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- I V 3 4 4 T
1D 0 joy
Sutter., hatharine Augusta.
Introduccicn to the study cf contei'.ycrary civilization; a textbook and
study guide...
Nev: Yorl:, 1940.
v_,c13,3SC oyoev/ritter. leaves . U l u s .,
cia-rs. 2Scr.. (Yd.D. } - Yew Yorl:
vcrsity, School of education, 1940.
r -m ography • p.275-369.
Shelf List
Xerox University Microfilms,
Ann Arbor, M ichigan 48106
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Sutmitted in partial fulfillment of the
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Education in the School of Education of
New York University-
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A Textbook and Study Guide
Department of History and Government
Teachers College, Danbury, Connecticut
New York University
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This book is prepared as a textbook and study guide for
orientation classes in Contemporary Civilisation in Teachers
Its plan is (1) to provide for training in the essen­
tial techniques of criticism and inquiry necessary for all stu­
dents who must understand the world today before they can teach
others to understand it and (2) to furnish the minimum content
material in some areas and to suggest what it should be for other
This country is dedicated to the democratic idea.
The ques­
tions the voters are called upon to decide are becoming increas­
ingly complex and the pressures exercised upon the public increas­
ingly more numerous and their methods more and more refined.
Teaching of public affairs must be finer, franker, freer, fuller,
along lines designed to make citizens more intelligently re­
Better teaching demands better training of teachers.
Although the necessity for the study of Contemporary Civili­
zation has come to be more and more emphasized as a part of edu­
cational programs, attitudes brought to such work by teachers are
little more than good intentions, content material is superficial
because of inadequate foundation, and training in the critical
examination of material without which intelligent opinions and
judgments sure possible is almost entirely absent.
Teachers probably, for the most part, are not free to teach,
but also, for the most part, they have not taught enough current
material nor taught the little they do teach fully enough to know
whether they are free to teach or not.
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Investigations have shown that teachers do themselves neither
read widely or critically.
There is little reason to hope their
radio programs are of any greater depth and breadth.
When teachers are more fully prepared and more trustworthy
in the field of public affairs there is reason to hope the public
will trust them more and freedom to teach can then become increas­
ingly possible.
Augusta Sutton
Danbury, March 1940
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Table of Contents
The first three chapters of this section explain the place
of the democratic idea in our American society and the importance
in that society of citizens who are both informed concerning the
matters which are of social concern and who habitually use methods
of critical inquiry, analysis and evaluation in getting informa­
tion and arriving at judgments.
Chapter four shows the techniques necessary in critioal in­
quiry, analysis and evaluation, and provides exercises for train­
ing in the use of those techniques.
Chapter five develops the fact that pressures from within the
individual and from society about the individual stand in the way
of an intelligently informed and critically analytical electorate
and why and how this is so.
Chapter I.
Chapter II.
Page 14
Chapter III.
Page 25
Chapter IV.
Suggested subjects for
historical exercises
Page 58
Page 81
Page 85
Chapter V.
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There are three major subjects in this section designed to
serve as type studies for the kind of foundation a student of
contemporary affairs should have.
The subjects themselves have
been selected because of the bearing they have upon the subjeot
of democracy different aspects of which are treated in Part I.
It is hoped that treatment of the type studies given here
will suggest profitable ways for studying other subjects.
list of subjects is included.
Type Study Ho. I.
THE REFORM ACT OF 1832 - Taken
from the History of England
Type Study No. II.
THE GILDED AGE - The Period in
American History Between
1865 and 1895
Page 159
THE SOCIAL SECURITY ACT A "Current Event" of the 1930’s
Page 225
Type Study Ho. III.
Exercises and Subjectsfor Other Type Studies
Page 111
Page 271
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Material for understanding and interpreting contemporary
affairs must be found in many places.
This section is designed
to develop familiarity with statistical studies, research agencies,
government committees, reports of foundations, radio programs,
and current literature which the student of the contanporary world
will find useful.
An attempt is made to suggest different kinds of
material in a number of subjects but no attempt is made to com­
pletely indicate material on any subject.
Group A
Page 276
Group B
Page 298
Group C
Page 305
Group D
Page 309
Group E
Page 317
Page 325
Group F
Group G
Causes and Costs of 1/far
Cooperative Democracy
Fascism and National Socialism
International Organization and
Latin America
Problems of Labor
Socialization of Medicine
Social Security
The Far East
Toward an Understanding of the
U. S. S. R.
Page 330
Page 332
Page 335
Page 336
Page 338
Page 339
Page 343
Page 344
Page 345
Page 346
Page 347
Page 348
Page 350
Group H
Page 351
Group I
Page 363
Group J
Page 369
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Chapter I
DEMOCRACY is the AMERICAS WAY* For better or worse, richer
or poorer, it is the way of life this country wills to have*
That is not to say whether or not we hare democracy
in the United States or the degree or lrfnd or amount
that we have—
That is not to say whether or not we might profess
it as a matter of form and negate it as a matter of
That is not to say whether or not we have ever
realised what we were really getting into, really
letting ourselves in for with the changing years—
That is not to say whether or not democracy has
assumed ramifications that make proud descendants
of founding fathers frankly disturbed, or definitely
That is not to say whether or not the ideal or
idea of democracy is premature - b o m too aoon for the age it must live in—
That no matter to what extent democracy may
be negated, thwarted, decried, denied, and other
forms be substituted as expedients, it is too
late to do anything about it with ultimate hope
of success*
Democracy is the American Way. "It is the set of the sail
not the strength of the gale that determines where the boat shall
go* It
Hor is it only because the idea of democracy has become so
traditional with us and inherently a part of us that it will con­
tinue - albeit with temporary defalcations or partial fulfilments -
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to be the American pattern.
Even if there were thought that we
could change an idea so deeply ingrained there seems no good reason
for us to try to do so.
It is not that democracy is working so well but that there
is nothing valid as a substitute.
History has nothing to show us of
any people of any time that have ultimately been happy or oontent
under any other system of control.
Hor is it only that we find
nothing better by surveying other forms of control used by other
peoples in the past.
When we look at the seeming efficiency of
totalitarian states of the first half of the twentieth century
scene we have every reason to believe the popular will is the
ultimate determinant for the policies of dictators even though that
to be a made to order one! ^
The very fact that public
opinion has to be manufactured so that arbitrary power can use it
as a base upon which to rest is in itself a tacit recognition of the
power of that opinion.
The same evidence that its training can re­
sult in and is necessary for successful dictatorship is a point
toward recognizing that the public mind has within it the capacity
that can be trained for successful democracy.
Abraham Lincoln expressed the situation regarding democracy
in his usual straightforward way*
For a fuller account of the relation between public opinion
end dictatorship see Horman Angell, Making the Public Mind,
Hew York: Dutton, 1927, pp. 172ff.
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-3Why should there not he a patient confidence
in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there
any better or equal hope in the world? ^
There is no particular virtue in democracy per se, as a thing
in itself* Because a look back through history and a look around
the contemporary world shows nothing better to use as an alternative,
that is no reason for a blind endorsement of democracy as a way of
life or plan for living* Its justification must came sooner or later
to rest upon its own ability to accomplish useful ends*
Heither is there anything glorified about democracy in itself.
Harry Elmer Barnes has said we "cannot expect to secure sagacity
or wisdom merely by the counting of noses* * John 7. Studebaker says
that because we can get an "aggregate of ignorance at the ballot
box" that in itself is not necessarily an endorsement of the system
that sends the people to the polls.
Democracy becomes sacrosanct as does any other institution
because of the pride that comes with repeated profession and as the
demagogue and the spell-binder freight the term with emotion.
can be used to cover up as much bitterness and poverty and suffering
on cue hand and to cloak power and privilege and ruthless exploita­
tion and corruption on the other as ever a Bourbon or a ffapsburg
A people can come to seeth with unrest and rise to indigna­
tion under a Congress as under a king*
Mr. William Green, president of the American
Federation of Labor declared in the crisis year
of 19321 "The .American trade-union movement has
been patient (*..*). We gave government every
Arthur Fogg, One Hundred Sayings of History. New York:
and Dunlap, 19&9, p. 479*
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opportunity (...*). So agreed to refrain from
drastic action (•..•)• Finally, after three
years of suffering we, the organized workers,
declare to the world, enough; we shall use our
might to compel the plain remedies withheld by
those whose misfeasance caused our woe,"1
"A people can come to seeth with unrest and
rise to indignation under a Congress as under a
King.n The Bourbons and Hapsburgs are mentioned
in the text. The Tudors and Stuarts and Roman­
offs could as well have been cited*
a* One example of unrest under a Congress
has been given* Give another with
supporting material*
b* Give an example of social unrest under
each of the ruling families above with
material supporting each*2
1* Beard. C. A*. Smith, G. H. E., The Future Comes*Hew York*
Macmillan, 1933. P. xii + lTHT* pp. ll-TE
2. The Chartist Movement for England, the "August Days" for France,
and Red Sunday for Russia, and other examples are found in
Raymond Postgate, Revolutions* Boston) Houghton Mifflin
Company, 1923. P. xvi - 399.
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It is the essence of the democratic idea that the public good
shall be the norm under which we set up the institutions of con­
trol. That it has not been so for the most part is not to deny
the fundamental concept*
The “for the people" part of the long-familiar and justlyfamous trilogy came to mean “for a privileged minority" that
flourished under presidents as it did under czars*
The “by the
people" has been seen to mean by those whose unremitting labor and
clever manipulation of political machinery worked a system for
selfish ends*
The "of the people" came to mean of those people
who were quick to take advantage of unparalleled opportunity and
set themselves up as an "inner court" that developed characteristics
of oligarchical splendor*
Illustrate how "clever manipulation of
political machinery worked a system for
selfish ends*"
PrinE-Kent - The Great Game of Politics
J* T* Salter - Boss Rule
Clinch Calkins - Spy~5verhead
Leo Huberman - Labor Spy ttacEet
Explain how the "privileged minority" set themselves
up as an "inner court*.
Vernon Parrington, Main Currents in American
Thou5ET~ VoT. 'ITT---------Charles Beard, ^he fiise of American Civiliza­
Allan Bevins, Vh« Emergence of Modern America r ~5l8tory or American Life, Vol. VIII
Allan Bevins, "Hamilton Pish - The Inside Story of
the t>rant Administration
Allan Kevins, Srover Cleveland - A Man of Courage
James Truslow Adams, The Epic of Amerioa
Give examples from the lighter literature of the expand­
ing period of our history that show the chicanery of the
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-6life of the time.
Frank Norris, The OotopuB
Frank Morris, The Pit
Mark Twain. Connecticut Yankee at King Arthur's
"Court----------------- ---------Upton Sinclair, The Brass Check
Sinclair Lewis, Babbitt
Sinclair Lewis, Main street
It is easy to build a defense for this apparent neglect or per­
version of the democratic idea.
The economic development of our great
home base and the setting up of a framework of government came at the
time when an industrial revolution was ripening in the European world
and expanding in its maturity over here.
1776, 1787, 1803, 1812, 1823,
1849, 1868, 1890 came staggeringly close together as it was, without
the steamboat and steam engine, telegraph, telephone, and cable,
reaper, sewing machine, and cotton gin (to mention only a few items)
thrown in.
«e set up our governmental institutions for a society
that almost immediately ceased to be.
The mechanism became outmoded
before it had really functioned.
What is the reason why the particular dates
listed are cited here?
Certain inventions are listed here. Briefly
explain the circumstances concerning each.
Cite and explain as many more. 1
What was the total population and the popula­
tion by states at the time of the adoption of
the Constitution? In 1860? In 1930?
When was the first transcontinental railroad
J. L.
B. Hammond, The Rise of Modern Industry.
Harcourt Brace and Co., 193?, F. xiii t- S03»
Hew York:
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completed? The first national highway?
Erie Canal?
Our growth was phenomenal.
We spread so far and wide it is
difficult to see how we could have developed governmental controls
carefully at the same time.
And apparently there was no need.
very vastness and richness of natural setting was our opportunity
in one way and our undoing in another.
A great continent lay exposed
we became profligate of the material wealth that we had only to
reach out to get.
What started out to be liberty became license;
opportunity without end resulted in selfish purpose and greed with­
out restraint; and the control supposedly inherent within democracy
turned out to be chaos without parallel.
If there were any to demur
there came obligingly the concept of the advantages of free competi­
tion under a laissez faire philosophy for the necessary moral backing.
What was the relation of Theodore Roosevelt
to the conservation movement?
What is the thesis of Stuart Chase in his
Rich LfrTidj Poor
relative to conservation?
What is the idea inherent in laissez faire?
Apparently the expansionist days of our history are over.
Having rounded out the continent, Americans
have turned in upon themselves and are taking
time to wonder about the next great tasks ahead.
While a few critics go abroad for inspiration,
while the wise search for ideas, wherever they
may be found, the great body of thinkers still
agree with Suerson that we must stand fast where
we are and work out our destiny along lines
already marked out— build a civilization with
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harmony with historic ideals and yet
novel practices adapted to changing n^»uo.
Make a comparison of the major ideas of
J. F. Turner in his Rise of the Mew lest
(American Ration Series, vox. vxxi; and
Baer son Hough in his The Passing,of the
Frontier (Chronicles of America^ Vol.
T257) Sow do each of these writers docu­
ment their material?
Uhat is the picture Hamlin Garland draws
in his Son of the Middle Border?
What do James Truslow Adams and Edward
Filene say of the changed conditions of
American society as they affect Hew
England's Prospect, 1938? (American
Geographical Society - Broadway at
156th Street, Hew York. Special Pub­
lication Ho. 16, 1933.)
Charles A. Beard, A Charter for the Social Sciences. Hew Yorks
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1932, p. 57.
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Democracy is not a system that works automatically* Its very
nature will keep it from ever having the qualities that belong to
mechanical men*
If, as a people, we are comnitted to it, something has to be
done about it.
If it is not to become a thing apart from life and
function merely as a creed or dogma or just a ritual for a polite
society, it is necessary to really work at it.
Eternal vigilance
against distortions and perversions and undesirable ramifications
is the price.
It may be it is later than we think.
It may even
be already too late to get real development of the factors inherent
in democracy.
Deliberate and direct action are needed.
The forces
that would destroy it show they neither slumber nor sleep.
It means
the moral obligation to be intelligent in the management of our
Democracy is our concern.
If it is to be a going concern
it must be made one.
What are the points developed by Max Lemer
in his It Is Later Than You Think? (Viking
Press, T5S57
Why does Lewis Mumford say "Men Must Act”?
(Harcourt Brace, 1939)
How does Horman Angell develop the idea of
our "moral obligation to be intelligent"?
lfairinp; the Public Mind (Dutton, 1927)
Why does George Counts say "The Schools Can
Teach Democracy"? (John Day Company, 1939)
Democracy cannot be an empty thing. Were it so it would not
have been so greatly feared by those who have had and still have
special interests to serve. The following historical situations
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will serve to illustratei
Mussolini has saidi Democracy has destroyed
the essential nature of the Italian people, that
is, not only the character hut the color, the
force, the picturesque, the unexpected, the mystic,
all in fact that lies deep in the soul of our people*
But we shall restore it. We shall play on every
string from science to religion, from art to politics*
We are statesmen and we are warriors* 1
inti-individualistic, the Fascist conception
of life stresses the importance of the state*
It accepts the individual only in so far as his
interests coincide with those of the state (*...).
The Fascist conception of the state is allembracing* Beyond it no human or spiritual
concepts can exist, much less have value, 2
Democratic regimes may he described as those under
which the people are, from time to time, deluded into
the belief that they exercise sovereignty (****).
Democracy is a kingless regime infested by many kings
who are sometimes more exclusive, more tyrannical,
and destructive than one, even if he be a tyrant.5
The Federal Trade Commission, during its threeyear investigation of the propaganda techniques of
the public utilities, especially those of power and
light, uncovered the extent to which the utilities
considered it important to control education in a
democracy* Teachers were hired, textbooks written,
home study courses supported, lecture bureaus financed,
editorials and moving pictures films prepared in an
effort to control education of the people in the
interest of private ownership of public utilities*4
Mr. M* H* ^ylesworth, Managing Director of the
Hational Electric Light Association saidi “I would
advise any manager who lives in a community where there
is a college to get the professor of economics inter­
ested in your problem (*..») give them a retainer of
Florinsky, M* T*, Fascism and Hational Socialism* Hew Yorkt
Macmillan, 1935, pp. l8.
Ibid*, p* 59.
Loc* ext*
The material quoted here and the paragraphs following is taken
from the report of the Federal Trade Commission as quoted
in Ernest Gruening, The Public Pays - A Study of Power
Propaganda* Chapter III, The Signer Learning.
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-11one or two hundred dollars & year for the
privilege of letting you study and consult with
them* Far how in heavens name can we do any­
thing in the schools of this country with the
young people growing up, if we have not first
sold the idea of ednoation to the college pro­
fessor* "
It is desired that coming generations of
bankers, lawyers, journalists, legislators,
public officials, and the plain ordinary *men
of the streets* shall have an intelligent and
sympathetic understanding of the peculiar con­
ditions under which the utilities operate*
The results will always be intangible and
the return for any effort expended in a given
year may not be expected for some years later*
Mrs. J* D. Sherman, President of the General
Federation of Aomen* s Clubs was given $600 a
month to write articles to be placed in maga­
zines* "Of course you know that the article
that you wrote and the one which you so kindly
allowed me to sign as my own has seemed to
make quite a *hit* (•■••) I am enjoying the
delightful publioity (••*•) although I feel
quite an impostor (••*•)•“
Of the importance of text books the following
quotation is illustrative: Teachers come and go.
Textbooks remain* The text (••*•) is more im­
portant than the teacher. We are scanning the
textbooks in civics and economics which are
being used in our colleges and schools (•*.*).
Please regard this as confidential for we are
hoping through quiet and diplomatic measures
to have same of the inimical textbooks discarded*
(An “inimical" text was one suggesting that pri­
vate ownership of utilities left something to be
Mr. Aylesworth commissioned his Association:
Sell the idea (of private ownership of public
utilities) to the College professor! (•«•*)
We now have twenty-four public utility executives
as members of the University of Colorado faculty*
Of the Association's plan to finance home
study courses under College auspioes to further
the idea of private ownership we learn the
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"Plan was put across in the usual way* We laid
the groundwork circumspectly and with care so
that the actual suggestion that such courses he
started came from the faculties of the institu­
tions themselves* The rest was routine*"
In 1925 the national Electric Light Associa­
tion began to give Northwestem University
#25,000 annually* "(•*••) to let then take the
spotlight and assume all the leadership. The
college can say things that we cannot say and
be believed." (The idea to be "sold" to the
public is still that utilities must always be
privately owned*)
Although observation seems to show that Americans could not
change democracy if they would and that neither would they if they
could, there seems to be implications within it and ramifications of
it which are taking us into strangely unfamiliar ways and at times we
appear definitely both antagonistic and reluctant*
The bitterness and antagonism with which
new developments under democracy are viewed is
seen in the following statement from Senator
La Follette who was appointed by the 74th
Congress in S* Res* 266, June 6, 1936 to in­
vestigate the sabotage through industrial
espionage by employer groups against the New
Deal Wagner Labor Relations Acts "Perhaps no
other recent law of Congress has met with such
determined opposition* No other administrative
agency set up by law has encountered such wilful
and ingenious evasions (•*..) legal sharpshooters
who scrutinise every action of the Board to am­
bush the law and the wage earners it was designed
to protect (••••). In the face of this attitude
on the part of the management toward its employees
no system of industrial relations based on respon­
sibility, mutual trust, and observance of the law
can be expected." 1
We seem about to experience the real force of what Democracy
can mean here a hundred or two years after we first chose it as our
Senate Report No* 46
Part 3*
75th Congress, 2nd Session,
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pp* 5ff.
Because it is so established as an integral part of us
and no where is there an alternative we would he willing to con­
sider, Democracy seems destined, no matter with what limitations
of success or temporary defalcations from it, to be the ultimate
"frame of reference" for the American people.
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Chapter II
The attempt to explain democracy must not be interpreted to be
either a defense or an apology* It means neither to magnify its
strengths nor minimise its weaknesses. It is, rather, to analyse
with as much objectivity as possible an institution that seems to
have became a permanent element in our national household*
Democracy is sometimes referred to as a form of political action,
a way of life, a code of ethics*
Certainly concepts of it have ceased
to be confined to political forms of control and have come to embrace
all aspects of human living*
Democracy, in political connotation, means that form of politioal
society in which the collective will is recognised as the basis of
government, its expression being organized through appropriate insti­
The Institute of Propaganda Analysis^ states that four aspects
of Democracy are set forth or definitely implied in the Constitution
and the Federal statutes:
How broadly should we define democracy? Democracy
has the four following aspects, set forth or definitely
implied in the Constitution and the Federal statutes:
Political— Freedom to discuss fully and
effectively and to vote on public issues.
Economic— Freedom to work and to partici­
pate in organizations and discussions to
promote better working standards
living conditions*
Social— Freedom from oppression based on
theories of superiority or inferiority of
group, class, or race.
Alfred Me Clung Lee and Elizabeth Briant Lee, ed*, The Fine Art
of Propaganda, A Study of Father Coughlin’s Speeches.
Hew York: Harcourt Brace and Co., 1939, pp. 19.
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Religious— Freedom of worship, with separation
of church and state*
Lord Bryce's explanation emphasizes the political idea of democ­
racy hut it does suggest the historical backgrounds
The word democracy has been used ewer since
the time of Herodotus to denote that form of
government in which the ruling power of a state
is legally vested, not in any particular class
or classes but in the members of the oamnunity
as a whole. This means, in communities which
act by voting, that rule belongs to the major­
ity, as no other method has been found for de­
termining peaceably and legally what is to be
deemed the will of a community which is not
unaminous. Usage has made this the accepted
sense of the term, and usage is the safest
guide in the employment of words.
Democracy, as the rule of the Many, was by
the Greeks opposed to Monarchy, which is the rule
of One, and to Oligarchy, which is the rule of
the Few, i.e* of a class privileged either by
birth or by property. Thus it came to be taken
an denoting in practice that form of government
in which the poorer class, always the more numerous,
did in fact rule; the term Deoas was often used
to describe not the whole people but that partic­
ular class as distinguished from the wealthier
and much smaller class. Moderns sometimes also
use it thus, to describe what we call 'the masses'
in contradistinction to 'the classes'. But it is
better to employ the word as meaning neither more
nor less than the Rule of the Majority, the 'classes
nnr< the masses* of the whole people being taken
together. *•
William Rappard* s explanation is worth quoting here for it gives
the whole cycle of democracy, from its coming into existence, through
its absorption of new elements, until its own elaborateness became
1. James Bryce, Modern Democracies.
1924, Vol. I, pp. 20.
Hew Yorks
Macmillan Company,
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
16such it could no longer exercise effective control of its own selft
M o d e m democracy, as we have seen, owes its
origin to a revolt against the restrictions on
the liberty of the individual and against the
social and political inequalities which absolu­
tism in its various national forms had imposed
upon its subjects* The democratic programs,
therefore, called for the damning-back of the
state and for the emanicipation of the citizen
from the pressure to which it has long subjected
him. Self-government was looked upon as the
best and fairest means for attaining these ends*
Now, when democracy had been set up, govern­
ment by the people, and of the people immediately
led to government for the people* And the people
were not long content with the freedom from op­
pression and discrimination they had achieved*
They soon realized that, whereas the political
and economic liberty they had striven for and
secured had relieved them of one set of grievances,
it had not as appreciably improved their material
lot, els they had been led to hope and to expect*
Indeed they found that what they had gained in
nfnni n»l freedom— to pursue as they pleased the
economic activities of their choice unhampered
by any social control— they had lost in security.
They discovered also that political privileges
based on inequalities of birth were not the
only privileges or the most irritating inequali­
ties* Whereas their former rulers had been
their traditional masters, but often also their
traditional protectors, they had, by freeing them­
selves of their rulers, deprived themselves of
their recent protectors* And the new masters,
who had arisen as a natural consequence of freely
competitive conditions, were the less inclined
to assume any responsibility of protection, as
they owed their mastery not to their inherited
position of social superiority but only to their
own individual efforts*
Under these conditions the people naturally
turned to the state, over which they had se­
cured control* They demanded that it should
curb the activities of their new industrial
masters when these activities jeopardized their
own welfare, that it should take over the duties
of their former traditional rulers and protect
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-17them against the risks inherent in economic free­
dom and that it should use its financial author­
ity to improve their intellectual and social lot
and to limit and correct the inequalities of in­
come to 'which natural ability and inherited wealth
were more and more giving rise under the newly
established conditions of free competition*
Whence, labor legislation forbidding the em­
ployment of children and limiting the hours and
fixing the conditions of work for adults, and
then protecting them against the consequence
of accident, illness, old age, and unemployment*
Whence also the promotion of universal, compul­
sory, and gratuitous education by the establish­
ment and development of state-finanoed schools*
Whence, also, the gradually extended control of
the state over all industrial, commercial, and
banking enterprises tending toward the trans­
ference of the means of production from private
to public ownership* Whence also the gradual
turning-over of a larger and larger part of the
national income to the state, by means of in­
creasingly graduated taxation of private in­
comes, private savings, and private inheritance.
Whence finally, a huge growth of public indebt­
edness and the gradual emergence of an increas­
ingly graduated taxation of private incomes,
private savings, and private inheritance. Whence
finally, a huge growth of public indebtedness
and the gradual emergence of an increasingly
elaborate, technically complicated, and finan­
cially burdensome piece of social machinery,
over which democracy itself, which had willed
its creation and its development, could no longer
exercise effective control.*
Dr. George Strayer saysi
The most significant ideal of democracy is
that of equality of opportunity. We seek to
develop a society in which neither race nor
creed, nor economic statue, nor class, nor
caste shall interfere to deny to the individual
the opportunity to achieve significantly and
William Eappard, The Crisis of Democracy.
Chicago Press, 1930, pp. "25i9-kS!J.
University of
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-18to live abundantly. We were conoemed in
the early history of our democracy with the
guaranteeing of equality of political rights
for the individual. Mfe soon became conscious
of the fact that the right to participate in
government did not carry with it the realisa­
tion of the ideal of equality of opportunity•1
Professor Newlon says:
Democracy can not be realized until economic
security and justice are established. The
evidence that in a highly industrialized so­
ciety, the establishment of economic security
and justice is a function of economic and so­
cial planning is irrefutable. Democracy in the
future, then, can only mean economic and cul­
tural planning under social control. It means
some form of collectivism or, rather, an ex­
tension of collectivism, for in America many
important social functions— the post office,
the schools, roads and numerous others~are
collectively owned and controlled; while
industry, public utilities and business come
more and more under government regulation and
The question is not whether we shall move
toward collectivism, but what form shall we
adopt. The form adopted must be consistent
with our democratic tradition of political
equality, equality of opportunity, economic
justice, freedom of thought and speech, a full,
rich life for every individual (....). The
road to adequate social control of economic
resources and processes will be long and diffi­
cult, and we cannot yet foresee in detail what
the new society will be. The general frame­
work in which life must be lived is clear.
If life is to be good, it must be made so.
In order that economic life may be so ordered
in the interests of each and all, it must be
brought under democratic oontrol as govern­
ment was brought under the control of the
people more than a century ago.*
Jesse H. Newlon, Educational Adrainl stration as Social Policy.
New York: Charles Scribners Sons, iyi44, p. ISO.
Ibid., p. 74.
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
19The Honorable Frank Murphy, now Associate Justice of the
United States Supreme Court, made a statement while Attorney
General that gets close to the heart of the mattert
How often do we profess our faith in
democracy and forget to associate it with
the things in our own lives that are democ­
What, exactly, is this idea of individual
liberty? What do we mean when we talk about
the beauty and dignity of the human personality?
rihy we mean that unknown fellow, mounted on
his soap-box in the city street, speaking his
piece about the way he thinks this country and
the government ought to be run. ne mean that
editor or author, writing as he pleases, con­
demning or commending the administration as
his opinions dictate, we mean that little
group of Mennonites or Mormons or Quakers
worshiping in their own churches in the way
their consciences tell them is right. «!e
mean the ordinary citizen expressing his frank
opinions to his Mayor or Congressman or Presi­
dent, and getting consideration of them. Ve
mean the business man setting up shop for the
kind of business and in the kind of community
that he prefers, with nothing but the public
welfare to say him nay. !«e mean the workingman
at liberty to choose his own occupation and to
move when he pleases into another. tie mean the
scientist free to search for truth, and the
educator free to teach it, unhampered by the
fear of some *super-man* who makes his own
truth and allows no competition.^
perhaps the ultimate conception of what democracy seeks to arrive
at is found in the beautiful phrasing of Thomas Mann:
Hon. Frank Murphy, In Defense of Democracy. (Introduction by
Charles Beard) ""WasiiingtonT”"!). C. t Council on Public Affairs,
1721 Bye Street, p. 8.
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-20I wish to give the word 'democracy* a very
broad meaning, a much broader one than the
merely political sense of this word would
suggest; for I am connecting it with the
highest human attributes, with the idea of
the absolute; I am relating it to the in­
alienable dignity of mankind, which no force,
however humiliating, can destroy (..... ..
It is insufficient to define the democratic
principle as the principle of majority rule
and to translate democracy literally, all
too literally, as government by the people,
an expression of double meaning which could
also signify mob rule, for that is more
nearly the definition of fascism. It is
even inadequate-correct as it may be— to
reduce the democratic idea to the idea of
peace, and to assert that the right of a
few people to determine its own destiny
includes respect for the rights of foreign
people and thus constitutes the best guaran­
tee for the creation of a conmunity of nations
and for peace. We must reach higher and envis­
age the whole. We must define democracy as
that form of government and of society which is
inspired above every other with the feeling and
consciousness of the dignity of man.
The dignity of man— do we not feel alarmed
and somewhat ridiculous at the mention of
these words? Do they not savour of optimism
grown feeble and stuffy— of after-dinner ora­
tory, which scarcely harmonizes with the bitter,
harsh, everyday truth about human beings? We
know it— this truth. We are well aware of the
nature of men— and we are far from entertaining
any illusions on the subject. The nature of
man is transfixed in the sacred wordst 'The
imagination of man's heart is evil from his
youth.’ It has been desoribed with philosophi­
cal cynicism in the phrase of Frederick lit
•the accursed race— cette race maudite. * Yes,
Yes, humanity— its injustice, malice, cruelty,
its average stupidity and blindness are amply
demonstrated, its egoism, its cross, its
deceitfulness, cowardice, its antisocial in­
stincts, constitute our everyday experience;
the iron pressure of disciplinary constraint
is necessary to keep it under any reasonable
control. ?iho cannot embroider upon the depravity
of this strange creature called man, who does
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-21not often despair over his future or sympathise
with the contempt felt by the angels of heaven
from, the day of creation for the incomprehensible
interest which the heavenly father takes in this
problematical creature? And yet it is a factmore true today than ever— that we cannot allow
ourselves, because of so much all too wellfounded scepticism, to despise humanity. Despite
so much ridiculous depravity, we cannot forget
the great and the honourable in man, which mani­
fests themselves as art and acience, as passion
for truth, creation of beauty and the idea of
justice; and it is also true that insensitive­
ness to the great mystery which we touch upon
when we say 'man* or ’humanity' signifies
spiritual death. That is not a truth of yester­
day or the day before yesterday, antiquated,
unattractive and feeble. It is the new and
necessary truth of today and tomorrow, the
truth which has life and youth on its side in
opposition to the false and 'withering youthful­
ness of certain theories and truths of the
However the definition of democracy may be fashioned, the idea
seems to involve an evolutionary process.
The analysis of what democ­
racy seeks to accomplish shows it to have come a long way from a
nebulous past and over a tortuous route and at varying rates of progress.
Political, economic and social concepts seem intermingled with emphasis
sometimes on one and sometimes on another.
In England
In America
Magna Carta
Petition of Eight
Bill of Eights
Eecognition of Trade
Declaration of Independence as
expression of certain inalien­
able rights
Constitution of the United States
"promote general welfare"
"provide the blessings of
Thomas Mann, The Coming Victory of Democracy.
Knopf, 1938, pp. 17-21.
Hew York;
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Reform Act of
Reform of the Poor Law
Repeal of the Corn Laws
"Bill of Rights"
Daniel Boone looking
for that something
called opportunity
Chartists Movement
The "Forty-niners"
Ref orm Act of
Sherman Anti-Trust Act
Federal Employers
Liability Act
■inrlrjngTntm1s Compen­
Old Age Pensions
Workmen's Compensation
Labor Exchange Act
Clayton Act
Reform of Parliament Act
(Curbing the Lords)
Minvnnnn Wage for Miners
Children's Charter in
XTX sections. Pres.
Hoover's White House
Program of Land Reform
Tennessee Valley
1933- -1935
Social Security Act
Wagner Labor Relations
MiniTBinn Wages and.
Hours Act
Agricultural Adjust­
ment Act
Fair Labor Relations
Using the primary material select and quote from
each document or act listed here the essential
feature that makes it a step toward the realisa­
tion of democracy.
In the History of France quote from the Tennis
Court Oath and the Declaration of the Rights of
Man ana of the Citisen to illustrate progress
toward democracy.
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Does the French Constitution have a Bill of
What provision does the Constitution of the
U. S. S. R. make for democracy?
Sir Norman Angel 1 is not entirely happy over the prospects of
success for democracy*
The voice of the people has been called by
someone the voice of God but rather is it the
sum total of their prejudices, national ani­
mosities, religious fanaticisms, enthusiasms,
Is Democracy possible at all?
It depends upon what one means by democracy.
If one means that there is any device by which,
in a society like ours, real power by means of
votes shall be equally distributed among the
entire adult population, the thing can never
be realized. If we imply by it some such broad
generalization as ‘government by the majority*
the direction of the actual business of admin­
istration thereby, the thing is equally impos­
sible. If we imply that an intricate apparatus
of party fights, primaries, elections, conven­
tions, caucuses can result ultimately in any­
thing but control by a small professional class
and the interests behind them, again we must
admit that the idea is irrealizable. By such
means the 'rule of the majority* in the normal
ordering of political control can never be more
than a sham.
But there is a sense in which the rule of
the majority is a very real fact— some would
add, unhappily. Where the majority view expresses
itself, as it so frequently and disastrously does,
in deep prejudices, national animosities, religious
fanaticisms, in widespread emotions, enthusiasms,
hostilities, those things have to be taken into
account by the rulers, the 'controlling interests’
themselves bee cane subject to those psychological
forces. Those forces are part of the Public Mind.
And it makes all the difference in the world to the
security of society and its well being whether that
public mind is more or less wise. The degree of its
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-24folly is the factor ■which may determine the
difference between disastrous collapses of
civilization with all the attendant miseries,
or an orderly development and transformation.!
The old Chinese proverb "The highest towers rise from the
may or may not have been made to epitomize the democratic ideal but it
serves well in so doing.
History shows that any social order, whether
it be a factor of governmental control or some other that would be
permanent, must rest upon the foundation of a contented, happy, pros­
perous people.
However democracy may be described or defined it seems increasingly
to include the idea that in all the divisions of our economy, adminis­
tration, and culture the interests of all the people are to be the
determining factor.
Since every person is of moral worth and dignity
in himself, no man or class of men can be exploited by another individ­
ual or class without doing violence to the essential spirit of democracy.
The search for the "good life" can be seen as the "great trek"
of humans across the pages of history, and the struggle to realize
the “inherent dignity of man" can be characterized as the mightiest
of crusades.
If and when such ends could be achieved, the world would
have the greatest spectacle of applied Christianity it has yet seen.
Christ could then be said to be truly taken from the icons and set
up in the market place.
Norman iuagell, The Public Mind.
Company, 192'/, pp. 169-171.
Daniels Vare, The Last Empress.
1930, p. 1.
New York:
E. P. Dutton and
New York:
The Literary Guild,
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Chapter III
It is wall to take inventory from time to time.
Business men
have long realized the importance of taking account of stock.
icies must be determined not only in the light of goals that are
desired but of situations that exist*
Surveys of position from
time to time become the fresh starting points for the better direc­
tion of action.
There 6hould be no criticism of those who engage in inquiry
into existing orders of society.
If an institution cannot bear the
weight of criticism leveled against it; if it cannot stand up under
attack; if it cannot progressively renew itself from the inside
and from time to time fashion those parts found wanting within its
own structure; if it must constantly be held upright by some outside
force; if it must be made to shine by some reflected glory or be
made to function by some superimposed authority, a fair comment
would seem to be it was high time for it to yield its place to
something more inherently valuable.
Bistory abounds in examples of the futility of attempts, even
though brilliant and elaborate in the extreme in themselves, to
bolster up institutions, either worthless within themselves or long
since valueless because of out-moding.
The years back also furnish
repeated illustrations of the futility of attempting to ward off
institutions that by their very nature may be considered inevitable.
The most unkind friend a cherished order of any society can
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-26have is the
who would so deify that order that it ceases to
became a dynamic force within that society.
Unless a social group
is to progressively develop within itself and in contact with other
groups it becomes stagnant and decay sets in.
It is like the boy
in the game who counts to five hundred and calls, “here upon no
more moving."
Societies fashion certain institutions to help them attain
certain desired ends.
Having accomplished those ends the institu­
tions that have furnished the steps must not in turn become obstacles
to further growth.
Horses and buggies were a vast improvement over
horses with no buggies or oxen or shank’s mare, but they certainly
tie up traffic on a busy modern street.
prepare a description of the affect of
ancestor worship on the history of China. ^
Make a list of organizations existing in
our country, the purpose of which is main­
tenance of historic or patriotic tradition.
(Tolstoy says in Anna Karenina, that
"the only nations which ever come to
be called historic are those which
recognize the importance and worth
of their own institutions."
Van lyck Brooks says "the.first necessity
of a new nation is to believe in itself"
and that it was the function of the early
American orators and historians to create
the self-confidence our nation needed.2
Yutang, MY Country and My People.
New York:
Eeynal, 1935.
--- ,
Arthur Henderson Smith, Village Life in China.
F. H. Revell
Arthur Henderson
F. H. Revell
Van ffyck Brooks,
E. P. Dutton
Hew York:
Company, 1899.
Smith, Chinese Characteristics. New York:
Company, 1900.
Flowering of New England, 1815-1865. New York:
and Co., Inc., 1936, p. 126.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
27Prepare a
tions you
what part
case in support of the organiza­
list and present a case showing
they might play in a country* s
lag . *
It is often said that Americans as a people are not receptive
to change.
That is probably more true of some sections of the coun­
try than of others but it can also be said that probably there is
no society that has made more fundamental changes in so short a
period of time as has that of the United States.
It is easy to see
be critical when someone steps out of the line but not so easy
to see when the “whole line has moved up".
Yihat i6 the idea conveyed by Sarah O m e
Jewett* s The Dulham Ladies? 2
How does James Truslow Adams describe the
Hew Bngland mind in his historical overview
in Hew Tgnfrland*s Prospect: 1953? ®
Vernon Parrington surveys Main Currents in
American Thought.^ How does he describe
The Col onia*1
- Mind? How does he describe
Jhe Romantic* Revolution? What are the
Begi nuings of Critical Realism in America?
Howard K. Beale, Are American Teachers Free? Hew York: Charles
Scribner* s Sons, 1S3S.
Bessie L. Pierce, Citizens* Organ!rations and the Training of
Youth. Charles Scribner's Sons, 1933.
See H. P. Warfel, R. E. Gabriel and S. T. Williams, The American
Mind. Hew York: American Book Company, 1937, p. llsc.
See also S. 0. Jewett, A. White Heron and Other Stories.
Special Publication Ho. 16 of the American Geographical Society,
Broadway at lb6tE~Street, Hew York, 1933.
Vernon Parrington, Vol. I, The Colonial Mind, 1620—1800. Harcourt
Vol. II. The Romantic Revolution in America,
m w - i b w ; ---------------------Vol. Ill, The'Beginnings of Critical Realism
in America, 1565^1920.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
What is the "New Deal" in American History?
The President of the United States at the
time of the New Deal and the decade of the
1930's was Franklin D. Roosevelt. No ques­
tion of policy since the slavery question
so disturbed the disposition of the people
as his plan to reorganize the Supreme Court
in order to get more liberal interpretation
in the New Deal policies of his first term
of office.
a. What was the personnel of the United
States Supreme Court when Nr. Roose­
velt took office?
b. Who had appointed each of the judges
then on the Court?
c. What was the age of each upon taking
office and at the time of the New
Deal in 1933?
d. What was the average age of the fiftyfive men who made the Constitution of
the United States in 1787?
Hake a personality sketch of each of
the most active five.
What did George Washington think of
the Constitution after he and his
companions had finished the drafting?
(Use primary material. )
e. Upon what basis were the first two
major efforts of the early phases of
the New Deal negated? (National
Recovery Act, NRA; Agricultural
Adjustment Act, AAA;} What were
the major points to be accomplished
by these two laws?
f. What were the main parts of the program
for reorganization of the Court as set
forth by the President? For what reason
did the President's Committee of Reorgani­
zation refuse endorsement of the program?
(Use the primarv material and quote in
g. IShat changes were made in the judioiary
act that was finally passed?
h. rihat new judges were appointed to the
Supreme Court during the administration
of Franklin Roosevelt? tttiat was the age of
each at the time of appointment?
fthan speaking of the New Deal it is sometimes
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-29said. the Supreme Court “negated it in toto
and accepted it in detail*
Do you think this comment true or not?
