning process of delinquency and
later crime, as reflected in the data that 51 per cent of the
mixed group offenders lived in so-called bad neighborhoods, and
over half of them were victimized by gangs and vicious elements.
Nevertheless, neighborhood factors are not inevitably destruc­
tive, if good home conditions exist to neutralize and offset
their evil influence.
This is proved by the findings that, al­
though 35 per cent of the primary group members were submerged
in bad neighborhoods, only one per cent of them became involved
with gangs and vicious companions.
Hence, while environment
is the accepted all-potent force in the creation of delinquency
and crime, the home factors are the immediate determinants of
whether or not delinquency will follow, rather than neighbor­
hood factors, which commence to operate only as the home stand­
ards and controls break down.
This provides an orientation for
a program of prevention of delinquency and crime.
An important finding of this study, and one that is usually
lost in routine numerical and statistical digests, is that while
the weighting of unfavorable parental traits is significant to
the development of delinquency in the offspring, an equally
257
significant and subtle factor is the continued acceptance and
tolerance of the unhealthy traits in a parent by a weak-charactered mate,
It was found through detailed analysis of home
set-ups that the morbid and psychopathic traits of many mixed
group parents were permitted to operate continuously and de­
structively on the plastic mental processes of the children,
because the mates lacked the intelligence and character to re­
sist these evil influences within the home.
It therefore ap­
pears that the damage to the children’s personalities derives
not alone from the existence of unhealthy traits in one of the
parents, but also from the oppressed, incompetent or demoral­
ized status of the mate who continues to permit such conditions
to affect the life and home of the offspring, without protest
to constituted authorities, without effort to shift the chil­
dren to a relative or other home, or any attempt to discontinue
the unhealthy set-up.
It is such meek submissiveness to the
demoralizing factors in a parent by the mate that serves to
undermine all decent standards and values in the home, and helps
to warp the minds of the children, so that they approach life
with distorted, paranoidal, and hostile concepts, attitudes and
feelings, a ready prey to further abnormal conditioning by the
gang and vicious street elements.
Such homes render it neces­
sary that society be ever on the alert to step in, albeit un­
invited, to protect, and if need be to remove the children,
before the damage to the personality is beyond repair.
Where
such neglect abounds, the social agencies that reach into many
of these homes for one or another kind of assistance, could op­
erate effectively as intermediaries of the children’s court
258
in carrying out its aim of protecting the health and welfare
of children.
The study brings into sharp relief the fact that to base
prediction and treatment on the nature of the juvenile sex of­
fense alone could bring great hardship and injustice to the
offender.
On the basis of the number and types of sex offenses
very little difference was noted between the members of the two
groups, and yet on the basis of background, personality, behav­
ior and general offenses, pronounced differences were shown to
exist between the two groups.
The ready implication of this is
that a sex offender should not be judged for prediction and treat­
ment programs on the criterion of his sex offense, but rather on
the total configuration of background, personality, general be­
havior, and offenses other than sex.
The outcomes in later life reveal that the primary group
of male juvenile sex cases were not involved in any adult sex
violations,
oince this sex group was the one originally qual­
ified to represent true juvenile sex cases, and since it came
into no known sex difficulties in later life, it is safe to
state that under similar conditions of treatment, juvenile sex
cases do not constitute a problem to society.
Iven the mixed
group juvenile sex cases, since they were engaged in all types
of juvenile offenses besides sex, do not perform badly in adult
life on the score of sex offenses.
The implication is that pri­
mary or true juvenile sex cases, upon receiving court treatment,
do not constitute a problem or thread to society in later life,
and that even mixed group juvenile sex cases, under similar
259
conditions, commit only a few petty sex offenses in adult life
and therefore do not constitute a danger to the community.
A highly illuminating finding of the outcome part of the
study is that the few members of the mixed group who commit
sex offenses in later life, do not fulminate into adulthood
with violent sex offenses, but rather continue the same type
of mild offenses as in juvenile life, permitting ample time
for a careful inventory of their potentialities, with regard
to treatment for a more or less permanent segregation, a3 a
protection to society.
The outcomes reveal that cases which were pre-pubescent
at the time of the original sex offense study and treatment ap­
pear to greater advantage in later life behavior than do those
who were past-pubescent.
The implication of this is that the
pre-puberty sex offender responds better to the deterrents of
court and clinic, through shame and guilt, than does the pastpuberty offender.
Hence, it is advisable that known juvenile
sex offenders be brought to court as early as possible, in or­
der that they may be benefited by supervision.
A very significant discovery of this investigation is that
male juvenile sex delinquency is self-curing, provided the la­
tent deterrents of shame and guilt, growing from the moral and
cultural patterns, are properly stimulated into action, as through
the exposure of a sex offender to his family and the public, dur­
ing court procedure.
Under such conditions, a bo y ’s mental pro­
cesses are shaken to the very roots, and a strong barrier is
laid down in his personality against a return of sex offenses.
260
There is no other explanation possible in view of the findings.
It is not uncommon for aggressive and calloused juvenile of­
fenders to employ various excuses and defenses to justify even
the most vicious non-sex offenses, but never yet has a boy ap­
peared in the clinic who sought to justify a sex offense, how­
ever insignificant.
Again, the natural deterrents inspired
through court and clinic contact evidently operate to bring
about a result, since among 108 primary juvenile sex offenders
there appear but two instances of juvenile sex recidivism, and
no instances of adult sex offenses.