(Use primary material.) *
What are the similarities of this situation
with the demands of the "Chartists'* in
England in 1848 and the subsequent reforms? ^
What is the thesis of Edwin Corwin in the
Twilight of the Supreme Court?®
Shat does Edwin Contfin say of the Court
Over Constitution? *
Here are some items to he considered in a treatment of the
question, "Do We Have Democracy How?"
Ask of eaoh one Is This Democracy and note that there is Democ­
racy in the freedom in the asking*
The Wagner Labor Relations Act, the Social Security Act, the
Fair Labor Standards Act and the Agricultural Adjustment
Act of 1938 are a few places where study might begin on
this point*
Carleton Hayes, Political and Social History of Modern Europe.
Vol. II, Hew 'forks Hkcmi lTan, 1924.
Edwin Corwin, Twilight of the Supreme Court. Hew Haven* Vale
University Press, i31?4.
Edwin Corwin, Court Over Constitution. Princeton* Princeton
Univer sity fcress, 19337
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Some facts and figures about Family Incomes in the United States:
The great majority of the Ration's consumers are members of
families of tiro or more persons, sharing a common income and living
under a common roof* The 29,400,300 families in the population
during 1935-1936 were by far the most important group of incomespending units, including nearly 91 per cent of the total body
of consumers*
The distribution of these 29 million families by income level
is shown graphically in Chart I* As the bars on the left of the
chart indicate, 14 per cent of all families received less than
#1,000; 65 per cent less than #1,500; and 87 per oent less than
#2,500* Above the #2,500 level, there were about 10 per cent with
incomes up to #5,000; about 2 per cent receiving between #5,000
and #10,000, and only 1 per cent with incomes of #10,000 or more.
Chart 3 gives these figures in fuller detail*
When the income of all families are added together, the aggre­
gate is approximately 48 billion dollars. The shares of this total
income going to the various income levels are also shown in Chart 1.
rie find that 42 per cent of families with incomes under #1,000
received less than 16 per cent of the aggregate, while the 3 per
cent with incomes of #5,000 and over received 21 per cent of the
total. The income of the top 1 per oent accounted for a little
over 13 per cent of the aggregate.
The disparity of incomes is revealed somewhat more clearly in
Chart 5* One tenth of the aggregate income supports almost the
whole lower third of the families and single individuals.
Although almost 4 million families and single individuals in
this lower third were dependent on relief for at least part of the
year, fully 70 per cent of the total, number— that is, a little over
9 million— received no assistance of any kind from any relief agency.
Of this non-relief group, 1,700,000 were independent single men;
1,600,000 were single women; and 5,900,000 were families of 2 or
more persons.
Taken from Hational Resources Comnittee, Consumer Incomes in
the United States. United States SovemmRTit printing
Cffice, Washington D. C.: 1938.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
$iopoo a OVER
7 ,5 0 0 -1 0 ,0 0 0
5 ,0 0 0 - 7 ,5 0 0
4 ,5 0 0 - 5 ,0 0 0
4 ,0 0 0 - 4 ,5 0 0
3 ,5 0 0 - 4 ,0 0 0
3 ,0 0 0 - 3 ,5 0 0
2 ,5 0 0 - 3 ,0 0 0
11 iii
2 ,0 0 0 - 2 ,5 0 0
1,500 - 2,000
• 1,000 - 1,500
1 1 1 1 V U I I I I I I I I V 1 1 1 1 1 V 1 1 1 ! II
5 0 0 - 1,000
UNDER $ 5 0 0
C hart
:iis chart may be read either by length of bars or by symbols
ich figure symbol represents 1 percent of all families or 284,000 families
:ieh dollar symbol represents 1 percent of aggregate income of all families or §476,792,380
B a t lo n a l R e s o u rc e s C a n n d tte s j
C o n su n er In c a s e s i n t h e
tf a ite d S ta te s *
s a s h i c f i t a n , S. C « * t S T t o S ^ S t a t e a
at" P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1 9 3 8 , p , 3 *
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1935 -36
V11VI ? 111 (
f IT f 11V f 71
1925 -
fill! m i l
1540 -
! 11 ! r V111V
1275 -
1070 -
S S SS 5S5
$ 2 6 0 0 a OVER
Mil MM!!
m u m u
111 M 11!! I
720 -
1 1 ! I! 11! f
340 -
j UNDER $ 3 4 0
SSS SSSS SS5 5SS S 5 5 5 S5 S S 5 S S 5 5 5 S 5 S S S S S S S ’
(.'u.xitr o
iis c h a rt m a y b e re a d e ith e r b y le n g th o f bars o r b y sym bols
ch fig u re s y m b o l represents 1 pe rc en t o f a ll fa m ilies a n d sin gle in d iv id u a ls o r 39 4 ,5 8 3 consum er u n its
.ch d o lla r s y m b o l represents 1 ]>crcent o f aggregate incom e o f a il fa m ilies an d single in d iv id u a ls o r §5 92,3 80,2 80
TbijS»9 p* 4*
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
$14,600 a OVER
4 9 0 0 - 14,600
3100 - 4 9 0 0
2375 -
1950 -
1320 -
1040 - 1 3 2 0
7 6 0 - 1040
UNDER $ 7 6 0
C hart 5
chart m ay he read either by length of bars or by symbols
dollar symbol represents 1 percent of aggregate income of all families and single individuals or S59215S(i,2S0
figure symbol represents 1 percent of all families and single individuals or 394,583 consumer units
XbitUp p« 5*
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
A story of the farmer: ^
I know that America is supposed to he so rich as to
afford any folly, any stupidity. Our newspapers are
fond of talking of our boundless wealth, the 'per-rairies
stretching from the rock-bound coast o' Maine to the
sunny shores of the golden Pacific.' All this oratory
is very attractive, and Americans are very fond of it,
but what are the facts?
The last time 1 heard that phrase about 'this sunkissed land' and the 'boundless prairies stretching from
the rock-bound coast* and so forth, it was from the lips
of a gentleman in a country store, who concluded the
oration by asking the loan of a dollar and a half in
order to get a sack of flour to take home to his wife,
the store-keeper declining further credit on an account
which was already four and a half years old. I am not
romancing; it is an absolute fact. The farmer in ques­
tion for half an hour had been indulging in precisely
the sort of bamboozle with which our land companies
fill their rose-colored circulars. 'The richest coun­
try on God Almighty's earth, sir' (....). How the facts
of this patriot's situation are that his farm is mort­
gaged up to the hilt, as also are his team and wagon;
his implements he has never paid for; his grocery
account is something over four years old; he can never
remember the time when he was out of debt; his wife, at
thirty-five, is an old and worn woman; she can never
remember the time when she was not overworked, when she
had not had to get up at daylight, and well before it
in wintertime, to cook the coarse grub for the family
and the occasional hands. The wooden shack in which
they live is an oven in summer, a refrigerator in winter.
A garden the farm does not possess; no one would have
the time to attend to it. The vegetables are bought
from the travelling Chinaman, and the wife and her
husband have not even the meagre satisfaction of owning
the farm upon which for years they have labored like
convicts. Anri they never will own it. In a couple of
years the bank will foreclose, the ramshackle wagon will
be loaded with bedding and a frying-pan, and this worn
woman with the tired face will follow her husband to
same newer territory, where the process will be started
all over
de capo. 'Finest country on God Almighty's
earth, sir. Millions of happy homes, sir, stretchin'
from the rock bound
Horman Angel 1, The Public Mind. Its Disorders: Its Exploitation.
Hew York: E. P. Dutton and Company, Inc., 1927, pp. 92-93.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Economic Problem Ho* I:
"1 see one third of a nation ill-
housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished.*
(President Frank! in D.
Roosevelt in his Second Inaugural, January, 1937*)
(The pictures presented here are reproduced by permission
from Erskine Caldwell and Margaret Bourke-Shite, You Have Seen
Their Faces*
Hew York:
East 44th Street, 1937.
Modern Age Books, Incorporated, 155
P. 54.)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
HAPPY HOLLOW, GEORGIA. “Sometimes I tell my
husband we couldn’t be worse off if we tried.”
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
PETERSON, ALABAMA. “I suppose there is plenty to
eat somewhere if you can find it; the cat always does.”
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
the relief office gives them four cans of beef, a can of
dried peas, and five dollars, and the old lady generally
spends a dollar and a half o f it for snuff.”
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
.Some facts and figures concerning the Support for Education in
the United States. ^
There are wide differences among the states in their economic
ability to support schools.
The United States Department of Commerce has
estimated the national income, in the year 1934,
at $50,174,000,000. A distribution of this total
among the states, as estimated by the National
Industrial Conference Board, indicates that
$8,650,000,000, or about 17 percent of the total,
was received by the inhabitants of New York state.
The people of only seven states— New York, Penn­
sylvania, Illinois, California, Ohio, Massachnsetts, and New Jersey— received #27,053,821,000,
or almost 54 percent of the national total.
The total estimated wealth of the nation in
1932, according to the National Industrial Con­
ference Board, was $247,300,000,000. The Con­
ference Board's estimate of the distribution
of national wealth among the states shows almost
one-third of the total wealth of the nation
located in four states— New York, Pennsylvania,
Illinois, and Ohio.
All available data on the relative financial
resources of the states tend to bear out the
conclusion that wide differences exist. Accord­
ing to the most conservative of the figures the
ability of the richest state to support education
is at least six times as great as that of the
poorest state. Other estimates indicate that
this divergence is even greater.
On any basis, so far presented, the taxpaying
ability of states like Delaware, Nevada, New
York, New Jersey, California, Connecticut,
riyoming, and Massachusetts averages from, two to
four times as great as that of the states of
North Carolina, Kentucky, Louisiana, Arkansas,
Georgia, Alabama, South Carolina, and Mississippi.
These differences are great enough to account for
many of .the variations in educational opportunity
Research Bulletin of the National Education Association, Vol.
lY, Bo. 4, SepTiember, 1937.)
Ibid., p. 163.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
There are wide differences in the extent and quality of the
school programs offered ty the various states.
Contrast the kind of schools that can he
bought for $18.93 per pupil, annually, with
those which cost an annual sum of $124.52
per pupil. Yet Figure I shows that these were
the average amounts spent in 1933-34 for each
pupil enrolled in the public schools of Mis­
sissippi and New York, respectively. Accord­
ing to these figures the average school child
of New York state has about 6§ times as much
money spent on his education, each year, as the
average school child of Mississippi. 3The average school term in the nation as a
whole is about 8g- months. The average terms
supported by tjie states range from 9£ months
to less than
months. In seven states the
average number of days attended by rural pupils
is less than 6 months. More than 600,000
children attend rural schools which are in
session for less than 6 months per year. Are
these rural children expected to learn as much
in 6 months as children in some other states,
and in city schools of the same states, can
learn in 8 or 9 months!
Can a teacher be employed for $465 annually
who will be equal in training and ability to
one who is paid an annual salary of $2361?
The former figure is the average, not the
minimum, salary paid public sohool teachers
in Arkansas in 1933-34. The latter figure
is the average salary paid teachers in New
York state. Four states pay teachers an average
of less than $600 a year; nine states pay less
than $750. (......................... .
The range among the states in the value of
public school property per pupil in attendance
is from $570 in Massachusetts to $60 in Mis­
sissippi. Over 65 percent of all school build­
ings in the latter state are one-room schools.
In the former state, one-room schools represent
less than 15 percent of total school buildings.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-41A study by PKA. engineers reveals that about
two and one-half million children are not pro­
vided with public school facilities. Hearly
as many pupils attend school only part-time or
in buildings that are unsanitary and unsafe. *
Inequalities in the economic ability of the states to support
education are emphasized by differences in the size of the educa­
tional task.
Almost invariably the states with the lowest tax-
paying ability and the most meager educational programs are those
with the highest number of children in proportion to adults.
(....) striking regional differences in the
ratios of children to adults in the main produc­
tive age group. For every 1000 persons between
the ages of 20
64, there are in the South­
east 426 children of elementary-school age
(between the ages of 5 and 13). In the South­
west section of the country the ratio of chil­
dren aged 5 to 13 years per 1000 adults is
380. There are 350 children per 1000 adults
in the Borthwest; 297 in the Middle States;
295 in the Hortheast, and only 236 in the
Paoific Coast States of the Far West. In
other words, the productive population of
the Southeast is carrying a burden of child
education which is 44 percent greater
than that carried by the Hortheast and 80
Educational inequalities cannot be removed even though the
states adopt modern tax systems and proportion a suitable amount
of their available revenues to the financing of education.
By taking the 1931-32 data it can be shown that
even under a uniform system great differences in
ability would exist among the states. For example.
Hew York could raise 82 times as much as Hevada;
22 times as much as Mississippi; 19 times as much as
Arkansas; 2^ times as much as California. However,
Loo. cit.
Ibid., p. 165.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-42to bring these differences into perspective as
related to the support of education it is neces­
sary to take into account the number of children
to be educated and the Quality of the educational
program to be provided. *
It can be statistically shown that the nation can afford to give
such governmental aid as will go far to eliminate the most glaring
of the inequalities in eduoational opportunity.
In 1926 the total expenditure for local, state
and national government amounted to over $10,000,000,000— 28 percent of the total being spent by
the federal government, 14 percent by the states,
and 58 percent by local governments. The combined
expenditure in 1926 for public elementary, second­
ary, and collegiate education totaled $2,250,000,000.
Expenditures for all types of government in 1934
amounted to $14,500,000,000— an increase of about
40 percent over the 1926 figure. The federal govern­
ment spent 46 peroent of the total, the states 16
percent, and the localities 38 percent. The total
cost of education meanwhile dropped to less than
$2,000,000,000— over $500,000,000 under the highest
point in 1930.
Why did governmental cost increase? Between
1954 »Tid 1938 federal expenditures for veterans*
pensions and benefits rose from $500,000,000 to
nearly $2,500,000,000. In this period the postal
deficit Increased almost $30,000,000. In 1936
national defense required nearly twice as much as
it did in 1934.
in even larger share of the increased cost of
government has arisen from new and presumably emer­
gency activities. Federal expenditures for relief
and recovery amounted to $892,000,000 in 1932,
increased to $4,000,000,000 in 1934, and then de­
clined to slightly over $3,000,000,000 in 1936.
Since 1953, federal grants to the states and locali­
ties for unemployment relief and works projects have
been larger than all other types of federal aid com­
bined. In the one year of 1956 direct payments to
the states by the federal government amounted to
Ibid., p. 173.
R eproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-43Are certain governmental services developing at
the expense of education? rihile relief measures
have teen necessary, there is considerable evidence
that the need for some new federal services could he
prevented if the federal government assumed its
rightful place in the financing of education. Under
the circumstances. the people have the right to demand
of their legislators that In "the selection ofTields
Tor federal expenditure political expediency shall
not he permitted to outweigh larger social consid­
erations. Education is one of the most essential
and fundamental activities of government, and in
the budgeting of the available resources it should
be made an effective service to all of the people.*
From the current press, the current drama, or
the cinema, prepare two exercises that illus­
trate the question, "Do We Have Democracy Now?"
Examine the figures below and prepare your answer
to the question "Can there be Democracy now?"
(The figures are taken from Thomas John Vatson,
The Cost of War. International Conciliation,
October, ld3#, Ho. 343, pp. 342-343 — Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, 405 Vest 117th
Street, Hew York City.)
Ibid., p. 177.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
(in millions of dollars)
Central &
S. America
Central Europe
& Balkans
Others (14
(6 oountries)469.7
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
— Co sts of War
World War expenditures of the United States,
fisoal years 1917 to 1921—
Operating the liar Department.......................... ..#14,849,594,000
Operating the Havy Department..........................
Cost of Federal control of transportation.............
Cost of war risk insurance................................ 504,773,000
Interest paid on the war debt.........................
Cost of war emergency corporations and
miscellaneous expense............................... . 2,592,531,000
Pre-armistice loans to other nations.......
Cost during war period...........................#3ss,048,8o2,oo0
Continuing cost of the World War to the United States
from 1921 to the end of the fiscal year 1937#8,816,416,000
Interest paid on war debt........
Cost of caring for the disabled
Payment of veterans* adjusted compensation...........
Settlement of the War Claims Act of 1928...............
Costs resulting from war....................... .#J.b,eao,87e,uuo
Total....................................... #50,879,730,000
Credits— —
Would Have Paid For Assets Listed Below
Wiring for electricity 9,400,000 urbanand rural......... #2,350,000,000
homes now without current...........................
Paying off all farm mortgages in the United States
Equipping with bath roams the 5,750,000 farm homes
without.......................,..................... 2,875,000,000
Establishing additional endowments for education
equal to those now in existence......
Building 4 consolidated schools at #250,000 each
in every county of the United States................ . 3,073,000,000
Constructing airports in the amount of one million
dollars in every county of the United States.......... 3,073,000,000
.......... 5,000,000,000
For prevention of floods and soil erosion
Establishing a trust fund at 3 per cent to provide
#100 monthly pension for each blind and deaf
person in the United States..
Building 10 bridges each equivalent to Triborough Bridge*••
Building another canal across Panama at the cost of
the present one.......................
Duplicating the recovery and relief program of the
United States from 1932 to 1938....................... 18,687,354,000
Endowing at 2 per cent an organisation to promote
world peace at more than the combined cost of the
League of nations and World Court and International
Labour Organization. .............................
Total............................ #50,879,730,000
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-46With these illustrations of the glaring inequalities in our
democratic system before us, it is easy to be bitter and often
difficult to keep steady when the discrepancy between what must be
done and what society is willing to do is regarded.
Harry Elmer
Barnes says, "This discrepancy in the rate of progress as between
material culture and social institutions— now called 'cultural lag'
seems to hare placed modern civilisation in special jeopardy." ^
Hotice the bitterness in the following from another writer:
Was there, is there, such a thing as an American
dream? Was there, is there, such a thing as the
American Spirit? If there was, let us hie our­
selves to history and find comfort in reliving.
If there is, get a magnifying glass that one may
see clearly, and a watering can that one may help
it growl
Where is that thing called the American Spirit?
Where shall one look? Which way shall one turn?
Harangued by the mobs; fleeced by the politicians;
cowed by the prelates; patronized by the stuffshirts; or clad in self-righteousne6s, 'garring*
old clothes with those who call themselves patriots,
where shall one look to find that thing called
American Spirit?
Where are those who once were pioneers? A. world
tumbles down, but those ufoo were once clear-eyed
and unafraid, seem more like ostrichs, hiding heads
and waiting for the storm to pass. (But how could
faces be shown whose complexions are made only for
the pretty day!) Is every fine, free thing of the
spirit bruised and broken while a nation plows
under its riches lest its very wealth be its un­
doing? What do we dare? Where do we lead? What
do we stand for? Capital ships, super dreadnoughts,
chewing gum and cosmetics, while at home we drone,
'Calling all cars' and the best we can do for a
world at large is summed up in ’cash and carry'I
~ Historical Writing.
University of
His fuller treatment is found under Cultural Lag and the Human
Outlook - History of Western Civilization. Hew fork: Bar
Brace, l93t, p. liol.
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Is there no one to lead a line in the only country
from which leaders, if there is to be any, must come?
'Those behind cry Forward, and those ahead cry Back.'
American dream? American Spirit herded like sheep in
long lines by gloved and shining uniformed guards waiting
a chance to see puppets act out nursery rhymes in the
name of scientific advancement; or thrilling forward to
learn <10 can knock out wham, in how many seconds and
in what round! Or yelling in chorus for a touch down
in a world of make-believe; finding comfort and ease in
so called* Classics' on a moronic level in a radio world
while we wonder how to meet the next installment of taxes,
and pump life into a decayed social order with a W.P.A.
machine! Is this the best the American spirit can do?
Does our dream leave off where this nightmare begins? 1
In interpreting what seem to be inadequacies in our present American
system and making the contrast with our earlier history it seems plain
that there have been two Americas, the one that was and the one that is.
The outlook upon them and the scheme of values one uses depends upon
which one of these one is viewing.
The implanting, settling, pioneering, expanding state — our first
will perhaps be always the most spectacular one in our history.
America was truly magnificent in its youth.
No one has written more
glowingly of this part of our history than George Bancroft.
Van % o k
Brocks reviews Bancroft this way*
(....) the republic saw itself reflected
in Bancroft's flattering mirror. There, like
a river-system seen from a lofty mountain, the
whole American story stretched its length, down
to the adoption of the Constitution; the found­
ing of the colonies, the struggles with the
European peoples, the Puritans, the Cavaliers,
the Quakers, the red men and their ways, the
slave-trade, the early wars, the wonders of the
Western wilderness,— the elk, the stag, the bear
and Daniel Boone, pausing to rest in the golden
thickets,— the savage forests and the great
plantations, the gathering of the forces in the
Revolution, the nation rejoicing in its strength,
all in connection and relation, God the cause,
X. A. Sutton, Reprinted here by permission of Connecticut State
Teacher, June 1939, Hartford, Connecticut.
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-48Progress the effect. Happy days when Planeus
was the consul, remote as Rome Itself, when
the young republic delighted the soul of Tocqueville and every American morning was a
Fourth of Julyl Who would smile, in the
sweep of such a vision, at the touchy, selfimportant little man who served as its rhapsodist and its hierophant, the little leader
with his buttonhole who called the steps in
the ham-dance of Progress? ^
The intense period of nationalisation that followed our young days,
culminating with the turn of the 19th century, was a necessary one and
a great one but now it is back of us, it is a little umaring we did
not build more thoughtfully even as we built so daringly.
We seemed
rich enough to afford any folly and foolish enough to engage in many
It was a period of great national development and self-
expression; of great power as well as of great profligacy.
major attempts to control the American leviathan came in the 1890’s.
Warnings of the necessity to “conserve" are found almost continuously
since Theodore Roosevelt popularised the idea and the beginnings of
what came to be Secretary Hull’s reciprocal trade policy can be found
in President Taft's Reciprocity with Canada.
As inevitably as the period of nationalization followed the
pioneering stage so chaos and humility followed our nationalism and
our pride.
Great was the fall of our house,
tfe rocketed precari­
ously in the 1920’s but warnings fell on deaf ears.
us at first prostrate and then struggling up.
faire had proved no real democracy at all.
proved inadequate.
Our yesterday was gone.
The 1930's showed
Democracy under laissez
The old oonoeptB were
It will not be unwept,
Tan Hjyck Brooks, The Flowering of Hew England., op. cit., pp. 135134.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-49unhonored or unsung for it was great while it lasted.
be treasured in history
that of our pioneering day.
Its plane will
But it is
becoming increasingly apparent that our real struggle lies ahead.
We have abundance of evidence on every side that American
institutions must make major adjustments and that our "midpassage",
"transition" period will not be a comfortable one.
The Beards
graphically describe the end of an era when the "Midpassage" came:
After the long and toilsome rise, American civili­
zation reached, at the summer solstice of Normalcy,
the high plateau of permanent peace and prosperity—
in the general opinion of business organizers, bankers,
guardians of the National Shrine in Wall Street, bond
salesmen, grateful holders of stocks, lawyers, doctors,
editors, writers, columnists, artists, architects,
actors, philosophers, economists, scientists, engineers,
teachers, professors, women of the leisure class, the
aristocracy of labor, and the politicians of the right
direction. Notes of jubilee drowned the plaintive
cries of farmers and the queasy doubts of querulous
critics. Aooording to the golden appearance of things,
ingenuity would create novelty upon novelty, gadget
upon gadget, to keep the nation’s machines whirling;
inevitably outlets would be found for the accumula­
tions of capital and the torrents of commodities;
and employment would be afforded for laborers befitting
their merits and diligence. Articles for comfort and
convenience, devices for diversion and amusement
were multiplying with sensational rapidity, giving
promise of a satisfaction even more gratifying. Cor­
porations were swelling in size, holding companies
were rising to dizzy heights, the tide of liquid
claims to wealth was flooding in. Since, it was
thought, the morale of the nation was grounded in
ineradicable virtues and sustained by a beneficent
religion, American civilization was well fortified
against all varieties of untoward experience.
Reassured by the solidity of business, educators
drove ahead with plans for buildings, campuses, and
endowments still more magnificent, to fit the youth
of the land for entering upon the heritage prepared
and guaranteed by their ancestors. Pouring out from
the seats of learning, hopeful graduates, with diplomas
in their hands
benedictions on their heads, looked
forward in confidence to security in the professions.
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50services, polite callings, or dainty domesticity.
For consumers there were to be automobiles, radios,
electric refrigerators, silk stockings, lingerie, and
cosmetics, if necessary on the installment plan, with
no payment down. Wherever, in the worst of excellent
circumstances, unfortunates required succor, an appeal made to private philanthropy that the homeless
might have their shelter and the hungry their bread.
The permanence and beneficence seemed doubly guaran­
teed by a strong government under the watchful guardian­
ship of nine impeccable judges soon to be housed in the
resplendent Palace of Justice at the national capital.
Under political institutions inherited from prudent
forebears and solidified by respectful practice, the
people ruled through laws of their own making, within
the fixed limits of the Constitution; and as it had
been it might ever be. No powerful faction challenged
the form of government or threatened the vested rights
of property. Nowhere in the shadows lurked a Catiline.
A warning that the "transition" or “midpassage" adjustment period
will not be a comfortable one is made in the following:
Today modern culture and institutions are under­
going much the same strains and stresses that medieval
institutions passed through after 1500. Our insti­
tutions are already being either rapidly supplanted
or readjusted to new conditions, though we are as yet
only in the initial stages of the vast transforma­
tion through which modern culture is bound to pass
before it can stabilize itself in a new phase of
cultural evolution.
So critical an age as that in which we now live is
certainly no time for "pussyfooting" or evasion.
Unless we are willing to state candidly the situation
that faces us, we certainly cannot expect to suronon
the realism and courage which will be required to
solve our problems and perpetuate some semblance of
civilization. The sociological obscurantist is,
today, one of the major menaces to civilization.
Charles A. and Mary 2.. Beard, America in Midpassage. (Opening
paragraph) Such a volume as this' xn itself lends distinction
to any age. New York: Macmillan Company, 1959. P. 976.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-51Aay book which comprehensively analyzes the
outstanding problems of our age and fails to
provoke animated reactions and thoughtful dis­
cussions is hardly worth the paper on which it is
printed. Those who find their differences with
the writer too numerous and vigorous to be selfcontained may be amiably reminded that it is their
privilege to write their own books on the subject
The major problems of this country have long been clearly defined.
The main lines along which solutions must inevitably be found have al­
ready been fairly clearly drawn.
The fact that democracy must be the
ultimate medium through which real achievements will come is, for the most
part,obvious to one who knows history.
The part that America must play
on the world stage is evident, also, except to those who refuse to see.
The first and foremost problem for the world and for America
as well is how to get and keep the peace.
The second one and dependent
on the solving of the first for its own solution is how to get economic
security under fair living conditions for the world* s workers.
third one, and dependent on the finding of answers to the first and
second for its own answer, is how to release the energy and money now
directed toward and tied up in the destructive activities associated
with war for the promulgation of the arts and the sciences at home and
A whole world of marvelous things seems all ready to be freed.
A whole world of people at home and as many abroad seas ready to enjoy
the mighty fruits of intellectual advance of the last one hundred years.
Masses of people can never be secure to enjoy anything if money has
more and more to be drained off from the human, liberalizing, freeing
things of life to build engines to kill men with at the order of
Harry Elmer Barnes, Society in Transition.
Inc., 1939, the preface.
Hew York:
Prentice Hall,
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-52imperialists operating in the guise of statesmen!
we cannot spend
our substance in such riotous living and have it to build human happi­
ness with*
The diplomacy of the modem world has shown itself a futile,
barren, bankrupt thing not only for getting and keeping the peace
but for constructive accomplishment when the good of the masses of
people is the goal.
Hot content with the sacrifice of one generation
of strong men— and only the strongest are acceptable for cannon fodder—
and of untold material wealth in the first quarter of the century the
same old methods, the same old reasoning, the same outworn discredited
diplomatic manoeuvering and jockeying for position have come trium­
phantly through in the second quarter of the century and with the same
Much has been said by many writers concerning .America's respon­
sibility and its opportunity when the work to be done in the world
is considered.
Her comparatively remote and isolated geographic
position and her incomparably vast economic resources probably account
for one reason why the emphasis is placed upon her.
Help must come
and from somewhere so eyes turn to the most likely place.
Whether or not America has come of age and is ready to assume
the obligations of those who have reached maturity, and whether or
not it is a sound position to take that to whom much has been given,
from him much has a right to be expected, our country faces a pros­
pect that may lead in many new directions in what may be termed the
fourth great period of American life.
It is not enough to say either that our country gave to the world
the first definite new ideas for regulating the affairs of nations
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
or that it must assume a large share of responsibility for the failure
of those ideas in practice.
Nor is it enough to add that the replace­
ment of war as a means of settling disputes between nations by inter­
national regulatory machinery functioning through congresses, courts
and international police forces is a change so tremendous in scope
as to need a century to turn around in.
such platitudes.
The crisis is too acute for
The problem is obvious.
The solution equally so.
It is time for the unmasking of the old order and its masquerading
agents by an aroused and asserted public opinion.
under democracies are free enough to act.
No peoples but those
Failures to act are more
costly today because the stakes have assumed such proportions.
positions are being discredited for the misnomers and shabby things
they are.
Declarations to do nothing are now listed as definite
public policy and as such must take the judgment time affixes to
negative positions.
The first «nn foremost problem for the world and for America is
how to get and keep the peace,
iShether there will be no peace and the
situation be permitted to go by default, or whether the United States
will take a leading part in regulating the activities of nation-states
remains to be seen in the years ahead.
The demand of the masses for security has ripened in many countries
and the struggle is on.
Dams have been built to thwart the demand
in almost as many countries by the different forms of fascist control.
Already the varied forms which the answers to the economic questions
will inevitably take is fairly clear.
The United States has shown
in one line of action and the Soviet Union through another the two
most definite attempts to meet the problem constructively.
The major
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-54outlines of America1s "Hew Deal" have clearly come through and many
of its plans developed through appropriate legislation.
The greatest
weakness seems to be that its reforms did not go deep enough nor
spread far enough.
Much more remains to be done and much that has
been done may be undone by the forces of reaction
inaction that
inevitably follow great forward liberalizing movements but the United
States1 reconstructive years between 1933 and 1940 will represent
one of this century1s most courageous attempts to affect basic and
far-reaching reforms ana that within the framework of the traditional
In the United States the Hew Deal set up
by President Roosevelt in 1933, and extended
thereafter, constitutes the most striking
Middle way program thus far carried out in
the Hew Vorld. It is not, of course, so
sweeping as the system which has been estab­
lished in Mexico during the last decade.
Considering the extent and depth of the
crisis early in 1933, it must be admitted
that the Hew Deal program was extremely
moderate and conciliatory. It actually
failed to go as far as was necessary to
provide for an adequate reform of democracy
and capitalism in this country. Moreover,
President Roosevelt resolutely refused to
accept the theory of the class struggle
or to base his popular support upon the
loyalty of the submerged classes. Rather,
he pursued the •one big happy family1 social
philosophy, hoping to bring capital and
labor together in a mutual support of his
In spite of the moderate character of the
Hew Deal and the ingratiating manner of the
President in promoting it, the vested economic
interests have fought against it bitterly and
have brought about a stalemate, nevertheless,
the Hew Deal has effected certain permanent
changes in the American social order, most
notably the recognition that the government
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-55must provide employment and relief for the
unemployed and needy. Hot even a reaction­
ary Republican administration could hope to
return to the philosophy of Presidents Coolidge
and Hoover, under •whom it was literally easier
to get relief for a mule than for a man. Ho
party repudiating Hew Deal principles in any
open fashion could hope for a political vic­
tory in this country.*
The reform movements of Soviet Russia have been the most thorough­
going of any since the time of the French Revolution.
They had to be
established by a complete overthrow of the old order.
The years to
come may negate the reforms and the revolution may prove abortive as
has the one in the decade of the 1930's in Spain, but the Russian
Soviet experiment is so far the most comprehensive one of the century.
If the system, however, has had within itself anything of permanent
value for the Russian people or of suggestion for a capitalist world
badly in need of reform it seems probable that the entry of the Soviet
Union into the war of 1939 will seriously retard not only the further
development of the social-political-economic experiments within that
country but negate any suggestion that it may have had for the world
at large.
lhatever may be the verdict eventually placed on these spectacular
movements they constitute definite illustrations in the twentieth
century world of attempts to meet that century's second greatest
problem~the demand of masses of people for economic security through
social and political reform.
Democracy faces its real test and with it America.
Can we get
the pride of our past glory out of the way sufficiently to see the
Harry Rimer Barnes, Society in Transition,
opus, cit., p. 672.
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-56glaring inconsistencies and appalling inadequacies of our present
Can we set our house in order?
to control?
Can we go from chaos
Do we know where we are going and are we on our way?
Are we willing and able to make any contribution to the moral and
intellectual needs of the world let alone accept the position of
leadership that is definitely thrust upon us?
We are in a position
to write a powerful page of history if we will and can!
The factors that determine the ultimate
position of a nation are often listed
as the presence or absence of natural
resources, labor, capital, executive
capacity, organizing ability, and ade­
quate factors of control.
Make a scale and weigh the five greatest
countries in the world today. If America
must take the leadership in the solving of
the world* s problem, why so? If not, why
not, end who will?
Why is fascism said to be a "Dam—
built to thwart the demand" of the masses
for security? What is fascism? Could
the form of socialism found in the Soviet
Union be considered a "dam"?
Explain "Neutral positions can be discredited
for the misnomers and shabby things they are".
America's New Deal is described as having
been for the most part realized. Bring in
two articles from the current newspapers to
prove or disprove this statement. Have
"forces of reaction and inaction" or further
liberalizing ones followed the decade of
the 1930*8?
Illustrate with press material.
Prepare a review of some book published
since January, 1940, that treats of any
matter suggested in this part of this text.
Contrast the Monroe Doctrine with the
results of the Lima Conference in 1938.
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Use primary material,
of the Good neighbor?
ilhat is the Policy
Present from current press material by a
contributed article, a cartoon, or an
editorial some evidence showing each of
the following*
a. That we have in this country made
a choice between some kind of eco­
nomic and social planning and a
long-drawn-out epoch of struggle
and decadence in favor of the
b. That there is much to be desired
before the social good of all groups
can be realized.
c. That there are definite conflicts
of opinion as to the desirability
of economic and social planning.
d. That our society has accepted
definitely its obligation to
realize the social good.
e. That our society is still in the
philanthropic-paternalistic-patronizing-charitable-organization stage of
the democratic idea and as a nation
does not yet accept fully responsibility
for the social good.
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Chapter IV
A Study of the Basic Techniques of Inquiry and Criticism the
Intelligent Citizen Must Habitually Use in a Democratic Society*
The American society must be an intelligent one and an informed
The position is forced by the fact that it is committed to a
democratic order.
It is not enough for a few to be able and toknow.
That would be an aristocracy of ability and intelligence, superimposed
upon a Democratic base, with the mass power of the many who are ignorant,
negating always the ability of the few who are informed.
If control
is to be "by the people", those people must be intelligently alert,
must keep progressively informed, must know what i6 for their good
and must be able to take the steps to get it*
In other forms of Government, a leader is strong
in proportion to the ignorance and the faith of his
followers; Democratic leadership is strong in pro­
portion to the educated intelligence of the people.1
Prepare a review of the book from which this
quotation is taken*
But to make the great masses of people intelligently alert is
much easier said than done.
The conflicts resulting from a highly
competitive economic system get increasingly stronger as the system
In this country it has matured.
The entrepreneur, the small
business man, once a competitor of the others of his kind, has been
taken over by another company.
over by another company.
That company, in turn, has been taken
It is now part of a big combine.
T. H. Briggs, The Great Investment.
1930, p. 117”
Harvard Press,
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-59Little business has graduated into big business*
present but it is between the units of big business.
Competition is
Bvery device
possible is used in the struggle of these great units to pre-empt the
field and so control it, or to control it through the principles of
monopoly and duoplay which have become more important than those of
free competition.
The competition has changed in character and the
principles applicable today are far different from those when the
units were smaller and more numerous.
(....) corporations have arisen in field after
field as the myriad independent and competing
units of private business have given way to the
few large groupings of the modern quasi-public
corporation. The typical business unit of the
19th century was owned by individuals or small
groups; was managed by them or their appointees;
and was, in the main, limited in size by the
personal wealth of the individuals in control.
These units have been supplanted in ever greater
measure by great aggregations in which tens and
even hundreds of thousands of workers and property
worth hundreds of millions of dollars, belonging
to tens or even hundreds of thousands of individuals,
are combined through the corporate mechanism into
a single producing organization under unified
control and management. Such a unit is the Ameri­
can Telephone and Telegraph Company, perhaps the
most advanced development of the corporate system.
With assets of almost five billions of dollars,
with 454,000 employees, and stockholders to the
number of 567,694, this company may indeed be
called an economic empire— -an empire bounded
by no geographical limits, but held together by
centralized control. One hundred companies of
this size would control the whole of American
wealth; would employ all of the gainfully employed;
and if there were no duplication of stockholders,
would be owned by practically every family in the
(....) the huge corporation, the corporation
with $90,000,000 of assets or more, has come to
dominate most major industries if not all industry
in the United States. A rapidly increasing pro1.
Berle and Keans, The Modern Corporation and Private Property.
York: Macmillan, 1937, pp. 2-3.
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portion of industry is carried on under this
form of organisation* There is apparently no
immediate limit to its increase* It is coming
more and more to be the industrial unit with
which American economic, social, and political
life must deal* The implications of this fact
challenge many of the basic assumptions of
current thought.*
ihen the process of "engulfing" has developed so that the stage of
monopoly is reached, whether by one great unit in each field, or by a
few who effectively control it, the order or system may be said to have
matured and the structure of the society faces a crisis and many important
Competition again exists but now it has become struggle between
the big units that dominate the field and the society at large or the
organized state through which that society functions.
units control the state?
If so, in whose interest?
Shall the state control the economic units?
Shall the economic
will this be democ­
To what extent?
Kill this be democracy?
The survival of democracy in America requires above
all else the launching of a bold and vigorous program
of action. If democracy is to continue to live, it
must show signs of life; if it is not to face the
immediate prospect of senility and death, it must
go forward to new ventures and conquests. It cannot
preserve itself by standing still and clutching to
its breast the achievements of the past (........
Our central weakness today resides in the fact that
seeming outward success has concealed the gradual
undermining of the economic and moral foundations of
democracy, de have been resting on our oars; we
have been coasting on the achievements of our ances­
tors; we have even resented the voices of those who
have pointed to the bitter discrepancies between our
professions and our practices. The central part of
any program in defense of democracy, therefore,
must be an honest and vigorous effort to apply the
above ideals, values, and outlook to our life and
institutions - to bring economic power under popular
Ibid., p. 44.
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-61control, to release the energies of technology, to
root out every kind of special privilege and corrup­
tion, to promote toleration, understanding, and
brotherhood among races, peoples, and religions,
to conduct an unrelenting war on poverty and heritage,
to prosecute the free and untrammeled search for
knowledge in all fields, and to engage positively
in the creation of a civilisation of justice, beauty,
humanity, and grandeur. 1
head the reference quoted here and prepare an
answer to the question, "How Can The Schools Teach
It is at this point that socialism, state socialism, fascism, national
socialism, the totalitarian state, dictatorships of classes or of persons
came in.
The democracies of the western world have been forced to con­
sider these questions, in western Europe because of pressures from within
to some extent, but more from pressures from without.
In the United
States the pressure of the maturing capitalistic system has forced the
issue although the pressure of the unfavorable international trade situa­
tion has been a contributing factor.
American business has became a
The motives that have actuated a competitive economy motivated
by the desire for gain or profit are now being questioned and must con­
tinue to be as the profits of business
into conflict.
the interests of society come
The question repeatedly arises:
Ihose America is this?
A laissez-faire philosophy, which has been the foundation of our economicpolitical order, has changed to one that seeks to set up social need,
and social value as the criterion of the public order.
This has came
to be familiar under the term collectivism.
George S. Counts, The Schools Can Teach Democracy.
John Day Company, 1939, pp. ll~ancP131
New York:
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iftiat is the idea inherent in America in Midassage? (Charles Beard, MacmilTan, 19357)
tudy each of the sections of the "midpassage”
giving for each the major idea and showing why
each has in it the idea of transition from an
old social economic order to & new one.
The tensions that have resulted from the condition brought about by
the maturation of the economic structure make the questions the individ­
ual voter in a democracy must consider increasingly complex,
Alien to
this situation, that has developed more or less normally and inevitably,
is added the dislocations that have resulted from wars the complexities
are still further increased.
Because of this complexity "Tin because the
voter* s interest is so closely involved, he has difficulty in finding
material he can understand and finds it difficult to study without
prejudice; and because the competitive struggle has become so closely
drawn, he has difficulty in finding material upon which he can rely.
The questions the individual asks, then are these;
know about these things?
Ihat is right?
Shat is fair?
How can I
Shat is true?
Among several things that seem fair and right which is the best?
There is truth for the Republican, truth for the Democrat, truth for the
Socialist; there is truth for the Jew and truth for the Gentile; there
is truth for the Catholic and truth for the Protestant; there is right
for the employer and right for the worker; there is fairness to the aged
who must depend upon public tax money and fairness to the child for whom
schools must be built; there is fairness for the producer and fairness
for the consumer.
Each and all of many interests are mnlring a bid for
the support of the individual in a democratic society.