Further, even among the
aggressive membership of the mixed group, where the moral cul­
tural pattern is of poorer structure, there are found among the
148 original juvenile sex offenders only 13 instances of juve­
nile sex recidivism, and only eight instances of adult sex fail­
ures, engaged in comparatively mild sex offenses.
The only
possible instance anon;; the adult sex failures showing any ser- ■
ious tendency was H. G. (p. 136), and even he jumped to his
death rather than face the guilt of his sex offense; had he been
faced 'with a non-sex offense, he hardly would have killed him­
self; probably he would have secured the services of a ''good”
lawyer.
That sex dlinquency is intrinsically self-curing and not
directly and fully related to the court and clinic influences
may be noted from the finding that the non-sex offenses, treat­
ed by the same courts and clinics, showed no such deterrent
response as revealed above for the sex offenses.
Instead of
operating as a chastening effect, it appears as though the non-
261
sex offenses tend to condition the individual toward further
recidivism.
Thus, there were 99 violent adult non-sex offen­
ses committed by 36 members of the mixed group, half of whom
employed guns and other weapons in robberies and burglaries.
There was an average of three non-sex offenses per adult fail­
ure, and many of this group committed four, five or six serious
adult non-sex offenses.
Hence, it would seem that while the
court and clinic influences operated in both sex and non-sex
violations, the ultimate difference in the outcomes rested with
the inherent deterrents of shame and guilt, which in the case
of the sex offenses are strong and lead toward a self-curing
lasting process, and in the case of non-sex offenses are weak,
and hence have little effect.
The moral concepts are strongly
ingrained in the human mind; hence, once aroused, guilt and
shame operate spontaneously thereafter as powerful deterrents
against sex recidivism; but the ethical cultural patterns are
unfortunately weak in our modern civilization, hence shame and
guilt arising from non-sex offenses bear little residual or last­
ing value.
The importance of the court and clinic contacts in check­
ing sex recidivism rests not upon the direct and physical re­
lationships which these agencies oftain with the offenders, but
rather on the provoking stimulation which sets the internal selfcuring processes of guilt and shame to operating effectively and
lastingly in the minds of the sex delinquents.
The value of the
court and clinic in this curative process lies in the facilities
for an impressive exposure of the sex offense to the mind of the
262
boy, through the bringing in of members of the family, and. the
open court procedures v/ith strangers present.
These measures
would seem to hold tremendous import in unloosening strong cur­
rents of shame and guilt, which v/ith little outside help there­
after, can continue to operate within the ego and super-ego, as
a continual fortification of the individual against recidivism.
For this effective original stimulation, it is advisable that
juvenile sex cases be regularly brought to court and clinic,
albeit it may bring momentary embarrassment and inconvenience
to the family.
It is not believed that the private hushing of
a sex matter by the family, or the haphazard visit to a private
agency could offer the effective stimulus necessary to arouse
an adequate flow of guilt and shame, as lasting internal deter­
rents against recidivism.
Still another implication v/ith regard to juvenile sex of­
fenders is that each and every one of them should be referred
by the court either to a court clinic, if one is available, or
to a community psychiatric clinic for the initial study, advice
and reorientation.
Psychiatric treatment of sex offenders should
be confined to this original sex hygiene reorientation.
Further
psychiatric treatment, if indicated, should be directed to phas­
es of the total personality, such as nervousness, inferiorities,
mental complexes, school maladjustment, limited social and ath­
letic activities, etc., but not to the original sex offense.
It is also desirable in these sex cases that after the original
reorientation the parents, guardians, probation officers and
social workers refrain entirely from reference to the sex of­
fense in any later contacts with the boy, since as stated the
condition is self-curing,
oharp criticisin of the sex offender
by parents or guardian is uncalled for, and spying on the boy
should be avoided, lest it operate adversely in over-fixating
the sense of guilt, with possible sequels of emotional imbalance
and inferiority.
Psychoanalytic treatment is never indicated and should never be employed in these juvenile sex cases, because of the like­
lihood of severe ana lasting damage to the personality, arising
from the long drawn-out procedure, and the inevitable over-fix­
ation upon guilt and the original sex offense, which is diamet­
rically opposite to the needs of these cases.
Change of neighborhood is recommended if knowledge of the
sex offense has come into possession of playmates and neighbors,
since this could operate to disturb the peace of mind of the of­
fender and retard his efforts at rehabilitation.
Needless to
say, change of neighborhood should not be a move of one or two
streets away, but a substantial distance, to be accompanied
•where needed by a change df school.
It is sometimes advisable
temporarily to shift a boy who had committed a sex offense, to
the home of a relative, until such time as the parents find it
possible to move.
On occasion, a shift of home is mandatory
where a parent is a poor type of guardian, contributing to the
boy's original predicament (£ Case L. N . ).
Special school adjustments are rarely called for in pri­
ll
Even Freud admits the absolute futility of employing psycho­
analytic treatment in juvenile life:
"I recognize the follow­
ing limitations in the psychoanalytic method— it demands a
certain amount of clearsightedness and maturity in the pa­
tient, and is therefore not suited to youthful persons."
o. Freud, Collected Papers, Vol. I, p. 245.
264
mary type sex cases, but among the mixed group members, where
problems concerning curriculum and administration are common
occurrences, a shift of program or class may be indicated, al­
though the school authorities are keenly aware of these needs
and attend to them as a matter of routine.
From the finding that only eight adult sex offenders, com­
mitting petty, sneak or perverse type of sex offenses, appeared
among the original 256 juvenile sex offenders, covering all the
male 3ex cases (except feeble-minded) in the court clinics dur­
ing a period of seven years, it does not appear likely that this
is the source of the dangerous sex criminals that harass society.
It has also been noted that the court-treated juvenile sex of­
fenders do not enter adulthood v/ith violent sex offenses.
At­
tention has also been drawn to the tendency for self-cure among
court-treated juvenile sex cases.
It would therefore seem prob­
able that the adult sex criminals of violent type arise from ju­
venile sex offenders who have failed to obtain the full benefit
of court and clinic deterrence, perhaps in instances where the
parents tend to hush a sex event through fear of family embarrass­
ment, or where such incident is treated too superficially by a
private community agency.
It is possible that under such cir­
cumstances recidivism may become fixed in juvenile life, through
conditioning in further undetected sex affairs, so that cases of
this type may enter adulthood as vicious sex psychopaths and com­
mit violent crimes of passion, none of which appeared among the
256 cases in the series.
3uch implication would justify a spec­
ial study of outcomes among juvenile sex cases which had not been
265
treated in court and clinic,
of
an interesting item in support
thisexpressed view is the finding by Henry and Gross, in
a recent
study of 100 adult homosexuals, that only one among
them had a juvenile court record, and even this is not speci­
fied as to whether it was a sex case.
Another item of inter­
est in the above connection is the finding by the Gluecks that
there were 22 adult sex offenders in a check of the later ca­
reers of 1000 juvenile delinquents, and that only one of the
22 had a previous court record of a juvenile sex offense.
otill other implications are found for the improvement of
methods in the care of children.
They merit attention because
they may serve as preventives of sex delinquency:
1.
Parents should not carelessly expose themselves in the
presence of children through scanty dress, even in
warm weather.
2.
modern progressive views of some parents on liberaliz­
ing the understanding of the human anatomy, through
free exhibition of the body and its functions to the
children are fraught with danger, oince there is ex­
clusion of such liberalism on the part of other mem­
bers of society, such children are forced toward an
abnormal fixation of phantasies and emotions on their
parents.
3.
bothers, particularly widows, should be cautious not
to reveal knowledge of their children’s sex weaknesses
to seemingly benign old men.
4.
Parents and guardians should be cautious about unsuper­
vised visits of boys to so-called ’clubs’ in strange
men’s homes. Degenerates will ofttimes intrigue un­
suspecting children, through payments for errands,
later establishing familiarity and undermining their
morals. Parents should warn and prepare children
against such hazards.
5.
Parents would do well to guard children against visit­
ing strange homes. 3ome degenerates employ the most
skillful artifices to ensnare their victims; they will
pay money secretly to boys already depraved to lure
others into their haunts, the decoy inviting the un-
266
initiate to accompany him from school to his 'uncle’s'
or 'cousin's' house for a few minutes; the degenerate
will employ such occasion to build up an unholy friend­
ship with the new victim by seemingly innocent trips to
paries, museums, movies. Through favors he gradually
breaks down the resistance of the boy, who feels in­
debted to him, and sometimes pressure of exposure of
an initial wrong act of the boy to his family will serve
as a continuous threat for his repeated subm1ssion Parents should at all times strive to retain the full con­
fidence of their children, as an offset against such
dangers.
6. Parents should maintain close contact with their chil­
dren's activities, ana should be particularly careful
about instances where Children display money and visit
movies with money not obtained at home; they should be
on guard against flimsy excuses as to the origin of
such funds.
7. Underprivileged children who observe others possessing
money for toys, candy and movies, and are unprepared
against such dangers, will through envy seize upon an
opportunity to obtain such pleasures, by visits to de­
generates, such information often being passed along by
boys at school or on the street. Parents should permit
children, if possible, a reasonable allowance to offset
unhealthy temptations.
8. Vvhere beys are thrown together for long periods of time,
as in "homes" or "institutions", it is necessary to ex­
ercise continuous guard on the younger and more helpless
children, against the pressure and secret intrigue of
the older, sexually-excited boys. Proper education and
preparation of such wards along sex hygiene lines will
serve to disarm the older and protect the younger boys.
9. Parents should pay heed to excessive inactivity of chil­
dren, occasioned by physical handicaps or emotional dis­
turbances, since no infrequently there is an associated
tendency toward a sudden abnormal release of energies
in the direction of sex.
10. Children should be protected against excess interest in
lewd literature, through a frank discussion of sex life
with them, and an implantation of the uselessness and
harmfulness of preoccupation v/ith cheap reading matter.
11. Parents should prepare boys against accepting an abnor­
mal interest on the part of the camp counsellor, a casual
friend of the family, or even a chance acquaintance made
at church.
12. Children should not be left unsupervised in the care of
a neighbor's, friend's, or relative’s adolescent off-
267
spring, since unfortunate episodes may develop that
will turn the families into severe enemies, and harm
the children as well.
13.
Parents should be concerned when their boy assumes a
seemingly indulgent attitude tov/ards a poorer neigh­
bor’s child, through donations of money and other
favors.
14.
Parents should prepare their children against idling
in corner hang-outs, or candy stores, where loose talk
on sex matters leads to excitation of the mind, cu­
riosity, and an urge for inspection and exploration
of the opposite sex.