Then there is
the omnipresent matter of national defense to protect that society from
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-63aggressive peoples in the outside world which must take a large por­
tion of the national wealth.
Prepare a statement of the expenditure for
defense in this country. Why must this
expenditure became a matter of the greatest
social concern?
What is the thesis of Max Leraer in It Is
Later Than You Think? (Viking Press7^S^8.)
Why does Lewis Mumford say "Men Must Act?"
(Harcourt Brace, 1939.)
Mot only do these questions touch the individual’s larger interests
but every item of his personal life has became a matter of competitive
What he shall eat, what he shall wear, where he shall go and
what he shall see and hear, how he shall order every phase of his daily
living is bound up in the competitive business life of the country.
Claims for his patronage, his support, dance before his eyes, roar in
his ears and over his head «nn
of the bells in his home.
fair among so many claims?
come with the postman and with the ring
What is right among so many rights?
What is
Which is the truth to accept among so many
To what shall the individual give allegiance when so many
claims that are seemingly legitimate conflict?
In a democracy, the
individual must give up in despair, and let the affairs of his country
be run by those who have capacity, or actively set about equipping
himself to do it.
THE WQBLD is t o m today as never before between
two faiths. Individually and collectively, the
peoples of the globe are aligning themselves under
the banners of democracy on the one hand and dic­
tatorship on the other. The differences between
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-64these two faiths in the various countries do not
alter the picture.
In this struggle, the deeply entrenched sympathies
of the American people are most fortunately on the
side of democracy. We realise, too, that democracy
is not an economic, political, and social philosophy
that may he maintained without effort. Democracy
must be exercised as well as believed. It must enter
both the thought and action patterns of each new
THB SQRLD is beset today by a confusion of con­
flicting propagandas, a Babel of voices in many
tongues shouting charges, counter-charges, assertions,
and contradictions that assail us continually.
Those propagandas are spread broadcast by spokes­
men for political parties, labor unions, business
associations, farm organizations, patriotic societies,
churches, schools, and other agencies. And they are
repeated in conversation by millions of individuals.
If American citizens are to have a clear under­
standing of conditions and what to do about them,
they must be able to recognise propaganda, to
analyze it, and to appraise it. They must be able
to discover whether it is propaganda in line with
their own interests and the interests of our civili­
zation or whether it is propaganda that may distort
our views and threaten to undermine our civilization.2
It may really appear that democracy as a form of control for modem
society is impossible.
It may be that we cannot get in the masses of
people that degree of scientific knowledge and sound judgment necessary
for this highly urbanized, industrial world of today.
Hot only our
back yards and front yards and our neighborhood, but the entire nation,
and that nation one of a family of nations, all developing technically
under the tremendous forces of powerful industrial changes are the
areas which we have to attend.
James Harvey Robinson has said® our
The Fine Art of Propaganda. Institute of Propaganda Analysis, op. cit.
Ibid., p. 14.
Human Comedy., op. cit. p. 260.
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65material civilization has changed more since the days of Jefferson
than it had changed between Jefferson's age and that of Tutankhamen.
Yet we try to control our political life through the same principle
and methods that were present in the era of Hamilton and Jefferson.
He has also saidi
"If we do not put intelligence to work upon the
problem of governing ourselves. Fascism, war and calamities unparailed
may await the human race,"
Corrington Gill states*
A mass of unemployed individuals, eight to
fifteen million strong, who with their dependents
represent from one-eighth to one-fourth of our
population will not be satisfied to remain forever
in this state of insecurity. History teaches us
that such a group will sooner or later be Y.-illing
to trade its freedom of religion, speech and the
press, its rights to representation and assembly,
and even its cultural heritage, for anything that
looks like security. (....) the persistence of
this pressing problem is a serious threat to our
social, political and economic structure.^
Prepare such a review of this book as will
explain its title - James Harvey Robinson,
Prepare a review of Dr. Gill's book.
What does Dr. George Counts say are The
Prospects of American Democracy? (Reynal,
What does Harry Elmer Barnes say on this
point in Society in Transition? (New York*
Prentice-HalI,“Inc., 1539, Chapter 21.)
The point of view taken in this text is that democracy is the
"frame of reference" for our country.
Corrington Gill, lasted Nan Power.
p. 11.
Not only is history democracy's
New York*
W.W. Norton, 1939,
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•66best justification, but it is too deeply ingrained here in the United
States for other forms to make more than temporary inroads. ^
mately and increasingly, if not in this century in the next one,
factors of control in this country will function through democratic
forms and will be strong to the extent they use intelligence in
directing all human affairs in the interests of happy and prosperous
masses of people.
William Bennett Munro says:
“Klhen democracy seems
to be working badly the voters do not shorten sail; they content
themselves with the assurance that the ‘cure for the evils of democ­
racy is more democracy,1 and set more sail to the wind." ^
gffAT RATf )g£ D O ?
The single best help for the citizen-voter-student is for him
to develop in a simplified form for his own use the attitude and
technique the scholar uses.
The method is not difficult to under­
stand nor to use in itself and becomes so only because of the factors
working to thwart real understanding.
It is definitely to the interests of many that the citizen
does not study, does not intelligently prepare himself to act with
reasoned «nri seasoned judgment.
slate, nor a clear field."
The voter has “neither a clean
He himself gets in his own way first of
His emotions, predispositions, mind-sets; his own conveniences
and convictions handicap him in his determination to fairly know.
The individual must get his own wishes out of the way, study with
his mind on the object and not through himself as a subject.
Objectivity, the disinterested pursuit of truth, is essential to
For a fuller explanation see (Te Mean to Have Democracy, Chapter
I of this text.
William Bennett Hunro, Government of the United States. Macmillan,
1931, p. 573.
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-67reeil study.
In addition to himself as obstacle number one there
are the pressures let loose by the conflicting claims of a highly
competitive society.
This individual can better became the victim
of those who have selfish interests to serve if he does not do any
thinking for himself.
Why these things are so and how they work to thwart his purpose
Is told for us in the chapter following this.
Here we are concerned
with that basic help the intelligent voter could get from learning
the technique of those whose life work it is to find the real facts
of any given situation and to put together an account based on the
fairest possible interpretation of them.
These historical workers
are after a reasoned and seasoned judgment, too, though the reasons
why they want it may be different.
is THE
The method of the scholar-student is called sometimes the
historical method and sometimes the scientific method.
The whole first part of his work is concerned with the location
of material with which he is to work, and examining it to see
what of it is reliable and so valid for him to use.
The first requirement is that he think and act and work with
what is up for consideration in the spirit of inquiry.
He is asking
for the facts, he is looking for the truth, he must doubt until he
finds proof.
Such an attitude is the opposite of taking things on
faith or upon authority.
authority of truth.
The only authority the scholar knows is the
The whole first question engaging the historical
student in his critical inquiry is, "What happened?"
It is not what
he would like to have had happen or what anyone else who may be
mairing -the investigation would like to have had happen.
what did happen may directly contradict positions that have long
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68boon established.
Society may be badly disturbed as a result of what
the research worker reveals.
Those who disrupt any of the given
ways of the social order may have to pay heavy penalities for their
findings but the great places of history have ultimately gone to
those who have uncovered the enduring truths upon which structures
must invariably rest and blazed the trails over which society must
ultimately travel.
Such persons loom large as the years go on and
their tormentors are not even mentioned for the most part or if they
are it is always with a stigma that brands them for all time.
tory abounds in attempts to block the mind and spirit of man, and
is strewn with the wreckage of those attempts.
Who is remembered
and given the world* s plaudits— those who die trying or those who
block the way?"
If truth is not easy to discover, if it is not
always mighty and often seems to fail rather than
prevail, yet it always has been and still is the
goal toward which the world* s greatest thinkers
have resolutely set their faces. To scholarship,
no other goal seams possible. Again and again
in history, the truth rides over the set conven­
tions of society. Society may say in a voice
of thunder that the earth is flat and is immovable
and may concentrate all the engines of authority
on crushing those who believe otherwise; but the
revelations of astronomy are not destroyed. De­
feated in life, Galileo triumphs in death. Sch­
olars must deal with ideas, facts, and opinions
as stubborn as those which society imagines to be
the ascendant realities of the present, and they
must report what they find or keep silence.^
Truth crushed to earth shall rise again,
The eternal years of God are hers;
But Error, wounded, writhes with pain,
And dies among his worshippers. ^
Charles A. Beard, A Charter for the Social Sciences, op. cit., p. 4-5.
rtilliam Cullen Bryant, jhe Battlefield^
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-69(....) it may happen that the light of the
scholar's study will shine longer and brighte
than the hot passions that burn in the forum.
It is a reasoned and seasoned opinion he must work from.
The ground­
work of factual material must be sound beneath him if this is to be so.
The looation of material from which historical accounts are to
be made often takes the scholar far afield.
The task is not a simple
By the vows of their craft, they must cover the
wide world anri all time with their searchings.
Nothing that mankind has done on the face of the
earth is foreign to their interest. They use all
the languages living and dead in their researches.
They delve amid the ruins of the buried empires of
antiquity in their quest for more light on the
origins of civilisation. They visit the newest
industrial cities hunting light on social organisa­
tion. Ur of Chaldee and ’Middletown', U. S. A. are
properly subjects for their investigation and medita­
tion. All forms of government no less than the
Constitution of the United States, all religions, all
economic crafts, all arts, the noblest aspirations
of humanity and the crimes of opinion and violence
fall within the reach of their study and contemplation.
(....) In short, under the wide dome of universality,
these scholars carry on their increasing labors,
ohanging from day to day our knowledge of the world
and its records, giving new aspects to the oldest
antiquities and the latest of inventions. (••••)
By the vows of their craft, imposed by the very
nature of the mind and the materials in which they
delve, these scholars are committed to a method
indispensable to their cause, fiherever they labor
they must have before them one object - the truth
about the matter under inquiry, whether small or
great. If that is not their goal, what other
alternative is possible? And if their method is
to be characterized by a single constricting
Charles A. Beard, op. cit., p. 12.
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-70adjective, it must be the word scientific.^
The scholar not only has to go very far afield often times, but
often,too, the sources of
his material, the testimony upon which he
must base his observations and
accounts will be of a veryvariednature.
Books, as we know them, came into existence only with the invention
of printing from moveable type.
the ancient world.
Papyrus was the writing material of
Vellum or parchment supplanted papyrus.
the material on which the expression is found, whatever form of ex­
pression is used, whatever language is the vehicle of the communication
— all of them have to be handled by the student who needs to arrive
at the story of what happened.
The traces of the past may be found in (a)
material objects, such as artifacts, pottery,
mounds, statues, buildings, ruins, pictures,
clothing, tools, and various kinds of remains;
(b) oral remains, such as songs, legends,
ballads, anecdotes, hero tales, and other
traditions; and (c; written or printed records,
such as annals, inscriptions, chronicles,
memoirs, diaries, biographies, autobiographies,
maps, journals, letters, treaties, account
books, contracts, reports, speeches, laws,
constitutions, proclamations, newspapers,
books and magazines. ^
The technical skill required in the handling of the sources which
the scholar or historical student must use varies from case to case as
the student specializes in one or another part of the world’s history.
The student of Egyptian history needs a different set of skills than
one who studies Babylonia.
A document written in hieroglyphics is
different from one in cuneiform inscription.
Auxiliary skills and
techniques and associated sciences used in research are known by
Charles Beard, op. cit., p. 8.
Edgar B. Wesley, Teaching in the Social Studies. Hew York:
Heath, 1937, p. 41.
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different names.
The search for the records of the past, documents
in "whatever form they may be, the finding of the materials which yield
the information, is called the “heuristic" process.
The allied skills
and sciences sometimes needed in interpretation of historical material
Epigraphy - the study or science of inscriptions.
Paleography - the study of the art of deciphering
ancient inscriptions and writings.
Philology - the study of the science of language.
Diplomatic - the art of deciphering ancient writings
and interpreting their age and authenticity.
7«hat are the earliest "historical" materials?
"Mho were the early "historical" workers?-*-
What is history? In what sense can history be
called a science?^
To the spirit of inquiry which is the starting point of the histori­
cal student must be added patience.
Skill and imagination and persis­
tence are frequently needed in order to locate the desired sources of
material from which the accounts are to be constructed.
student has a great advantage today, however.
The modern
Libraries, museums and
archives are not only more numerous but the attention given to the
care and arrangement of manuscript materials is increasingly more skilled.
Where are the world*s great libraries?
How ana to what extent have governments
become "historically" conscious?
*Shy must historical writers of necessity limit
their field of writing?
Allan Nevins, The Gateway to History. Chapter III, Primitive
Henry Johnson, Teaching of History. Chapter I
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what is the significance of the increasing amount
of research material for the science of government,
and ■what is its significance for the "man in the
street“ •who goes to the polls?!
Location of material— records, sources, testimony— in a spirit
of inquiry and with a deal of patience is the first step in the histori­
cal method, the first part of an historical exercise,
when this is
transferred to the world of the citizen-voter of today who wishes to
be informed, it means simply the desire to know, the willingness to
inquire with an open mind, and the location of material which will be
needed in the informing process,
iihat it does not mean is a refusal
to learn, a prejudiced mind, an attitude of negligence or indifference,
or of blind acceptance of material without questioning the source.
What it must not mean is a daily ten minute perusal of a favorite
news sheet calling such wide reading; or an equal number of minutes of
a news commentator calling such background being informed; or the
casual exchange of opinion of just as casual daily acquaintances,
calling such opinion profound; or three minutes of current events before
the feature picture of the screen world calling such review either
disinterested or adequate presentation.
An historical student could
neither be a student nor write history with such equipment.
can a citizen-voter be a helpful one nor a democratic society be an
intelligent one with such procedure.
Having located the materials to be studied, a criticism of them
is the next step for the historical student. Are they authentic?
Are they what they are claimed to be? Are they genuine or are
they forged? Yiho wrote the document? rthen was it written? lihere
was it written? Is it the original writing or a copy of it, and
if it is a copy is it a faithful copy, a pure text?
The student engaged in an historical exercise knows this step
as the one of fcxthttlTAT. CRITICISM.
It seeks to find out when, where
Hevin6, op. cit., Chapter IV.
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-73and by 'whom the source was produced and if it is in its original
For the citizen-voter-student the question after material
is located, becomes one of inquiring!
The step of internal criticism of the material by the his­
torical student immediately follows the external criticism. It
is an examination of motives and meanings that lay underneath
the material.
While this work of external criticism of sources (an ex­
amination of them on the "outside" so to speak) and of internal
criticism (getting inside of them to motives and meanings, )
which altogether is called TEXTUAL CRITICISM, seems at times
intricate and laborious, for the most part it need not be, and
it becomes second nature, habit, for those who learn to use
the technique.
It is simple enough, also, for the citizen-voter-student,
yet something for the most part he does not do.
Society can
never operate as a true and effective democracy until the voter
learns to critically analyze the material from which his judg­
ments are to be made.
Of the author of the book, of the article in the newspaper
or magazine, of the speaker on the radio, the questions must be:
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Read an article from the magazine section of
the New York Times and one from the Saturday Even­
ing Post* Read one article from a monthly magazine.
Listen to the speakers of a program on the radio,
preferably the Town Meeting of the Air or the
Forum Hour. Answer the questions of preceding
paragraph for each.
The questions of meanings and motives of all who speak, talk,
tell, write, are of fundamental importance and unless we learn to
inquire into them we either have no mind with which to do it (in
which case we should not be part of the democratic process) or
we will be forever at the mercy of every wind that blows, buffeted
about by everyone who has an axe to grind, or victimized by those
with things to sell, in which case we can never make democracy
an intelligent order of society. ^
Teachers must learn -this technique and train children to use
It is the only way the citizen-voter can be sure to have it,
for the school is the only institution to which all are required
by law to go, and it is the only institution where training in
The extent to which the press and the radio as the great avenues
to the hnrnftn mind are free and the tricks the propagandist
uses and the methods of propaganda analysis are described
in the following chapter.
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-75the disinterested pursuit of truth is considered a logical part of
the educating process.
There are groups of people who feel it is wrong to teach children
to question all authority and that they have too much freedom anyway.
Parents could be questioned, teachers could be questioned, those in
high places of government authority, even creeds could be questioned.
Yes, it is so.
But that is just the difference between democracy and
In the latter one must not know, one must not ask, one must not
even think.
It is not for one to reason why.
Such methods take one
back to the middle ages before man either in body or mind had known
what freedom could be.
To train one to ask, to reason, to critically
evaluate in this day and generation, is the foundation of democracy.
It liberalises man for himself and makes him free to act for his
By training a child or a voter to question all that sets
itself up as authority, that person is trained to recognise what is
read authority and appreciate it when he does find it.
than this will be enough.
Nothing less
Nothing better could be done.
such training the spirit of man can never be free.
Without it one
has missed the secret of real education in this country claimed to be
a democracy.
Without it one is not educated.
If institutions among which we live cannot stand the criticism
and evaluation of free men it may be time for them to fall~to yield
to something that can bear the light of intellectual day.
Ours will
not be the first generation when such has been the case.
But it is real democracy and a real world when the studentvoter-citizen can say “I have been trained to inquire and to evaluate;
jn e w Y O R K UMiVcRSiTY
| »
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-76I have done so; I have looked freely into these things; the ones that
cannot justify their being must go; the others I have found good and
their protection and support shall have my definite attention."
When the spirit is free and the mind is intelligent all things
are possible.
Without these things, we do not begin to live.
without them can there be democracy?
Read William Y. Elliott's The Heed for Constitu­
tional Reform. ^
a. What is the background of training
and experience of the author?
b. What are the major lines of reform
c. Why must one be intellectually free
to understand such writing?
Read Jay William Hudson's The Old Feiths Perish.^
a. What training led the author to write
this book?
b. Is the author a person who does not
believe in religion? Hake out a
case for your answer.
c. Why does one need to be intellectually
free to understand such writing?
Read Edwin Corwin's The Twilight of the Court.®
a. What is the background of training
and experience of this author?
b. Why does he say the Supreme Court
is in a period of “Twilight”?
c. Why does the reader need to be
intellectually free to under­
stand such writing?
William Y. Elliott, The Heed for Constitutional Reform. McGraw
Hill Publishing Co., 19&5.
Part III oontains a short review of this book.
Edwin Corwin, The Twilight of the Court. Hew Haven* Yale
University Press, 1934.
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There is one further step after the one of criticism for those
seeking "what happened". It is to put together a connected whole,
make a fair account, write the story of "what happened". It is
the step of SYNTHESIS.
From the isolated ideas now established as facts, groupings are
made, generalisations are drawn and a body of related knowledge is
It is as important to maintain the objective attitude in this
step of synthesis as it is in the step of criticism.
Emotion, bias,
preconceived notions can ruin the process here, too.
It is a fair
story that must be set up.
To choose some established material and to
discard other material equally as well established to meet some pattern
the worker would like to shape is to distort the meaning which the ma­
It is a case of stacking the cards.
be dangerous things.
The tales told must be only those fairly to be
drawn from the evidence.
one-half of it.
One could not understand a picture by seeing
The historical material must not be used to mean all
things to all men.
All of the evidence submitted must be used to deter­
mine the character of the ultimate account that is made and not a pre­
ferred selection.
Select a subject of a problem nature from the
current press concerning which there are at
least two opinions or schools of thought.
Build a case for each side.
Be a Republican and then a Democrat. Stack
the cards for or against the party in power
in Washington.
There is a “by-product" of the"historical" work described here
that assumes larger proportions as the need that it meets becomes
more defined in the public mind.
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-78fiow to get and keep the peace is the most persistent problem of
the twentieth century.
Social security for the masses must in the
last analysis be predicated upon the stability of nations that comes
only when there is peace.
The development of the cultural life of
peoples is dependent upon the release of money from the demands of
war and preparation for war for the constructive things of life.
(Part I, Chapter III)
International regulatory machinery to pre­
vent international anarchy, to get the peace and keep it, must be
The public schools have had put upon them the fundamental task
of working for international understanding.
The flamboyant, flag-
waving, chauvinistic, jingoistic type of nationalism, which thwarts
all understanding, is still much in evidence in this country but in
many places it has yielded to a thoughtful, steady kind of patriotism
that finds no need to indict the ideals of other peoples to win recog­
nition for those for which America stands.
uhat has been the purpose of the work of the
Committee on Intellectual Cooperation set up under
the League of Nations following the World War period
ending in 1918?
Peace needs regulatory machinery to keep it, but it must come
first through human understanding of the need for it and the amount
of reason behind the conflict of claims that disturb it.
work sends one far and wide in search for truth.
Truth knows no
Just as the fundamental dogma of democracy is that
Clyde Eagleton, International Government.
Press, 1932, pp. 273,
New York:
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there is no dogma, so the fundamental faetor in historical work is
that all barriers of nations, creeds, dogmas and dispositions must
go down before the quest for truth.
Let history be itself. lo teach 1nhat happened1
eagerly, fearlessly, tirelessly, is but to set the
stage for international understanding. The more
faithfully the study of history in the school clings
to the scientific method, the more objective the
presentation of the story revealing partisanship
an partisanship, and nationalism as nationalism,
both with its virtues and its faults, the more
vividly the life of other people is depicted, the
better the chance of banishing prejudice and of
eliminating the attitudes that make international
understanding difficult. (....................
To look for the truth, to know the truth, and
to appreciate the truth must be the spirit in which
history is taught. To put the parts of the story
of man* s experience together so that today grows
out of yesterday and tomorrow develops from today
is to study history. (.......................
Search for truth knows no boundaries. By the
definite recognition that search for truth and appre­
ciation of it is the aim above all else which must
guide the study of history, the boldest stroke
possible for international understanding has been
made. (.......... .................
These four goals for history teaching are the
foundation upon which international Tinderstanding
may be built: The habit of searching for the truths
of things wherever such action may lead; the develop­
ment of interests that penetrate every land and clime;
the cultivation of tastes that spur one to appreciate
what is true, enduring, and beautiful the world around;
and the belief in the power of mankind to achieve human
progress, with courage to help in the task.^EXERCISES:
Prepare an explaining and defending or indicting
paragraph for each of the goals given for history
K. A. Sutton, Principles of History Teaching, taken from the ThirtySixth Yearbook, Part TT, national Society for the Study of edu­
cation, Public School-Siblishing Co., Bloomington, 111., 1938,
p. 101 ff.
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-80in the "4“ above.
To what extent do these goals differ Aram ones
inferred by Kevins in the "Defence of History"
and "Society and History" chapters of The gate­
way to History?
What does Johnson suggest for Aims and Values
in Chapter III, leaching of History?
Such is the method the historical student uses and to a considerable
degree it is the technique the teacher must train those who are young to
Bring a spirit of inquiry, patience and determina­
tion to the task of finding out.
Collect and critically examine all the material
available relating to the subject in hand.
Select for use only that portion of the material
that can be proved authentic. Determine the mean­
ings and motives inherent in the sources.
Make the story fairly from the established findings.
Dr* Beard's summary of the historical method is a masterpiece.
(....) give us all the pertinent facts available
about the situation in hand, accurately and precisely
disengaged from rumor and mythology; let us assemble
and arrange them with primary reference to their inner
necessities; let us view them with calm detachment,
eliminating as far as. humanly possible all our immedi­
ate interests and preconceptions; let the ordered facts
speak for themselves to those who have ears to hear,
trusting the event to a power beyond ourselves.
Charles A. Beard, A Charter for the Social Sciences, op. cit.,
pp. 8—9.
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-81The following situations are listed only as suggestions:
Early American History
It has been stated that "great and good men like
Washington and Franklin" were loath to think of
independence as an outcome of their quarrel.
this borne out by the facts?
Professor Beale states that the Declaration of
Independence was drawn up partly as a political
document for consumption in foreign lands to
persuade them to aid in the struggle against
Great Britain.
rias Connecticut* s Charter hidden in an oak tree?
Did Betsy Eoss make our first flag?
Hhat support is there for the statement that our
Constitution was made by the "brain trusters"
of the time?
Is it true that it was the result of
the pressure of the "big business" interests of
the 1780’s?
Is it true that an overwhelming majority of
colonists had no thought of separating from Great
Britain and that the Revolution was engineered by
a minority of active rebels?
What were the main points used in the propaganda
campaign to "put over" the new Constitution of our
Is it true that John Hancock, John Adams
and Patrick Henry actually opposed the new Consti­
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Is it true that John Adams felt so strongly that th« mot
was as much to blame for the Boston Massacre as the British
troops that he defended the soldiers at the trial and obtained
their acquittal?
Is it true France's "Declaration of the Eights of Man and of
the Citizen" strongly depict American influence?
Is it true that Cornwallis (after his surrender at Yorktown)
became the idol of the hour because of his successes in India?
Yihat are the positions of George Washington and Thomas Jefferson
on Heutrality and Entangling Alliances?
Was it Columbus or the Vikings who discovered America?
What did George Washington think of the Constitution he had
helped to make?
Why is James Madison called the Father of the American Consti­
Was the convention of 1787 acting illegally when it made a
Later American History
Why was the Post-Civil War period called "The Gilded Age"?
Why wasGrover Cleveland called by a recent biographer “A
Man of Courage"?
What isthe meaning of Democracy?
what isJohn Marshall's interpretation of the power of the
Supreme Court?
What are the views of Aristotle and Montesquieu on the
Separation of Powers?
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Prepare a defense or an indictment of Andrew Johnson.
One writer summed up the note of the days of Andrew
Jackson with the phrase "Westward the course of empire
takes its way."
Show this by treating some phase of the
period "historically".
American Foreign Policy
Why the term “manifest destiny"?
What was in the Zimmerman note to Mexico that caused
such a profound stir in the United States?
Were we, by the Monroe Doctrine, “pulling British chest­
nuts out of the fire"?
lhat makes the spirit benind the Declaration or Agreement
of Lima, 1938, so different from that behind the Monroe
What is "The Open Door"?
Was this "pulling British chest­
nuts out of the fire"?
Vihat is the “most favorea nation" principle found in some
of our reciprocal trade agreements?
The Current Decade in America
Upon what power did his authority rest that President
F. D. Eoosevelt could, by mere proclamation, close all
the banks in this country on March 4, 1933?
By what methods has the power industry kept public
utilities privately controlled?
The "Hew Deal is, in large pare, fait accompli."
What was and is the "Hew Deal"?
Is it?
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tthat is meant 'by labor espionage?
Shat principle of American Government defeated the N.E.A.?
what are the provisions of Magna Carta, Ihe Petition of
Eight, and the Bill of Eights of English history that they
are called the foundation of liberty for English speaking
nhat made the so-called "Glorious Revolution" of England
3. "England expects every man to do his duty."
hho spoke for
Aho are, in history, “the honest broker", "the pilot" who
was "dropped", and the "sick man of Europe"?
5. lfthat was the "scrap of paper episode of 1914"?
6. Ihe Suez Canal, who runs it?
»ho controls it?
.’(ho owns it?
Shy were the Italians not kept from Ethiopia by the mere
process of preventing them passage through the canal?
Vihat did the Russian people want that the Czar would not
give that made "Red Sunday"?
«thy was the "Iron Chancellor"
Shat was the ibis Dispatch?
?ithat was Hapoleon’s "supreme" sacrifice?
ifihat are "Ihe (tar Guilt Clauses"?
liihat had Cecil Ehodes to do with “Cape to Cairo"?
How did Stanley find Livingston?
14. (ihat was the Fashoda Incident?
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The Orient
What were the "unequal treaties" that for so long embittered
China in her relations with the outside world?
The Twenty-
One Demands?
What is Extraterritoriality?
The Contemporary World At Large
Quincy Wright in Public Opinion and World Politics (p. 200)
says that every constituted authority seeks to found its
authority in the conscious ways and ego-ideals of youth.
Is this so?
What was the philosophy of Earl Marx?
What is Fascism?
What is Socialism?
The March on Borne?
5. "The Great Illusion," what does Horman Angel1 say it is?
Find seme other support for his thesis.
Grotius and world order.
Dreams before Grotius for world order.
The First and Second Hague Tribunals.
The Permanent Court of International Justice and why we
did not join.
Economic sanctions.
The separation of powers as a principle of government.
Survival of the fittest.
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Chapter Y
A study of the Pressures within the Individual and from Society
About the Individual that Stand in the ay of an Intelligently Informed
and Critically Analytical Electorate in our Democratic Society*
fthat are the pressures in our society that seek to influence our
fthy are we not free agents?
Why do we as individuals think and act as we do?
We live today in one of the great reorganising periods of history*
tie are sometimes told the world has changed more since Thomas Jefferson's
time than it did between the years of Tutanhkamen and Jefferson. Be
that as it may, so rapidly are changes coming that unless all signs fail
the year 2000 (only about fifty years away) will see a very different
.America and a very different world than the one that now exists.
Obviously a definite period in world history has closed.
world of nation states with their highly developed patriotisms and
their strongly competitive nationalisms that developed in the seven­
teenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is drawing to a close in
this century.
The ineffectiveness of the diplomatic parleys and ma-
noeuverings^ in regulating the operations of nations has shown the
need for new controls if nations are to get along together.
more, the capitalistic framework of society has shown some grave
defects when measured in terms of happy, contented, secure and pros­
perous masses of people*
The fall of Some in the fifth century A. D. likewise signaled
the end of an era and the centuries that followed were marked by
such chaos and disintegration that they are often described as the
Berchtesgaden and Munich, both in Germany, were the scenes of
diplomatic manoeuverings in the late 1930's that illustrate
their ineffectiveness.
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-87Dark Ages.
Feudalism developed the social, economic, and political
patterns that furnished the controls of the civilised world.
in turn wore itself through and the nation states of the fifteenth,
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries became the factors of control.
Now, here halfway across the twentieth century those nation
states with their overdeveloped nationalism, militarism, navalism,
jingoism, chauvinism, imperialism, and international anarchy go down
into the arena in a life and death struggle with their own excesses.
Matthew Arnold's words are as applicable today as when he wrote
them in 1867 for "Oberman Once More"*
But slow that tide of common thought
sdiich bathed our life, retired;
Slow, slow the old world wore to naught,
And pulse by pulse expired.
Its frame yet stood without a breach
tihen blood and warmth were fled;
And still it spake its wonted speechBut every word was dead.
And oh, we cried, that on this corpse
Might fall a freshening storm!
Bive its dry bones, and with new force
A new—spring world inform!
Down came the storm! In ruins fell
The worn-out world we knew.
It pass'd, that elemental swell
Again appear'd the blue;
The sun shone in the new-wash'd sky,
And what from heaven saw he?
Blocks of the past, like icebergs high,
Float on a rolling sea!
Many of us will not wish to see the last stand of a capitalist
world and some will not wish to see the international world, the
regulated world, the world with rules of order checking the lawless­
ness and brigandage of the era just past but there will be none so
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-88blind as those who will not see.
The place this country will be forced to occupy is bound by
every circumstance to be one of leadership.
Such a condition may
be both or disturbing to some, but it will be equally ob­
vious and challenging to others.
Our place in the world economy (....) is almost
unbelievable until you see the cold percentages,
tie have about 6 per cent of the population of the
world, and about 6 per cent of the land area— not
counting Alaska. (.............................
tie have 83 per cent of the world’s freight, pro­
duce nearly 40 per cent of the world's raw materials
for industry, generate half the world's horsepower
and 35 per cent of its electric power, tie produce
34 per cent of the coal, 62 per cent of the petro­
leum. tie are strong in the 'big four' metals—
iron ore, copper, lead, zinc. tie make more than
a third of the world’s pig iron and steel. In­
cidentally we have thirty huge mills for the new
continuous process of making steel sheet and strip.
No other nation has more than one.
tie grow half the world’s corn, tie have half
the world* s telephones. In New York City alone
there are as many telephones as in Russia, India,
China, Poland, and Czechoslovakia combined. We
have four-fifths of the world* s automobiles, twothirds of the trucks and buses, more than half the
radio sets, tie consume two-thirds of the world's
rubber snn silk goods, produce 90 per cent of the
world's moving pictures.
Here we are, one hundred and thirty millions
of us in the grandest slice of continent on earth,
tie have right under our feel almost everything we
need to give the last family a decent standard of
living, tie do not need to go out and take any­
thing, because we have it here, tie do not need to
fight anybody unless they come and try to take away
what we have. God help them if they do.
Fortunate above all others, unified above all
others, stronger than any other, in a sense we have
civilization in our keeping. The responsibility is
passing from the Old World to the New. We may not
be altogether worthy of it, but we are getting it
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-89by default
If the giant bombers rose
from their hangars to destroy Paris, London,
Berlin, Home, and Vladivostok and Tokyo— the
United States can still carry on»^
Such is the world today. Structures of nations, philosophies
of life, economic frameworks and processes are in the conflict of
ideologies which underlie much of what is happening at home and
abroad. In the world at large where chaos must shape into order «nd
control, the nationaliaas that have run riot for so many centuries
will have little sympathy for any attempt at regulation. In the
social and economic world the conscious attempt to achieve the democ­
racy to which lip service has so long been given and which so long
has been denied will be bitterly opposed by those who found security
and prestige under an earlier regime.
The bitter assailing and counter-assailing of individuals and
groups in high places, the rise and fall of political parties and
cabinets, the activities of great churches and states, the nameoalling, the tarring ana feathering, the pinning of labels all
stem off from the conflict engendered by a capitalist world which
is finishing and a new one that no one knows how to name which is
Committees rage, revolutions seethe, thrones totter,
armies march.
Propagandas reach out farther and become more sinister
and deadly than we realize because the conflicts that are on are
more comprehensive than any that the world has yet known.
individual is confused with it all.
He needs to know the methods
of these propagandas and why he is becoming more and more victimized
by them.
The first task is one of definition.
Propaganda is opinion built up and shaped for the achievement
of particular purposes.
Saying it another way, propaganda by an
Stuart Chase, The Hew western Front. Hew Yorki
and Company, 1939, pp. 56 and 184 ff.
Earcourt Brace
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-90inaividual or a group seeks deliberately to influence opinions and
actions of other individuals or groups with reference to predeter­
mined ends*
Propaganda is the opposite of scientific analysis.
The propa­
gandist is trying to "put something across," be it good or bad, and
the worst thing that can happen to him is to have his methods analyzed
and his purpose scrutinized.
The scientist is trying to discover
truth and fact.
Scrutiny, analysis and criticism are the tools with
which he works.
The propagandist with selfish interests to serve
deliberately distorts the truth and as deliberately asserts or builds
up a lie if by so doing he can gain the objectives he seeks.
scientist must uncover all false things and perversions and distor­
tions of the truth in order to get at the facts.
It helps one to see the propagandas more clearly if it is re­
membered that always conflicts or pressures stem off from four basic
institutions of society, i.e. property, labor, the state, and the
Any one of the four is powerful as a pressure alone but
when two, let alone three or four, get together there is conflict
In the hnglish case one hears constant suggestion of semi-
Fascism there.^
In Germany and Italy property lost out and was
betrayed by the state but few gains for labor were made and the
church has been largely persona non grata.
Harold Rugg says: “(....) democracy has not been defeated by
superior strength; indeed it has been deserted by its own
fallen leaders typified best by the Tory imperialistic
government and ruling classes of Great Britain." Democ­
racy and the Curriculum. D. Appleton-Century Co., 1939,
p. viii.
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-91In the United States up to 1930 the state and property went
along pretty well together without much quarrel from labor because
in a land of milk and honey there were plenty of orumbs to fall for
labor anyway.
«hen the milk and honey stopped, labor stepped in and
there came out of the shuffle a "new deal for the forgotten man".
Then after eight years of state and labor in close working allianoe
with property in opposition, property struggles to get hold of the
nation-state again.
Perhaps we see the conflict element involving these four major
factors most clearly in the situation concerning the Soviet Union.
The old Eussia of Czarist days was practically an alliance between
property, the state and the church.
In the new Russia, the state
and Labor are identified and state and property have become prac­
tically synonymous terms.
There has been no other revolution in
history where three revolutions occurred at once.
The nearest was
the French revolution when "the famous August days" saw France’s
social, economic and political world break under the impact of
powerful new forces.
In the Spanish civil war of the 1930’s, the
old monarchical state and property and the church fought on one
side together, with the new liberal state of the Republic and great
groups of working people struggling to keep the small advantage
they had won under the new republic.
In more superficial things propagandas rage more noticeably.
Instructions and admonitions as to what to eat and drink, what to
wear, how to powder noses, how to spend vacations, how to order all
our goings-out and our comings-in from the brushing of our teeth
and the taking of our medicine to the pulling of a lever for the
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-92selection of a judge, dance before our eyes, roar over our heads,
ccme bright and sparkling and tripping with snatches of dance,
recitative and chorus of opera, and crooning of lullaby in our ears
every hour of every day.
Perhaps we can say “where ignorance is bliss ’tis a folly to
be wise“ in such matters and so let it all go over our heads un­
awares while we go on our naive, unalert, unsophisticated way as
Surely such is better than to have to choose between truth
for the worker and truth for the boss, truth for the Republican and
truth for the Democrat, truth for the Catholic and truth for the
Protestant, truth for the Jew and truth for the Gentile, truth for
the pagan and truth for the Christian, and truth for those strong
nri able to conquer and truth for those who are victims of the con­
quered until in desperation we are forced to ask which is the truth
and how can we know.
It is small wonder that in this world of tre­
mendous major conflicts and endless minor ones that propagandas
flourish and mankind gets increasingly confused.
There are many things each of us might do with this condition
of things. The way we are most likely to take and the path we have
most often taken is the one of least resistance. It is the timehonored custom of saying “a plague on all your houses,” and of losing
ourselves in ways that make less exacting demands.
An illustration may be made of a time that came in the 18th
century when a back-to-nature movement was under way —
as Marie Antoinette used to have it.
"au naturel",
Of such things did Rousseau
prolifically write which caused the French Queen to don her sunbonnet and seise the milking stool to care for the cows by the
brook near the buttery in her garden.
There are many modern versions
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-93of this same thing*
Some of us hitch our trailer to the car and
hie us away from everything; some have the greater sophistication
of garden clubs; end then there are the Delphians and the Classics
along with a dozen others for the women and the picturesque regalia
and ritual of countless "service" organizations for the men,
has not been left entirely for Amos and Andy and Brother Crawford
to belong to that order of The Mystic Knights of the Sea,)
We go
fishing, go into the Maine woods, go to the mountains, go camping.
JFe join a society to study the old masters, be it in literature,
drama, or the fine arts.
This same attitude of mind has caused great revivals in religion,
for the wish in times of confusion to find and stick tight to old fa­
miliar and quieting and steady things has always been our way.
finds expression in the constantly recurring waves of nationalism
where we want something we can proudly say is really ours, something
to wave the flag about.
<«e go back to something or other, we are
never quite sure of what, back to good old days, which when they
were lived were not so good, back to plain folks and plain living,
yes, back to forefathers, back to Pilgrims, back to the Declaration
of Independence
back to the Constitution, forgetting that all
these three “institutions" were revolutionary institutions for their
own day.
All this time that we struggle to grip firmly something
stable and something in which we can find comfort and rest, the
major problems of human society with which we are vitally concerned
remain unsolved.
Make a list of all organizations of the city or
town in which you live to which men and women belong.
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94INhatever the merits of this way, and there are many as we truly
know, it is, nevertheless, in "broad perspective "the escapist way".
The cool, clean ways are soothing and recreating; the surgings of
nationalisms are finely patriotic but they may also be over selfrighteous things, gaudy things, unworthy their own best ideology.
As for the Church, one can ask, whenever did that institution coun­
sel one to give up the fight of real living and make one cleave only
unto her with no interest but to bury oneself in her arms and away
from one1s fellow man?
nhatever one* s church affiliation, one can
go through its musical literature and find in it as many conflict
hymns as escapist tunes.
The "escapist" way is one way.
Isolation, neutrality, “wait
for the storm to pass", back to the good old days, back to the fine
old masters in history, literature and art, back to mother church,
back to the forefathers, rightly conceived for the strengthening
and ennobling, enriching experiences they afford is one thing, but
as escapes they are another.
The Father of his Country praying in
the snows at Valley Forge was not praying to go back to something
or other of good old days, nor was he looking for recreation and
His was a prayer born of struggle and for strength to fight
for new and, as he saw them, better things.
Indeed, we can generalize upon this point and say that things
to be done cannot be forever evaded and it is being impressed upon
us more and more that neither nations nor individuals can escape
the moral responsibility for things left undone.
must oome.
A day of reckoning
However much we may be given to pious platitudes and
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evasive palliatives a declaration to do nothing is in itself a declara­
tion of policy, and sooner or later the problems that accumulate have
to be met*
V/e can examine ourselves with as much objectivity as possible
to learn why we think as we think and do as we do. If others study
us and learn to understand us in order to manipulate us with reference
to their own predetermined ends, we should at least know we have as
much a "vested interest* in ourselves as others have in us.
He are bora as it were a member of several teams.
We did not
choose the teams we would be on, the sides on which we would play
in the game, but for the greater part of our lives the most of us
“side in" and "side out" with our teams for better or for worse, richer
or poorer.
They make for us the loyalties and the allegiances of our
lifetime and for the most part we are enslaved by them from our very
The beliefs and practices of the human group in which we are
born have been largely settled long before our arrival and they make
the "thou shales* and "thou shall not's" that mostly govern our think­
ing and behavior.
It is not that most of us find it easier to con­
form in thinking and action than it is to strike out for ourselves,
but our emotions are involved and for the most part we actually
choose to conform.