15.
Parents should protect children
in gangs or unsupervised "boys’
or later sex talk and unhealthy
in. i'he more secret the group,
these to occur.
15.
Parents should not permit children to sleep together,
when older, whether of the same or opposite sex, and
an improvised bed on chairs is far healthier to the
growth of the child’s character than for two grown
boys to sleep together in the most luxurious bed.
17.
Boys should be counselled to avoid, if possible, pub­
lic toilets in subways or elsewhere.
IS.
An adolescent boy and girl should not be left unsuper­
vised, while parents are away on an extended trip, since
they may return to make a painful discovery of an un­
welcome addition to the family.
19.
Parents should refrain from spying upon, or prying into,
suspected masturbation practices of a boy, since it
could only lead to unprofitable guilt, and an unpro­
ductive inferiority. Re-direction of a boy's energy
into an active program of competitive games, super­
vised play activities, outdoor life, greater social
interaction, some hobby or interest in arts and crafts
would be more productive, and lead indirectly to a
control of onanism, through the strengthening of char­
acter and the building of self-confidence. Proper
orientation on the sex function in the cosmic scheme
is helpful.
20.
Ilothers should abstain from rehearsing their marital
difficulties within hearing distance of the children,
or unburdening their sex experiences and problems on­
to the children, since they often pass from daughter
to son, and lead, to abnormal curiosity, confusion,
and unhealthy emotional currents.
against participation
clubs", since sooner
practices are indulged
the more certain are
268
These precautions are not presented with the thought that
parents and guardians should discuss every possible pitfall
with their boys, lest too much sex curiosity and anxiety be
aroused, but rather that parents, so prepared, will be in a
better position to protect their offspring against threaten­
ing dangers, such as have been recounted.
It goes without saying that the advantages of the above
preventive measures are hardly expected to filter into homes
where parents are selfish, feeble-minded or alcoholic; parents
who bring paramours into the home, carouse in the presence of
the children, or conduct degenerate practices with their chil­
dren, or with others in the home.
These and other difficulties
confront society in its aims and hopes for the rebuilding of
a healthier younger generation.
Children so neglected require
the protection and help of community agencies and juvenile
courts.
The excellent cooperation demonstrated in this study between
the Justices of the New York City Children's Courts and the
court clinics in the completion of treatment programs are be­
lieved to have operated to the definite advantage of the chil­
dren, since the adult failures were much fewer than in compar­
able studies of outcomes in the literature.
The implication
is that such practice of cooperation between court and clinic
is corrmendab 1e .
Mixed group sex cases, arising from broken or disorganized
homes, where the boys receive few constructive and many destruc­
tive values from their home contacts, and whose personalities
269
reveal general rebelliousness, maladjustment ana restlessness
at home and school, with a flare for unwholesome and antisocial
interests, and little prospect for rehabilitation at home, with
relatives, or in a boarding home, should be provided a long in­
stitutional regime, for their own interest, as well as that of
society.
The institution should be equipped with facilities to
permit a complete revamping of the distorted mental set-up of
the boy, and his disorganized habits of thought and action.
This may be accomplished through a controlled program of educa­
tion, vocational training, and regular habits of industry and
behavior, aimed towards the re-establishment of c. sense of sta­
bility, usefulness, self-respect, cUl(I
and property of others,
ci
regard for the rights
however, the sex offense itself should
not be the item of concern, either in passing judgment as to the
need for segregation, nor in the planning of institutional pro­
grams.
heedless to say, if the institution, through necessity,
is to step in as the savior of the boy from the evils of a brok­
en and disorganized home, it must aira continually and progressive­
ly to improve itself to be worthy of the responsibility and trust
imposed upon it, and to be ever on guard against permitting dis­
integrating and demoralizing influences of spirit or practice
to weaken its structure or usefulness to those who are helpless­
ly forced to accept it for their salvation.
This study is aimed to fill a need in the field of child
guidance which up to the present has largely been neglected.
It has provided a vast source of instructive material from de­
tailed analyses of the background forces and the personalities
270
of male sex delinquents, in relation to early and later life be­
havior, illuminated with case-histories, to make it possible
better to understand and to function more intelligently in mat­
ters of guidance, prediction and treatment of these cases. The
new insights gained from this investigation should be helpful
to parents, guardians, social workers, probation officers, and
institutional personnel in their dealings with boys’ sex irreg­
ularities.
The study should serve to stimulate further research
in this field, particularly along the leads indicated in various
parts of the investigation.
As revealed in this study of a comparison between a group
of well-behaved boys whose only offense was sex, and a group of
aggressive general delinquents who were also involved in sex of­
fenses, any approach toward the correction of general delinquency
must reach into the homes,
if the home and family life of these
general delinquents were to be improved, neighborhood factors
would disappear, and behavior disturbances would be obviated in
the children; this in turn would remove juvenile general offen­
ses from which spring adult crimes.
The improvement of the home
conditions is basic to the entire structure of crime prevention,
and though a most difficult task, is nevertheless important and
requisite.
Sex offenses among male juveniles do not constitute a threat
to society, since court appearance and clinic reorientation serve
to generate strong latent currents of guilt and shame, which op­
erate as effective and lasting deterrents against recidivism,
the condition being self-curing under these circumstances.
APPENDIX
271
FORM I
Children's Court Delinquency Study
.■
8#
Q
C#
D
F
PC B k
Age
i
C ol
S
P D P d e . PSep P A w
SPSep FR tn M R m
U nB k
1"
l l l o HSep
Tr
RW
P
C it
ChA
Reg
Rel
Oee
Bel
UL
B
OC D t I r Reg S lT H U n IlS k H S lr IlO e O th e r
F : U n .............. S« P e r Sel............
D L SSk SeSk S k T r SeP&M P
M : U n .............. St P e r Sal.............
D L SSk SeSk S k T r SeP&M P
ED D r C r.
R e t.
IQ
HW
.M A .
J»M A.....
R e a : I n t 111 T r o M o t P C o n
L e a v : Eeo O th e r
F t E l HS C o l I n f l i t
M r E l HS C o l I n f I I I
S
Co
1 M
AdJ U n a d j
Sp SpR SpRW r
Sp SpR SpRW r
F n .............. H a............. .S t.............J J ...............C tP r.------O PF 1 2 3 4 S 6 7 8 9 + Y
OPT 123 4 5 6 7 8 9 + Y
HC Rm
Rn
P er
PerRm
R nP er.........
B rd O rd D o rd I n n
S u p : E x A t None
C o n P ConPS ConS C onPD
BP F t C tP r P D r E x D r F r D r F Lan Cna PDes
M : C tP r P D r E x D r F r D r F Lan Cna PDee
■ NS C ong U nC ong Baa Res G ang P lay
FORM 7 8 4 3 - 1800 • 3*3 8 K
Foe
In s
None
Fa
1
271
FORM I
—
Sa
F am W ........ — C h lW .---------- .P hyH ......
BeCL.
ET
.......E p lI..............
Agg
Ca
Im p
Mo
PR
Lead
BT
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Do
Du
Reb
Fol
See
Ese
Stn
Jea
Sa
B a lly
Sno
A ttS eek
T
CIClaaa
Chargee
Date#
A e t ( D ia p o a itlo n
C ar
P rf
Sab
CLR
In a : ChICa C o r
SehCH
P ro b C tQ
H o m e Rear B B .
a C o m t N o ....... . .. M...D o r... --F a il) Q t
Co {
R E M A R K S)
O n P ro b
In a
A f lP r o b
C rC t
...
CrCt
BTr
-
i
mwfa u
f
t
272
FORM II
Interview Form
Rarae
Address
Age
P. 0.
Date of Birth
Clinic,f Research;/
Family Attitude towards
Interview
Date of Original Court Appearance
Other Court Appearances
SIGNIFICANT CHANGES IN STATUS SINCE COURT APPEARANCE:
1.
Family continuity
2.
Physical Health (Parents and patient)
3.
Mental Health of Family
4.
Financial Status (Past and present)
5.
Home conditions and atmosphere (cleanliness, crowding,
order, etc.)
6.
Temperance of family and patient (gambling, alcoholism,
hours, other vices)
7.
Attitude of family and patient towards religion
8.
School and vocational progress of patient
9.
Patient’s present status: (special interests, behavior
at home, associates, social and sexual interests)
10.
Patient’s and family's attitude towards one another
and towards Society
11.
Involvements with the Law (minor and major Court in­
fractions, litigations, traffic violations, Court
appearances, outcomes, etc.)
IS.
Interpretation as to likely causes for social malad­
justments listed under No.11, above.
(USE OTHER SIDE FOR ADDITIONAL DATA)
273
TABLE XXI
Age Distribution of Ages of Parents at Time of Birth of the De­
linquents**
Age of
Parents
at Birth
of Delin
quents
Below
20 Years
Primary oex Group
108 Case s
Mothers
Fathers
No.
$S
No
Mixed Gex Group
148 Cases
Fathers Mothers
Total Cex Cases
256 Cases
Fathers Mothers
No.
io
No.
io
No.
No.
$
1.8
6
5.5
5
3.5
13
9.0
7
2.8
19
20 to 25
Years
12 11.1
24
22.3
12
8.3
35 23.9
24
9.5
59 23.2
25 tp 30
Years
19 17.7
17
15.7
26 18.0
32 21.9
45 17.8
49 19.3
30 to 35
Years
28 25.9
32
29.7
45 31.3
35 23.9
73 29.0
67 26.3
35 to 40
Years
18 16.6
15
13.9
33 22.9
16 11.0
51 20.2
31 12.3
40 to 4-5
Years
20 18.6
12
11.1
13
9.0
14
9.6
33 13.1
26 10.3
2
7.4
45 to 50
Years
8
7.4
2
1.8
7
4.9
1
0.9
15
6.0
3
1.2
50 to 55
Years
1
0.9
0
0.0
1
0.7
0
0.0
2
0.8
00
0.0
55 to 60
Years
0
0.0
0
0.0
2
1.4
0
0.0
2
0.8
0
0.0
Total
108 100.0 108 100.0 144*100.0 146*100. [252*100 .0 254*100.0
* The age of four fathers and two mothers unknown.
** Age of parents counted as of the last birthday.
274
TABLE XXII
Race Distribution of Parents and Delinquents*among 108 Gases
of Primary and 148 Gases of Mixed 3ex Offenders, 1928-1934
Racial
Character
White
Colored
Total
Primary Group
108 Cases
Number
°Jo
Mixed Group
148 Cases
Number
°Jo
Total
256 Cases
Number
100
92.6
130
87.8
230
89.8
8
7.4
18
12.2
26
10.2
108
100.0
148
100.0
256
100.0
%
* Not a single case appeared in either primary or mixed group where
parents and offspring showed differences in racial character.