If we are born in a house facing the park with
plenty of windows where the sun and air come in our thinking will
be very different than if we are bora looking out on the docks and
in places where the sun cannot reach.
Our home, our neighborhood,
our companions, our church, our vocation in life, our political
party are but just a few of the groups which are involved in our
Instead of looking out upon the world through open
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•96windows or a glass that is clear we are forced to look out through
a painted screen.
“It is the prejudices in the back of our human
minds that prevent the intake of truth."
ahat we could really do with this condition is to be aware
first that it is so and then to constantly analyze our thinking and
actions in the light of these unconscious rules that govern our
These things we are wont to call basic modern principles
may be merely the recital of ancient taboos.
The question for us
to decide is can we really sustain our traditional beliefs after
critical examination and honest reasoning or should we frankly revise
them to meet newer and truer conditions.
Vie may have to be born
black or white, long or short, male or female, dark or fair, but
too often as well are we "born" republican or democratic, into a
labor union or on the "upper west side", and a church member or not
of one certain creed or another.
The very food that we eat and the
bed that we sleep in, the paper the newsboy brings, the picture that
hangs on the wall or the fact that there is no picture there, the
books on the shelf or the absence of books on the shelf are all matters
over which as individuals we have during all our early years no con­
All of us are more or less enslaved from birth.
Every person is born into some human group whose
beliefs and practices are largely settled long be­
fore his arrival. And these customs begin almost
at once, to dominate the child. The human animal
is exceptionally plastic; therefore, exceptionally
a creature of its social environment. 'No human
being, *says Euth Benedict, 'even looks at the world
with pristine eyes. He sees it edited by a definite
set of customs and institutions and ways of thinking.1
If born in one group, the child sees life one way;
if in another, the editing is by a different set of
customs. He absorbs the life attitudes of the group
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as he does the air.^
Our society for the most part has put a premium on conforming.
The individual who gets out of line is frowned upon.
We learn early
to bow in the right places not only during the services in our churches
but all the way along Main Street from, the post office to the city hall.
In addition, our system of education has equipped us for little else
but to “go along".
Classic treatments of our schools can be found in
Upton Sinclair* s The Brass Check, The Goose Step, and The Goslings,
and if we want a description of "correct social form" Sinclair Lewis’
Babbitt and Main Street will help.
Teachers are not free to teach
»nn for the most part teach what they do teach so inadequately that
they do not know whether they are free to teach or not.
Society has,
for the most part, lashea them into the pattern of conforming, for
the schools have been little but “tails to a laissez faire kite“.
Virile teaching has not, for the most part, been done in the schools
and virile teaching has not been wanted, for the most part, by society.
The greatest support for the movement to
exclude ’radicalism* from the schools has
come from business men. Men of property
interests tend to be conservative. They
have been the most fortunate under the pre­
sent economic rules and would lose more than
others from economic or social change. The
qualities, too, which make them good business
men prevent their under standing the liberal
or radical point of view. Many of them op­
pose freedom from honest conviction. Whether
rightly or wrongly, they honestly believe that
they are serving the best interests of their
community by safeguarding the schools against
’dangerous ideas’. Others have not thought
at all about it but merely regard silencing
Frank Jerome, Save America First.
1938, pp. 1Z-13~.
New Yorks
Harper and Brothers,
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a radical teacher as part of the game of
removing all obstacles to business success
by whatever tactics prove necessary. Many
business men are without scruple when it
comes to beating a competitor, drumming up
trade, evading the law, crushing labor lead­
ers, robbing the public by the highpowered
misrepresentation of modem advertising.
It is all in the ethics of business, ifftiy
should a teacher be allowed to teach what
looks to him like the truth, when it inter­
feres with profits, creates sentiment for
regulation of industry and for higher tames,
or undermines confidence in business? This
does not mean that all business men are
reactionary or dishonest, nevertheless,
the unscrupulous and timid and conservative
among them supply the chief support for the
professional red-baiters and for community
action against ’dangerous* social and eco­
nomic views of teachers. The professional
patrioteers are largely financed by them
since ’one-hundred-per-cent Americanism’
leans heavily upon maintenance of business
practices and profits as they are.^
What are loyalty oaths?
have them?
Shat states
Individuals think as they think and act as they act because of
their birth and their breeding and because there has been little in
the type of education to which they have been subjected to train them
either independently to think, much less critically to think.
struggle lies ahead for America if really fine teachers could really
teach the real facts of American society and train youth to
act in the light of the real situations.
It is a real question
whether our country* s political, social, and economic order could
survive in anything like its present form if teachers dared to know
and dared to teach the facts of that society.
Howard Beale, Are Teachers Free?
Sons, 1956, pp. 104-105.
New Yorki
Charles Scribner's
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If public school instruction in the Constitution
takes the form of artificial tabus never contemplated
by the men who framed it, if its essential spirit of
progressive adaptation to the needs of society is
neglected, if it is transformed from its original
nature into an iron framework to be fixed upon the
mentality of the people, then the very ends of its
establishment will be defeated and the political
conflicts of the future can not be resolved within
the rationality of the law. No fact of natural sci­
ence is more positively established than this, and
scholars will fail in their duty if they do not
enter a caveat against instruction in the Constitu­
tion which substitutes incantation for research in
its history and genuflections for thought about its
underlying purposes.^
The propagandist makes each of us a case study and then plays
upon all our emotional strings to pipe for him his tune.
If we are
not to be exploited, if we are not to fall victim to every selfish
predatory interest we must learn to question ourselves, understand
ourselves, discount ourselves when we are searching for what is true.
We can learn the tricks of the trade which skilled manipulators
of our minds nrtd our emotions use in order to develop their program
of self interest, «e can be quite sure the clever propagandist knows
all the ways
is fertile at finding new ones. Mussolini said that
he would "play upon all the strings from science to religion and art
to politics" to force Fascism upon the Italian people, Edward Beraays,
probably the most skillful of our contemporary propagandists, said he
did not worry when anybody got on to his tricks because he would just
use some new ones then. That is another way of saying with P. T.
Bamum "there is one b o m every minute."
These are the days of the lobby, the pressure group, the promoter,
the advance agent, the public relations counsel, the struggle for
existence of great rival economic forces in big business, of rivalry
and conflict in ideologies, dogmas, creeds, and rituals, in which the
strongest only will survive. - The battle will go where there is the
Charles A. Beard, A Charter for the Social Studies.
Charles Scribner* s Sons, 193&, pp. 86-871
New York:
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-100cleverest technique supported by the biggest checkbook*
The innocence
of the victim will not protect him from being victimised, nor will the
rights of bystanders prevent their becoming involved*
The easiest of the propaganda tricks to detect and yet one most
frequently used is thatof name-calling*
It is used to indict a per­
son or an idea to make us reject or condemn the idea without examin­
ing the evidence.
This is an old trick,
are the names that are applied*
the only part of it that changes
Heretic was a term of indictment for
generations and still is though it has lost much of its strength*
a m , witch, Yankee, rebel, sissy, bully, coward, foreigner are examples
of name calling*
Today to be a Bed, to be a Communist, to be a mem­
ber of the Bund, to be a rabble rouser, to be an "engager in subver­
sive doctrines" is the worst thing that can ahppen.
We forget that
the labels we pin on the other fellow are placed there not because of
where he is but because we see him from where we stand*
We sire deter­
mined that we, each one of us, will be prosecutor, jury, and judge.
One is reminded of the old Quaker line "Bethinks everyone is queer,
Eachel, but thee ami me and sometimes methinks thou art a little
In connection with the name-calling trick we should be sure we
can all agree on the definition of the name or work called and be
able to analyse our own position before we estimate and condemn the
position of others*
Glittering Generalities is a second propaganda trick*
This is
the trick of using words or phrases that mean all things to all men*
The idea is that the propagandist wants to use a virtue word to get
his idea or product approved without an examination of the evidence.
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-101Democracy, Christianity, human kindliness, the American way, lib­
erty, human justice, and others are difficult to define.
The chairman of one of our state Republican Rational Committees
explained the great care used in getting a slogan upon which to ride
Alf Landon into the ISftiite House.
one preferred.
"Save the land with Landon" was the
It is a perfect example of a glittering generality.
Exactly what could "save the land with Landon” mean?
«fe are all the
while being told about things for which our forefathers stood, but
in working out the subject historically it is truly difficult to
know just what they were.
It is just as difficult to define truth,
peace, justice so that such abstractions could be uniformly used and
Of this trick of the propagandist one should get behind the
emotion of things that sound appealing and the vagueness and general­
ity of terms whose meaning is not clear.
The propagandist uses the transfer device.
This carries the
authority, the sanction, the prestige of something respected and
revered over to something else in order to make the latter accept­
The theme songs on our radio are examples.
Y<e put a flag out
in front of the store to make us note it is bargain day.
ne put a
mask over the real thing and give it sanctity and respect by wrapping
it up in something that serves as an emotional go-between.
This trick is habitually used by speech makers.
Listen to any­
one wishing to get into public office by speaking to the crowd.
can be quite sure that in the course of his address he will bring in
the Constitution, the Declaration of Independence, God, and the Bible.
Probably in addition there will be the Monroe Doctrine, the love for
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-102mother, and sympathy for little children and something concerning
hatred for Russia.
Such tricks need unmasking, unfrocking.
for the most part we all fall for their emotional appeal and applaud
along with the rest.
The testimonial device is another the propagandist uses.
to be able to bring the testimony of some revered or outstanding
person will help to convince us of an idea before we analyse it to
see 'what it is really worth.
we get Mrs. So and So and Miss So and So to act as patronesses
for our parade or party, to help us put on our show,
we say that
Lady So and So uses this kind of silver and so that is the reason
why we should, and that beautiful Lady So and So uses this particular
blend or brand or variety— -if we do then we will be as beautiful as
Lady So and So.
we constantly hear the question “who are the right
people to approach on such and such a matter?"
person to support such an event?"
"Sho is the best
The badge of approval is made to
move across from something and somebody already respected and that
something or somebody will bear testimony for the thing that is to
be introduced.
A fifth propaganda device is that familiarly called “plain
This method is used to convince an audience or group that
some new idea is good because it is the product of the common people.
Just plain folks, just homely everyday virtues, just comfortable like
old shoes is the inference we get here,
we are wont to say a per­
son is a "wholesome" person, or "the salt of the earth".
stories are listed as Just Plain Bill, David Harum, One Man's
Family, The Album of Familiar Music*
Then there are the “Hillbilly
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Governor Landon was made into a homey person with his
sunflower in his buttonhole rocking on the porch in the old rock­
ing chair.
Mrs. Thomas Dewey charmed her audience by saying she
to hurry home because all her children had colds.
A sixth propaganda device is that of card stacking.
involves the selection and the use of facts and falsehoods in
clever over-statement or understatement in order to make the best
possible case or the worst possible case for a program, a person,
or a project.
Such a situation amounts to a frame-up.
at the best are dangerous things.
It has long been recognized by
the historical student that the step of synthesis should be as
carefully objective in method as the step of criticism.
G. E. R.
Geyde writes in the Hew York Times Magazine^- of the "Inscrutableand-Ominous-Kremlin" and in each column builds up a case against
Russia by clever manipulation of overstatement and understatement.
"Every night at midnight the bells of the Kremlin chime forth the
notes of the Internationale somewhat haltingly, for the carillion
was constructed to play nightly ’God Save the Czar1 and never has
been completely reconstructed."
rfhat he does not say is that it
used to be one could stand nightly in Red Square and listen to the
Soviet National song just as one can hear "God Save the King"
anywhere in Britain and the "Star Spangled Banner" in America.
In 1937 the bells on the Kremlin wall had long since ceased their
custom of nightly playing.
Mr. Geyde goes on to say, "Just now
December 10th, 1939.
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-104the blood red of the cunningly floodlit flag slowly waving in the
bitter wind immediately above the snow-covered roofs makes an
unforgetable picture. *
When we stop to think, the great majority
of the flags of the world have red in them just as red as that
of the Russian flag and the flood lights on the Kremlin are no
wit brighter nor more cunningly designed than those that flood­
light the Capitol at Washington and other central buildings of
other nations’ capitals.
One wonders about why the wind in Mos­
cow should be any more “bitter” than that that blows on the top
of any hill in a similar climate.
Mr. Geyde says of the Kremlin,
"It is behind these walls that the secrets of the Soviet Union
One wonders if those secrets are any more inscrutable
and ominous than some that come from 10 Downing Street or the
Quai d’Orsay.
One reads “over the Kremlin hangs a profound mystery."
again one wonders about the easing out of office of .Anthony Eden
and "the affair Hore-Belisha".
This is perhaps one of the most dangerous of the propaganda
It is less obvious and requires for detection a breadth
of background the average person cannot be expected to have.
examples of propaganda build-up or frame-up or card stacking are
the build-up by the press against Mr. Black when he was named for
the Supreme Court and the build-up of the Dies Committee against
labor in this country.
Mr. Cameron of the Ford Sunday Evening
Hour of the radio furnishes further example.
The band wagon device is used by the propagandist to con­
vince us that "everybody” or "all of us is doing it".
ence is that it is time for us to get going.
The infer­
When the crowd is
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-105marching and the band is playing it is time for all good men to
came and join the parade.
If we need an example, the ballyhoo
man in front of the circus tent shows us how it is done.
No won­
der that arch manipulator of the Big Top told us "there is one
born every minute" I
We need definitely to be familiar about these propaganda de­
vices and tricks but a greater danger is present than these.
These methods can be fairly obvious and the average reader or
listener can soon come to recognize them and discount their effect.
But when private agencies including big Foundations make investi­
gations presumably objective and fair we can wonder if a build­
up of really colossal proportions is being visited on an unsus­
pecting world.
Because the Brookings Institute swings even so
little right of center and the Twentieth Century Fund swings even
so little left of center there is no reason why such agencies could
not go both farther right and farther left.
Northwestern Univer­
sity Round Table on the air at 11*15 and the University of Chicago
Round Table on the air at 2*30 1 may each lean ever so little right,
end ever so little left.
Tflho is to stop them from going all the
The Regents Inquiry into education in the State of New York
may serve as an example of a build-up on a grand scale where the
oards are stacked for one side.
Yet the people of New York may
spend money for a decade or two upon policies based on the find­
ings of the report confident in the belief they are acting in the
light of what fair figures really show.
The hours of the day have sometimes been different ones.
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106If an intelligent person is to analyze the tricks of propaganda
he must know all the obvious ones, but as well all the sordid ones
for they will not all be kindly old gentlemen scattering dimes to
the poor children when coming out of church, or establishing a
national anniversary to bolster the florists* dying trade.
propaganda will be even more devious and cunning than that of the
casket makers and the undertakers who fostered the campaign to
bring the remains of soldiers home from Ho Man's Land.
be can set up for ourselves a constructive program of reading,
of thinking, and acting that will discount the propaganda, overcome
our own inertia, dispel our pessimism over the state of society in
general and propaganda conflicts in particular, and make our contri­
bution to taking up same of that cultural lag that worries many more
people than just Harry Elmer Barnes.
It is not enough to wring our hands because as individuals we
have neither a clean slate, nor a clear field.
part in an escapist program.
We can afford no
(Hero fiddled while Rome burned.)
(China furnishes a classic example of what happens when society
continually harks bacx to the greatness of its ancestors and its
past glories.)
It is not enough to unmask the propagandist in the
daylight and even follow h-Sm in his more dangerous and insidious
borrowings underground.
Of everything we read, of every radio address, of every plat­
form speaker we should aski
«ho i6 it who says this thing to met
nhat is his background of training and experience?
position to really know?
tiho is paying him to say it to me— is
he being subsidized, is he in someone*s employ?
Is he in a
Ytiiose, what, and
xilhat product or idea is he trying to sell me and is it what
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it is purported to be~can it stand up upon examination?
Do I
want that product or that idea— -does it meet my needs, does it
fit in with my own ideas which I hold after analysis, and with
those that "belong to constructive things for my country, also
arrived at after analysis?
There is no harm in criticism and analysis of things or in­
There is far greater danger in gullibility and unin­
If an institution or idea or product cannot stand up
under inquiry and criticism it is time for it to be laid away.
If artificial respiration has to be resorted to constantly to
keep a social order or an institution alive perhaps it had better
To ask, to question, to analyze, to criticise is not to
destroy truth, ana fine things, and what is genuine and of value,
but to uncover what is real, separate it from the buncombe and
hokum of unworthy surroundings, and appreciate it for what it
really is.
Let us dare say schools should teach youth to criticise,
analyze, to question all authority not to break it down but to
find what is real authority behind the masquerades, and appreciate
it when it is found.
Let us dare as mature individuals to get our
own masks off, find what of our ov.n selves trues up with the pattern,
and set out on a line of action to get it and in season and out work
toward that end.
Let us remember, ourselves, that the pattern for
America is Democracy.
First, and last and all around, and sooner or
later, and for better or for worse all propagandas must eventually
be trued up as to whether or not they are in harmony with democracy
as a way of living, and individual behavior must conform to that end.
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PiiT ii
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Type Study No* I
THE REFORM ACT OP 1832 - Taken from
the History of England
Type Study No. II
THE GILDED AGE - The Period in
American History Between
1865 and 1895
Type Study No. Ill
THE SOCIAL SECURITY ACT A "Current Event" of the 1930's
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The three chapters of this section are type studies which sug­
gest the foundation of knowledge and understandings teachers should
have for work in Contemporary Civilization.
The line of history is a long one, and of the vast number of
things that have happened that have been recorded, the story is
made eventually from those that best and most accurately make the
connecting links in the developmental process.
But for every signi­
ficant and important factor that "makes the line", that is used in
the evolutionary recording, there is a great background of joy and
sorrow, of hopings and strivings, successes and failures in the
lives of human beings.
It is -this vast "hinterland" of the subject
that holds the key to the real lives of the people of the time.
The songs they sing, the stories they tell, the pictures they paint,
the dances they dance, are painted, written, danced or sung as
their minds and hearts are heavy or gay with the lives of their
It makes no difference whether the medium of expression
be with staff lines, pencil, marble, palette and brush, or the
measured metre of a verse - all are but the outward expression of
something that lies inside, the foundations for which there are
hidden springs.
The joy and the hope, or the tragedy and suffering
sorrow of the everyday lives of the people are what places the
notes on the staff lines and furnishes the key signature in the
real life history of any people.
To interpret the artistic expres­
sion of the peoples of the world one must know the history which
is the "why and wherefore" of that art.
Imagine understanding
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-110Dickens without the Industrial Revolution, whitman without the great
open places, or Sandburg without knowing Chicago*
Steinbeck* s OF
MICE AND MEN and OR a pigs OF "tiRATH oust have stemmed from, a somewhere
as much as did the music of Wagner, and the literature and philoso­
phy of Tolstoy and Tagore.
Understanding that this is so
opening up the foundations
of the problems of today is the responsibility of the teacher of
Contemporary Civilisation.
Type Study No. I, The Reform Act of 1832, is taken from the
History of England.
Its purpose is to show the foundation behind a
matter that was a "Current Event" of its day and generation— the
background of the problem for which it in itself became the “emergent".
Type Study No. II, The Gilded Age, is the study of a period in
.American history designed to show the depth and breadth of historical
material the teacher should have to adequately understand the con­
temporary world.
Type Study No. Ill, The Social Security Act, is the illustrative
study of a "Current Event".
The "Event" is placed in its larger set­
ting in the American world.
Its different parts are explained.
structive criticism is presented wnrf a general overview and forward
look given.
Other "Current Events" could be substituted for this
one by the student of Contemporary Affairs.
Because this book is a study guide as well as a textbook, and
because the three subjects treated in this section are to serve only
as type studies, exercises follow the studies suggesting subjects
that might equally well be developed.
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The Reform Act of 1832
Taken from the History of England
The purpose of this study is to show the background that
is necessary to understand something that for its own time and
place was a major "current event". The Reform Act of 1832 in
itself was but the result of many factors that brought it into
being. To under stand the Act one must know the conditions out
of which it grew. To understand the significance of the Act
it is necessary to know how life in the England of that time
was any different because of it and what its influence on the
years that followed was.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Taken from the History of England
The Reform Act of 1832 received the royal assent of the TMwg
on June 7, and became a part of the British Constitution
law of Great Britain.
Many questions immediately arise from this statement of fact*
In the long line of history, with so
many centuries hack of 1832 and so many
generations since, and with so much else
that is important in the history of England
and of the world, win?- must the Reform Act
of 1832 have a place? Of what larger move­
ment was and is it a part?
In the recesses of the human world of
that time what lay behind it? iShat is
its "hinterland?" If law is but public
opinion crystalixed, what forces in the
British world pushed it into being? With
what human emotions was it freighted that
it became an "emergent” in and for its time?
In what different tempo did Britain take
up her living because of it? What were the
repercussions of it? Shat new forces were
generated by it?
These questions are but different ways of asking the three that
pertain to all events of history:
Out of what did it come?
Into what did it go?
Why do we stop to note it as we go along?
Let Lord Macauley tell what happened:
Such a scene as the division of last
Tuesday I never say, and never expect to see
again. If I should live fifty years, the
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-112impression of it will be as fresh
in my mind as if it had just taken place.
It was like seeing Caesar stabbed in the
Senate Bouse, or seeing Oliver take the mace
from the table; a sight to be seen only once
and never forgotten. The crowd overflowed
the House in every part. When the strangers
were cleared out, and the doors locked, we
had six hundred and eight members present more by fifty-five than ever were in a divi­
sion before. The Ayes and Hoes were like
two volleys of cannon from opposite sides of
a field of battle, When the opposition went
out into the lobby, an operation which took
up twenty minutes or more,, we spread our­
selves over the benches of the House: for
there had been many of us who had not been
able to find a seat during the evening.
When the doors were shut we were able to
speculate on our number (....)
As the tellers passed along our lowest
row on the left-hand side the interest was
unsupportable - two hundred and ninety-one two hundred and ninety-two - we were all
standing up and stretching forward, telling
with the tellers. At three hundred there was
a short cry of joy - at three hundred and two
another suppressed, however, in a moment for
we did not yet know what the hostile force
would be. We knew, however, that we could
not be severely beaten. The doors were thrown
open and in they came. Each of them as he en­
tered, brought same different report of their
numbers. It must have been impossible, as
you may conceive, in the lobby, crowded as
they were, to form any exact estimate. First
we heard that they were three hundred and three,
then that number rose to three hundred and ten;
then went down to three hundred and seven.
Alexander Barry told me that he had counted,
and that they were three hundred and four. We
were all breathless with anxiety, when Charles
Mood who stood near the door, jumped upon a
bench and cried out, 'They are only three hundred
and one.* We set up a shout that you might have
heard at Charing Cross, waving our hats, stamping
about the floor, and clapping our hands. The
tellers scarcely got through the crowd: for the
House was thronged up to the tables, and all
the floor was fluctuating with heads like the
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-113pit of & theater. But you might have
heard & pin drop as Duncannon read the
numbers. Then again the shouts broke
out, and many of us shed tears. I
could scarcely refrain. And the jaw
of Peel fell; and the fact of Twins was
as the face of a damned soul; and Herries
looked like Judas takingjhis necktie off
for the last operation.
There must have been a "hinterland" to a subject that made
possible such a description!
the fight.
Yet this wa6 only in the middle of
It was only after the seoond reading of the Bill.
long fight still loomed ahead for there was a hostile Souse of
Lords and there had to be a third reading.
It still had months
to go!
Hho was this Lord Macaulay who writes so
shat were the two historical illusions he
used in the first paragraph— Caesar and the
Senate House and Oliver and the mace? tfhy
should he use those particular two?
How did Macaulay himself vote?
Does the "opposition" always go out in the
lobby while the votes are counted? Do they
in the United States? (It is interesting to
note in this connection that in the new
government building in Helsinki, the capital
of Finland, voting is done by pushing an
electric button on each member* s desk which
registers the vote automatically in a roam
in the rear. This, of course, was in Fin­
land's life as a republic before the Soviet
How do you
Gilbert Slater, The Making of Modern England. Hew York*
Houghton Mifflin Company, 1915, pp. 90-91.
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-114conquest in 1940.)
Can you mention a legislative enact­
ment in our American history that was
accompanied by such a scene? Were
there such a demonstration in Washington,
D. C. what would take the place of
"Charing Cross"?
Eighteenth Century England.
Sensibility, Sanity and Order.
The Reform Act was passed in the first third of the nineteenth
century. The century that preceded it is marked by the expansion of
Britain. Her nary controlled the seas; her Eapire was at that time
penetrating every continent on the globe. Her commerce dominated
world trade. At home the landed gentry not only owned the land and
controlled the government but because of it ordered the lives of
the people of the nation-dominated them well-nigh body and soul.
It was a time of magnificent crusading abroad by Englishmen and
good living for them at home— all that were "to the manner bora."
This century was one of sensibility, of sanity and order, of
moderateness in all things and correctness of mind and of manners
for all those people and in all those things that really counted in
those days. It was a steady, sane and really great England judged
by the world of that time.
In the last years of the century Europe was torn by the Napoleonic
France was in great upheaval and all countries around her were
fearful of the same condition.
At Waterloo, 1315, this was ended.
The Napoleonic episode had experienced its denouement.
The sands
The points listed are numbered to make them easier to use.
Quotations are frequently inserted to help explain the -theme
o-nd to show the influence of the historical events upon the
literature of the time.
It must be remembered that from the time of the "Glorious
Revolution" of 1689 to the passage of this Reform Act -the
British state was aristocratic and not democratic.
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-115had run out*
With characteristic flourish England had come in and
carried the field.
She had saved herself and all of Europe with her,
from a fate worse than death as measured by all accepted standards
of the day.
Externally it was the time during which
Britain struggled wi-th France for Empire of
the Seas, for the dominion of India, and for
the opportunity of colonising the great sparsely
populated lands of the world in the temperate
sones beyond the ocean. Internally, it was the
time during which the same proud aristocracy
which conducted this struggle made itself the
master of the land and the peasantry. After
Waterloo Britain emerged from the foreign
struggle almost completely successful. She
was Mistress of the Seas, she held that position
of Enpire n&ich Portugal, Spain and Holland had
partially grasped; and, though the original
American colonies had broken away, the seed of
other great colonies had been planted in Canada,
Australia and South Africa. Nor was this proud
position fated to be challenged during the suc­
ceeding ninety years (....) *
The point of view of some of the writers of
the twentieth century considers the victory of
the British and Wellington over Napoleon and the
French at Waterloo most unfortunate for the fate
of Europe. The policy of England to "divide
and rale" which makes possible her own hegemony
is held responsible for the rivalries and dis­
putes which have ruined Europe.
ifhatgdoes Stuard Chase have to say on this
This proud position of England in turn becomes
questioned in the middle of the nineteenth century.
Gilbert Slater, The Making of Modern England. New York: Houghton
Mifflin Company, 19157 pp. 1-2.
Stuart Chase, The New Western Front. New York: Harcourt Brace,
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-116The sands of England and with, it much of the
Best seem to have run through* Much is heard
about effete cultures.
wretched inertia
and flabbiness which remains flabby no matter
how stiffly it stands at saluteI" ' "It is
heartbreaking to see the weakness of the older
cultural group (.........................
its bewildered, confused retreat." "(....)
the effete cosmopolites of the western cities."
"(....) les miserables who survive will sink into
a dark ages comparable to the chaos of a thousand
years ago.“s
•That does Dr. Frederick L. Schuman say in
describing the downfall of Europe under the
headings. “The Tory Triumph, “ “Dusk Over West­
The Hollow' Men,"
"The Lost Souls, " "The Kingdom of Death", in
his Europe On The Eve?
The consternation -that had swept through England as the French
Revolution progressed is mirrored in much of the literature of the
In the years of Napoleon’s conquests families in the south
of England scarcely dared to go to bed undressed for fear of the
landing of the French through the night,
'william Wordsworth wrote
in 1803;
nhen looking on the present face of things,
I see one man of men the meanest, tool
Raised up to sway the world, to do, undo,
With mighty nations for his underlings,
The great events with which old story rings
Seem vain and hollow; I find nothing great
Nothing is left which I can venerate;
So that a doubt almost within me springs
Of Providence, such emptiness of strength
Seems at the heart of all things. But, great GodJ
Frederick L. Schuman, Europe On the Eve.
Knopf, 1939, pp. 49§.
Ibid. p. 509.
Ibid. p. 509.
New Yorks
Alfred A.
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-117I measure back the steps that I have trod!
Anri tremble, when seeing whence proceeds the strength
Of such poor instruments, with thoughts sublime
I tremble at the sorrow of the time." ^
And after the overthrow of Prussia by the French in the Battle
of Jena in 1808t
Another year! — another deadly blow!
Another mighty finpire overthrown!
Anri we are left, or shall be left, alone;
The last that dare to struggle with the Foe.
*Iis well! from this day forward we shall know
That in ourselves our safety must be sought;
Shat by our own right hands it must be wrought;
That we must stand unpropped or be laid low.
Oh dastard idiom such foretaste doth not cheer!
ae shall exult, if they who rule the land
Be men who hold its many blessings dear.
Wise, upright, valiant; not a servile band
iSho are to judge of danger which they fear,
And honor which they do not understand.
RobertSouthey writes the story of Nelson
of the great struggle, with a graphic pen.
at Trafalgar, a part
He tells how justbefore
the battle Nelson retired to his cabin, and wrote this prayers
May the Great God whom I worship, grant
to my country, and for the benefit of Europe
in general, a great and glorious victory;
and may no misconduct in any one tarnish it;
and may humanity after victory be the predomi­
nant feature in the British fleet! For myself
individually, I commit my life to Him that
made me, and may His blessing alight on my
endeavors for serving ay country so faith­
fully! To Him 1 resign myself, and the just
cause which is intrusted to me to defend.
Amen. Amen. Amen.
Greenlaw «nri Hanford, The Great Tradition. New York;
Foresman, 1919, p. 359.
Ibid., p. 359.
Ibid., p. 360.
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One other of the many places to read of the struggle with the
French where the story is told picturesquely is in Lord Byron* s
"Childe Harold's Pilgrimage:1*
But France got drunk with blood to vomit crime,
And fatal have her Saturnalia been
To Freedom1s cause, in every age and clime;
Because the deadly days trtiich we have seen,
And vile Ambition, that built up between
Han and his hopes an adamantine wall,
And the base pageant last upon the scene,
Are grown the pretext for the eternal thrall
which nip's life tree, and dooms man's worst—
his second fall*
Yet Freedoml yet thy banner, torn, but flying.
Screams like the thunderstorm against the wind;
Thy trumpet voice, though broken now and dying.
The loudest still the tempest leaves behind;
Thy tree hath lost its blossoms, and the rind,
Chopped by the axe, looks rough and little worth,
But the sap lasts,— and still the seed we find
Some deep, even in the bosom of the North;
So shall a better Spring less bitter fruit bring
The eighteenth century for all its emphasis on sanity and
decorum did not want for contrast nor for criticism.
Daniel Defoe
could write in 1701:
A true Englishman1s a contradiction!
In speech, an irony; in fact, a fiction!
A banter made to be the test of fools!
dhich those that use it, justly ridicules;
A metaphor invented to express
A man akin to all the universe!
Greenlaw and Hanford, The Great Tradition. New York: Scott
Foresman, 1919, p. 409
Byron expresses here the feeling of a consistent liberal
who is nevertheless disturbed by the excesses of the Napoleonic
regime after the Revolution.
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-119Could but our ancestors retrieve their fate,
And see their offspring thus degenerate;
How we contend for birth and names unknown,
And build on their past actions, not our own;
They'd cancel records, and their tombs deface,
And openly disown the vile degenerate racel
For fame of families is all a cheat;
•Tis personal virtue only makes us great." ^
The years just preceding had seen a perfectly good preacher
of the gospel have poetic moments when the exuberant life found
expression in;
Get up, get up for shame, the blooming morn
Upon her wings presents the god unshorn.
See how Aurora throws her fair
Fresh-quilted colors through the airs
Get up, sweet slug-a-bed and see
The dew bespangled herb and tree.
Come, let us go flhile we are in our prime;
And take the harmless folly of the time.
He shall grow old apace, and die
Before we know' our liberty.
Our life is short, and our days run
As fast away as does the sun;
And, as vapor, or a drop of rain
Once lost, can ne'er be found again,
So when, or you, or I are made
A fable, song, or fleeting shade
All love, all liking or delight
Lies drowned with us in endless night
Then while time serves, and we are but decaj
Come, my Corinna, come, let's go a-Maying. ‘
Greenlaw and Hanford, The Great Tradition.
Foresman, 1919. d . 21*57
Ibid., p. 117.
New York;
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rihy is John Bunyan*s Pilgrim's Progress
(written in 1678) one of the classic criti­
cisms of certain phases of life of the
English people? Quote in substantiation.
Political Revolution in the Seventeenth Century
England, it is true, had had her period of storm and stress
and had lived through political struggles under Puritans and kings.
In 1649 she had beheaded Charles I. From then on until the Restora­
tion under Charles II in 1660 she called her regime the "Conmonwealth.n
truly an "Interregnum."
The next major change, the
G-lorious Revolution— call it "Bloodless Revolution" if you willhad seen her invite william and Uary (the revolution consisted in
the invitation) to come across the Channel to reign over the land,
present to them a Bill of Rights as to what should be and what should
not be the order of things (thereby completing the invitation and the
revolution, too,) and upon getting agreement in advance, establish
them in due course and with fitting ceremony on the throne,
that done and out of the way an harassed age, a period of real
trouble, came to an end.
The seventeenth century became history and
the eighteenth century of decorum and the good life came into its
Anri because, comparatively speaking it was so good, all forces
profiting by their positions of economic and social advantage in
this quiet time— particularly the established church and the landed
aristocracy who were the "economic royalists" of their day— conspired
to ke«p it so.
In the latter part of the century a school of political economy
developed which was to be used vigorously to bolster up the privileged
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-121classes of the English society.
In 1776 Adam Smith published his
"wealth of Nations" which became the economist* s Bible for several
The underlying idea was that embodied in the policy of
laisses faire even though he did not use the phrase which itself did
not become widely current in England until John Stuart Mill used it
in one of the sections of his “Principles of Political Economy" in
As the doctrine developed under the influence of Adam Smith
it was based on the underlying assumption that the economic affairs
of society in the main take care of themselves if neither the state
nor any other body armed with coercive authority attempts to inter­
fere with their workings.
This assumption depends in turn on an
optimistic view of the universe and on the conception of "natural
order" or system of economic harmony which will prevail and work out
to man* s advantage in the absence of regulation.
The idea of laissez faire can be traced back to the earlier
Italian economists in the seventeenth century but the principle or
Tnmrim in government and economics dates from the eighteenth in Prance
and is generally attributed to Gournay one of the ministers of com­
merce and a friend of Turgot.
The vifaole idea of natural order and
natural economy received a powerful philosophic reenforcement from
the utilitarians who make pleasure the end of human action and each
man the only competent judge of his own pleasure.
It can be easily
seen that such a concept fitted admirably with the notion that each
mftTi is the best judge of his own economic interests,
t'ihile turned
to very different uses at a later time it was for a considerable
period the most powerful ally of laissez faire in the economic field.
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Of the triumphs of the Commonwealth let Cromwell himself tell:
rife have not thought it amiss a little
to remind you of that series of providences
wherein the Lord hath appeared, dispensing
wonderful things to these nations from the
beginning of our troubles to this very day
Certainly in this revolution of affairs, as
the issue of those successes which God was
pleased to give to the army, and to the
authority that then stood, there was great
things brought about;— besides those dints that
came upon the nations and places where the war
itself was, very great things in civil matters,
too. At first, the bringing of offenders to
justice,— and the greatest of them. Bringing
of this state of government to the name of a
Commonwealth. Searching and sifting of all
persons and places. The King removed, and
brought to justice, and many great ones with
him. The House of Peers laid aside. The
House of Commons itself, the representative
of the People of England winnowed, sifted,
and brought to a handful; as you very well
I confess I never looked to see such a day
as this, it may be nor you either, when Jesus
Christ should be so owned this day by the call
of you (................. ....................
consider the circumstances by which you are
all called hither; through what strivings,
through what blood you are brought hither,—
where neither you nor I, nor any man living,
three months ago, had any thought to have seen
such a company taking upon them, or rather
being called to take, the supreme authority
of this nation! Therefore, own your calll
Indeed, I think it may be truly said that
there never was a supreme authority consisting
of such a body, above one-hundred and forty,
I believe; never such a body, that came into
the supreme authority before, under such a
notion as this, in such a way of owning God,
and being owned by Him. And therefore I may
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-123also say, never such a people so formed,
for such a purpose, were thus called be­
fore, 1
■Again the sense of having come & long way to something very
fine and of unbounded pride, coxaes from Joseph Addison:
I look upon it as a peculiar happiness,
that were I to ehoose of what religion
I would be, and under what government I
would live, I should most eertainly give
the preferenoe to that form of religion
and government vhich is established in
my own country. In this point I think
I am determined by reason and conviction;
but if I should be told that I am acted
by prejudice, I am sure it is an honest
prejudice; it is a prejudice that arises
from love of my country, and therefore
such an one as I shall always indulge
That form of government appears to me the
most reasonable, which is the most con­
formable to the quality which we find in
human nature, provided it be consistent
with public peace and t r a n q u i l i t y _
The famous satire upon the life of the times is found in
Jonathan {Swift's Gulliver*s Travels published in 1726 in which
occurs the following:
He (the King of Lilliput interviewing Gulli­
ver who had been presenting at length the mighty
accomplishments and attainments of the English
nation) was perfectly astonished with the his­
torical account 1 gave him of our affairs during
the last century, protesting it was only a heap
Greenlaw and Hanford, The Great Tradition. Hew York* Scott
Foresman, 1919. pp. 17’
lff. (Prom a Bpeech at the Open­
ing of the Little Parliament, July 4, 1653 and quoted base.)
Ibid., p. 216.
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of conspiracies, rebellions, murders, massa­
cres, revolutions, banishments, the very
worst that avarioe, faction, hypocrisy, per­
fidiousness, cruelty, rage, madness, hatred,
envy, lust, malice, or ambition could produce. 1
¥3r little friend Grildrig, you have made a
most admirable panegyric upon your country:
you have clearly proved, that ignorance, idle­
ness, and vice are the proper ingredients for
qualifying a legislator: that laws are best
explained, interpreted, and applied by those
whose interest and abilities lie in perverting,
confounding, and eluding them.
I observe
among you some lines of an institution which,
in its original, might have been tolerable;
but these half erased, and the rest wholly
blurred and blotted by corruptions.
It doth
not appear from all you have said, how any
one perfection is required toward the procure­
ment of any one station among you; much less
that men are ennobled on account of their vir­
tue, that priests are advanced for their piety
or learning, soldiers for their integrity,
senators for the love of their country, or
counselors for their wisdom. As for yourself
(continued the king), who have spent the
greatest part of your life in traveling, I
aza well disposed to hope you m ay hitherto
have escaped many vices of your country.
But, by what I have gathered from your own
relation, and the answers I have with much
pain wringed and extorted from you, I cannot
but conclude the bulk of your natives to be
the most pernicious race of little odious
vermin that Nature ever suffered to crawl
upon the surface of the earth.
Jonathan Swift, Gulliver* s Travels, Greenlaw and Hanford.
Op. cit. p. 227.
Ibid., p. 228.
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-125Qne is forced to think that Swift must have felt very strongly
to have made a summary so inclusive I
Industrial Revolution in England.
But a more far-reaching revolution than the one that shook the
thrones of kings had been going on.
The preoccupation of the nation
with its exploits abroad and the spectacle of the French Revolution
which had generated so much fear and engrossed attention to the ex­
clusion of all else served effectively to cover the inroads made by
the industrial revolution.
Things had changed mightily at the top, as to who should sit
in the seats of the mighty and upon what sufferance.
Feudal orders
and privileges had progressively, albeit reluctantly and with uneven
gait, for the greater part gone.
Magna Carta, the Petition of Right
and the Bill of Rights had taken care of much of that in &igland,
and in France there had been the "August Days" and the tumbril and
the guillotine.
But the everyday life of the toiler had been undisturbed in its
poverty arid hopelessness, struggle and privation and -want, from the
days when william Langland told the tale of Piers the Plowman till
the time the poems of the Ayreshire ploughman, Robert Burns, disturbed
the world of Sensibility.
It remained for the inventors and mechan­
ical things to really disturb the tenor of the common everyday way.
The Hammonds describe the coming of the industrial era:
It is not surprising that this revolution
produced a profound impression on the gener­
ation that had witnessed it. Even today,
when the most fantastic of Mr. delI1s dreams
seems to tumble into life before one* s eyes
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-126in quiok succession, the story of the
ohanges that transformed travel, transport,
manufacture, farming, banking, and all the
various arts and means of social life reads
like a chapter from the Arabian Bights*
The blind Metcalf had introduced the art of
making roads; the illiterate Brindley, the
art of building aqueducts; Telford, a shep­
herd's son, had thrown a bridge across the
Menai Straits; Bell, a millwright's appren­
tice, had launched the first steamer on the
Clyde; Stephenson, the son of a fireman, had
driven his first railway engine; while a long
line of inventors and organizers— Watt, Ark­
wright, Wedgwood, Crompton, Hargreaves and a
hundred others— by their patienoe and their
imagination, had between them made England
the workshop of the world. When George the
Third came to the throne, woolen goods were
the chief manufactures sold by England, her
cotton exports were unimportant; when Macauley
spoke, (the 1830's) her cotton exports were
worth some eighteen millions, her total exports
had risen from fourteen to over sixty millions,
her imports from nine to over fourteen millions,
a nation that had been poor and even backward
in her roads now possessed three thousand miles
of navigable canals besides her infant rail­
roads; the new Stock Exchange had been founded,
and in two years alone no less a sum than a
hundred and seventy millions had been sub­
scribed for joint stock companies (....) The
Industrial Revolution was a social revolution,
creating a new civilization with problems and
a character of its own (....) shaken into life
in tie violent birth of modern England.