TABLE XXIII
Nationality of Parents and Delinquents
Native
Country
Number of
Fathers
Primary
Mixed
Group
Group
108 Cases 148 Cases
No. %
No
7a
Number of
Mothers
Primary
Mixed
Group
Group
108
148
No. 7*
N o . 7°
Number of
Delinquents
Primary
Mixed
Group
Group
108
148
No. fo
Ito.
%
United
States
41
37.9
57
38.5
38
35.2
62
41.9
101
93.6
142
95.9
Italy
22
20.5
30
20.3
21
18.4
26
17.6
1
0.9
1
0.7
Russia
8
7.4
20
13.6
7
6.4
15
10.2
1
0.9
0
0.0
Austria
8
7.4
4
2.7
12
11.1
8
5.4
0
0.0
0
0.0
Ireland
5
4.6
7
4.7
5
4.6
8
5.4
0
0.0
0
0.0
Germany
2
1.8
7
4.7
4
3.8
6
4.1
0
0.()
0.7
1
.
Poland
4
3.8
5
3.4
4
3.8
4
2.7
0
0.0
0
0.0
Greece
5
4.6
2
1.3
3
2.8
2
1.3
0
0.0
0
0.0
British
We st
Indies
0
0.0
5
3.4
0
0.0
5
3.4
0
0.0
1
0.7
13
12.0
11
7.4
14
12.9
12
8.1
5
4.6
3
2.0
All
Others
Total
All Natio: ialities
108 100.0
148 100.0 ioe 100.0
148 100.0
108 100.0
148 100.0
276
TABLE XXIV
Parents' Educational Background
Type
of
j|(
Education
Primary Grout
Mixed Group
108 Cases
148 Gases
r*
No. of
fo
No . of
C
/0
Parents
Parents
Total
256 Cases
No . of
Parents
fo
iVi
4
1
3.7
0.9
2
1
1.3
0.7
6
2
2.3
0.8
H. S.
F
M
6
5
5.5
2.8
3
2
2.0
1.3
9
5
3.5
2.0
El.
F
M
79
81
73.1
75.0
106
111
71.7
75.1
185
19-2
72.3
75.0
Inf.
F
M
3
1
2.8
0.9
8
7
5.4
4.7
11
8
4.3
3.1
F
15
13.8
27
18.3
42
16.4
M
22
20.4
25
16.9
47
18.3
F
M
1
0.9
2
2
1.3
1.3
r?
O
2
1.2
0.8
F
M
108
108
148
148
100.0
100.0
256
256
100.0
100.0
F
Col.
1 1 .
UnE.
Total
■
“
100.0
100.0
*----------------------------------------------------------Col. College Education
Inf. Informed and Self-Educat&d
H. 3. High School
II. Illiterate
El. Elementary schooling E Father
M Mother
TABLE XXV
Parents' Mastery of English Tools
Type of
English
Tool
Primary Group
Mixed Group
N o . of
No. of
Io
Parents
Parents
Total
N o . of
Parents
Io
Speech
F
M
104
101
96.3
93.5
137
128
92.6
86.5
241
229
94.1
89.5
Read­
ing
F
M
83
79
76.8
73.1
108
110
73.0
74.3
191
189
74.6
73.9
Writing F
M
83
79
76.8
73.1
105
108
71.0
73.0
185
137
72.3
73.0
F
M
Father
Mother
277
TABLE XXVI
Family Income in the Primary and Mixed 8ex Groups
Type of
Income*
High
(§15+ a week per
family member)
Primary Grou p Mixed Group
Total
148 Cases
108 Cases
256 Cases
N o . of
No. of
°Jo
Cases
°/o
Cases
No . of
'fu
Cases
7
9.1
2
1.8
9
4.8
Comfortable
(§5 to §15 a week
per family member)
21
27.3
23
20.7
44
23.4
Poor
(Below §5 a week
per family member)
49
63.6
86
77.5
135
71.8
Unknown
31
'^-'otal
(All Incomes)
*
108
37
100.0
148
68
100.0
256
100.0
Based on approximated levels of income for decent and healthy
living conditions, as appear in Labor Problems in American
Industry, p. 165.
278
TABLE XXVII
Father’s Occupational Status
Primary and Mixed Sex Groups
Type of
Employment
Primary Sex
Cases 108
Number
%
Mixed Sex
Cases 148
Number
%
Total
256 Cases
Number
fo
4
3.8
0
0.0
4
1.8
Business
15
14.3
9
6.3
24
10.0
Skilled
23
21.9
42
31.1
65
27.1
Semi-skilled
(including P. W. A.
C. W. A. and
unskilled)
54
51.5
72
54.1
126
52.5
Manager
Unemployed
9
8.5
12
8.6
21
8.6
Unknown
3
-
13
-
16
-
Total
(All types of
employment)
108
100.0
\
148
100.0
256
100.0
279
TABLE XXVIII
Housing Conditions and Crowding— Primary and Mixed
Groups (Percentages)
Primary Group
108 Cases
Mixed Group
148 Cases
Per Gent
Per Cent
Home Owner
18.5
8.3
12.7
High Rent
($10+- per personl )
21.7
19.4
20.8
Average Rent
($5-|l0 per
person)
36.2
43.7
39.8
Low Rent
(Less than $5
per person)
23.6
28.6
26.7
100.0
100.0
100.0
20.3
27.7
24.6
Type of
Total
256 Cases
Rent Status
Total
Crowding*
* Two or more occupants per room.
Per Cent
280
TABLE XXIX
Social Aid*
Supplied to Families of 108 Pirimary and 148 Mixed Cases
Type
of
Social Aid
Child Welfare
only
Primary Sex
Mixed Sex
Group 108 Cases Group 148
Cases
No. of
%
No. of
Families
Families
Total
256 Cases
fo
N o . of
Families
fo
8
7.4
23
15.5
31
12.5
10
9.2
11
7.4
21
8.2
Child and Family
•Welfare
8
7.4
11
7.4
19
7.4
Physical and Mental
Welfare
1
0.9
10
6.8
11
4.3
3
2.8
15
10.1
18
7.0
30
27.7
70
47.2
100
39.1
Family Welfare
only
All Forms of
Social Aid
Total
(All Social Aid)
*
In active force at time of original study of delinquents
in clinics of the Children’s Courts. Past social aid to
families not considered in above analysis.
281
Hr
rH
0
-P
o
Eh
M
P-I
3
3
S
•H
3
fin
'C
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0
CO
1 3
1 +5
>>5 3
H
•H
g
3
Ph
0
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3
0
P-i
-----
0
si
+3
CO
0
3 w
•3 0
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3
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3 ^
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—
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ft
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P 3
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*
282
TABLE XXXI
Only Child, Youngest and Oldest Child Frequencies*
In the Primary and Mixed 3ex Groups
Delinquent's Primary Group
108 Cases
Ordinal
Status
No.
i
Mixed Group
148 Cases
Only Ohild
11
10.2
19
12.8
30
11.7
Youngest
42
38.8
50
33.8
92
35.9
Oldest
32
29.6
52
35.1
84
32.8
78.6
121
81.7
206*
80.4*
Total
85
C
/£"
>
No.
Total
256 Cases
No.
io
* IVith the only child excluded from the count of youngest and
oldest, to eliminate repetition, the following changes
would be noted:
Total for both groups (256 cases):
Youngest
No.
62
24.2
Oldest
No.
i
54
21.1
Grand Total for the Series (256 cases)
Only child
Youngest
Oldest
Total*
No.
3X7
62
54
146
%
11.7
24.2
21.1
57.0
283
TABLE n m
Ratio of Families with Full, to Half and 3tep-3iblings
in the Primary and Mixed Sex Groups
Primary Group
108 Cases
Mixed Group
148 Cases
Total
256 Cases
o
sR
:•
no.
Family with
Half or
otep-Children
12
11.1
15
10.8
27
10.9
Family with
Full Children
96
88.9
131
89.2
227
89.1
108
100.0
Total
f—I
The Delinquents*
Type of
Family
146*
%
100.0
too.
254*
°jo
100.0
* Two families in mixed group with data on siblings (full,
step, or half) unknown.
284
TABL3 XXXIII
Mental Age and G-rade Advancement— 108 Pri­
mary and 148 Mixed Gases
(Percentages)
G-rade
Place­
ment
Mental .:\ge on Binet Scale
6-7
8-9
10-11 12-13 14
15
16/
Unknown
Years Years Years Years Years Years Years Out of
School*
UnP 0.9
gradedM 2.0
3.6
3.4
2.0
1-4
P 2.7
Grade M 5.4
9.2
IP •t
°o
1.3
5.4
5th
P
Grade ti
4. 7
6.5
10.3
6th
P
Grade Ivl
1.3
1.3
5.5
6.8
2.0
7th
P
Grade M
0.9
7.4
6.8
5.6
6.7
1.8
1.3
0.9
8th
P
Grade Iv_
3.7
2.0
5.6
2.0
1.8
3.5
1.8
High P
SchoolM
0.7
8.3
2.0
0.9
2.7
3.7
1.3
Total
P
M
4.5
0.7
8.1
13.7
21.0
1.8
11.9
15.5
7.3
10.1
UnP
known 11
Out of
School
Total
0.9
0.7
17.5
15.5
12.9
3.7
1.3
15.7
2.8
6.7
16.6
14.2
* Those out of school to be analyzed in another table.
16.6
14.2
100.0 100.0
I
285
1
o
o
.P
o
r.o
100.0
256
70.4
108
102
78
27
39
18.2
11.1
12
«3
.
•vh
{>•
03
in
•
CO
-o
i1
r-1
68.9
72.3
°/o
No. of
Gases
No. of
Gases
Part-time
f0
0)
!>>
O
—
P-i
£
o
P
£>
15.2
o
148
S
%
No V,’ork
7:ork
School
0
o 0
• CO
o 0
In
Employment of Delinquents
and Mixed Groups
and Full-Time
in Primary
Part
ft
801
Total
0*001
100.0
!
ft
O
•
O
is
CO
0
0
0
o
IO
o>
ft
o
SS.
tiO
P
•H
•P
P
O
p
o
ft
O
•
O
J3
0
0
0
0
O
o
•
03
cH
03
•
O
rH
•
o
1—1
CO
rH
in
ft
CO
03
ft
P
O
P
e>
ft
o
a)
f
0t
ft o
K P
EH d )
0
!>» 0
p 0
0 0
a o
•H
P CO
ft O
rH
ft
p
O 0
p 0
O 0
0
•0 O
0
X CO
ft
s
ft
'p
p CO
in
03
0
P
rH 0 >0 0
0 g 0 0
•p f t X 0
O P ft 0
Eh f t ^ O
386
TABLE
X K M
Play Life of Delinquents
in the
Prinarj'’ and Mixed 3ex Groups
Type of Play
Supervised and
Organized
Primary
108 Cases
No.