While this was going on, it must be remembered that a
2250 persons owned half the enclosed land of
England and (tales.
1700 persons owned nine tenths of Scotland.
1942 persons owned two thirds of Ireland.
J. L. and Barbara Hammond, The Town Labourer. New York: Longmans
Green and Co., 1925, pp. 1-2-3.
For an authoritative and detailed account, though one extremely
concise, see Arnold Toynebee, Lectures on the Industrial
Revolution of the Eighteenth Century"Tn-England. H e w Yorks
Longmans Green and Co., i52o.
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-12728 dukes held estates to the amount of nearly
4,000,000 acres*
33 marquises owned 1,500,000 acres.
194 earls 5,862,000 acres.
270 viscounts and barons 3,785,000 acres.
The landowners had made their real fortunes in the cloth trades
and not only did a new race of landowners spring up with the revolu­
tion in industry, but the old families enriched themselves by inter­
marriage with the commercial magnates.
The opposite was true in
France where the old families disdained the commercial classes no
matter how wealthy.
It only remains to see how the combination of artificial pro­
tection given to landholders and the aristocracy by a Parliament
representative of only them, together with an economic philosophy
that sternly demanded "laissez faire," while the new wealth poured
in from revolutionised industry could complete the undoing of the
common man.
The phrase "upon what sufferance" requires an ex­
planation of the "divine right" theory and that of
social contract". Make it.
2. What were the feudal orders and privileges referred
to? Use primary material if possible and some of
the fuller treatments available.
3. What were the "August Days," the "tumbril" and the
guillotine? After an historical account in explana­
tion quote from Charles Dickens— The Tale of Two
Cities— to see those days as a novelist in’lBngland
a. How were Magna Carta, the Petition of Right, and
the Bill of Rights successive steps in evolution
from the old medieval order of political and so­
cial economy to modern concepts of democracy?
b. What had the names John Lackland, Harston Moor,
Runnymede, and Westminster to do with that
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-128c. Compare 'the Declaration of Independence
of the United States snd the Declaration
of the Sights of Man and of the Citizen
Kith each other and explain in what way
they might he in themselves "emergents
of the same evolution of political and.
social affairs.
d. What position does the Tennis Court Oath
of French History occupy in this connec­
e. Ahat connection oould he found, also, with
the Petition of the Russian Workingmen
presented to the Czar in January, 1905?
Use in each of the sections here the
primary material quoting to substantiate
the points made.
Writing of Langland* s Visions of Piers the Plowman, Vida Scudder says;
Of the author we know little. Probably
no hook has ever more deeply stirred the
heart and soul of the generation for which
it was written, or won for the time being a
more widespread fame. The merry charm of
Chaucer's Canterbury Tales afforded infinite
delectation to & reading public of Church
and clerkdcm. But it is one thing to reach
the publio, and quite another to reach the
people; and the more difficult achievement
was Langland*s. His grave verse went
straight to the heart of the still Teutonic
race, indifferent to the facile French lilts
of Chaucer. (....) The first note of revolu­
tion is heard in its confused echoes (»•••)
the intensely conceived Piers the Plowman,
became a spiritual presence to the laboring
classes of England (....) this poem quietly
passing from lip to lip, helped hind to­
gether the scattered and voiceless working­
men of the eastern counties with a new sense
of fellowship (•*..) The revolt failed. The
olass struggle of vfaich it was one of the
first and most picturesque expressions, was
doomed to fail.gVhenever it was resumed, for
many a century.
Raymond Postgate, Revolutions, will be of much assistance,
Vida Scudder, Social Ideals in English Letters, Hew York;
Houghton Mifflin, 1923, p. Zl.
op. oit.
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Quote from the poem desoribed:
a. lines to s h o w the social conditions Langland
was protesting*
b. that the "Visions" are "primitive, uncouth,
redolent of the soil, but heavy with it as well."
c. that "the movement of the verses is that of the
labourer in the field, not that of the lady at
the dance." "It was a noble metre." "It had a
grave inward music of slow unrelieved majesty."
(The descriptive phrases are also Seudder's.)
Quote from the Canterbury Tales written in the
same half-century to show i
a. that Chancer was attacking one of the problems
of the time, also, tut one different from Lang­
land' s.
b. that "still the wayfaring man may rejoice in
his fresh romance and bewitching melody."
(Seudder's description.)
If Piers the Plowman struck the "first note of
revolution" in England, give some indication and
illustration in subsequent literature to show how
social revolution has moved through many centuries
in England's world and an illustration that social
revolution may be in our .American midst today.
Read from Robert Burns, whom Seudder alludes to
as the "Ayreshiro Ploughman," to show that he, too,
struok the note of social revolution for his time.
A century and a half after Langland's "Visions" Sir Thomas More
published his Utopia.
Seudder says of this;
A farther reach of spiritual distance
separates the rude and wistful medieval
dreamer, (....) from the oultured states­
man of the Renascence. More is the repre­
sentative scholar of the new learning of
the sixteenth century (......... .....
Greenlaw and Hanford, The Great Tradition, op. cit. is suggestive
for English, literature and Gabriel, rtarfel, Williams, The
Sew Yorkj American Book Company, 1937, for
American literature.
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-130The "Visions" speak from the people; the
"Utopia1* speaks for them. Langland has the
impassioned sympathy of a comrade for the
poor; More has the disinterested thought­
fulness of the seholar statesman (....)
The "Utopia" is the first original story hy
a known English author. That this earliest
English novel should deal with the romance,
not of a private life, hut of a society at
large, is curious enough(...«) The "Utopia"
was published the same year as Machiavelli*s
"Prince." The practical subtlety of the
Italian Renascence plays through the one,
maTrfng it the most brilliant study ever
written of the means by which the world taken
as we find it may be used and subdued by a
master spirit. The large idealism of the
English revival of letters animates the other.
It is suggestive to note that although More's
dream of the world as it might be is still
unrealised it makes the stronger appeal to
our generation than Machiavelli's practical
discussion of the world as it was. 1
Shat was the idea of the "Utopia?"
fthat is the idea of "The Prince?"
Shy has the "Utopia" been called the
“book of More's youth?" By what means
does More escape the censure of the pub­
lic for daring to criticise his England
the way he does?
Social revolution:
The Industrie!. Revolution which told there was a new and modern
England found its way slowly, so slowly as to seem almost impercep­
The changed industrial England found that country dominated by
an aristocracy of wealthy landholders, controlled by an oligarchy
definitely sure that they and they only were able to think and aot
Vida Seudder, Social Ideals in English Letterst op. cit.
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-131for the rest.
The groups that had governed the State and those that
made up the new Industrial bourgeois class— landholders, churchmen,
judges, manufacturers— and lords of the new capital took it upon
themselves to protect all that Englishmen stood for against the in­
roads made into privileged society by revolutionary France.
not Lord Macaulay himself declared property to be the great civiliz­
ing force of the world, "that great institution to which we owe all
knowledge, all commerce and industry, all civilization, all that
makes the difference between us and tattoed savages of the Pacifio
Ocean." ^
The same inability to understand that evolutionary factors and
industrial processes have brought about great changes and the unwil­
lingness to consider the adjustment of existing institutions to make
them 8erve new needs is often referred to in these days in which we
now live as "cultural lag" or "social lag."
Thomas Carlyle describes the "lag" of the English mind and
presents his own view in the following:
For our8elves, we answer that French Revolu­
tion means here the open Rebellion and Victory,
of disemprisoned Anarchy against corrupt and
outworn Authority; how Anarchy breaks prison;
bursts up from the infinite deep, and rages un­
controllable, immeasureable, enveloping a world
in phasis after phasis of fever-frenzy; till
the frenzy burning itself out (....) the uncon­
trollable be got, if not imprisoned, yet har­
nessed, and its mad forces made to work toward
their object as sane regulated ones. For as
Hierarchies and Dynasties of all kinds, Theocra­
cies, Autocracies, Strumpetocracies, have ruled
over the world; so it was appointed in the de-
1, Hansard* s Parliamentary Debates, Vol. II, 1831, p. 1191ff.
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-132crees of Providence, that this same Vic­
torious Anarchy, Jacobinism, Sansoulottism,
French Revolution, Horrors of French Revolu­
tion or -what else mortals name it, should
have its turn (....) Surely a phenomenon.;
nay it is a transcendental one, overstepping
all rules and experience; the crowning
Phenomenon of our Modem Times.
William riordsworth uses Edmund Burke as an example of the ruling
classes of the time and their attitude concerning the rights demanded
by the people;
Genius of Burke!
I sea him— old but vigorous in age, — Stand like an oak whose stag-horn branches start
Out of its leafy brow, the more to awe
The younger brethem of the grove (....)
While he forewarns, denounces, launches forth,
Against all systems bent on abstract rights,
Keen ridicule; the majesty proclaims
Of Institutes and Laws hallowed by time;
Declares the vital power of social ties
Endeared by Custom; and with high disdain,
Exploding upstart Theory, insists
TJpon the allegiance to *foich men are born (.....
........................ ) The Times were big
With ominous change, which, night by night, provoked
Keen struggles, and black clouds of passion raised (...
.................... ) Could a youth (...........
Sit, see, and hear unthankful, uninspired?
e....... )
Matthew Arnold described the stubborness of the old and conserva­
tive order under the onslaught of new and liberal things in "Oberman
Once More;"
But slow that tide of common thought,
Which bathed our life, retired;
Greenlaw and Hanford, op. cit., p. 304.
Ibid., p. 305.
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135Slow, slow, the old world were to nought,
And pulse by pulse expired.
Its frame yet stood without a breach
•then blood and warmth were fled;
And still it spake its wonted speeoh—
But every word was dead.
And, oh, we cried, that on this corpse
Might fall a freshening storm!
Rive its dry bones and with new force
A new-sprung world inform.
Down came the Storm. O'er France it passed
In sheets of scathing fire;
All Europe felt that fiery blast
And shook as it rushed by her.
Down fell the Storm. In ruins fell
The worn-out world we know,
It passed - that elemental swell!
Again appeared the blue.
The sun shone
And what from
Blocks of the
Floating on a
in the new-washed sky,
heaven saw het
past, like icebergs high
rolling seal 1
Disraeli may have led Conservative statesmen and factions for
the Queen he made an Eknpress, but he causes the youthful Coningsby
representing the Hew Generation to say to the grandsire who ordered
M m to m m for Parliament:
Yihat we want, sir, is not to fashion new
dukes and furbish up old baronies, but to
establish new principles which may maintain
the realm and secure the happiness of the
people. Let me see authority once more
honored; solemn reverence again the habit of
our lives; let me see property acknowledging
as in the old days of faith that labor is its
twin brother, and that the essence of all
tenure is the performance of duty; let re­
Greenlaw and Hanford, op. eit., pp. 304-305.
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sults such as these be brought about, and
let me participate, however feebly, in the
great fulfilment, and public life will then,
indeed, become a noble career and a. seat
in Parliament a noble distinction. 1
“I ’ll tell you what it is, Harry," said
Lord Itommouth, very dryly, "members.of this
family may think as they like, but they act
as I please (....) You will meet him (Higby)
(....} like a man of sense who is not prepared
to sacrifice all the objects of life for2the
pursuit of some fantastic puerilities."
And Disraeli philosophises furthert
Brains every day bee cine more precious than
blood. You must give men new ideas, you
must teach them new words, you must modify
their manners, you must change their laws,
you must root out prejudices, subvert con­
victions, if you with to be great. Great­
ness no longer depends on rentals, the world
is too rieh, nor on pedigrees, the world is
too knowing. 5
At the end of his Sybil, or The Story of Two Worlds, Disraeli
And thus I conclude the last page of a
work, though its form be light and unpre­
tending would aspire to suggest to the
readers some considerations of a very op­
posite character (....) The written his­
tory of our country for the last ten years
has been a mere phantasma, giving to the
origin and consequence of publio transao-
Works of Benjamin Disraeli, Vol. III.
Ibid., p. 139.
Ibid., p. 193.
Walter IXurne,
Sq., lSW; p'.''I39V
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-135tion8 a character and color in every re­
spect dissimilar to their natural form
and hue. Oligarchy has been called liberty;
an exclusive priesthood has been christened
a Rational Church; (*..*) absolute power has
been wielded by those who profess themselves
the servant of the people* In the selfish
strife of factions, two great existences
have been blotted out of the history of Eng­
land, the monarch and the multitude; as the
power of the crown has diminished the privi­
leges of the people have disappeared (..*•)
There is a 'Whisper arising in this country
that loyalty is not a phrase, faith not a
delusion, and popular liberty something more
than a profane exercise of sacred rights of
sovereignty by political classes (*...) ae
must prepare for the coming hour. The claim s
of the future sure represented by suffering
millions; and the youth, of the nation are the
trustees of posterity.
Prepare a short description of Professor
Harry Elmer Barnes’ idea of our present-day
"cultural lag" ("social lag")— the contrast
between our material achievements and our
archaic institutions.
There were definite reasons why the Industrial Revolution ap­
peared in England first.
England was in a favorable geographical position and
the climate was conducive to the development of com­
The most active traders in those days were
Ibid., Yol XV, p. 191.
Andrews and Uarsden, Tomorrow in the Making, rthittlesey House,
1939, Chapter II
H. E.3ames, Society in Transition. Hew York: Prentice Hall,
1939, Section XT
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-136those who looked out on the Atlantic.
That ocean
was as necessary to the new commerce as the Mediter­
ranean had been to the old.
Columbus had moved the
world from the Levant to the Atlantic.
England's colonies and the colonial administration
helped to stimulate trade.
They needed British
goods and sent back useful produce in exchange.
Spain used her colonies for political purposes and
spent their wealth for other things than commerce and
industrial expansion.
England had a workable system of common law, an
internal policy of free trade, an aristocracy in­
terested in commerce, a distrust of state regulation,
and toleration in religion.
European wars throttled the life of continental
Europe— they were like constant civil strife within
a continent.
The stagnation of politics, religion and local life
in the eighteenth century encouraged the concentra­
tion on industry.
After all there had to be some­
thing to talk about in the coffee houses now that
the throne and the kings had been laid low!
Men learned to give to business and wealth the
homage they had formerly reserved for heroes and
rulers of state.
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137The Hammonds tell us that medieval life had been agricultural
and overshadowed by a feudal lord consoled and admonished by the
Church, but that the new Industrial districts had to be given some
articulate life.
Politics were languid; religion was
tired; social life was a spent routine;
industrial development, on the other
hand, was active, and it put pressing
problems and offered tempting prises to^
the imagination and energy of the age.
Living conditions during the Industrial Revolution.
Ho country was more affected or worse affected by the industrial
revolution than England.
The living conditions of the people of Eng­
land in the early years of the nineteenth century were so bad as a
result of long years of negleot and the results of the revolution in
industry that reform or revolt were inevitable.
Let some contemporary pictures speak for themselves and some of
the writers of today who have made a study of the conditions:
a. Concerning the employment of children as trappers:
Children were employed as trappers, that
is to open and shut the doors that guided
the draught of air through the mines. In
most places they were used, too, to push
the trucks along from workers to the foot
of the shaft. Sometimes they pulled in­
stead of pushed.
A girdle is put round the naked waist,
to which a chain and carriage is hooked
and passed between the legs, and the boys
crawl on their hands and knees, drawing
the carriage after them.
J. L. and Barbara Hammond, The Rise of Modem Industry. Hew York:
Harcourt Brace, 1926, p. 65.
J. L. and Barbara Hammond, The Town Labourer. Hew York: Longmans
Green, 1925, p. 173.
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-138Chained, belted, harnessed like dogs
to & go-cart, black, saturated with wet
and more than half naked— crawling upon
their hands and feet and dragging their
heavy loads behind them— they present an
appearance indescribably disgusting and
A girl of eight describes her day.
I’m a trapper in the Garnbar Fit. I
have to trap without a light and I'm
soared. I go at four and sometimes at
half-past three in the morning and come
out at five and half-past. I never go
to sleep. Sometimes I sing when I have
a light, but no£ in the dark. I dare
not sing then.
b. The use of children as chimney sweepss
The use of children
for chimney sweep­
ing was a practice peculiar to the British
On the continent it was unknown.
The estimates seem to place the number of
master sweeps at four hundred and the num­
ber of climbing boys at 1000.
The boy8 were, as a rule children wham,
nobody wanted. Many were paupers appren­
ticed to their masters by parish authori­
ties, who were too glad to get rid of their
burden to trouble about their fate. Others
were sold by inhuman parents for a two or
three guineas: the smaller the child the
better the price: and the parents would
take them around and dispose of them to
the highest bidder. A few were kidnapped
or enticed away. In one instance of this
kind, which created a good deal of commo­
tion, the little victim of four was sold
by a beggar woman for as much as eight
Ibid., p. 174.
Ibid., p. 173.
Ibid., Chapter IX.
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-139'Is not 8 a large prioe?* a master
chimney sweep, who had been offered a
boy for that sum, was ashed in 1818.
'Oh, yes, very large.' 'dhy was so large
a price ashed for that boy?' 'Because
this is a free country.' 'Was he a
small boy?' 'Yes, very small for his
Same were -the children of master chim­
ney sweeps, ihen girls were employed, as
was often the case (e.g. two girls of the
name of Morgan swept the chimneys of Wind­
sor Castle) they were usually the children
of the sweeps (....) same were apprenticed
as young as four or five, most were from
six to eight.
They started with a period of extreme
misery, until they became inured to their
trade. Their terror of the pitch-darh had
to be overcome by the pressure of a greater
terror below. (....) the less humane would
set straw on fire below or thrust pins into
their feet (............................
The best masters made a practice of washing
their climbers onoe a week (....) A witness
in 1788 stated that he had known many boys
serve four or five years without being once
washed. (.................. .......... .
A disease known as chimney-sweep's cancer
was common (....) If the chimneys happened
to be too small, they call the boys down,
strip them,
beat them and force them up
again, by which means they become crippled
if they slip their arms (whioh are straight
up above the head) they get jammed. (....) a
master sweep estimates that a chimney should
be twelve inches square for a boy of seven to
go up with ease (........................
'Have you ever known an instance of a Boy sent
up a Flue on Fire?' was asked of one mastersweep. 'Yes, wnd rejoiced I have been many a
Time. (...................................
Ibid., Chapter IX.
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an active Child will not let the Fire rest
on him (....) if he is sluggish he will be
burnt* (....) some flues swept were only
seven inches square. For such chimneys not
only a tiny, child but a naked tiny child was
The greatest portrait painter of the age
was describing the charm and grace and laughter
of happy and careless childhood. But so deep
and distant was the underworld where children
were stolen from the sunshine as soon as they
could creep beneath an engine, or watch a
trapdoor in a mine, that the sleep of those
rulers who admired Sir Joshua* s portraits of
innocence was never broken or haunted.
One of the blots on the history of England of those times was
the conditions in the workhouses.
picture in his Oliver Twist.
Charles Dickens has given a classic
The story begins with the birth of Oliver
in the work houses
She was brought here last night by the over­
seer* s order. She was found lying in the
street. She had walked some distance, for her
shoes were worn to piecesj but where she came
from or tfiere she was going nobody knows. (The
old woman was explaining to the doctor.)
The surgeon leaned
died right after the
the left hand. 'The
I see. Good night.1
over the body (the mother
child was born) and raised
old story, no wedding ring.
(........ ........... .
now that he (the baby) was enveloped in the old
calico robes which had grown yellow in the same
service, he was badged and ticketed, and fell at
once— a parish child— the orphan of a workhouse-the humble, half-starved drudge— to be cuffed and
buffeted through^the world despised by all, and
pitied by none.
Oliver* 8 advent into the world outside came about in this wise*
Ibid., Chapter IX.
Charles Dickens, The Works of Charles Dickens.
Collier, 1880, pp. 2-3.
Hew York:
P. F.
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-141Qliver Twist end his coup anions suffered
the tortures of slow starvation for three months:
(....) a council was held; lots were oast who
should walk up to the master after supper that
evening and ask for more; and it fell to Oliver
The evening arrived (....) and a long grace
was said over the short commons. The gruel
disappeared; (*••*) child that he was he was
desperate with hunger and reckless with misery.
He rose from the table; and advancing to the
master, basin and spoon in hand (....) ’Please,
sir, 1 want some more.'
The master was a fat healthy man; but he
turned very pale. He gazed in stupefied
astoni shment•
’Please, sir,' replied Oliver, 'I want sosae
The master aimed a blow at Oliver's head
with the ladle; pinioned him in his arms; and
shrieked aloud for the Beadle.
The decision of the board:
Oliver was ordered to instant confinement
and a bill was next morning placed on the out­
side gate, offering a reward of five pounds to
anyone who would take., Oliver Twist off the
hands of the parish.
A lawyer writing in 1852, said that he had visited many prisons
and lunatic asylums, not only in England, but in France and Germany:
A single English workhouse (he went on to
say) contains more that justly calls for
condemnation in the principle on which it is
established than is found in the very worst
prisons or public lunatic asylums that 1
have seen. The workhouse as now organized
is a reproach and disgrace peculiar to Eng­
land; nothing corresponding to it is to be
found throughout the whole continent of
Europe. c
Then the machines drew the population to the cities and the en­
closing of the public domain added to the exodus frcm the country,
Ibid., p. 5.
J. L. arid Barbara Hammond, The Age of the Chartists. Hew York:
Longnans Green, 1930, p. Tc.
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-142we find tbs country neglected as a result, and the life of the people
in the cities most distressful.
Again one of the pens of the tine
gives us a classic descriptions
Sweet Auburn! loveliest village of the plain^
often have I paused on every charm,
sheltered cot, the cultivated farm,
never-failing brook, the busy mill.
decent church that topt the neighboring hill,
Hawthorn bush with seats beneath the shade
talking age and whispering lovers made!
Sweat smiling village, loveliest of the lawn.
The sports are fled, and all thy charms withdrawn;
And desolation saddens all thy green;
One only master grasps the whole domain,
And half a tillage stunts thy smiling plain.
Far, far away thy children leave the land. ^
An account that corroborates Goldmaith1s is as follows;
Have we not seen the commons of our fathers
enclosed by insolent stupidity— our sports con­
verted into crimes— our holidays into fast days?
The green grass and the healthful hayfield are
shut out from the path. The whistling of the
birds is not for us. Our melody is the deafening
noise of the engine. The merry fiddle and the
humble dance will send us to the treadmill.
«'e eat the worst food, drink the worst drink—
our rainment, our houses, our everything, bear
signs of poverty, and lye are gravely told that
this musx be our lot.
As to what happened to some of the inventors who were themselves
victims of some of the very conditions that unwittingly they helped
Oliver Goldsmith, The Deserted Village. New York: Ginn, 1907,
pp. 1-2.
J. L. and Barbara Hamnond, The Town Labourer, op. cit., p. 45.
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-143to bring about, a well-knom authority has this to sayt
Kay died abroad, neglected and poor;
Hargreaves was driven from his home; Crompton
was reduced to bitter misery; Cartwright*s
invention brought nothing of itself for the
government gave him what reward he got; Cort
died bankrupt; Radcliff and Horrocks both
failed; ffedgwood, Arkwright, «att and Heathcoat alone reaped the fruits of their ingenu­
ity. The men who profited were the masters
who used the inventions that patents seemed
powerless to protect.
These must have been very, very bitter days for England's great
masses of people*
Of their numerous champions none was more con­
sistently so than the poet Percy Bysshe Shelley (1792-1822.) There
are many
powerful poems that might be cited.
His England in 1819
is one of the most often quoted ones:
An old, mad, blind, despised, and dying king, (Geo. Ill)
Princes, the dregs of their dull race, who flow
Through public scorn,— mud from a muddy spring,
Eulers who neither see, nor feel, nor know,
But leech-like to their fainting country cling
Till they drop, blind with blood, without a blow,
A people starved and stabbed in the untilled field.
An army, which liberticide and prey
Hakes as a two-edged sword to all who wield
Golden and sanguine laws which tempt and slay;
Religion, Christless, Godless,— a book sealed;
A Senate,— Time's worst statute unrepealed,
Are graves from which a glorious phantomjnay
Burst, to illumine our tempestuous day*
His Masque of Anarchy is of considerable length.
Two of the
stanzas in which he calls upon the "Hen of England" are:
H. D. Traill and J. S. Mann, Social England. London: Cassell
and Co., Ltd., 1909, VoT."T;_Section’ll, p. 822.
Greenlaw and Hanford, op. cit., p. 418.
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-144•And these 'words shall then become
Like Oppression*s thundered doom
Ringing through each heart and brain.
Heard again— again— again—
'Rise like Lions after slumber
In unvanqui sh&ble number—
Shake your chains to earth like dew
Ahich in sleep had fallen—
Ye are many— they are few,'
One of the signs of the times of the first quarter of the century
in Rngl«nd were the uprisings that became more and more frequent as
the lives of the people became more and more difficult.The rioting
that took place when many men were laid off because the use of stock­
ing frames made their hands unnecessary at the Nottingham mills is
used here as an example.
The men seized the frames and burned them.
The police put down the riot but according to a recent law concern­
ing such things some of the men who took part in the rioting were
In defense, one of the members of the House of Lords referred to
it all as a "mistake.”
The setting has been described in the well-known series familiarly
called "Traill's Social England" *
In 1811, many Nottingham hosiers had to
dismiss workmen, for the newly-invented
frames worked so rapidly that the market
was over-stocked. The Luddite Riots began,
nhen frames were broken it was said Ned
Ludd had been there. Sutton, on the author­
ity of Blackner, a leading Nottingham demo­
crat likely to possess authentic information,
says that Ned Ludham was an ignorant youth
who, when ordered by his father, a frame­
work knitter to square his needles, took
his hammer and beat them into a heap. An­
other version was that Ned Ludd was an
Thomas Hutchinson (edito
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-145imbecile boy who broke two stocking frames
in a passion* The Luddites not only smashed
frames tut attacked millers and corn dealers
in their desire for food* They were joined
by the lace-makers who smashed the new
machines for making lace, in Act of Parlia­
ment made it a capital offense to destroy
any kind of machinery, and in 1812 seventeen
men were hanged together in York. By that
time 624 frames had been broken* The sym­
pathy of the populace in the excited dis­
tricts was so intense it was difficult to
capture the offenders. (....) Murders fol­
lowed; churches and houses were stripped of
lead to make bullets (*...) Lord Sidmouth,
Home Secretary, took in hand the suppression
of the riots and from this time on he knew
no peace.
It is, also, interesting to see what happens when one of the
most brilliant writers of the day, one whose sympathy lay with the
working man, and one whose pen in season and out of season was used
to uncover the abuses of the time— could do with such a situation
when he makes his maiden speech in the House of Lords;
Lord Byron, addressing the Lords;
How will you carry the bill into effect?
Can you consult a whole county to their own
prison? «ia.ll you erect a gibbet in every
field and hang men up like scarecrows? Are
these the remedies for a starving and desperate
populace? will the famished wretch who has
braved your bayonets be appalled by your gib­
bets? (....) when a proposal is made to
emancipate or relieve you hesitate, you delib­
erate for years, you temporize and tamper with
the minds of men. (....; But suppose one of
these men, as I have seen them— aged with
famine, sullen with despair, careless of a
life which your lordships are perhaps about
to value at something less than the price of
a stocking frame— suppose this man surrounded
Ibid., pp. 841ff.
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-146by the children for wham he is unable to pro­
vide bread— suppose this man, and there are
ten thousand such from whom you may select
your victims, were dragged into court to be
tried for this new offence, by this new law;
still there are two things wanting to convict
and condemn him; and these are, in my opinion,
twelve butchers for a jury and a Jeffries for
a judge.
Then listen to what the rhyming can be with the same subject and
with the same literary artist handling the pen*
Oh, well done Lord E— nl And better done R
Brittania must prosper with counsels like yours;
Hawkesbury, Harrowbury, help you to guide her,
Whose remedy only must kill ere it cures.
Those VilliansJ The weavers have all grown refractory,
Asking some succour for Charity’s sake—
So hang them in clusters round each manufactory
That will at once put an end to mistake. (It was
Lord Eldon who had referred on Thursday to the
incident as being a mistake.)
The rascals, perhaps, may take them to robbing,
The dogs to be sure have nothing to eat—
So if we can hang them for breaking a bobbin
•Twill save all the government's money and meat.
Hen are more easily made than machinery—
Stockings bring better prices than lives—
Gibbets on Sherwood will heighten the scenery,
Showing how Commerce on Liberty thrives!
Justice is now in pursuit of the wretches
Grenadiers, Volunteers, Bow-Street Police,
Twenty-two regiments, a score of Jack Ketches,
Three of the Quorum and two of the Peace;
Some Lords, to be sure, would have summoned the Judges
To take their opinion, but that they ne'er shall
For Liverpool such a concession begrudges.
So now they're condemned by no judges at all.
Some folks for certain thought it was shocking
When Famine appeals and when poverty groans,
That life should be valued at less than a stocking
And breaking of frames lead to breaking of bones.
Byron's Works. Complete in 4 volumes.
library, Rue du Coq, 1835.
Baudry's European
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147If it should prove so, I trust, by this taken,
Arid who will refuse to partake in the hope?
That the frames of the fools may be first to be broken,
Who, when asked for a remedy, sent down a rope, ^
The British Constitution*
.Americans studying England1s government must remember j
a. That the Ehglish constitution is different from the American,
b. That the Parliamentary form of government is different from the
Presidential form of the United States,
a. The British constitution is not a definitely organized docu­
ment as is that of the United States or that of the Sooiet TTnirm
but if made up of miscellaneous things.
In the list are the
International treaties
Magna Carta 1215
Petition of Right 1628
Bill of Rights 1689
Habeas Corpus Act 1679
Municipal Corporations Act 1855
Reform Act 1832
Reform Act 1867
Reform Act 1884
Parliament Act 1911
Many other statutes taken together with intangible legal procedents
known as Common Law and the traditional practices which govern the
king, the ministry, and parliament are part of it.
Hew Laws are never
deolared unconstitutional by courts and stay a part of the constitu­
tion until they are oontravened by subsequent ones.
the British constitution is extremely flexible.
For this reason
It is for the opposite
Byron* s Complete Works. Hew fork: Scribners, 1915, Tol. Til, p. 15.
(Lord Byron sent the poem to the Editor of the Morning
Chronicle, Sunday, March 1, 1812, with this statement:
"I wish you oould insert it tomorrow for a particular
reason; (....) Of course do not put ny name to the thing.")
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-148reason that written constitutions suoh as that of the United States
are not called unalloyed blessings.
b. In a Parliamentary form of government the titular head is the king
(as in England) or the President (as in France) hut the real executive
is the prime minister*
This "prime" minister is selected to be such
by the titular executive.
The choice, however, is not optional.
leader of the major party in the lower house must be selected.
is because he, generally speaking, is in a position to command the
largest number of votes in the body and so is said to have the "confi­
dence" of that body,
rihen the man who is prime minister can not
carry his measures by a majority vote within the chamber, the vote
is then called one of "no confidence."
The minister then resigns.
cabinet resigns with him and a new ministry is formed under the new
"prime" minister.
There are times when the issue of the moment is
considered of importance enough so that the House is dissolved and
the members are made to stand for re-election in their various con­
This is called "going to the country."
If the same mem­
bers are returned or enough of the same way of thinking on the ques­
tion involved to assure a majority the same prime minister is continued
in office.
If other members are returned by the people back home it
means the country, in general, did not approve the stand of the ministry
and it is automatically out of office.
In a Presidential system the titular head and the real head of the
government are the same, as is the case in the United States.
executive continues to hold his office no matter what his views until
his term has expired unless his acts make him liable to impeachment.
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1* What is the character of "the French
Constitution? Compare it with that
of England and the United States.
Does a written constitution aid "cul­
tural lag", do you think, or does it
make for progressive elements in govern­
ment? Make a case for your point.
Dr. W. Y. Elliott in his "The Need
for Constitutional Reform" advocates
that at least once in M s four-year
term of offioe the United States Presi­
dent should be able to "go to the coun­
try" and explains that this would make
less necessary the use of the patronage
whip over Congress. What does he mean?
What do you think?
Vida Scudder describes the "long strug­
gle by which democracy and freedom are
slowly realizing themselves, and the
earth is becoming in substantial sense
the heritage of all the children of men."
Make an observation of your own upon
the same subject based either upon Tobacco
Road of the current stage, Steinbect*s
Grapes of Wrath, Donati *s Christ in ConcreW, *Ees-€ sellers in 1939, or President
Roosevelt's "One Third of a Nation" Speech.
7. Passing
the Reform Bill of 1832.
The efforts to get the Reform Bill passed were inthemselves
almostrevolutionary in the England of that time.
The excerpts given below ^ are taken from Lord John Russell,
who headed the liberal W M g group in the ministry at that time and
so introduced the bill; from Lord Macaulay supporting the bill; and
from Lord Colville speaking in opposition.
They tell their own story:
1. Soudder, op. cit„ see Foreword.
2. The excerpts from the addresses given in this section are taken
from Hansard's Parliamentary Debates. Vol. II, 1831, and
Vol. XII, 1832.
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(Mlnisterlal Plan of Parliamentary Reform* )
Lord John Russell then rose and spoke to the
following effect* Mr. Speaker*— I rise, Sir,
with feelings of deep anxiety and interest, to
bring forward a question, which, unparalleled
as it is in importance, is likewise unparralleled
in difficulty (*...) the deliberate measure of a
whole cabinet, unanimous on this subject, and
resolved to place their measure before this
House (....) I venture to explain their inten­
tions to the House upon a subject the interest
in which is shown by the crowded audience assembled
here, but still more by the deep interest that is
felt by millions out of this House, who look with
anxiety— who look with hope— who look with expect­
ancy to the result of this day's deliberations.(...
It is my opinion, therefore, that the whole measure
will add to the constituency of the Commons House
of Parliament— about one-half a million persons
and these all connected with the property of the
country, having a valuable stake amongst us and
deeply interested in our institutions. They are
the persons on whom we can depend in any future
struggle in which the Ration may be engaged, and
who will maintain and support; Parliament and the
throne (•............ ..........................
will this House say 'rfe will keep our power, keep
it how we may; we regard not the petitions of the
people and are ready to abide by all the consequences
of our refusal' (................... ............
Upon the gentlemen of England, then, I call. I
ask them to come forward, and by their conduct on
this occasion, to give security to the Throne,
Stability to Parliament and the Constitution, and
strength and peace to the country. The question
is to be decided by this House (....) I conclude.
Sir, by moving for leave to bring in a Bill for
wrnrtniHng the State of the Representation in Eng­
land and Wales.
The remarks of Lord Macaulay in support of the bill were as
I have no hesitation in pronouncing it a wise,
noble and comprehensive measure, skillfully framed
for the healing of great distempers, and for the
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-151securing at once of the public liberties,
and of the puoiic repose, for the reconciling
and knitting together of all the orders of the
State (....) They (the ministers) have done
all that was necessary for the removing of a
great practical evil and no more than was neces­
sary (....) I oppose Universal Suffrage, because
I think it would produce a destructive revolution,
I support this measure because I am sure that it
is our best security against revolution
We drive over to the side of Revolution those we
shut out from power. We talk of the wisdom of
our ancestors— and in one respect they were wiser
than we. They looked at the England which was
before them (....) All history is full of revolu­
tions, produced by causes similar to those now
operating in England
The danger is terrible.
The time is short. If the Bill is rejected, I pray
to God that none of those who concur in rejecting
it may never remember their votes with unavailing
regret, amidst the wreck of laws, the confusion of
ranks, the spoliation of property, and the destruc­
tion of the social order.
Lord Colville speaks in opposition, quoting his late, lamented
Friend, Mr, Canning: ^
The secret of all its strength and greatness—
(he speaks of his country) the sacred cement which
binds together that impregnable work— is the British
Constitution— (»»••) after it has withstood so many
storms (,..,) after it has enabled us to preserve
so many dangers and difficulties from within— and
to repeal so many assaults from without (.,.,) I
cannot believe that a sober and reflecting people
will easily be seduced to attempt any great end
undefined change in the structure of the fabric it­
self (....) our own Constitution, the work of the
accumulated experience of ages favored by choice
Anri circumstance and progressively improved and matured
by the cautious wisdom of all the happy country. (He
then thought the best course he could take was to
say "not content" to the second reading,)
It will be remembered that it was George Canning who negotiated
with our Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, the Monroe
Doctrine of 1823,
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Inadequacy of the Reform. Bill of 1832*
The Reform Bill of 1832 that in itself took almost a revolu­
tion to pass was within itself definitely inadequate and was obsolete
practically fran the date of its passage.
The democratic movement received its impetus from the economic
grievances of the time created by the social upheaval following in
the wake of industrial changes.
"While to consider changing the
character of their representative body was for British disposition
well-nigh empire-shaking as an event, the changes made scarcely
scratched the surface of the problem and the needs remained.
middle class now fortified in the House of Commons showed no signs
of extending the franchise to the working man.
people came from their awful living conditions.
needed laws in remedy.
The bitterness of the
These conditions
There could be no such laws for working people
if the very places where they lived were unrepresented in Parliament.
The seats in Parliament had gone for generations to representatives
only of the propertied classes.
The Act redistributed the seats as
a. Burroughs of less than two thousand lost
b. Burroughs of between 2000 and 4000 got one
representative each instead of two. These
two points liberated 143 seats.
c. Sixteen of the liberated seats were given
to larger English counties, 8 to Scotland,
5 to Ireland, 65 to larger towns never be­
fore represented, e.g. Manchester, Leeds,
Birmingham, Sheffield.
d. In counties, copy-holders and laaseholders
of lands worth L10 a year and tenants-atwill of land worth L50 a year got a vote.
In burroughs a uniform requirement made
that of owning or renting a building worth
L10 the rule. County electors thus increased
from 247,000 to 370,000 and burrough electors
from 188,000 to 286,000. The proportion of
electors was now 1 out of 22 instead of 1
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153out of 32. The workmen in the oities and
the labourers in the country were still mienfranchised,
e. The polling was limited to two days in each
constituency. It had hitherto extended for
fifteen days with great corruption, bribery
and drunkenness.
9. Further social unrest resulting from the inadequacy of the Reform
Bill of 1832.
The Chartist Movement of 1848 was the next great concentrated ef­
fort to effect needed improvements showing the inadequacy of the Act
of 1832.
This was a mass movement, a welling-up of bitterness by the
masses goaded into desperation by the horrifying conditions of life
under which they were compelled to live.
1832 had not helped the masses.
The Reformed Parliament of
The new Poor Law bundled the indigent
workmen off to the workhouses which were like prisons.
To be sure it
was an attempt to meet the inadequacies of parish relief but it was
bitterly resented by the people.
To them it was going from bad to
The price of bread rose in 1837.
All plans for relief failed.
The Chartists got their name from their Charter of Liberties
whioh contained "Six Points:"
1. complete manhood suffrage
2. equal electoral districts
3. payment of parliament members (this
would make it possible for a poor
man to afford to run)
4. removal of property qualifications
for parliament members
5. annual parliaments
6. vote by ballot
In 1839 the “•forldngznan’8 Parliament," a national convention of
labor representatives, met in London and sent a petition to Parlia­
ment for universal suffrage.
It was refused.
In 1842, another was
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154sent and refused.
Internal dissension in the ranks of the Chartists
arose and the better ones "seceded. " In 1848, those left made plans
to send a monster demonstration to Parliament with a third petition.
Wellington was called on by the government to protect the nation.
Troops numbering 170,000 were ordered to shoot down unruly Chartists.
On April 10, 1848 a heavy rain and five cabs of the "monster demonstra­
tion" arrived.
Chartism was a joke.
10. Further attempts to get better working conditions by increas­
ing political representation.
Three subsequent major parliamentary enactments taking seventyfive years to accomplish have been necessary to get political democra­
cy or something approaching it.
a. Reform Act of 1867,
Thirty-five years elapsed between the Act of
1832 and that of 1867.
The Chartist move­
ment had ended in tragedy but showed the great
unrest. Powerful forces brought trade unions
into operation so new pleas could not be
lightly dismissed. The Liberals had been in
control most of the time since 1832 but had
shown little disposition for further reform
now they had gained the previous goal.
The two great statesmen of the era, Gladstone
and Disraeli, each played to get control by
catering to the reform faction within the
country. Disraeli manipulated the Conserva­
tive Party until it outdid the Liberals in
reform and the new Act was passed* It con­
tained the followingi
1. 58 seats in the House of Commons were trans­
ferred from smaller boroughs to more populous
2. The franchise in counties was conferred on
tenants-at-will of property worth L12 a year.
(It v»«d been L50) and on lease-or-copy holders
of land worth L5 (it had been L10).
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3. All men in boroughs could now vote no
matter what value their dwellings and
all lodgers in tenements who had rented
for one year rooms worth L10 annually
(unfurnished.) Still the suffrage was
the privilege of the minority for there
were only two and one half million voters
out of a population of thirty-two million.