$
Mixed
148 Cases
No.
%
12
12.0
11
7.4
24
9.4
2
1.8
39
26.3
41
16.0
Gang
Total
256 Cases
No.
g
/o
Unorganized
75*
69.4
85** 57.5
160
62.5
Limited
20
18.6
13
8.8
33
12.9
108
100.0
148
100.0
256
100.0
Total
* Eight cases v/ith type of play life unknown and included in this
category.
** Twelve cases of play life unknown and included with this classi­
fication, as th~ most likely, since cases with supervised gang
and limited play are more regularly and definitely specified
in probation officer’s records.
TABLE n
m
Play Role of Delinquents
in the
Primary and Mixed Sex Groups
Role in Play
Life
Primary
108 Cases
No.
%
Mixed
148 Cases
No.
Io
Total
256 Cases
No.
%
9
8.3
10
6.8
19
7.4
Follower
35
32.4
62
41.9
97
38.0
Bully
11
10.2
48
32.5
59
23.0
Unknown (prob­
ably follower)*
53
49.1
28
18.9
81
31.6
108 100.0
148
100.0
256
100.0
Leader
Total
* The play role of boys listed under unknown is probably a pas­
sive follower role. Where the record does not clearly depict
Sgig,
fio§PSu! i U & S g .
287
TABLE XXXVII
Age Distribution of Cases
Age of
Delinquents
in
Years
6
Primary Grouj
108 Cases
No
Io
Mixed Group
148 Cases
no.
#
Total
256 Cases
No.
$
1
0.9
1
0.7
2
0.8
7
2
1.8
0
0.0
2
0.8
8
0
0.0
3
2.0
3
1.2
9
2
1.8
7
4.7
9
3.5
10
7
6.4
11
7.4
18
7.0
11
6
5.5
14
9.6
20
7.8
12
12
11.2
11
7.4
23
9.0
13
21
19.4
22
14.9
43
16.8
14
24
22.4-
32
21.6
56
21.8
15
30
27.8
40
27.0
70
27.4
3
2.8
7
4.7
10
3.9
100.0
256
100.0
16/
Total
108
100.0
148
(M) Average
age of delinquents in Primary Sex Group:
13.7 years
(M) Average
age of delinquents in Mixed Bex Group:
(M) Average
age of delinquents in Total of Both Groups:
13.5 years
13.6 years
288
TABLE XXEVTII
Distribution in Pre- and Post-Pubescent Stages
Puberty
Development
Primary Group
108 Cases
nl
No.
/O
Mixed Group
148 Cases
No.
.
Total
256 Cases
No.
Io
PrePuberty
18
16.6
38
25.7
56
21.9
PostPuberty
90
83.4
110
74.3
200
78.1
108
100.0
148
100.0
256
100.0
Total
TABLE XXXEX
Religion of Delinquents in the Primary and Mixed Sex Groups
Sex
Groups
Catholic
Protestant
No.
No.
%
Hebrew
No.
io
Total of
All Religions
No.
%
Primary
108 Cass
54
Cases
50.0
31
28.7
23
21.3
108
100.0
Mixed
148
Cases
52.9
44
29.7
26
17.6
148
100.0
29.3
***
49
19.1
256
100.0
Total
256
Cases
78
*
132
51.6
*
75
* Protestant including colored and white:
No.
W 49
C 26
Total i?>
%
19.1
10.2
29.'3
** Catholic cases are all white.
*** Hebrew cases are all white.
Thus: In the Protestant Group, if the colored were ex­
cluded, the percentage of the total Primary and Mixed
series would be: 19.1 (the same percentage as Hebrew).
289
TABLE XL
Church Attendance among the Primary and Mixed Sex Group
Delinquents *
Religious Paith
and Type of
Church Attendance
Primary Sex Grot p Mixed Sex Grot p
Total
108 Cases
148 Cases I 256 Cases
No.
No.
No.
$
y<>
1o
Regular
Catholic
(No col­ Occasional
ored Cath
olics,
None
this
Series)
Total
Attendance
37
68.6
39
50.0
76
57.5
15
27.7
38
48.7
53
40.2
2
3.7
1
1.3
3
2.3
54
100.0
78
100.0
132
100.0
Regular
14
45.2
15
34.1
29
38.7
Occasional
15
48.4
24
54.5
39
52.0
2
6.4
5
11.4
7
9.3
Protest­
ant (in­
cludes
Colored
Protest­
ants)**
None
Hebrew
(No Solored He­
brews ,
this
Series)
Total
Attendance
31
100.0
44
100.0
75
100.0
Regular
14
60.8
4
15.4
18
36.7
9
39.2
18
69.2
27
55.1
0
0.0
4
15.4
4
8.2
23
100.0
26
100.0
49
100.0
Occasional
None
^otal
Attendance
* The probation officers’ records showed attendance data in all
but three records.
Colored Protestants:
Regular:
26.2 %
Occasional: 70.0
None: 3.8 fo
fo
200
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