But at least England was committed to a
policy of more democracy. The Liberal
Party obtained control in 1868 and the
Australian Secret Ballot Act was passed
in 1872.
b. The Representatives of the People Act was
put through by the Gladstone ministry in 1884.
This made the county franchise equal with that
of the boroughs. It enfranchised the rural
workers and increased the electorate forty
per cent. A Redistricting of Seats Act was
passed in 1885. The county was divided into
constituencies and each representative was
to stand for 50,000 people.
Political democracy is by this time (1885) not yet complete in
Britain but as far as it had gone it had accomplished the Six Points
of the Chartists.
Parliaments are, at this time, not yet annual but
the maximum life of a Parliament has been reduced from seven years to
In 1858, the property qualification for members of Parliament
was abolished and since 1911 a salary of L400 has been paid to each
This makes it possible for a man who must earn his liveli­
hood to run.
c. The Parliament Act of 1911 broke the power
of the House of Lords.
By it:
Money bills passed by the House of Commons
automatically become law one month after be­
ing submitted to the Lords (even without the
letter's approval). Other bills might become
law despite repeated rejection by the Lords
if passed by the Commons in three successive
sessions provided at least two years have
elapsed before the final enactment.
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-156The 1911 reform was brought about by
the fact that the famous Lloyd George Budget
of 1909 providing for liberal social reforms
was thrown out by the Lords. This was contrary
to precedent and so to the Englishman “uncon­
stitutional1' but it constituted a major defeat
in result. Aa election was held. The matter
was taken “to the country" and the Liberals re­
turned to office. A bill to restrict the power
of the Lords was introduced but defeated. The
Prime Minister threatened to have the King
create enough new and Liberal peers to pass
the Bill. This was the tactics used to force
the great Reform of 1832 and again the Lords
surrendered and the Bill curtailing their power
was passed.
An Act of 1918 gave the vote to women and
ironed out many anomalies and got uniformity
in the election laws.
How many times has the number of Justices of our
Supreme Court been changed? iihat is the purpose of
increasing the number? IShat does "packing the court"
mean? Is the principle the seme as that of creating
enough new peers to pass a law in England? Hhat
connection has either the United States situation
with judicial supremacy or the British situation
and the House of Lords' veto with "social lag?"
Concluding statement.
This study had now moved through ten points that were used to
explain what lay back of the Reform Bill of 1832 and to show what
happened because of it.
The suranary is in the following exeroises (prepare the items
in writing so that the points may come through clearly).
1. Answer a, b, c which appear as the beginning
questions in this type study.
2. It would seem, when seeing how difficult it
was to get reforms in the England of the nine­
teenth century that were so obviously needed,
and how hard it is in our country to effect
social reforms, that democracy
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as & way of governmental procedure
oazx never keep paoe with the demands
made upon it. How do you account for
its slowness? (Be specific and illus­
trate your point.) Hake out a brief
for a totalitarian government as on
alternative to this, or make a defense
for the democratic way.
Choose to tell the story of the invention
of some machine of the industrial revolu­
tion in England or .America; or to read a
section of poetry or prose from the England
of the time of the Reform Bill of 1832 or
just preceding it, the England of today,
or the .America of today that shows the
social or economic conditions of the times;
or to quote same one in authority who de­
scribed for his day those conditions.
What has the question of War to do with
social reform?
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The Gilded Age
The Period in American History between 1865— 1895
The "Gilded Age" of American History was "contemporary civiliza­
tion" for the years 1865-1895 following the Civil War and before the
turn of the century. A study of the period is presented here that
it may serve as an illustration of what it really means to understand
what is “current" for any time or place. If there is depth and breadth
and richness of understanding to be gained from a study of those years,
so like study can reveal the real foundations of the problems of our
living of today.
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The Period in American History Between 1865 and 1895
Hark Twain gave the name to the post-Civil War period of our
country* s history. He wrote a two-volume novel in collaboration
with Charles Dudley Warner
which he called The. Gilded Age, and
which he used as his medium to describe what went on in those years
as he lived them and interpreted them. It is not a very flattering
title but the more one studies the three decades which followed
Appomattox and preceded the imperialist designing of McKinley and
"T.R." the more truly descriptive it appears to be.
Those thirty years, even though they probably contained every
political and social evil and proved terribly costly in many ways,
were pregnant with many possibilities for future things and were
probably a necessary step in the evolution of America.
Looking back
on them we can rue much, feel sorry that the gilt had to be so thinly
spread and get to be so badly tarnished, but it is difficult to see
how much of what transpired could have been avoided.
The sun was
very bright for a little while, too bright for our own good, and the
shadows came across soon and followed fast, but the debacle of 1929
and the strivingB of the 1930's and '40's of the contemporary world
eannot be understood without probing into the years between the Civil
<iar and the world war.
It is not possible to answer in this middle
of the twentieth century the blunt question "where do we go from
here" until we answer for 1929 and the years immediately after the
equally blunt one of "how did we get this way."
depression lie in the Gilded Age
The roots of the great
the outline of the pattern the
twentieth century reconstruction had to take is suggested by what
Harpers, 1899.
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-159happened in those years*
The Civil War period marked the end of an era.
An old culture,
the one associated with our nation’s young years, was dead.
holding aristocracy was gone.
Southern agrarianism was gone.
aristocrats of the industrial Horth were able to submerge the cotton
baronage of the agricultural South.
New England "Brahministic" cul­
ture in its turn was held by a very thin thread.
To be sure the
spirit of the Old South is often recognizable still coming through
as is that of old New England, t»t neither is longer a dominant thread
in the pattern of the post-Civil War years interesting and colorful
and reminiscent of much as they both will always be.
Down into the
crucible of those years went all the good, bad, and indifferent of
America in its adolescence, its years before 1865,
And up out of
Antietam and Shiloh and Gettysburg came a strange new America not
used to being it and not knowing what to do with it or about it but
at least "free, white, and twenty-one."
It can as well be said that down into the crucible of the 1930’s
and *40*s went all the good, bad, and indifferent of the generation
finding its denouement in 1929.
The years that have followed have
found coming up something very different.
There is a mixing of old
things but in new proportions and with many new things added.
as in the years after the surrender of Lee to Grant and the death
of Lincoln a new age struggled into being, so after the surrender of
our business
social world to its own excesses in the decade of the
1920’s after the first World War, there can be seen the end of an era
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and the beginning of a new one.
Conflict, struggle, suffering, pain,
are hard enough to watch and worse still to live through but at least
it is birth of something new equally as well as death of something
old that one is watahing.
Or. Ralph Kingdon says it this ways
Our generation on every continent argues
violently, strust furiously, hates lustily
and parades militantly. These may be symptoms
of something unpleasant, but it is not death.
Events are fierce, but alive.
ify theory is that we are giving birth to a
new phase of civilization. Birth always has
violence, pain and even ugliness associated
with it. rte have not yet discovered a twilight
sleep for social parturition. Hew forms oome
through struggle and labor.
Given a chance, life will carry through its
creative task. Life in this connection means
the vital and healthy youth of -the world. You
can see it, and hear it, in our crowded high
schools and colleges, in our labor unions and
casqps, in football stadia and dance halls. You
may sit in middle-aged judgment on it, but none
of you in your senses will say that it is any­
thing less than alive. This vitality in our
youth is our insurance for the future. They
have strength enough to face what they have to
face and to bring a new world to birth.
It is an astonishing mixing bowl, that period sifter 1865.
place of the old SLgrarianiam of the South, the new one of the iVest
emerges to ripen its crops for a few full years under the sun.
faire-ism means now not that government shall "keep out and off" and
"leave alone" all connection with business but that it shall be used
definitely and designedly by skilled manipulators to make rich oppor­
Ralph Kingdon, I Believe in Youth, The Connecticut State Teacher,
January 1939. Hartfordt Connecticut State Teachers Associa­
tion, State Office Building, pp. 9-10.
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-161tunity for the few, and let the best man win, and the devil take the
hindermost, and only the strongest survive,
the very air?
hasn't the spirit in
Was not that what Darwin meant, that only the fittest
should survive?
It was a turbulent period, a period of stirring movement, a
going-somewhere though one could never be quite sure where.
It was
a time when the new science joined with the new machines to become
the high priests for the new gods of the .American world.
It was a
time when whirring wheels and time clocks and workers and bosses came
athwart the time when each man was his own clock and his own boss
and if there were whistles each one for himself did the blowing.
Mixed in this period are bizarre and strangely unrelated and
related things;
and pickaxes;
forests, plains and mining camps;
coal and oil and oopper and iron;
herds-and-herds of cattle.
ploughs, threshers
and wheat, and
There were steamboats and grain elevators
and railroads and livery stables!
Bright neckties with big stickpins
and big black cigars, and shrewd horse-sense, and rascality and brag­
gadocio and energy and high-hoping, and fat fortunes, and impotent,
helpless, hapless governing.
It can be said of those thirty years of the Gilded Age that never
before had we
grown so outlandishly
spread out so furiously
dared so greatly
sworn so roundly
gambled so outrageously
spent so foolishly
stole public moneys so grandly
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-162bribed magistrates so openly
betrayed public trust so completely
used physical and human resources so recklessly
swaggered so gorgeously
staggered so shamelessly
developed so enormously
glittered so brightly
or been more uniquely and picturesquely and for the first time more
completely American as in that Gilded Age.
Both for richer and for
poorer, for better and for worse, we took all of ourselves to live
with in those days.
Hark Twain described those days as loose-jointed ones where
capital fellows sauntered around in a world that was free.
Parrington described them as "jerry-built."
This interim period, -this period between two cultures, the days
between the old slave-holding aristocracy of the early agrarians and
the proletarian democracy days of the 1930's the first part of which
is dubbed the "Gilded Age" is probably best described by one who was
born and lived so surrounded by them that his writings seldom get
away from them and by another who has been able to look at them as the
intellectual with years of training and study.
Dr. Parrington’s com­
ment comes first and Mark Twain's story of them next:
itith the substitution of the captain of in­
dustry for the plantation master as the custo­
dian of society, the age of aristocracy was at
an end and the age of the middle class was
established. Old standards of distinction and
love of standards was to yield its place to a
new culture created by the machine that would
eventually suffice a brisk city world of machine
activities. That would take time. In the
"interregnum"-between the two cultures-America
would be little more than a welter of crude
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-163energy, a raw unlovely society where the
strife of competition and its prodigal waste
testified to the shortcomings of an age in
the process of transition. The spirit of
the frontier was to flare up in a huge "buc­
caneering orgy. Having swept across the con­
tinent to the pacific coast like a visitation
of locusts, the frontier spirit turned "back
upon its course to conquer the East, infect­
ing the new industrialism with a crude, in­
dividualism, fouling the halls of Congress,
despoiling the public domain, and indulging
in a huge national barbeque.
It submerged the arts and created a new
literature. For a time it carried all things
before it, until running full tilt into science
and the machine, its triumphant progress was
stopped and America, rejecting individualism,
began the work of standardization and mechani­
zation. It is this world in transition from
an aristocratic to a middle class order, turmoiled by the last flare up of the old frontier
spirit, shifting from a robust individualism
to a colorless standardization (1860-1920)
(....) A confused and turbulent scene, not
without its fascination to the American who
would understand his spiritual heritage—
perhaps the most characteristically native,
the most American in our total history. 3Hark Twain speaks of the times of colossal spendings and big
borrowings for the sake of promoting everything under the shining
sun of those days:
*Beautiful credit*• The foundation of modem
society, Who shall say that this is not the
golden age of mutual trust, of unlimited reli­
ance of soeiety upon human promises? This is
a peculiar condition of society which enables
a whole nation to instantly recognize point
and meaning in (....) "I wasn’t worth a cent
two years ago, and now I own two millions of
1. Vernon Louis Parrington,
Currents in American Thought^ Hew York*
Haroourt Brace, 192*7", Vol. Ill, p. 1
2. Hark Twain and Charles Dudley Warner, The Gilded Age. Harpers:
----------1899, Vol. I, p. 292.
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He speaks of the Colonel who is one of the leading characters
of his novel and whom he uses to stand as a type for all of his kind:
It was a hard blow to poor Sellers to
see the work of his darling enterprise stop,
and the noise and bustle and confusion that
Had been such-^refreshment to his soul, sicken
and die out*
He pokes fun at New England:
The Montagues (....) had intended to come
over in the Mayflower, but were detained by
the illness of a child. They came over to
Massachusetts Bay in another vessel, and
thus escaped the onus of that brevet nobility
under which the successors of the Mayflower
Pilgrims have descended.
He takes a tilt at early thrift:
Ruth never embroidered and never sewed when
she could avoid it. Bless herl
He causes Harry to say to the Colonel (talking of Laura):
Gad, she's a superb creature, she'd make a
stir in New York, money or no money. There
are men 1 know would give her a railroad or
an opera house or whatever she wanted— at
least they'd promise.
Ibid, p. 293.
Ibid, p. 237.
Mark Twain
Charles Dudley riarner, The Gilded Age.
Harpers, 1899, Vol. I, p. 292.
New York:
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How did Samuel Clemens "learn the River”,
all twelve hundred miles of it, acquire a
rich store of literary material, and choose
his pen name? Use his Life on the Mississippi
to answer.
How did Mark Twain show his contempt for
aristocracy and medievalism in A .Connecticut
Yankee at King Arthur1s C o u r t ? Quote sections mHTch best give the views of the author.)
2. Twain1s The Gilded Age seems to attaok the
whole gamut of social evils of the time.
What other phases of life come up for indict­
ment besides those given in the text above?
(Quote in substantiation.)
What was Mark Twain trying to do in Innocents
Abroad? (Quote in substantiation.)
a. The text speaks of the "thinning" of old
Hew England patterns. A little later one
of our contemporary writers rebels at
“patterns." What patterns?" Use Amy Lowell's
b. How does Sarah O m e Jewett interpret Hew
England in The Dulham Ladies? Would you call
this “•hh^rmTng11 Hew Stgl and ‘culture, or
“Brahmin" Hew England, both, or neither?
c. riihat is the viewpoint of Van iffyck Brooks
toward criticism in general and toward Hew
6. rihat is the "new science" mentioned in the text?
rihat is the "survival of the fittest" idea used
here? rihat is the evolutionary Hypothesis of
Darwin and Spencer? When was the Origin of the
Found in Men, 'Women, ar>^ Ghosts, 1916, or Selected Poems of Any
Lowell edited by J. L. Lowes, 1928; or The American Mind,
edited by tfarfel, Gabriel, and tfilliams, American Bo'oE
Company, 1937. Vol. II.
See A Wiite Heron and Other Stories, Hew Yorks
Houghton Mifflin,
1886, or The Amerlcan~Mlnd, op. cit.
Use Van riyck Brooks section of The American Mind, Vol. II, op. cit.
and his The Flowering of Hew England, op. cit.
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Species published? what was the effect of ,
this work in England and on the Continent?
Explain the use of the allusion as used here.
How came it to be used in America in negation
of the Jeffersonian concept of democracy?
The text says "for better or for worse and
for richer or for poorer we took all of our­
selves to live with" in this age. Explain
geographically the use of the word "all" here.
Let us put together same pictures of those years after 1865—
after Appomattox when our whole vision was upon ourselves, and be­
fore San Juan when we became concerned about our neighbors.
fie must note at the outset that we did not come into the period
The spirit of Lincoln seamed to brood over those first
years after 1865 still.
"Gettysburg had been dedicated in words
that now cut in marble in our noblest tomb, may yet outlive the stone
on which they are inscribed." ®
On March 4, in his Second Inaugural (Appomattox was to follow
in April) he had said:
Sith malice toward none, with charity for
all; with firmness in the right, as God gives
us to see the right, let us strive on to finish
the work we are in; to bind up the nation* s
wounds; to care for him who shall have borne
the battle, and for his widow and his orphan—
to do all which may achieve and cherish a just
and lasting peace among ourselves, and with
all nations.
See C. J. H. Hayes Political and Social History of Modern History,
Vol. II, op. cii"!
David Muzzey, The United States of America, Vol. II, pp. 125-126-127
will help.
James Truslow Adams, Epic of America. Hew York: Little Brown and
Company, 1951. p. 267.
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-167There was another spirit in America those days that could see
things big and see them whole.
Whitman, as no one else before or after,
caught a vision, so vast he could not master
it, of the whole of .America and of its tumultu­
ous democratic dreams (....) Here at last was
a clear attempt to put into winged and singing
words the authentic American dream. America
was not to be merely an old^Europe in a cruder
and less finished setting.
Hear the stark courage and strength of riihi'tman:
0 Pioneersl
Come my tan-faced children,
Follow well in order, get your weapons ready,
Have you your pistols? have you your sharp-edged axes?
Pioneersl 0 pioneersl
Have the elder races halted?
Do they droop and end their lesson, wearied over there
beyond the seas?
ae take up the task eternal, and the burden and the
Pioneersl 0 pioneersl
All the past we leave behind,
We debouch upon a newer mightier world, varied world,
Fresh and strong the morld we seize, «orld of labor
and the march,
Pioneersl 0 pioneersl
We primeval forests felling,
We the rivers steaming, vexing we and piercing deep
the mines within,
we the surface broad surveying, we the virgin soil
Pioneersl 0 pioneersl
Ibid., p. 267.
Taken from Walt Whitman as quoted in narfel, Gabriel, Williams,
The American llind. Hew York: American Book Co., 1937
p. tf6t>.
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-168Again ViMtman apostrophizes Democracyi
For You 0 Democracy
Come, I will make the continent indissoluble,
I will make the most splendid race the sun ever
shone upon,
I will make divine magnetic lands,
aith the love of comrades.
with the life-long love of comrades.
I will plant companionship thick as trees along
all the rivers of America, and along the
shores of the great lakes, and all over the
I will make inseparable cities with their arms
about each other's necks,
By the love of comrades,
By the manly love of comrades (........... .
<ihat faith Whitman had in America!
The United States are destined either to surmount
the gorgeous history of Feudalism, or else prove
the most tremendous failure of time. Not the
least doubtful am I on any prospects of their
material success. The triumphant future of their
business*geographic and productive departments,
on larger scales and in more varied varieties
than ever, is certain. In those respects the
hepublic must soon (if she does not already) out­
strip all examples hither-to afforded, and dominate
the world (............................. .
I say that Democracy can never prove itself
beyond cavil, until it founds and luxuriantly
grows its own forms of art, poems, schools,
theology, displacing all that exists, or that has
been produced anywhere in the past, under opposite
influences (............. *.......... .
) 2
But those first days after the war were trying ones.
Ibid., p. 835.
nalt Whitman, Democratic Vistas, quoted from The American lfind,
Ibid., p. 87b.
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-169was dead.
The war was won;
the Union was preserved}
but "peace
and love and honesty and brotherly kindness had. fled with Lincoln's
nhat of the South?
Grant said the horses were not to be surrendered.
They would
be needed in the fields of the South for the Spring plowing.
was April at Appomattox!)
The South in which the horses were to “plough" and in which
there was to be "malice toward none and charity for all" consisted
of eleven states of slightly less than five million whites and three
and one-half million negroes.
by Sheridan and Hunter.
The Shenandoah had been laid waste
The Carolinas and Georgia had been ruined
even as Sherman had been aggrandised in the march to Savannah and
from Savannah to the sea.
In the Tennessee Talley and throughout
the heart of the land, for guerilla warfare had gone on miles away
from the main theaters of the war, the fields were wasted, trans­
portation lines ruined with the tracks torn up and the stations
Energy and confidence were gone and the spirit of a once
proud area seamed broken.
There seems plenty of evidence to say
that had Lincoln lived and Johnson been the type of man to command
confidence and inspire approval much of the suffering of the recon­
struction might have been avoided.
Lincoln's attitude always had
been that the southern states had never left the Union.
He had
denied the validity of the secession ordinances and after what had
been to him a rebellion against the national authority had been put
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down, pardon and clemency rather than punishment should he the
And Johnson had worked out a policy of reconstruction
during the sunmer after the assassination.
Conventions were held
in all the southern states (except Texas), ordinances of secession
were repealed or nullified, new constitutions were framed and
senators and representatives for the next session of Congress chosen.
The Thirty-ninth Congress met at noon on December 4, 1865.
roll call showed not one state of the late confederacy listed.
was no need for the new senators and representatives!
Johnson1s policy was to he thwarted.
Congress had been “good*1 long
The Executive had run things long enough.
The flar was over
It v;as time for the legislative department to take up the
Open revolt against all executive suggestion and defiance
of every Presidential act became the order of the day.
partisanship was to come before anything else.
The President’s
purpose and plan for getting the prostrate states back into the Union
was replaced by a Congressional plan for chastizing them and humiliating
It was not a pretty spectacle!
The state governments of the South were set aside and five
military districts established with a general of the United States
army in command of each.
Congress passed a measure which deprived
the President of his constitutional power of commander-in-chief of
the army and navy and provided for all military orders to come from
General Grant.
But more humiliation than this was to come for President John­
A situation was framed with the President as the viotim
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-171the House voted 128 to 47 to impeach him*
The Senate was the court
and the jury and Chief Justice Chase was the presiding officer.
trial lasted from March 4 to May 26 of the year 1868.
and political spite and personal animosities found outlet in vin­
dictive expression and name-calling of a most unattractive kind.
the meantime there was a republican convention held May 10 in which
Grant was nominated for the presidency.
The platform on which he
wa6 elected in November was the Congressional one formulated by the
recalcitrant Congress that had defied Andrew Johnson.
Those were bitter days for the United States of America.
should have been ones to Breconstruct" the South.
They were, instead,
a political debacle centering in the nation’s Capitoll
professor Allan Nsvins tells us what was happening; ^
Everyone, (he speaks of the South) with the
exception of a small ol&ss of speculators and
war profiteers, was impoverished. Not only
had the whole property in slaves estimated at
almost two billion dollars, been swept away,
but land values had became incredibly low.
The banks of the South had been, submerged be­
neath a sea of worthless Confederate paper,
and their capital, another billion dollars,
was gone. The Southern insurance companies
were bankrupt and dead. Mills, factories and
mines were closed, and had little prospect of
reopening in the near future. Many plantations
were heavily mortgaged, and their owners knew
that unless they got upon their feet at once
they would lose their homes. Worst of all was
the irretrievable human ruin, physical and
moral. Mississippi alone had fully ten thousand
orphans, a family there which had not lost a
The excerpts that follow are selected from Allan Nevins, The
Emergence of Modern America, A History of American lire.
Vol. VIII, New York; Macmillan, 1935, p. 14ff.
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-172member seemed a rarity (....) The destruction
of character and courage— the effect of ruin,
camp dissipation and guerilla warfare— was more
saddening than death (......................
Conquered and policed by Northern axmies, how
could eight million Southerners struggle back to
The difficulties of Southern agriculture were
accentuated by the onerous taxes laid by the
federal government, and by the plundering and
cheating practised by federal officers* Under
the circumstances the first three years after
the war were inevitably, among whites and Negroes
alike, years of the direst destitution which has
ever been witnessed tinder the American flag* The
very hand of nature seemed almost against the
South. The crops of 1865, owing to the shortage
of labor and implements and a terrible drought,
were calamitously poor. The yield was less than
half as much as in the crop year just before the
war (**.*)
Mentally and spiritually the whites suffered
the most in those dark three years; physically
the blacks endured the most. Yihile slaves the
negroes had been cared for, in sickness and
health by their masters, now they were left to
their own ignorance and carelessness. In the
contraband camps and mushroom Negro colonies in
the cities, the sanitary conditions were horrify­
ing. Inevitably epidemics, of which smallpox
was the deadliest, swept away great numbers, while
the ravages from tuberculosis were heavy. The
Negro children, without proper care or diet died
like flies (....)
This harvest of death was but one of the many
aspects of the Negro* s forced and rapid adjust­
ment to a totally new condition~a social revolu­
tion the most sweeping and sudden that has ever
affected a large part of the American population
and ah almost unique event in history (....)
he need not here review in detail the govern­
mental history of Reconstruction (....) it is
sufficient to say that Congress had taken hold
of the entire process and had done it in the
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-173vengeful spirit of a party triumphant after
a desperate struggle (....)
In all of the seven except Georgia, the
Hegroes and Carpetbaggers assumed a complete
sway over the government (....)
But the confusion and agony of the late six­
ties and the first years of the seventies should
not he allowed to obscure the fact that beneath
the surface a steady process of healing and
growth was going on (....)
This was the South aright after the war.
there was another South.
In a little while
Of this one Henry woodin Grady writes: ^
•There was a South of slavery and secession—
that South is dead. There is a South of union
and freedom— that South, thank God, is living,
breathing and growing every hour. ’ (Grady was
quoting here.) I want to say to General Sher­
man, who is considered an able man in our parts,
though some people think he is a kind of care­
less man about fire, that from the ashes he left
us in 1864, we have raised a brave and beautiful
city; that somehow or other we have caught the
sunshine in the bricks and mortar of our homes,
and have builded there not one ignoble prejudice
or memory (....)
The new South is enamoured of her new work.
Her soul is stirred with the breath of a new
life. The light of a grander day is falling on
her fair face. She is thrilling with the con­
sciousness of growing power and prosperity (....)
Now, what answer has New England to this message!
U l l she permit the prejudice of war to remain in
the hearts of the conquerors when it has died in
the hearts of the conquered? sill she transmit
this prejudice to the next generation? (••••)
Will she withhold save in strained courtesy, the
hand which straight from the soldier's heart Grant
Henry a. Grady, The New South, quoted from The American Mind.
op. cit. p~. 9l4f?. (Mr. Grady was editor of the Atlanta
Constitution 1879— 1889 and infused new courage into the
people of the South.)
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offered to Lee at Appomattox? Sill she
make the vision of a restored and happy
people, which, gathered above the couoh of
your dying captain, filling his heart with
grace, touching his lips with praise, and
glorifying his path to the grave— will she
make this vision, on which the last sign of
his expiring soul breathed a benediction, a
cheat and delusion?
Those opposed eyes, (...................
Shall now, in mutual well-beseeming ranks,
March all one way.
Make a list of the problems of the South
as Kevins describes them in Chapter I of
The Emergence of Modern America.
Describe the 11frame up" against Johnson and
the impeachment, dhy was Stanton in the cabi­
net anyway? ȴhat had been his relations with
Lincoln? Cameron? Seward? ilho were t^e
leaders of the attack against Johnson?
who were the “carpet baggers?"
ELux Elan?
hhat were the thirteenth, fourteenth, and
fifteenth amendments to the Constitution?
tfh&t was the effect of than on the South at
the time? rihat has been the effect since that
were the problems of the Reconstruc­
Period as Or. Vs. A. Dunning describes
in Reconstruction, Political and Economic
XII of The American Mail on, CiESpters Y, Vl?
rihy the Eh
Muszey, United States of Amerioa. Yol. II, Chapter I. See
bibliography for additional material.
The Chronicles of America series, Yale University Press,
have appropriate volumes “for this subject.
See bibliographical note for Exercise "2" and "3".
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Contrast the picture of the post-Civil Har
South, the time when "Cotton was King,"
and the South of"Economic Problem No. I."
•thy does Or. Charles Beard call the Civil
»iar the "Second .American Revolution?"
What has Richard Wright1s Native Son to do
with this picture?
Describe the early work of the Reconstruc­
tion years to educate the negro. What should
we know of Hampton Institute, Tuskegee, and
Howard University? Of Booker T. Washington,
Robert Moton? Read something of Paul Lawrence
Dunbar, George Weldon Johnson, Countee Cullen.
What new agricultural policies developed in
the South after the War?
The more recent material on .Andrew Johnson
is kinder to him than the earlier writings.
Upon what material is the newer estimate based?
The Nation, edited by E. L. Godkin, was estab­
lished in 1865. For several years it was re­
garded as the most alert critical organ of the
press of the period. Parrington says of Godkin and The Nation, that he was the severest
critic of -the Gilded Age, equipped with a com­
plete social philosophy and aimed with perfect
self-assurance. For thirty-five years he de­
voted himself to the development of liberalism
in American institutions. As he watched the
scrambling heedlessness of the times his liber­
alism oozed away and he slowly drifted to the
right and the dead sea of pessimism. The mass
was too powerful in America. In his gloomy
later years he found consolation in Brahmin New
England culture. His last years were not happy.
His old dreams of a free and enlightened democracy
were dead. “I am not sanguine about the future
of democracy. I think we shall have a long period
of decline (....) and then a recrudescence under
some other form of society."
See Chronicles of America series for appropriate material and
ErskLne Caldwell and Bourke-Jhite, Have You Seen Their Faces.
See his chapter of that name in The Rise of American Civilization.
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-176a. Get some excerpts from Godkin and The
Nation of the period.
b. rtho edits The Nation today? Do you call
it liberal of the style of Godkin? (Use
a comparative study of editorial comment.)
c. dhat do you think Godkin ‘would have said
had his last days encompassed the New Dead?
d. If Godkin and The Nation led the liberals
of the period what editors.and what organs
furnished the opposition?
The first wave of settlers went hopefully over the plainsl
They were land hungry!
They were hungry for opportunity!
The "fel­
lows who ought to know" had told them to stop grumbling and “vote
themselves a homestead".
With nothing back East to hold them and
plenty of reasons in Europe to induce them to leave from over there,
the early trek across the prairies was buoyant enough.
Was there not
land ahead for the taking, and railroads calling and labor demanded?
But as the ’70’s gave plane to the ’80*8 there was a great change.
Disillusionment and disappointment set in.
Harsh toil and meager liv­
ing broke thehopefulness of the farm spirit.
The history of the fron­
tier-west from then on is a long drab story of hardship and privation
end of dreams shattered by poverty and endless toil that reached no­
There was every physical thing against the western farmer!
fierce climate and depressing isolation; the restless winds sweeping
Frank Luther Mott, A History of American Magazines, 1850-1865.
Cambridge, Massachusetts j Harvard University Press, 1938.
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-177the flat plains bringing blizzards in winter and scorching heat in
steamer; endless grasshoppers leaving rain in their wake like a plague
of locusts; and armies of chinch bugs to destroy the grain when the
grasshoppers were off dutyj
Added to these, there were the heavy
mortgages to be sustained by ever-falling prices*
mitted crop 8 to mature there was no need to gather
was no market.
For wheat that sold at
When nature per­
them, forthere
fifty cents a bushel there was
a charge of twenty cents from Chicago to Mississippi and fifty-one
and one-half cents to the Atlantic Coast.
Why toil for the middle­
man and the freight?
The Gilded Age was not kind to the farmer.
He was no match for
His was the only economicgroup of any size that was not organ­
ized for effective political pressure.
He was the "fattestgoose
that the capitalist had to pluck." Hehad helped to vote away to
railroads the power they turned to rend him with.
Between the rascals
that marauded in sheep' s clothing, the local middleman, the railroad,
and the money power of the East that dominated government, the farmer's
ruin was complete.
It cannot be said that he took it lying down.
The agrarian re­
volt in the Gilded Ag® colored the last quarter of the century.
Granger movement. The Farmer's Alliance, and Populism arose to tor­
ment the Industrial East that had but recently laid away the agrarian
It was an agricultural West that began to wrestle with busi­
ness for the control of the political statel
The federal government was not designed for the kind of demo­
cracy under which an agrarian world could thrive.
The World War
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-178pumped artificial life in the slowly dying West and the partially
restored South after which the 1920's gave warning of the end,
the 1930* s chronicled complete agrarian collapse.
Since that time
what to do for agriculture in the West and the South has become
the most difficult problem of our national economy.
By the 1880's the bitterness of the frontier began to creep
into our literature.
Hamlin Garland, himself a son of the Middle
Border, spent nearly a lifetime telling again and again of the
blight on his land and his people.
To him, it was a life without
grace or beauty or charm— a treadmill existence getting nowhere.
His Main-Travelled Roads and Prairie Folks tell of his protest of
the farmer* s condition.
He did not find it easy to tell the truth.
"Even my youthful
zeal faltered in the midst of a revelation of the lives led by the
women on the farms of the middle border.
Before the tragic futility
of their suffering my pen refused to shed its ink." *
The Prologue of Main-Travelled Roads is as simple anddirect
and even as toneless as Garland conceived the theme to bet
The Main Travelled road in -the nest (as
everywhere) is hot and dusty in summer and
desolate and dreary with mud in fall and
spring, and in winter the winds sweep across it; but it does sometimes cross a
rich meadow where the song of the larks
and bobolinks and blackbirds are tangled.
Follow it far enough, it may lead to the
river where the water laughs eternally over
its shallows. Mainly it is long and weariful
and has a dull little town at one end and a
Parrington, op. cit., p. 296ff, Vol. III.
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-179home of toil on the other. Like the main
travelled road of life it is traversed by
many classes of people hut the poor and the
weary predominate.
iY. D. Howells said of Garland and the Vsest:
If anyone is still at a loss to account
for that uprising of the farmers of the
nest (....) let him read Main-Travelled Roads
(....) The stories are full of those gaunt,
grim, sordid, pathetio, ferocious figures,
whom our satirists find so easy to caricature
as hayseeds, and whose blind groping for
fairer conditions is so grotesque to the
newspapers and so menacing to the politicians.
They feel that something is wrong, and they
know that the wrong is not theirs. The type
caught in Mr. Garland’s book is not pretty;
it is often ugly and ridiculous; bu£ it is
heartbreaking in its rude despair.
A realistic picture that tells of the grip upon the farmer of
the land speculator is told in Garland’s Under the Lion’s Paw.
(poor Haskins had come from nothing and
worked nearly enough to kill himself to try
to have even a home. He was powerless against
Butler, the land agent.)
'I'm kickin' about payin’ you twice f’r
my own things,— my own fences, my own kitchen,
my own garden.*
Butler laughed. ’You're too green t* eat,
young feller. YOUR improvements! The lawwili sing another tune.*
'But I trusted your word.’
'Never trust anybody, my friend. Besides
I didn’t promise not to do this thing. »*hy,
man, don’t look at me like that. Don’t take
me for a thief. It’s the law. The reg'lar
thing. Everybody does it.* (....)
Parrington, op. cit., p. 296ff., Vol. III.
Parrington, op. cit., p. 296ff., Vol. III.
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180•Well, what do you think of it?’ inquired
the cool, mocking, insinuating voice of Butler.
'I think you're a thief and a liar.' shouted
Kaskins, leaping up. 'A black-hearted houn‘i
t ........................................
'You'll never rob another man, dam yej he
grated his teeth, a look of pitiless ferocity
in his accusing eyes.
Butler snrank and quivered, expecting the
blow; stood, held hypnotised by the eyes of
the man he had a moment before despised— a
man transformed into an avenging demon. But
in the deadly hush between the lift of the
weapon and its fall there came a gush of faint,
childish laughter and then aoross the range of
his vision, far away and dim, he saw the sunbright head of his baby girl (.............
His hands relaxed; the fork fell to the ground,
his head lowered.
'Make out y ’r deed an' mor'gage, an' git
of'n my land, an' don't ye never cross my
line again; if y* do, I'll kill ye.'
Butler backed away from the man in wild
haste, and climbing into his buggy with tremb­
ling limbs drove off down the road, leaving
Haskins seated dumbly on the sunny pilej of
sheaves, his head sunk into his hands.
Henry George lived during these years of 1839-1897.
He was a
product of the turbulent California frontier of the gold-seekers and
land speculators.
Later he was a journalist.
Among his writings
there is progress and Poverty, one of the early olassies in the
economics of those days.
In his introduction to Progress and
Hamlin Garland, Under the Lion's Paw. Quoted from Warfel, Gabriel,
and Williams, The American Mind, op. cit., p. 1035.
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-181foverty he writes of “The Persistence of Poverty."
The following
is an excerpt:
And, unpleasant as it may he to admit
it, it is at last becoming evident that
the enormous increase in productive power
which has marked the present century and
is still going on with accelerating ratio,
has no tendency to extirpate poverty or
to lighten the burdens of those compelled
to toil (.............................
The promised land flies before us like
the mirage. The fruits of the tree of
knowledge turn, as we grasp them, to apples
of Sodom that crumble at the touch.
This association of poverty with progress
is the great enigma of our times. It is the
central fact from which spring industrial,
social, and political difficulties that per­
plex the world, and with which statesmanship
and philanthropy and education grapple in
vain. (................................ )
So long as all the increased wealth which
modern progress brings goes to build up
great fortunes, to increase luxury and make
sharper the contrast between the House of
Have and the House of Want, progress is not
real and cannot become permanent. The re­
action must come. The tower leans from its
foundations, and every story but hastens the
final catastrophe.^
There would be no use in any one attempting to make a summary
of the plight of the farmer in this or in other lands »vhen there
is alreaay one in our literature that stands with the finest of
our classics.
It was an indictment for the occasion upon which it
was written and must stand both as an indictment and a prophecy
until the question that it poses is answered by the society to
Gabriel, Warfel, Williams, The American Mind,
op. cit., p. 985ff.
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-182wham it is addressed:
Edwin Markham, The Man With the Hoei
(Written after seeing the painting by Millet)
God made man in His own image, in the image
of God ereated He him.
Bowed by the weight of centuries he leans
Hpon his hoe and gases on the ground,
The emptiness of ages in his face,
And on his back the burden of the world.
Who made him dead to rapture and despair,
A thing that grieves not and that never hopes,
Stolid and stunned, a brother to the ox?
Who loosened and let down his brutal Jaw?
Whose was the hand that slanted back his brow?
Whose breath blew out the light within his brain?
0 masters, lords and rulers in all lands.
Is this the handiwork you give to God,
This monstrous thing distorted and soul-quenched?
How will you ever straighten up his shape;
Touch it again with immortality;
Give back the upward looking and the light;
Rebuild in it the musio and the dream;
Make right the immemorial infamies,
Perfidious wrongs, immedicable woes?
0 Blasters, lords a n d rulers in all lands,
How will the future reckon with this Man?
How answer the brute question in that hour
When whirlwinds of rebellion shake all shores?
How will it be with kingdoms and with kings—
With those who shaped him to the thing he is-When his dumb Terror shall rise to Judge the world,
After the silence of the centuries?
a. What was the plan of the A,A.A, of 1933
and 1934 for the farmer?
b. Upon what basis was it defeated by the
Supreme Court?
1. Warfel, Gabriel, and Williams, The American Mind, op. cit., p. 1042.
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-183o. What is the Soil Erosion and Corrvervation Act that followed?
d. What are the provisions of the Agricul­
tural Adjustment Act of 1938?
2. What effect would the Fair Labor Standards
Act of 1938 have on the South, as that region
is described in this text?
When the line of history straightens out for the thirty years
between 1865 and 1895, it becomes the time of the rise of big busi­
ness and a period of phenomenal growth with the first real attempt
at checking the Sherman Anti-Trust Act of 1890*
If all one wants
is a "straight line" that statement oan stand.
But by no means is the age quite so streamlined as that.
Those thirty years divide into three definite periods, when his­
tory is studied, and without being an economic determinist one
could accept the division for most of the aspects of life at that
The first period can be called The Rise of the Plutocrats
who Gilded the Age.
(Hark Twain, it will be recalled, called the
age "gilded" because of its gaudy exterior and slovenly reality.)
The second period can be described as the Crises Years, 1873-1878.
What was sown in a whirlwind was reaped in a storm.
period is really the Rise of Big Business —
The third
a time of elimination,
consolidation, reorganisation, concentration, and domination of
the new American world by the industrial organisers of the East.
Each period in turn has its own story.
The first one— The
Rise of the Plutocrats who Gilded the Age— comes in for more indiet-
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-184ment than perhaps any other page of our history and probably with
ample reason.
The governmental structure of the country proved itself
inadequate as it stood to command the situation, and the negative
character of the doctrine of laissez faire showed that doctrine
unable to be permanently useful in the American world.
ship seemed bankrupt, and of leadership in government there was
none, at least on the credit side.
The business world was without
a precedent to guide it and the evils that developed were without
a parallel.
Rascality reaohed an "all-time high" and culture an
"all-time low."
But, withal, this first period was a time of
great strength and power and it shaped for almost a century to
come the American world.
It shook its own day to new foundations
and built upon them, whether for better or worse, so powerfully
that not until the decade of the 1930*s did major apertures appear.
The days of the planting aristocracy were over with the Civil
War and with thrt impediment out of the way the conquering hosts
of business enterprise took possession of the American scene.
President Roosevelt, in the 1930's, talked of "economic royalists"
■and the barrage his decade leveled against them was an indication
of the strength of their entrenchment.
James Truslcw Adams talks
of the 1879*s as the "Age of the Dinosaurs" and describes them
as "stalking across the continent."
The Beards talk of the new
capitalist barronage as "organisers of men and materials" and "mas­
ters of the administration art" in the four great provinces of
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-185mauufaoture, extractive industry, transportation and finance. ^
With capital at hand, with natural re­
sources to be had for the asking or the
taking, with stalwart labor ready for the
fray, with a vast domestic market assured,
with politicians impatient to cooperate
and share the fruits, and unhampered by a
powerful aristocracy, lay or clerical, at­
tached to other manners and other ideals,
American business men leaped forward as
strung runners to the race when the news
of Lee's surrender boomed through the land.
Just how many notables of various degrees
took part in directing the exploitation
of the continent is nowhere recorded in
the census, but above the multitude who
worked in the sphere of business towered
a few figures as imposing in their day as
the barons of Magna Carta, rulers of Eng­
land in the days of King John.
There are, of course, good grounds for
differences of opinion as to the names to
be enrolled first in the peerage of the
new industrial age; yet none will exclude
from it Jay Gould, William H. Vanderbilt,
Colli8 F. Huntington, James J. Hill and
E. H. Harriman of the railway principality;
John D. Rockefeller of the oil estate; An­
drew Carnegie of the steel demense; Jay
Cook and J. Pierpont Morgan of the financial
Seigniory; William A. Clark of the mining
appanage; or Philip Armour of the province
of beef and pork. It is not possible to
draw the American scene between Appomattox
and the end of the oentury without these
dominant figures looming in the foreground.
It is our 'business peerage.'
Dr. Charles A. Beard and Mary Beard, Rise of American Civili­
sation. Hew York; Macmillan, 1937,"~Ts the work referred
to here.
Ibid., p. 172.
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The ancestry of these early leaders is
traced back to Eng­
lish and Scotoh-Irish origins for the most part.
With the excep­
tion of two (Morgan and Vanderbilt) they all came from the "bot­
tom up."
And with the exception of Andrew Carnegie who had skepti­
cal inclinations, they were all church members "in regular stand­
Jay Cooke "gave bells, steeples, organs, Sunday-school
books, rectories, and silver communion services to churches
and taught a Sunday-school class. *
Parrington^ describes the times as stirring ones.
shiftless fellow that could not make his pile.
It was a
If he had been too
late in acquiring desirable acres, he had only to find a careless
homesteader and "junq? the claim"• It is a time of pre-emption,
exploitation and progress.
It was just necessary to disposses the
government and take the rich holdings.
It was a simple philosophy
suited the simple indirectness of the times.
says he, "knew nothing of Enlightenment."
The "Gilded Age,"
It was an age "heedless
and unlovely" (....) "plainly mired," "triumphant and unabashed"
in vulgarity.
It was a time of "running amuck through all the con­
ventions" yet no other age presents so fasoinating a spectacle.
There was a joyous let-go after the narrow inhibitions of "back­
woods religion and ooonskin poverty."
the last restraint gone.
power came on the scene.
Society became fluid with
Primitive souls with immense will to
They may have been "rogues and rascals"
but they were never feeble.
Dr. Parrington lists among the "Wall Street crowd" Daniel
Drew, Commodore Vanderbilt, Jim Fisk, Jay Gould, Russell Sage,
Ibid., p. 172.
Vernon L. Parrington, op. cit., Chapter 8.
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-187and describes them as "blackguards for the most part, cheaters and
swindlers picturesque in rascality."
In the "tribe of politicians"
he includes Boss Tweed, Fernando Wood, A. Oakley Hall, Senators
Pomeroy and Cameron, Boscoe Conklin and James 6. Blaine.
they are "blackguards for the most part," looting the city treas­
uries, buying and selling legislative votes like railroad stock
"picturesque in audacity."
There is a list labeled "Professional Keepers of Public
Morale" according to this observer.
In that group he lists Anthony
Comstock, J. B. Gough, Dwight L. Moody, Henry Ward Beecher, T.
Dewitt Talmadge.
They are described as "ardent proselytisers,
unintellectual men of one idea," "fiery in seal," "eloquent in
description of their kind of heaven."
P. T. Barnum is described
as "growing rich in humbuggery" "pure brass through any gilding,"
in "picturesque, capable effrontery the very embodiment of the age."
A marvelous company, vital with the untamed
energy of a new land (....................
They were thrown up as it were casually out of
the huge caldron of energy that was America.
All over the land were thousands like them,
self-made men quick to lay hands on opportunity
if it knooked at the door, ready to seek it out
if it were slow in knocking, recognising no
limitations to their powers, discouraged by
no shortcomings in their training. When
Moody set out to bring the world to his
Protestant God he was an illiterate shoe sales­
man who stumbled over the hard words of his
King James Bible. Anthony Comstock, the rounds­
man of the Lord, was a salesman in a dry-goods
shop, and as oareless of his spelling as he
was careful of his neighbors* morals. Commo­
dore Vanderbilt, who built up the greatest
fortune of the time, was a Brooklyn ferryman,
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188hardfisted and tough as a burr-oak, who
in a lifetime of over eighty years read
only one book, Pilgrim's Progress, and
that after he was seventy, Daniel Drew
(later to found Drew Theologioal Seminary)
was a shyster cattle-driver, whose arid
emotions found outlet in periodic conver­
sions and backslidings, and who got on
in the vale of tears by salting his cat­
tle and increasing his-and the Lord1swealth with every pound of water in their
bellies-from which cleverness is said to
have come the Wall Street phrase 'stockwatering* • Jim Fisk was the son of a
Yankee peddler who, disdaining the unam­
bitious ways of his father, set up for
himself in a cart gilded like a circus
wagon and drove about the countryside with
jingling bells. After he had made his
pile in Wall Street he set up his own
opera house and proposed to rival the
Hedici as a patron of the arts— and es­
pecially the artists if they were of the
right sex (..........................
What was happening in New York was symp­
tomatic of the nation. If the temple of
Plutus was building in Wall Street his
devotees were everywhere. In Chicago ris­
ing higgledy-piggledy from the ashes of
the great fire, Phil Armour and Nelson
Morris were laying out stockyards and
drawing the cattle and hogs and sheep from
remote prairie farms to their slaughter
houses. In Cleveland, Mark Hanna was erect­
ing his smelters and turning the iron ore
of Michigan into dollars, -addle John D,
Rockefeller was squeezing the small fry
out of the petroleum business and creating
the Standard Oil monopoly. In Pittsburg,
Andrew Carnegie was applying the Bessemer
process to steel-making and laying the foun­
dations of the later steel trust. In Minne­
apolis, C. C, Washbome and Charles A, Pillsbury were applying new methods to milling
and turning the northern wheat into flour
to ship to the ends of the earth
The huge wastefulness of the frontier was
everywhere, East and West, The Gilded Age
heeded too literally the Biblical injunction
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-189to take no thought for the morrow,.hut was
busily intent on squandering the resources
of the continent* All things were cheap and
human life the cheapest of all (.........
Gone were the old ideals along with the old
restraints* The idealism of the forties,
the romanticism of the fifties— all the heri­
tage of Jeffersoniani sm and the French En­
lightenment— were put thoughtlessly away,
and with no social conscience, no concern
for civilisation, no heed for the future of
democracy it talked so much about, the Gilded
Age threw itself into the business of moneygetting. From the sober restraints of aris­
tocracy, the old inhibitions of Puritan! sm,
the niggardliness of an exacting domestic
economy, it swung far back in reaction and
with the discovery of limitless opportunity
for exploitation it allowed itself to get
drunk* Figures of earth, they followed after
their own dreams* Same were builders with
grandiose plans in their pockets; others
were wreckers with no plans at all* It was
an anarchistic world of strong, capable man
and selfish, unenlightened morals— an excel­
lent example of what human nature will do
with undisciplined freedom* In the Gilded
Age freedom was the freedom of buccaneers
preying on the argosies of Spain.
A huge barbeque was spread to which all
presumably were invited. Hot quite all, to
be sure (....) but all the important persons,
leading bankers and promoters and business
men, received invitations. There wasn't
room for everybody and these were presumed
to represent the whole. It was a splendid
feast (*...••.*..... ......... .
It was sound Gilded Age doctrine. To a
frontier people what was more democratic than
a barbeque (*...) Let all come and help
themselves. As a result the feast was Gar­
gantuan in its rough plenty (*...) More
food to be sure was spoiled than was eaten,
and the revelry was a bit unseemly; but it
was a fine spree in the name of the people
(....) But after the more careless were
Vernon Parrington, op. cit., Vol. Ill, p. 13ff.
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-190oaught with their fingers where they did­
n't belong, had been thrust from the table,
the eating and drinking went on again till
only the great oaroasses were left. Then
at last came the reckoning («,..) We can
call them buccaneers if we ohoose, and speak
of the great barbeque as a democratic de­
bauch. But why single out a few when all
were drunk?
The second period of the thirty-year span between 1865 and
1897 is called The Crisis Years.
It involves the five years be­
tween 1873 and 1878, but the crisis of those five was but the ac­
cumulated account of the eight ones previous.
The whirlwind pre­
ceded the storm.
The moral debauch in government and business went from bad
to worse after 1865.
Confusion and unsettlement resulting from
the war, feverish and unprecedented growth resulting from what ap­
peared to be opportunity without end, unorganized and inadequate
machineiy in all units, city, state and nation, and total lack of
regulatory laws to meet the new needs resulted in publio and pri­
vate corruption that grew steadily worse.
City «T«i state legislatures reeked with bribery and intrigue.
There seemed no one to choose as better or worse than the rest (....)
New York, Albany, Philadelphia, Illinois, Wisconsin and Kansas
were typical of all and of each other.
Between state corruption and municipal
corruption there existed a close connec­
tion. The Tweed Ring in Hew York could
never have flourished and produced the
Ibid., p. ISff.
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most colossal scandal in the history of our
cities but for the connivance and aid of the
legislature (.... .
The leading personalities of the Tweed Sing
are so characteristic of the place and period
that they deserve momentary mention. Tweed
himself, a familiar figure in the city of a
million people, was a tall, bulky person,
and his apparent ponderosity belied by his
fim, swift step and his piercing eyes, grim
lips and sharp nose. His untiring activity,
his imposing physique and his union of cruel­
ty, shrewdness and audacity had raised him
in fifteen years from the position of chair
maker to that of multi-millionaire dictator
of the city. He had begun as a member of
the rough volunteer fire department, then
an important instrument in the gang politics
of New York and Philadelphia;.he had become
the grand sachem of Tammany.
Their methods were those which the oity
boss has since made familiar from Boston to
San Francisco. The Citizen's Association
found in 1871 that of about one hundred and
thirty thousand voters, Tweed could control
or influence half by the agencies at his com­
mand— offices, contracts, employment on pub­
lic works, licenses, untried indictments,
suspended sentences and so on. A heavy stratum
of the population was composed of ignorant,
credulous immigrants, for seventy-seven thous­
and or nearly two-thirds of the electorate
were foreign b o m (....) They had a lively
appreciation of Tweed's distributions of
coal, flour, and money, of the ward politi­
cian* s help in obtaining jobs and of the
machine's assistance to poor fellows in trouble
with the law (....) they knew if the cupboard
was empty Tammany would always help them earn
a few dollars. If ever they thought of the
Sing's frauds and thefts, they regarded them
as rightful fleecing of the rich and Tweed
as a type of m o d e m Robin Hood. With such
popular support behind them the bosses aston­
ished honest men with their audacity (....)
Eighteen corrupt councilors in City Hall
Allan Nevins, The Bnergenoe of M o d e m America, History of
American Infe, Vol. 'fflTT. New York; M a c m i l l a n , 1 5 3 5 ,
p. 185.
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-192laughed at the six who were honest. They
rented buildings at tnice their proper cost
(....) they sold appointments and over­
loaded payrolls; thqy disposed of a gas
granchise on terms that robbed the public
for twenty years to come (....)
The scale of the stealing and fierce in­
tensity of the final storm of anger have
made the Tweed Ring memorable beyond all
rivals (....)
We need not rehearse here the story of the
final exposure and violent disruption of the
Ring. Only significant facts interest us.
The first was the difficulty and slowness
with which even the better citizens were
aroused (............................
The WORLD consistently defended the Ring,
while the STJH proposed a statue to Tweed.
In the end only a lucky accident, the fatal
injury of the county auditor in a sleighing
accident, and the consequent installation
of one of Tweed's snimies in the county
bookkeeper’s office, made the exposure
possible. The second was the vigor and
intensity of the uprising that ensued.
Decent opinion was stirred to the depths as
never since the firing on Sumter
But Hew York City by no means stood alone.
Across the East River, Brooklyn was in the
grip of a ring of its own. The municipal
corruption of Philadelphia was as deep.
seated and pervasive as that of Hew York.
The national government had its full share
of corruption. The most important scandal
to develop was the Credit Mobilier affair.
One feature of this unsavory business has a
social significance worth noting. It was
the difficulty of getting those who parti­
cipated to realize they had done anything
Ibid., p. 184ff.
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-193The novelty and glamor of the resources
opened after the war, the inexperience of
the public in investment and the total
lack of regulatory laws all produced natural
consequences* The oil fields of Pennsylvania
•were the first rich hunting gfound for
adepts in fraud (.............. ......
Railway construction was equally fertile
in schemes to trap the unwary (.......
The swindling stock companies of the mining
regions (...«) had their noted figure (....
Indeed, one of the chief features of interest
in these swindles is the readiness with which
eminent men lent their names to ventures
which with a little sobBr inquiry would have
proved disreputable (....)
But while mines, oil wells and other physi­
cal properties were natural pawns in the
games of dishonest peculators, the absence
either of careful statutes or of a wellestablished code of business ethics made
manipulation of all subtler kind all too
Vanderbilt’s effort in the late sixties to
wrest control of the Erie from Drew and Drew’s
associate Gould, brought on a veritable bat­
tle of the giants in which all thought of
public rights and all considerations of deoency were lost. The 'Commodore* played &
long hand. Drew not only relied heavily
upon the cunning Gould but enlisted, also,
the extraordinary figure known as 'Jim’ Fisk.
Fisk had begun his career as a peddler in
Vermont, had been the manager of an itiner­
ant circus and had finally made a profitable
place for himself among the Hew York stock
gamblers. He became distinguished as a fat,
flashy, boastful voluptuary who kept a harem
of mistresses, maintained a costly opera
house, and lived in the life of gilded
Ibid., p. Ill
Loc. cit.
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-194luxury. This triumvirate not only out­
played Vanderbilt, tout employed methods
that shocked the whole nation as a revela­
tion of business corruption run wild.
Mark Twain has a hit to say of this kind of corruption in
his Gilded Age.
An example follows:
(Colonel Sellers is talking
to young Washington who is to go in with him on one of the schemes)
Let -tiie jury do what they please (....)
Tomorrow we can send a million to Hew York
and set the lawyers at work on the judges;
bless your heart, they will go before
judge after judge and exhort and beseech,
and pray and shed tears. They always do;
and they always win, too (....) They
will get a writ of habeas corpus, and a
stay of proceedings, and a supersedeas, and
a new trial, and a nolle presequi and there
you are! That is the routine, and it is
no trick at all to a Hew York lawyer (....)
everything's red tape and routine in the
law (a...Y it's all Greek to you, of course,2
but (,...) I'll explain it to you sometime.
The crisis that broke in the year 1873 was not confined to
the United States nor was the moral collapse of our government
and our people the only factor to blame.
That year, in many parts
of the world, marked the dividing line between fat years and lean—
good times and bad.—
Germany, France, England, Australia, South
Africa, Japan, and South America had their depressions, too.
There had been an epidemic of wars and wars are costly things,
before, during, and after than.
industry in other countries.
There had been over- expansi on of
The Franco-Prussian conflict of
1870-1871 and the huge indemnity "that followed dislocated finance.
Loc. ext.
Mark Twain, The Gilded Age, op. cit., p. 279.
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-195Populations had moved in response to the new and tremendous com­
mercial demands.
The business firms in 1870 that had numbered
451,000 in the United States became 609,904 -within a year.
rency measures had not been of a nature to inspire confidence.
There had been huge loans abroad in the Civil War years.
balances had been steadily unfavorable.
Credits had been badly
The -wildest schemes of the railroads and other ventures
had undermined confidence abroad.
Business failures began with 2,815 in 1871.
were 4,069.
In September 1873 the crash came.
In 1872 there
The climax was
reached whan the banking houses of Jay Cooke were closed.
The failure was a financial thunderbolt,
stupefying the country. The Hew York Stock
Exchange, after a moment of startled silence,
was thrown into an uproar such as the oldest
member could never remember hearing (•.....
A newsboy shouting an ’extra* ’all about the
failure of Jay Cooke’ was arrested by a horri­
fied and incredulous policeman. In Washington
word of the failure reached a criminal court
during a murder trial, and it was hastily ad­
journed, the judges, lawyers, witnesses and
spectators hurjying to the avenue to learn
further news.
President Grant, Secretary Richardson and
other high government officers hurried on
the fourth day to the Fifth Avenue Hotel and
summoned Commodore Vanderbilt and other finan­
cial leaders to their apartments to offer ad­
vice (....) For ten days the Stock Exchange
was kept closed; the banks, pooling their
resources, for the first time issued the now
familiar clearing house certificates; and
the government acting on the counsel of men
who believed the chief cause of the panic
was a lack of money, released thirteen mil-
Bevins, op. oit., p. 295ff.
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lions of greenbacks from the treasury for
the purchase of government bonds. But
these sjeps proved the merest palliatives
But the crisis, the Fury outraged by the
violation of the lams of sound finance, mas
pursuing innocent and guilty alike with her
vengeance and bringing her heaviest lash up­
on the backs of the poor— the laboring fac­
tory hand, the sweated garment worker, the
small savings bank depositor (....) Hearly
a half-million laborers were thrown out of
work (••••) Bolling mills, machine shops,
foundries and other industries connected
with rail transportation failed (....) Un­
employment steadily mounted.
As the winter of 1874-1875 came on, long
bread lines and demands for outdoor and in­
door relief in Hew York, Boston, and Chicago
testified to a chilling drop in the social
Business was weighed down by a millstone
of bad debts and debilitated by the rotten­
ness inherited from previous years. There
were nearly nine thousand failures for the
year 1877. In the closing months the rapid
succession of frauds, forgeries, disgrace­
ful failure of several banks and trust com­
panies and embezzlements of securities cast
an increased shadow over the financial com­
As the months wore on worse and worse was seen to be the
plight of the Gilded Age.
Corruption was laid bare in the states
and cities all over the land.
The press, the pulpit and civic
organizations echoed the cry of indictment of the systems exposed.
with it all the involvement of the national government was ex­
posed with the rest.
The presidential election of Hovember 1876
was bitterly fought and the results bitterly disputed.
Hevins, op. cit., p. 297.
Ibid., p. 298.
Ibid., p • 303.
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197it nas no spectacle to point to with pride.
The one thing to be
thankful for was the new President, Rutherford B. Hayes, a man of
unquestioned integrity and seal for reform.
Says Walt Whitman of these times*
(His description is written
in 1871)
I say we had best look our times and lands
searchingly in the face, like a physician
diagnosing some deep disease. Never was there,
perhaps, more hollowness of heart than at pres­
ent, and here in the United States. Genuine
belief seems to have left us (....) What
penetrating eye does not see through the mask?
The spectacle is appalling. We live in an
aimosphere of hypocrisy throughout. The men
believe not in the women, nor the women in
the men* A scornful supercilliousness rules
in literature (....) A lot of churches, sects,
etc., the most dismal phantoms I know usurp
the name of religion* Conversation is a mass
of badinage. From deceit in the spirit, the
mother of all false deeds, the offspring is
already incalculable (...................
The depravity of the business class of our
country is not less than has been supposed,
but infinitely greater (....) The great cities
reek with respectable as much as non-respectable
robbery and sooundrelism. In fashionable life,
flippancy, tepid amours (....) small aims or
no aims at all, only to 1111 time* In busi­
ness (this all-devouring modem word, business)
the one sole object is, by all means, pecuniary
gain. The magician's serpent in the fable
ate up all the other serpents; and money-getting
is our magician's serpent, remaining today
sole master of the field (*...) I say that
our Democracy, however great a success in
uplifting the masses out of their sloughs,
in materialistic development, products, and
in a certain highly deceptive superficial
popular intellectuality, is, so far, an al­
most complete failure in its social aspects,
and in really grand religious, moral, literary,
and esthetic results. In vain do we march
with unprecedented strides to empire so
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-198colossalj outvying the antique, beyond
Alexander's, beyond the proudest sway of
Home, In vain do we annex Texas, California,
Alaska and reach north for Canada and south
for Cuba. It is as if we were somehow being en­
dowed with a vast and more and more thoroughly
appointedjbody, and then left with little or
no soul.
Says Lincoln Steffens of these times:
(.«,.) Oh, we are good on Sunday, and we are
fearfully patriotic on the Fourth of July but
the bribe we pay to the janitor to prefer our
interests to the landlord's is the little
brother of the bribe passed to the alderman
to sell a city street (..................
And as for graft, railroad passes, saloon, and
bawdy-house blackmail, and watered stock, all
these belong to the same family. We are pathe­
tically proud of our democratic institutions and
of our republican form of government, of our
grand Constitution and our just laws
We cheat our government and we let our leaders
loot it,
we let them wheedle and bribe our
sovereignty from us (....) The spirit of p*aft
«T.d of lawlessness is the American spirit (. ...
The Fourth of July oration is the 'front* of
graft. There is no patriotism in it. It is
part of the game (....) The grafters call for
cheers for the flag, 'prosperity*, and the
'party' just as a highwayman commands 'hands
up’ and while we are waving and shouting, they
float the flag from the nation to the party,
turn both into graft factories to make weak
hands to hold -the watered stock ■jfhile the
strong hands hold the property.
The third stage of the business cycle after the Civil War
can legitimately be called the Rise of Big Business, proper.
1. Walt Whitman, Democratic Vistas, Section on American Character.
Quoted from Warfel, Gabriel and Williams, The American Mind,
Vol. II. op. cit. pp. 878-879.
2. Lincoln Steffens, The Shame of the Cities. Quoted from Warfel,
Gabriel and Williams, The American Mind, Vol. II. op. cit.
p. 964ff.
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The movement to consolidate that had its roots in the years
before the Civil War had been interrupted by that War
tremendous new opportunities released, after the War were not con­
ducive to planning much of any kind of procedure.
The bitter years of 1873 to 1878 were chastening ones.
business firas died that should never have been born.
Scores of
railways were bankrupt and the rise of militant labor movements
showed a new antagonist in the field.
the air.
In addition, reform was in
There was talk of regulation measures by government and
regulation is no friend of the business man.
Only the strongest businesses had survived, those with the
most capital and those with some measure of real efficiency of
administration back of them.
The next step was an inevitable one.
Business got together for its better ordering and to further finan­
cial gain.
Combination, consolidation, and concentration of capi­
tal and power followed.
Monopoly was bom.
Standard Oil led the
5y 1878 it had perfected a system of cooperation with the
railroads which made it possible to control practically all the
transportation of oil in America and only slightly less of the
Ruined companies and abandoned plants lay in its wake.
It was the beginning of another long and "continued" story.
railroads joining with coal followed and then the railroads and
other railroads got together with themselves.
Scientific re­
search replaoed experience and guesswork and good, mod e m up-todate big business was bora.
Bigger and better "dinosaurs" now
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"stalked" the field.
In fact they commanded it so well that such
things as the Sherman Anti-Trust Act and such people as President
Theodore Roosevelt became merely obstacles to be expected en
route demanding readjustments at the most.
President Theodore Roosevelt’s idea in regard to these com­
binations of business is expressed in the following:
This is the reason why I have for so many
years insisted, as regards our Rational Gov­
ernment, that it is both futile and mis­
chievous to endeavor to correct the evils of
big business by an attempt to restore business
conditions as they were in the middle of the
last century, before railways and telegraphs
had rendered larger business organizations
both inevitable and desirable. The effort
to restore such conditions, and to trust for
justice solely to such proposed restoration,
is as foolish as if we should attempt to arm
our troops with the flintlocks of Washington’s
Continentals instead of wieh modern weapons
of precision. Flintlock legislation, of the
kind that seeks to prohibit all combinations,
good or bad, is bound to fail, and the bffort
in so far as it accomplishes anything at all,
merely means that some of the worst combina­
tions are not checked, and that honest busi­
ness is checked. What is needed is, first,
the recognition that m o d e m business condi­
tions have come to stay, in so far at least
as these conditions mean that business must
be done in larger units and then the coolheaded and resolute determination to intro­
duce an effective method of regulating big
corporations so as to help legitimate busi­
ness as an incident to thoroughly and com­
pletely safeguarding the interests of the
people as a whole (......... ..........
On the other hand, any corporation, big or
little, which has gained its position by un­
fair methods and by interference with the
rights of others, which has raised prices or
limited output in improper fashion and been
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guilty of demoralizing and corrupt practices,
should not only he broken up, but it should
be made the business of some competent govern­
mental body by constant supervision to see
that it does not come together again, save
under such strict control as to insure the
community against all danger of a repetition
of the bad conduct. The chief trouble with
big business has arisen from the fact that
big business has so often refused to abide
by the principle of the square deal; the op­
position which I have personally encountered
from big business has in every case arisen
not because I did not give a square deal but
because I did.
It would perhaps not seem so, but it is true there were people
in those years who were interested in lighter, brighter and finer
things than trade and money and banks and railroads.
artists and real artists, too.
and romantic poet.
There were
Sidney Lanier was both musician
In his poem The Symphony he sees the business
world of the Gilded Age as the artist wouldt
0 Trade I 0 Trade I would thou wert dead I
The Time needs heart— ’tis tired of head:
When all’s done, whax hast thou won
Of the only sweet that’s under the sun?
Yea, That avail the endless tale
Of gain by cunning and plus by sale?
Look up the land, look down the land,
The poor, the poor, the poor they stand
Wedged by the pressing of Trade's hand
Against an inward-opening door
That pressure tightens evermore*
They sigh a monstrous foul-air sigh
For the outside leagues of liberty,
Where Art, sweet lark, translates the sky
Into a heavenly melody.
Warfel, Gabriel and Williams, The American Mind,
p. 959.
op. cit.,
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'Each day, all day’ (these poor folks say,)
•In the same old year-long, drear-long way
We weave in the mills and heave in the kl In a
We sieve under the hills,
And thieve much gold from the Devil's hank tills,
To relieve, 0 God, what manner of ills?—
The beasts, they hanger, and eat, and die;
And so do we, and the world* s a sty; *
Hush, fellow-svdne, why nuzzle and cry?
Swinehood hath no remedy
Say many men, and hasten by,
Clamping the nose, and blinking the eye.
But who said once in the lordly tone,
Man shall not live ty bread alone
But all that cometh from the Throne?
Hath God said so?
But Trade said No:
And the kilns and the curt-tongued mills say Go I
There's plenty that can if you can't; we know.
Move out, if you think you're underpaid.
The poor are prolific; we’re not afraid;
Trade is trade (....................... ,
1. Who were the barons who ruled England and
forced John to sign Magna Carta?
from its text to substantiate the fact it
was a major "event" for English-speaking
Select one of the persons of the "new peer­
age" of the Gilded Age and using all the
materials available, primary, biographical,
etc. describe that person. Do you agree
with the estimates as presented generally
ty the Beards and by Parrington? Use^
quotations to establish your points.
Ibid., p. 905ff•
England made Magna Carta the keynote to her building at the
"World of Tomorrow," the big exposition held in Hew York
in 1939-1940. The barons who signed were listed on the
walls and a graph used to show to how many of these
barons George Washington's ancestry could be traced.
Allan Hevins, Hamilton Fish, The Inside Story of the Great
Administration. Hew York: Dodd Mead ana Co., 1956.
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Use Upton. Sinclair’s The Jungle published
in 1906* (It was this book that led Presi­
dent Theodore Roosevelt to investigate Sin­
clair’s charges -which proved to be substan­
tially correct. The Pure Food Law of 1908
owed, in part, its passage to The Jungle.)
Uhat charges did Sinclair make"?
Read Sinclair Lewis’s Babbitt or Main Street.
Is there any connection with the Gilded Age
to be made?
5. Uhat was the "Credit Mobilier" affair?
Read The Octopus or The Fit (Frank Norris);
The Honorable Peter Stirling or The Crisis
“(Winston Churchill). Place them in time.
"Place" the author. Uhat connection do
they have with The Gilded Age?
The years that saw the origin and development of the business
forms which have made the most characteristic feature of our Ameri­
can economy saw, also, the development of the labor movement as we
know it today.
One, of course, is a corollary of the other.
What there was of an American labor movement in 1861 joined
forced with the North in the Civil Tfar.
There were labor unions
then but few of the standard crafts were organised and those not
on a national scale. While wages rose during the war prices also
At the close of the war, wages went down without the prices
going down correspondingly.
Unions multiplied as a result.
the end of the war there were at least thirty nationally organized
unions among the leading crafts of the country.
"The Honorable Peter Stirling" was a popularly arranged biography
of Grover Cleveland.
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-204There were tremendous obstacles to face before a national
labor movement could get under way.
From where could leaders
come with experience and background for such matters?
And money?
What should be done with the Hegro— if labor would not oount him
in, nevertheless could it count him out? Women were coming into
the labor world— if one thought they shouldn’t would that mean
that when they did they had no effect on the wages a man could
get? What about the immigrant— if a union struck for better wages,
it was a simple matter for an employer to use the new cable and
send to Europe for a new batch of workers that were both willing
and competent and there were competing steamship companies to re­
duce fares in the interests of full lines.
Of all the problems the one that had to do with the constant
influx of the foreigners was the knottiest.
Europe to stimulate emigration.
Agents were sent to
In 1856, 331,000 came over.
the most part the transportation was by sailing ship.
By 1865,
the great majority came by steamer due to the increased speed and
cheapness of the travel. One quarter of a million came over in
By 1873 it had reached 460,000.
By 1875, the nation had
seven pwd a half million foreign born among its forty million
people with the British, Iri6h, and German the nationalities most
largely represented.
To work for better wages, for shorter hours,
or to try to raise the level of living for the working groups was
to try to find a floor to a bottomless pit.
The National Labor Union with
H. Sylvis its prime mover
got under way in 1866 with a combination of various labor associa­
tions and with strict rules as to who should be in and who should
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not be.
By the early 1870’s it was dead.
The Noble Order of the
Knights of Labor that had been formed "tinder ground” by Philadel­
phia garment workers in 1869. came out in the open in 1875 and
opened its arms to all labor, black, white, male, female, skilled,
unskilled, American and otherwise.
That, too, went the way of the
National Labor Union.
The next formal step was the launching (after some earlier
failures) in 1886 of the American Federation of Labor as an off­
shoot of the dissatisfied members of the Knights of Labor.
Gampers, one of the leading spirits, was elected President and
from then on until his death in 1924 (with the exception of one
year) the policies of the world of organized labor were Gcmper
Nor was it a doctrinaire foundation on which they were
How to get better wages, how to reduce the hours of work,
how to better the conditions under which the work was to be carried
on were the subject matter of the Federation's program and the
method consisted in rewarding labor's friends and punishing labor's
enemies at the polls without the formation of a definite political
This seems simple enough to look at it from the distance of
many years but at close range in the '70*s and *80's it could not
very well have been worse than it was.
At no time in labor's long
up-hill climb from 1865 were conditions worse than between 1873
and 1878.
Things were not going so well for the industrialist who lived
in the age he had "gilded."
A devastating panic (1873) that had
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-206been in the making for a considerable time (because of a variety
of reasons but brought on more directly by the tremendous infla­
tion of business in all lines in America) arrived, causing much
of the gilt to fall from those 'who lived on the "top" of things
and spreading unemployment, poverty and bitterness among the labor­
ing groups.
One of the most violent revolts in labor history re­
Trade unions fell until they numbered less than a score.
Crowds of the hungry tramped the streets, took possession of trains
and broke their way into private homes.
The strike of the anthra­
cite workers in Pennsylvania and that of the textile workers of
New England were but theprelude to a great railroad strike in
the summer of 1877 which tied up nearly all the lines between the
Atlantic Ocean and the Mississippi.
There had been repeated wage
reductions but the immediate trouble was the new general reduction
of 10$ all the way along.
Open warfare occurred in many cities in­
cluding Boston, Cleveland, Philadelphia, Chicago and San Francisco
and a score of smaller places.
State militia was used to charge
the mobs and the national regulars had to be called out.
This deadly grapple between capital and
labor, the most serious and most expensive
in the history of the country, exhibited in
its progress the gravest aspects of economio
warfare. On the one side, the railway mana­
gers declared they would not allow labor to
lay down the law to them asserting that
wage reductions were made necessary by the
state of business. On their side, labor
men replied that their wages were below
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207the point of decent existence, that the
railway companies besides watering their
stocks, had been guilty of perpetrating
frauds on the public, and that railway
directors rode about the country in luxur­
ious private cars proclaiming their inability
to pay living wages to hungry working men.
(....) for the most part these early finan­
cial oonquistadores were as ruthlessly un­
social in their activities as any pirate
who ever trod a bloody quarter-deck.
The class I represent care nothing for
policies. We care absolutely nothing for
statehood bills, pension agitation, waterway
appropriations, ’pork-barrels', state rights
(....) save inasmuch as it threatens or
fortifies existing conditions. Touch the
question of the tariff, touch the issue of
the income tax, touch the problem of rail­
road regulation or touch the question vital
to all business matters, the question of
general regulation of industrial corpora­
tions and the people amongst whom I live
my life become (....) rabid partisans
(....) It matters not one iota what poli­
tical party is in power or what President
holds the reigns of office, lie are not
politicians or public thinkers; we are
the rich; we own America; we got it God
knows how; but we intend to keep it if we
oan by throwing all the tremendous weight
of our support, our influence, our money,
our political connections, our purchased
Senators, our hungry congressmen, our pub­
lic speaking demagogues in to the scale
against any legislative or political pro­
gram, any presidential campaign, that
threatens the integrity of our estate (....)
The decade closed with the strikers sullen and bitter back
to work.
But the business man and the country at large had had
1. Beard, The Rise of American Civilisation, op. cit., p. 230.
2. James TruslowTdlms, fapic or America^ Hew York: Little Brown
and Co., 1932, p. 286.
3. Ibid., p. 303. Frederick T. Martin is the spokesman. His book,
The Passing of the Idle Rich, published in 1911 was an in­
dictment or Kis class.
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208a lesson.
Public attention had been called to the plight of the
■worker and the power he could muster whan aroused.
astonished everyone including himself.
That power had
The press and the pulpit
now ranged on one side or the other and soon labor had its friends
in high places when Professor Richard Ely and Dr. John R. Commons
were on hand to answer the seemingly final pronouncements of Wil­
liam. Graham Sumner leveled like heavy artillery against the ranks
of labor.
Therefore, all the allegations of general
mischief, social corrpution, wrong, and evil,
in our society must be referred back to those
who want to make them for particulars and
specifications. As they are offered to us
we cannot allow them to stand, because we dis­
cern in them faulty observation of facts, or
incorrect interpretation of facts, or a con­
struction of facts according to some philosoply, or misunderstanding of phenomena and
their relations, or incorrect inferences, or
crooked deductions.
Assuming, however, that the charges against
the existing ’capitalistic'— that is, indus­
trial— order of things are established, it is
proposed to remedy the ills by reconstructing
the industrial system on the principles of
democracy. Once more we must untangle the
snarl of half ideas and muddled facts.
Hear Dr. Elyi
Here we have at once a standard by which
to test economic methods. Take the case of
low wages. It is argued that low wages in­
crease possible production. Even if this is
so, such wages diminish the power of the
recipients to participate in the advantages
of existing civilization, and consequently
1. William Graham Sumner, The Absurd Bffort to Make the World Over
quoted in Warfel, Gabriel and Williams, The American Min
op. oit., p. 936.
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-209defeat the end and purpose of all production.
Child labor, female labor, and excessive
hours of labor, fall under the same condemnation.
In the language of Roscher, ’the startingpoint as well as the obj ect-point of our
science is man.*
It was hard going all the way for labor in the days of the
Gilded Age.
Each state had a legislature in -which battles had
to be won and each state had courts through which every small ad­
vantage had to pass as if through a sieve and judges were not
noted for modernity of view nor humanitarianism of outlook those
the national government was concerned with cleaning
up the the War and the Supreme Court was not yet aware of that
composite person called the working man.
The struggle was not confined to America.
the whole world piece.
It was a part of
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels had issued
the famous Communist Manifesto calling upon "Workingmen of all
lands" to "unite" late in 1847 and in 1864 the first world feder­
ation of workingmen had been organised under the International
Tforkingmen’s Association.
The Socialist Labor party was organized in Newark, New Jer­
sey in 1877.
In 1884, James Russell Lowell declared that Social­
ism was "the practical application of Christianity to life."
1898, Edward Bellamy’s lively socialist classic Looking Backward
Richard T. Ely, Ethics and Economics, op. cit. p. 942.
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-210In a few years we hear Episcopal Bishop Henry C. Potter
declaring "I believe in strikes," and after more years and when
more water had gone under the bridge (it could "happen here"
for it did "happen here") the United States Supreme Court ty a
vote of 5-4 upheld the Wagner Labor Relations Act in 1957 which
registered labor's high water mark for a hundred years*
Walt Whitman has more to say*
This time in 1872— at the
height of the troubled yearsj
Thou Mother with thy equal brood,
Thou varied chain of different States,
yet one identity only,
A special song before I go I’d sing o'er
all the rest,
For thee, the future*
Sail, sail thy best, ship of Democracy,
Of value is thy freight, 'tis not the present
The Past is also stored in thee,
Thou holdest not the venture of thyself along,
not of the western continent alone,
Earth's resume entire floats on thy keel, 0
ship, is steadied by thy spars.
With thee Time voyages in trust, the antecedent
nations sink or swim with thee*
With all their ancient struggles, martyrs,
heroes, epics, wars, thou bearest the
other continents,
Theirs, theirs, as much as thine, the destination-port triumphant;
Steer then with good strong hand and waxy eye,
0 helmsman, thou carriest great companions,
Venerable priestly Asia sails this day with thee,
And royal feudal Europe sails with thee.
Walt Whitman, Thou Mother with Thy Equal Brood, quoted from
Greenlaw and Hanford, The Great Tradition. New York*
Scott Foresman and Co., I9l9, pp. 581-582*
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Read Edward Bellamy’s Looking Backward
or read his Equality. What is the general thesis or idea of the author? List
the especially significant points you
think the author has made.
The names of Karl Marx and Friederioh
Engel8 are frequently mentioned in this
century. What is in the Marxian philoso­
phy that it has been so challenging to
same and so challenged by others these
last ten and twenty years? When and
where was his writing done?
What was the first major test case of
the Wagner Labor Relations Act? What
was the issue involved? Upon what point
was the majority opinion based? Why was
the case a major victory for the New
Find an account presented with some de­
tail of the panic between 1873 and 1878.
Living was pretty fairly good in the Gilded Age— that is
before the bad years began in 1873.
Even after the reverses of
the 1870’s that leveled many that were high and scored many that
were low, life was different all the way around in America.
Poor taste, lack of taste, no standards of taste made every
monstrosity possible in what Godkin called a "chramo civilization."
But ignorance of what was good taste was no deterrent to a people
who did not know they were ignorant in a time when there was greater
prosperity and comfort than ever before.
This was a time of the building of incongruous homes and
of still more incongruous furnishings of homes and if "keeping up
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■with the Jonesses" can be localized in time and place, the custom
began in the Gilded Age,
This was a time of croquet sets on every lawn, velocipedes
and bicycles of strange form and design; flaring patent medicine
signs on the boulders and the bams; wax flowers in glass oases
and heavily-ornamented gilt and ebony clocks for the much-belambrequined mantles and statuary for marble-topped tables; horse­
hair furniture
whatnots for the comers and the sidewalls, and
gaudy wallpapers and pictures.
This was a time when baseball came into its own.
formed in every state in the Union.
1867 and Iowa forty-two.
Clubs were
Illinois had fifty-six in
The "teams" went on tour beginning in
the sixties and by 1869 the Cincinnati Red Stockings set themselves
up as "professionals" with all the accompanying paraphernalia.
1871 ten clubs were entered in the championship contest for the
If you were even comfortably well off in the Gilded Age you
built a bigger house than you had before and a better one than
someone else you knew had now.
There were architects to help plan
the minarets, and towers, and cupolas, and spires, and comers,
and "Sloan's Homestead Architecture” (Philadelphia 1866), already
in its second edition, to show you what to do inside and out.
Jay Cooke's hugemansion called 'Ogontz'
was not untypical of many rich men's resi­
dences. A vast gloomy pile of granite, one
hundred and seventy-five feet long, with
seventy-two rooms, it cost two million dol­
lars; and the Art Journal rightly dismissed
it as *inharmonious, heavy and confusing.'
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Bayard Taylor*s Italian villa at Kenneth
Square, also near Philadelphia, showed how
badly a literary nan building a costly house
quite beyond his means could do* A gray
stone structure, its main body square and
ugly, it possessed a tall tower, with spire,
dormer windows, and a veranda in it.
Yet artists proved themselves no better.
Albert Bierstadt built a house on Haverstraw
Bay, on a fine commanding site overlooking
the widest part of the Hudson, that in its
wierd medley of towers, turrets and jigsaw
work in iron and wood was an atrocity. It
did not quite equal, however, the residence
of the painter, F. E. Church, on the same
noble river. This in a bastard ’Persian*
style, with four towers, several minarets,
Moorish arches, much glaring mosaic work in
red, yellow and black bricks, and a glitter­
ing crescent above all for a weathercock,
was an outrage upon taste that could not be
paralleled in the East. 'When men of distinc­
tion indulged themselves in such architectural
nightmares, it is hardly surprising that the
ordinary American with money to spare lived
in an altogether tasteless house.
If you were fasionable in those days you belonged to a
yacht club and went to Newport - or some such place - for the
You might, too, decry the "maddening crowd" and even
hire or build a villa there.
the daily drives.
You might take your own horses for
And for the winter there was Jacksonville,
Florida— or some such placet
If you were literary you went to Europe— Bryant, Lowell,
Taylor, ffhitman, Hark Twain were a few of those who did.
being literary, you were likely to meet certain contemporaries
from Fngl and and France down on the Riviera or in Venice or Rome.
Allan Nevins, The Bnergence of M o d e m America,
op. cit. p. 300.
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214You might, if you were imbued with the idea that only in Europe
was there real culture, permit your sophistication to permanently
keep you there.
This was a time when men pomaded their hair, regarded creases
in trousers with distaste as savoring too much of the shop shelf,
and wore full evening dress with fashionable very-tight trousers
and stove-pipe hats at fashionable breakfasts served at noon or
when walking in the park.
Of course, this was the day of long and
luxuriant beards often trimed in very involved design.
These were the days when ladies imitated the ideas of France’s
Second Qnpire when the Bnpress Eugenie set the styles with crino­
line skirts, bustles, elaborate coiffures made of waterfalls, with
all kinds of shawls and the latest in seal-skin capes for all occa­
Girls had chaperons in those days.
Mostly the girls were
pretty good— although "then, as always, a little faster than their
mothers"— for youth married early and the new home and family got
early under way.
Divorces could be had, yes, but they were infre­
quent, although they were increasing.
In 1867 the ratio could not
be considered startling, however, when the figures show twentyseven divorces for every one hundred thousand people,
"While speaking of going places and of clothes, it must be
added, too, that every one high and low went to the circus in those
P, T.Barnum had added a real giraffe to his attractions,
and wax works and the double sawdust ring to make his "greatest
show on earth" really and truly "Barman* s Great Moral Show" and
was sure of a good send-off for all the clergymen and the editors
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-215were given free passes.
Soon, too, there was to come under a big
hat to the big tent that "handsomest of all scouts" from General
Miles command in the West, William F. Cody,— the one and only Buf­
falo Bill.
Buffalo Bill knew and lived his Wild West before he
came to town with it.
Had he not helped Custer and Sheridan ar­
range the great buffalo chase in *71 for the entertainment of
Alexis, the Grand Duke,— youngest son of Czar Alexander III?
In the intellectual sphere this period was a time of many
significant developments.
Editorial influence, personal journal­
ism, became increasingly less important and news gathering and
news commercialization became increasingly more important.
thermore, strong press publications developed in several parts of
the country
were not confined to the Atlantic coast.
The power­
ful editorial group made up of Raymond, Greeley, the elder Bennett,
Bowle6 and Bryant died in the decade between *69 and ’79.
their places came Dana of the Sun, Manton Marble of the World,
Whitelaw Reid of the Tribune, Watterson of the Louisville CourierJouraal and Pulitzer of the St. Louis Westliche Post.
The war had taught the people to look more for the news than
for the editorial, and news-gathering and news-reporting took on
an efficiency and a dignity never before known.
To be sure the
"gilt" of the age came into the newspaper world when journalists
could be bought and newspapers colored to help promote unsavory
business ventures of the time but such activity should not obscure
the real expansion of policies and the enlargement of usefulness
because of the great decentralization of the areas that were
covered by the new press.
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This was a time of beginning for the book store and the pub­
lic library as we know them today.
Not that they had their ori­
gin at this time nor that they became very numerous, but the tre­
mendous expansion character of the times made it possible for am
infiltration of the idea of book service and free libraries in
areas never reached before.
New magazines appeared and the older ones offered broader
and more realistic literature than before.
age of "realism" in literature.
In fact, this was the
Scribner* s, Lippincott's, the
Galaxy, and the Overland came as monthlies, and The Nation as a
Harper's and the Atlantic continued to aim at scholar­
ship in letters but even they began to open their pages to some
of the new talent from the West and South.
In addition, litera­
ture was accompanied by the rise of literary criticism showing
America was to have a world of her own.
It was here that E. L.
Godkin and "The Nation" became preeminent in the field.
People wanted both instruction and entertainment in those
They never were very sure which but it was a time of great
activity reaching out in both directions.
The lyceum was reorganized and developed in the post-war
years into regularly organized lecture service.
A few of the
very popular lecturers able to command large fees were John B.
Gough on temperance, Henry 7fard Beecher, Ralph Waldo Bluerson,
and Nast the Cartoonist.
The Chautauqua movement developed when
the lyceum tapered off in the 1870's and Gilbert and Sullivan
operas began production in the first years of the decade.
the stage there were such people as Bronson Howard to write the
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-217plays, Augustin. Daly to produce them and Clara Morris and John
Drew to act them.
Particularly noteworthy for the time was the
fact that there was Edwin Booth to play Hamlet,
For the popularisation of religion there were Dwight L. Moody
and Ira D, Sankey touring the country— the one to lead the pray­
ing and do the preaching and the other to sing the solo parts and
lead the choruses.
The Y. M, C. A, had come over from England in
the fifties hut it had a period of definite broadening in the seven­
ties along with the slightly younger Y, W.
These combined both
religion and instruction.
There was a seamy side of life in the "Gilded Age,"
was need for much humanitarian work to be done in the America of
those days.
It is difficult to know whether to condemn the atro­
cious conditions that existed in the country or eulogize the coura­
geous attempts at amelioration of the conditions.
Reform movements got under way forced by men and women of real
social vision and determined energy.
Even though all humanitarian
endeavor had severe setbacks in the crisis years of 1873-1878, it
was those early movements that were later to register appreciable
gains on the statute books of the cities and the states.
The idealistic energy which had formerly
been largely absorbed by the anti slavery
cause was now free to express itself in
solicitude for the poor, the defective and
the defenseless. The increasing urbaniza­
tion of the nation, moreover, in connection
with the hard times following the Panic,
thrust certain problems more insistently
into the foreground, such as poverty, pub­
lic health, sweatshop abuses and child
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-218labor. The nation awoke after the war to
find conditions existing in its largest
cities which until then, it had fondly thought
confined to Manchester, Paris and Naples. As
a result the late sixties witnessed the first
large and concerted movement against the city
slums, the first scientific efforts in behalf
of public health, the opening of a new chap­
ter in penal reform, and the movement for pre­
vention of cruelty to animals. The (.......
slum, reoently a mere name, had became a firm­
ly rooted American institution* New York City
had a hundred thousand slum dwellers, sheltered
in nearly twenty thousand tenement houses, many
of which were the vilest rookeries. The cellar
population alone— the troglodytes— approached
nearly twenty thousand people. In same dis­
tricts there was a congestion which had proba­
bly never been equaled in any other great city
of Christendom. The tenements, erected by
grasping and speculative builders, were crowd­
ed together in solid blocks. They were un­
heated, and most of the houses had no connec­
tion with the sewer.
Throughout the slums of the cities, so few
were the sanitary precautions, death stalked
almost unchecked. In the congested parts of
New York, typhoid, smallpox, scarlet fever
and, above all, typhus fever were never idle.
A wretched building in East Seventeenth Street,
a stone*s throw from the mayor’s house, sent
thirty-five typhus patients to the city fever
hospital in a single year, while nearly a hun­
dred more were treated at home. Garbage was
allowed to collect in many of the streets un­
til they became almost impassable (....) The
city sewers, unconnected as yet with any main
trunk lines to carry the contents far out into
the tide-scoured bay, simply emptied under the
piers of the Hudson and East Sivers. The na­
tion* s second city, Philadelphia, presented
a spectacle that was not a whit better (.....
The town was so exceedingly dirty that in 1870
the street authorities removed a thousand loads
of filth a day over a period of two and a half
Allan Nevin8, The Emergence of M o d e m America,
p. 318ff•
op. cit.
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-219months. Hogs still roamed over a large area
of the city. A considerable part of the
population was supplied with drinking water
from the Delaware River, into which the
sewers threw thirteen million gallons of
waste daily, which m s carried by the tides
to the induction pipes.
In all humanitarian work in those days the name of Jacob
Riis was to be found among the leaders.
He said:
The slum complaint had been chronic in
all ages, but the great changes which the
19th century saw, the new industry, poli­
tical freedom, brought on an acute attack
which threatened to become fatal. Too many
of us had supposed that, built as our common­
wealth was on universal suffrage, it would
be proof against the complaints that harassed
older states; but in fact it turned out that
there was extra hazard in that. Having
solemnly resolved that all men were created
equal and have certain inalienable rights,
among than life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness, we shut our eyes and waited for
the formula to work. It was as if a man
with a cold should take the doctor1s pre­
scription to bed with him, expecting it to
cure him. The formula was all right, but
merely repeating it worked no cure. When,
after a hundred years, we opened our eyes,
it was upon sixty cents a day as the living
wage of the working woman of our cities;
upon knee-pants at forty cents the dozen
for the making; (.......
Our country had grown great and rich; through
our ports was poured food for the millions of
Europe. But at the back streets multitudes
huddled in ignorance and want. The foreign
oppressor had been vanquished, the fetters
stricken from the black man at home but his
white brother, in his bitter plight, sent
up a cry of distress that had in it a distinct
note of menace. Political freedom we had won;
but the problem of hglpless poverty (....)
mocked us unsolved.
Ibid., pp. 320-321.
Jacob Riis, The Battle With the Slum, Taken from A Ten Years1
War. Quoted from Warfel, Sahriel and Williams, The American
Mind, op. cit. p. 1043.
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Not only was it in slum clearance that discouragements seemed
always to obscure any gains made because of the magnitude of the
Saloons were everywhere and the amount of drinking appall­
The Women's Christian. Temperance
Union was organized in
1874 at a national convention of temperance women held in Cleveland
at the instigation of the church women of Chautauqua, New York.
Five years later, Frances E. Willard was elected its leader.
haps never in our American life have we had an organization more
tireless in its energy and indefatigable in its zeal that this
organization leading the attack against one of the greatest social
evils of every land.
Then there were the children to care for and the animals to
be protected.
It is little more than astonishing that both had
to go so long without care in so rich a land.
It was Henry Bergh
who led the battle for a better world for animals.
In 1866, an
American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals was
chartered in New York.
George T. Angel,
In Massachusetts the same work was led by
These men and others caused the movement to
reach out through other parts of the country.
In 1874, the New York Society for the Prevention of Cruelty
to Children was established in New York.
Previous to that time
they got legal protection under the law for animals or none.
There were many great gaps in the humanitarian work of these
The needs far outran all the efforts to meet them.
Riis seemed very right when he said that after declaring ourselves
a republic it seemed as if we were content to sit back and let it
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run itself as if a declaration were all that was necessary for ac­
The money was never enough for the most part for the
host of worthy causes and the vision of legislatures never seemed
able to get to the point of accomplishment until those doing the
spade work had been relieved many times.
Sane of those who did
the "gilding" of the age were willing to help even then and since
that time many of their descendants have increasingly not only
helped but have led the line in humanitarian endeavor.
It has re­
mained for the decade of the 1930’s in the United States to have
registered the highest point in social vision and common humani­
tarian achievement this country has ever yet received.
Describe the beginnings of the Associated
Press and the organization of it today.
"What other news-gathering agencies are there?
Andrew Carnegie and the beginnings of the
great steel industry belong to the Gilded
Age. Describe that industry in its begin­
ning and present state of development.
What is a Carnegie library? How many are
there? Explain the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace. In what other ideas
was Mr. Carnegie interested? In general,
in what fields of human endeavor have
philanthropic organisations been interested?
Dr. Allan Nevins says when discussing the
local-color fiction of the East, the West,
and the South that in two of the sections
it had "that vivid autumnal tinge produced
by social decay— in New England drained of
its best blood by emigration and in the
South, where the ante bellum system was in
ruins." (This is from The Emergence of
M o d e m America mentioned in the text, page
■S547J-------Describe the historical story of the
"emigration" of which Dr. Nevins speaks.
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TJsing one of the stories or books listed
below, see if you can find seme of the
"autumnal tinge" Dr. Nevins mentions.
(Other material may be substituted.
a. George W. Cable— Old Creole Days, 1879
b. W. D. Howells— Literaiy Frtendsand
Acquaintances. A story of literary New
England in the 1870’s.
c. Charles Egbert Craddock (Hiss Murfee)—
The Dancin* Party at H yri son’s Cove, 1878.
See also her Rodman the Keeper collection, 1880, which gave the^ortE its first
detailed picture of the changed conditions
in this region.
d. M. G. Puller, Southern Life in Southern
Literature, Boston: l5l?, wiTT help.
e. Sarah O m e Jewett, Deephaven Collection,
Country Byways, 1877-1881.
f. Edward Eggleston, The Hoosier School­
g. John Say, Pike County Ballads.
Maiy movements looking toward social better­
ment began during the Gilded Age. Preven­
tion of Cruelty to Animals and to Children;
Equal Bights for Women; Temperance movements;
Slum Clearance; the development of Y.M. *s
and Y.W.’s. Prepare a description of one of
these movements or one of their present day
prototypes such as Federal Housing, Social­
ized Medicine, social betterment under the
Social Security Act, the Wagier Health Act,
or Allied Youth.
Do you look for more extended welfare work,
bigger and better philanthropy, better organi­
zation of charitable activities through bet­
ter Chambers of Commerce or some other rami­
fications of social work? Explain and defend
your position and illustrate it from the cur­
rent daily, weekly and monthly press.
The Romantic Period of our literature closed
with the Civil War. The Gilded Age litera­
ture may often have been ultra-realistic and
satirical in spots but "the new products
could also be described as robust. Could
Of Mice and Men and Grapes of Wrath and
cKrist in Concrete have appeared during the
flilSeJ Xge?------
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The Social Security Act
A "Current Event" of the 1930's
Life •will be different in the United States because the Social
Security Act has been a "Current Event" of the 1930's. Shy so?
How so? iflhere did an event so important come from? IShat things
shall we do differently beoause we have it?
But this is only one of many “events" which could be called
"current"— part of the contemporary civilization of the American
world. If we need a broad foundation and a long perspective to
understand the significance of this event "current" for its decade
would it be true we need equally such foundation for the others?
The study of the Social Security Act is given here that it
may serve as a typical treatment of the conditions and happenings
of our day.
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The Social Security Act
A Study of a Current Brent
It is a question sometimes as to just when a long-time problem
may be considered to be a "current event" and uhen it ceases te be
"current" and takes on its.larger the history class. If
a so-called "event" never attains a larger status it is probably net
north the studying. The subject of Social Security is for the years
1935 to 1940 a "Current Brent".
Expressed in the simplest possible terms
seen in general
perspective the three major problems that run like constantly recurring
themes through the twentieth century are how to get and keep peace
among the nations, how to get economic security for the masses of
people within nations, and hew to accomplish the release of the things
of science so they may be utilized for the good life of all and construc­
tive factors within human society.
From'the current press select the three most
important subjects engaging the attention of the
world or of the U. S. over the last week end.
-a. Defend your selection of them as important.
Do they or do they not have any relation to the
three large problems of this century as listed
in the paragraph above?
-b. What is the main idea of each of two
editorial comments concerning them?
-o. Select a magazine article (use a monthly
journal) relative to one of the subjects
giving the thesis, or big idea, of the author.
Why did that author take that particular point
of view? Hho edits and publishes the magazine?
Students of history are fond of looking back over the oenturies
and picking out the one of them that might in comparative study be oailed
the greatest.
Such phrases as "The Thirteenth, the Greatest of Centuries
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“The Age that Knew Columbus," and the "Age that Saw the Coming
of the Railroad" are familiar ones.
It is quite possible, however,
to look at the magnitude of the problems that characterize the
twentieth century through which we have now moved nearly half-way
and say that if a substantial number of the issues stemming off from
its big problems can be met by actually-functioning measures based
on reasoned and seasoned judgments that century can really be called
In a year or two the idea of legislating for Social Security will
cease to belong in the category of human affairs that can be called
Whatever changes may be made in the legislation already
accomplished during this period, be they large or small, the idea
inherent in the term Social Security that contains much that is a
definite departure from traditional American ways, will no longer
be a subject of major comment.
The defences, the attacks, the
arguments in support and the indictments, the "those for" and "those
opposed" will be forgotten and further discussion will become routine,
at the least, "unfinished business".
Other subjects will have arisen
and other struggles will have the center of the stage.
Social Security is one of the many subjects which taken together
make the decade of the 1930* s one of the most dynamic periods in
American history.
Major attacks on basic issues have come through
with legislation designed to meet them.
It is possible to say American
"mettle" has been tried in a very real fire and at least has been
proved of considerable stoutness and fiber.
American society has
come up out of the valley of a very deep shadow.
America has emerged
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-226fram the greatest crisis of her mature years with, it is true, a
chastened spirit and more humble bearing and a different philosophy
animating its national mind, but with its basie institutions largely
intact and a faith in then resting less on superficial formula and
patriotic emotion than on mature thinking and reasoned judgment*
If one were inclined to be boastful of being American it could be
said with humility that such a time might truly be now*
Beoause this can be said, it is then possible to say that if
nothing of unusual moment occurs on the national or international
soene indications would seem to point to a period of adjustment to
the new ideas and ironing out of attendant difficulties, a solidifying
of gains and a period of real progress built upon institutions sounder
and stronger than ever before beoause of the criticism that has been
directed toward them and the inquiry into them and the reorganization
and redirection some of them hare been forced to undergo.
It may be,
since its period of trial, our country is thinking along strangely new
lines and taking ways never trod before but a little reflection may
really show America more truly democratic today, as it claimed to be
all along, than it has ever been before*
We can take the idea of Social Security out of its Hew Deal context,
its 1930 frame of reference, and treat it as a unit be itself.
explaining the different parts of the Act ef 1955, a few points of
introduction and generalization are listed.
It can be said that the idea of social security "has
arrived" is, as an idea, fait accompli in American life*
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-226The need for help for those without Beans of proteotiom
against the haxards of our twentieth century industrial
civilisation has been recognised and the passage of the
Social Security Act of 19S5 was an acceptance of the
responsibility of all the people to meet that need*
However commonplace that statement may seem in a few
years, just now it is a major one to make*
There is every reason to believe that further activity
will be directed to revising parts of the act more nearly
to conform to the principles underlying it and extending
its provisions to better secure its effectiveness.
This will have to be done because the very breadth of
its provisions made necessary by the complex character
of life in a country as large as this one made first
attangsts inevitably imperfect*
And revision and extension are
made possible because the Act has been upheld by action of
the United States Supreme Court and it can now be recognised
as a definite part of American affairs.
Ylhat was the tes-t case that supported the
Social Security Act? Hhat was the point in­
volved? Hho were the supporting and who the
dissenting justices? Hhat was the major point
in the majority and in the minority opinions?
Act as now set up does not go far enough to accomplish
as it should and is inadequate as far as it has gone*
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It is cumbersome in its Administration and seems to be unsound
in same of its taxation features.
Definite readjustments, and
possibly re-making of some of its features seem necessary and
The United States came to the idea of social insurance, and
recognition of national action looking toward social security,
llany other countries, the smaller as well as the larger,
had faced the need and responded to it much earlier.
while it took a real oataclysm to foroe the matter to a point
where something was done about it, it can be said the first
attempts were the result of a change in social attitude and not
the result of a political coup.
There has been no Bismarck
stealing the thunder of the progressives as a political expedient,
and no Disraeli taking a "leap in the dark" to out-liberal the
liberals and beat them at their own game.
If historical parallel
is needed, one can be found in England in the 1909 threat to
"pack" the House of Lords with new and liberal peers of -the realm
in England to get the passage of the far-reaching and sociallyliberal budget of Lloyd George and the move of President Frank]in
Eoosevelt to enlarge the Supreme Court to get favorable action
on this and other Hew Deal measures.
1. Hhan did Germany, England, France, Italy provide
for their old people, their unemployed people, their
"handicapped" people? ^
1. Karl Pibram, Social Insurance in Europe and Social Security in
the United States. A Comparative Analyst sT"laternatlonal
LaFour Hevlew, Dec.T13S7. ▼«
pp. 740-771. Geneva.
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2* Read the Constitution of the U. S. S. R.
and see if any provision is made for "social
security" in the hasie law.
What do the Webbs have to say on the matter
ef Social Security for the U. S. S. R.?
(Beatrice and Sidney Webb, Soviet Ccnronnlsm.)
3. What is the allusion to Bismarek's use ef
social legislation as a "political expedient"?
4. How did Disraeli take a "leap in the dark"
and "out-liberal the liberals"?
5. What were the liberal features of the Lloyd
George budget to which the House of Lords objected?
What major section was added to the British Const!-,
tution as a result of the struggle over this budget?
It necessitated a revolution in American disposition to accept
responsibility for the social security of the average American. All
countries hare pride and it is right and understandable that it is
so, but up to the crisis of 1929 and the depression of the ensuing
years, there had been a confidence in American tone, a cock-sureness
in its disposition, a swagger in its gait bora of a geographically,
economically advantageous position, second to none in the world.
a home base the United States has no equal and a survey will show
there is no close second.
the next in line.
The Soviet Union will be recognized as
The wealth of our position had seemingly permitted
us to afford any extravagance and social, economic and political
lai8sez faire had seemed a perfectly justifiable modus operand!.
Up until the time the Pacific stopped the nation* s march and
the last claim had been staked there had always been "mere land to
the west."
American pride was really a product of her frontier.
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So tie sure we now know we were profligate as & people.
"Rich. Land" has become our "Poor Land” with a vengeance.
It may
well be the damage is to a considerable extent irreparable, but for
years and years up to the turn of the century for Americans there
has "always been more where the other came from".
It has hurt to faee the fact that our society has been forced
to recoil in
upon itself and until the 1930* s we had not
officially done so to any appreciable extent.
Rumblings in the
distance and grumblings in high places are still heard.
There is
still a running to the cover of our yesterdays and there are still
many who would grind today's grist with waters gone down stream,
but by and large the new viewpoint is the social one.
individualism officially died in August 1935 when social responsi­
bility for ragged individualiam was born and its advent recorded
by the national “town clerk".
1. The factors that make a nation powerful are
often listed as national resources, capital, labor,
executive-managerial ability, and organization
(adequate governmental regulatory factors.)
Hake a chart and with a system of pluses and
minuses check Britain, France, Soviet Union, Japan,
Italy, Germany and the United States on each of
these factors and then rate them comparatively.
Hhat ehanges of position would occur if
Japan controlled China? If Germany should be
forced to give up Austria, Czechoslovakia, and
Poland? (Stuart Chase uses a chart in his book
The Hew Western Front.)
2. Hhat is Stuart Chase's thesis in The Tragedy
of Waste? (Haemillan, 1937)
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2303. Hhat does 1fr. Chase have to say in Rich.
Land-Poor Land* whan it comes to repairing
the damage done in our wasteful years)
As a people .Americans are and have been generous.
custom to give "until it hurts."
It is our
But that has meant charity, largesse,
in material things end not official departure from any basic principle.
Such did not "change the Constitution"!
Nothing else was of major
moment but that!
Philanthropy, and often that in a big way end a fine way, has
characterised our people.
Our charitable institutions have been
extensive and very frequently efficiently conducted.
Our Community
Chests have been literally something to “wave the flag" about.
such things have been as extraneous material to our real attitude
which was that, after all, every able-bodied man who really wanted
to work could somehow or other find a job.
Any one who did not have
work must, after all, have something really wrong with himself.
if he had wanted to and had really planned "and gone without as I
"like everybody else did" he would have had enough for his
old age and the rainy days.
After all, it really is nobody's lookout
but his own!
It has been a very sober second thought that has forced us to
realise that the most of social ills stem off from the industrial
character of our civilization itself and that it is not charity that
the people want and with which they will longer be content.
To keep
a nation flourishing by private philanthropy even in principle is
no longer considered as becoming and worthy a position for a tremen-
Stuart Chase, op. cit.
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-231dously vital and. potentially rich nation*
1* Hhat are the primary oategories into whieh
aid given by our philanthropic institutions may
be classed?
2. Hhat is the difference between a Foundation
and a Fund?
3* Why have those who managed foundations and
trusts been, with a few eonspicuous exceptions,
unwilling to have their instruments investigated?
4* "Very few important cultural projects of any
size.are eonsumated in this country without having
experienced either the direct or indirect impact
of foundation philosophy and influence." (Lindeman,
pp. 20.)
Philanthropy may be a way of redistributing
wealth and it may represent the beginnings ef
a rudimentary social consciousness on the part
of those with large fortunes. But it is, also,
an attempt "to project the theory of individ­
ualism into.the social spherei those who
accumulated large fortunes wished also to deter­
mine how this wealth was to be redistributed and
what social effects it was intended to bring about."
(....) foundations do not represent a
conspiracy on the part of the guardians of
vested wealth designed to influence
eulture in one direction. More accurately
would be the statement that these vested
funds represent a consistently conservative
element in our civilization, and that where
their appropriations are accepted there
enters at the same time this subtle influence
in the direction of protecting the value
system in existence— that is conserving the
status quo.
a• Hhat connection is there between
philanthropic institutions and "cul­
tural lag"?
b. Who are the trustees that administer
the endowments and funds in this country?
Material for this exercise may be found in C. C. Lindeman, A Study
ef One Hundred Foundations and Community Trusts and Their
Operation. Sew Yorict Harcourt Brace, 193b.
Ibid., p . 12.
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-232o. la what different ways are "Carnegie"
funds spentt
d. What is the major idea of the
article in the Encyclopedia of the Social
Sciences on the subject of Endowments?
a. Is there any conflict between the
Social Security Act idea and that
underlying Endowments?
f. Write a paragraph in support or
indictment of one of the following!
"It is not largesse that the
American people want*"
"Philanthropy is ua-Jaeriean."
The labor movement in this country for the most part may be
considered to have failed to have basically changed the position ef
the labor world*
Gains have been made along several fronts such as
reduction of hours of work or raising of wages— the "subject matter"
ef labor— but there cannot be said to have been basic shifts of
public policy resulting from the labor movement up till the decade
of the 1950* s, nor gains in material things that have not been largely
negated in times ef crisis*
It may be laissez faire get too long and
strong a start, and that leadership has not been of the spirit and
caliber to carry labor through to fundamental accomplishment, but the
futility of labor struggles is probably due more than anything else
to the federal structure of our government*
It is one thing to win
ynd hold gains in forty-nine governments not only operating under
laissez faire as a philosophy but under a checks and balance system
where the recognition of judicial supremacy has become a tradition and
where the judges are appointed for life*
It is quite possible that the repercussions ef the Social
Security Act will be such that it can be said to be the greatest
single event in the social history ef our country*
When and if we
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are prepared to sacrifice sufficient state autonomy to permit more
federal action in the interests of tetter administration
adequate coverage, the possibility becomes a probability.
national government will be found to be the logical unit to plan
and administer an agency designed to benefit all the people n-nH the
nation as a tax unit will be found the only possible one where all
people must be provided for alike*
However broad the benefits, a re-made or re-planned social
security program may be at this stage of our national life, when the
program, as now conceived, is put into the whole frame of American
living, it is it must be admitted a cautious, timid, hesitating,
grudging step forward.
It is inadequate not only in its own plan
but unworthy the potentialities in the whole American scene.
is grudgingly "permissive" in its spirit and not progressively construc­
tive in its philosophy.
Through it we set out to protect our people
against the worst hazards of industrial life, permit them to keep
breath of life in them, but safeguard at every turn any thought of
doing morel
The Social Security Act is protection of a kind against
the worst of life but contains no thought of what the best of life
could mean*
Still the charity spirit of grudgingly giving instead of
unlocking and providing the good things that are present and that
belong by right of possession!
The breath of life that is to be
permitted those well-nigh prostrate must be granted that a nation's
economy might be made to balance rather than that individuals, called
Americans might have a share in what rightfully belongs.
Sor is it
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te bo understood that this attitude belongs to say Presidential
administration past, present, or future.
Administrative personnel
in this country are but the agents of the public mind.
The social
idea has not only been late in arriving but as now conceived it
is unworthy the whole of American life.
where a high step should be.
It puts down
a cushion
It is designed to break and soften
a fall but in no way opens a door to the geed life America has
capacity within its physical self to provide.
One pitiful, halting
short step ahead when there is a whole flight that could be clizbedl
The Great Reform Bill of 1852 in England was just such a measure.
It was passed after
a struggle that shook the foundations of the
British Empire and immediately upon passage it turned to dust in
British hands by its utter inadequacy to meet the needs of the time.
It took the Chartist revolution and fifty years more to begin to
get what
a nation less blinded by tradition and less addicted to
“muddling along" might reasonably be expected to secure with much
less travail and much shorter time.
It must be pointed out that if it is the hang-over of over­
large doses of laissez faire spirit animating our economy that
still pervades our thinking, some criticism might be directed to
a philosophy
system of education that has served as an excellent
tail to the laissez faire kite.
It is recognized here that democracy
must necessarily be slow.
as a form of government
It is further recognized that evolution
is to be preferred to revolution.
It is granted that the Social
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-235Security Act was but an attest to get some protection against
something undesirable and not to get something definitely desirable*
It is granted, too, that merely to replace am individualist view­
point by a social one is in the American body politic
a major
operation, nevertheless, the Sooial Security Act in the whole twentieth
century picture should be viewed but an the protective legislation
against calamity for which it was designed and in no sense
a pro­
gressively constructive measure which America oould fashion if it had
a really social mind*
Our philosophy as seen from a study of the act
and from much of the criticism (there are some definite exceptions)
is still how little can we get along with doing and save our face and
“balance our economy”
not that of seeing if we can really raise a
social edifice commensurate with the potentialities inherent in our
economic setting*
It is begging the whole question, finding an escape, at the best
so simple as to be called naive, to say that, after all, compared to
the rest of the world the .American standard of living is the best that
there is any where or that *e should look at what we have compared
with what our fathers and grandfathers had, or that the everyday
man can now command what a king oould not have a few generations
American living must be compared to its economic potentialities
and its people must faee forward and not back if it is a dynamic
civilisation and not an ennervated one that is desired*
After all,
American political structure in the last analysis will have to be
adjusted to meet existing situations and not the equipment our fore­
fathers had*
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236Fortunately we have fairly definite present-day facts and figures
with which to work and need not he confined to traditional fetishes*
Here is a brief statement of the ease taken front
A* Consumer Incomes in the United States— Their Dis­
tribution ln~~]nrot>-l9lflr» BationaT Resources Banmittee,
United S^aEes Government Printing Office, Washington,
1938, Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D* C*
B* Income and Economio Progress, The Brookings Institution, Washington, IP* C., 1955.
C. Digest of America1s Capacity to Produce and America* s
Capacity to Consume. l?alx Foundation, Farmer's Bank
Building,Tiit sburg# Pena., 1933-1934*
Family Incomes t
The great majority ef the Hation* s consumers are members
of families of two or more persons, sharing a c a no n income
living under a common roof* The 29, 400,300 families
in the population during 1935-1936 were by far the most
important group of income-spending units, including nearly
91 percent of the total body ef consumers*
The distribution of these 29 million families by
income level is shown graphically in chart form on page 51.
As the bars on the left of the chart indicate, 14 per­
cent of all families received less than $500 during
the period studied} 42 percent reoeived less than $1000
68 percent less than $1,500, and 87 percent less than
500. Above the $2,500 level, there were about 10
percent with incomes up to $5,000 about 2 percent receiving
between $5,000 and $10,000 and only 1 percent with incomes
of $10,000 or more* These figures are shown in fuller
detail in table 3 on page 52 *
When the income of all families are added together,
the aggregate is approximately 48 billion dollars. The
shares of this total income going to the various income
groups are also shown in Chart I. Thus we find that the
42 percent ef families with incomes under $1,000 received
less than 16 percent of the aggregate, while the 3
percent with incomes of $5,000 and over received 21
percent of the total. The income of the top 1 percent
accounted for a little over 13 percent of the aggregate*
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Incomes of Single Individuals}
In addition to the 116 million consumers living in
family groups in 1935-1936, there were ten million men
and women lodging in rooming houses and hotels, living
as lodgers or servants in private homes, or maintaining
independent living quarters as ene-per family. These
single individuals constituted nearly 8 percent of the
total population(.......... ...............
The distribution of income among these individual
consumer units(....) resembles very closely that ef families,
except there was considerable greater concentration in
the smaller brackets. Sixty-one percent received income
less than #1,000 and accounted for 29 percent of the total
income ef the group. Ninety-five peroent received less
than #2,500 and a little over 1 peroent received #5,000
or more.
For a comprehensive picture of the distribution of
consumer income in the United States, families and single
individuals can be considered together. Such treatment
is justified by the lack of a sharp distinction between
the two groups from the standpoint of the receipt and use
of income. The diversity among the consumer units that
make up the 29 million families is fully as great as
that between families as a group and single individuals,
in income of #1,000 a year means, to be sure, one thing
to a single man or woman and another to a family of four.
But it also has quite different meanings to the family
of two and the family of eight. These two groups can
(....) be combined(....) to show the income distribution
for the Nation as a whole.
Nearly one third (32 percent) of the total number of
families and single individuals had incomes under #780,
nearly one-half (47 percent) reeeived less than #1,000
and more than two thirds (60 percent) received less than
#1 ,500. At the ether end of the income scale, about
2 percent had incomes of #10,000 and over.
Distribution of Consumer Units by Tenths.
The disparity of incomes is revealed somewhat more
clearly by Chart III on page 32• Here the 30 million
consumers are grouped by tenths, or deciles, according
to the sixe of their incomes. (See Chart III of Chapter
(....) Thus we can see that one-tenth of the aggregate
income supports almost the whole lower third ef the
families and single individuals. The next tenth of the
income is divided among only half as many consumer units.
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-228The top tenth, goes t o o ne - h a l f of one p e r o e n t of all
c on su me r units— these with incomes of #14,600 and oTer.
The Three Thirds of the H&tion:
This summary of the distribution of national income
has revealed that almost one third of all families and
single individuals in the country had incomes of less than
#780 during the year 1935-1956.
Although almost four million families and single
individuals in this lower third were dependent on relief
for at least part of the year, fully 70 percent of the
total number— that is, a little over 9 million— received
no assistanoe ef any kind from any relief agency. About
1,700,000 of this non-relief group were independent and
single men living alone or as lodgers; almost the same
number 1,600,000 were single women; and 5,900,000 were
families of two or more persons.
The middle third of the nation included the 13 million
families and single individuals receiving from #780 to
#1 ,450 during the year. Only IS percent of these consumer
units, or about 1,700,000 were dependent on relief at some
time during the year. In the non-relief group there were
more single men and fewer single women than in the lower
third, twice as many families living in large cities and
metropolises, and more than twice as many families in the
clerical, business, and professional groups.
The total income received by all consumer units in
the "middle class* amounted to 24 percent of the aggregate
income. The average (mean) income per consumer unit
was #1,076. 1
It is of the utmost importance when
1. considering who shall pay the bill for social
2. wondering what the power for buying of the American
people is if there should be even present capacity
3. comparing our country* s potential wealth with the real
incomes of the bulk of our people,
to recall the story as presented by these figures.
One of the most valuable inquiries into the state of American
industry and social well-being was that undertaken relative to America* s
Op. o i t . , A, p. 2ff»
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Capacity to Produce and .America* s Capacity to Consume. 1
Zt is
significant here to list merely the major statements ef the findings}
1. During the so-oalled gay 20* s the United States
was net living beyond its means. It could have
advanced 20 percent easily*
2. There has been a general tendency for the inequal­
ity in the distribution ef wealth to become accentuated,
3* Vast potential demands alike for basic oonmodities
and for conventional necessities exist in the unfilled
wants of the masses of the people, both urban and
rural. It would require but a moderate increase in
the consumption of the millions of these in 1929
living below standard to absorb the full capacity of
the nation. The trouble is clearly not lack of
desire but lack of purchasing power.
4. The United States has not reached a stage of economic
development in which it is possible to produce more
than the American people as a whole would like to
consume* Actual goods and services in 1929 had a
value of $81,000,000,000* Potential production with
existing methods could have been $97,000,000,000.
Actual production of consumption geods was $70
billion. Potential production of consumption goods was
$86 billion. Raising all family incomes below $2,500
to $2,500 with no changes above that level would have
accounted for raising actual consumption by more than
16 billion. Adding $1,000 to every inoame below
$10,000 would increase production by about 27 billion.
5. We cannot materially shorten the working day and
still produce the quantity of goods which the American
people aspire to consume. The actual figures based
on a 51 hour week have been given. The potential
production of $97,000,000,000 was based also on 51
hours, ,r,fl if we shorten to 30 hours as some wish te
do we cannot produce the desired amount.
6. In emphasizing
we mist not forget
standard of living
clothing, shelter,
the need of increasing consumption
to increase also production. The
can be raised only through more food,
comfort, luxuries. 2
>• cit., C*
dd., See Summary.
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-240Qne further statement may he made that has connection with the
foundation upon which thinking of social security in this country
must operate.
All study as to the possible cause of retarding in
economic progress has led to the conclusion that the basic difficulty
is to found in our maimer of distributing the national income.
system fails to bring to the market a purchasing power adequate te
call forth the full productive capacity of our business enterprises.
At no time has the root of the economic difficulty been found to be
that a large majority of our people are attempting to live on a
plane higher than can be economically supported.
flhen it is stated that the wealth of the United States
in 1929 was something like 460 billion dollars, the idea
is commonly conveyed that this is the amount of money
possessed by the people as a whole and that its redis­
tribution would merely involve the transfer of funds.
Thus, dividing 460 billion dollars by 125 million
people would appear to give to each person about $5,700,
or nearly $15,000 per family— & very tidy sum. The
truth is, of course, that the 460,000 billion dollar
figure is merely the valuation in money terms placed
upon our farms, mines, railways, factories, stocks, etc.
It is these real properties which constitute the real
wealth of the nation. 1
It is evident(...«) that the provision of reasonable
standards of living for the masses of the people cannot
be achieved by mere redistribution of the e x i s t ­
i n g
wealth and income of society. The amount to
be divided is simply not large enough to afford the
desired level of well-being(....) If we are to achieve
the goal of satisfactory standards of living for every­
one, the first requirement is to increase progressively
the total amount of the income to be divided. Only as
the aggregate increases from 80 billions a year to
100 billions, to 150 billions, to 200 billions, will
the goal of a high standard of living for every one
be attained
The distribution of income from year to year is
of primary significance not for its monetary effects
See Income and Bconomlc Progress., op. cit. p. 74.
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-241upon the well-being of the masses, but for its
possible cumulative effects in promoting a fuller
utilisation ef our productive capacities and a
consequent progressive increase in the aggregate
income to be available for distribution* We are
net interested in maintaining a static situation
in which the total income, even if equally distribu­
ted, would be altogether inadequate; we are
interested rather in producing a dynamic situa­
tion in which increasing quantities of newly
created goods and servioes would become available
for everyone* 1
Ibid*, p* 82-83*
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m m s io v s
Provision for unemp 1oymentt
s ocial s s c o &i t y a c t .
This part of the Social Security Act encourages the states to aid
those who live in their respective borders who must meet the hazard
of unemployment by establishing a system of insurance for the unemployed.
The Act does not itself directly provide Federal unemployment benefits
for anyone, it merely encourages the states to do so.
forty-three states
« n ri
By April 1, 1937,
the District of Columbia had systems for that
To provide funds for financing this insurance a federal tax of
3 per cent of payrolls is levied each year on employers by the Federal
(This tax began in 1936, January 1, by a 1 per cent tax.
It was 2 per cent in 1937, and 3 per cent in 1938 and thereafter.)
However, if any state has an acceptable unemployment insurance law by
which employers are assessed or through which they pay, that state may
be credited with 90 per cent of the Federal tax.
always go to the Federal government.
fen per cent will
The money collected by the tax
must be deposited in a special account maintained by the Federal
This means that if the states wish to keep their own tax
money for their own unemployed they must impose a payroll tax of at
least 2.7 per oent for unemployment compensation.
The States vary in the type of law set up for this kind of insur­
ance and the United States government takes no part in what the kinds
shall be other than to lay down certain regulations:
1. Ho benefits shall be paid until two years
after the passage of the Act so that adequate
reserves are on hand when payments begin.
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243All the money collected by this tax shall
be used for unemployment benefits*
2* Benefits may not be refused to anyone
otherwise eligible because of a strike or
lookout or because that person has refused a
job because the wages were below those offered
for similar work in other places*
3* Ho worker can be made to join a company
union or be made to promise not to join a
trade union for the sake ef employment*
4* Before a state can obtain federal money
to pay the costs of administration of its
social security act it must set up impartial
tribunals to give a fair hearing to workers
whose claims for benefits have been refused*
5* All benefits must be paid through public
employment offices in the state or ether
agencies approved by the Social Security
6* States must make reports from time to time
to the Social Security Board on matters concerning
which the Federal Board needs information and
must cooperate with the United States government
agencies which deal with the unemployed.
Among the variations that exist under the state laws are the
1* Workers may or may not be made to contribute
to the unemp1oyment insurance fund* (Later
it will be seen that they must contribute to
the old age fund.) Hine states had made such
provision by April, 1937*
2* Some states provide that all money collected
be pooled in one fund. Some provide that each
employer* s payments may be kept separate.
Wisoonsin provides the latter. Vermont permits a
choice between the two. Four states provide for
five-sixths of the tax money to go to the plant
reserves and one-sixth to the pooled fund*
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-244S. The size of the benefits to unemployed,
persons, the length ef time for which these
persons receive benefits, and the length ef
time that persons must be unemployed before
receiving benefits are parts of the individual
state plans.
Here is a definite example of the recognition of state's rights—
the federal system— doctrine in the United States.
It is a factor that
makes the unemployment insurance idea necessarily limited in its ability
to meet the real needs of those unemployed.
Ho state need pay benefits
when there is nothing to pay with in the unemployment fund; and as leng
as it may decide the amount paid the sum may be the lowest and the duration
of benefits shortest where the need is greatest,
fihen the drain is heaviest
the state may cut down the amount or suspend payments altogether.
Xn the
plant-reserve system of Wisconsin benefits can be drawn only as long as
that company's reserves last.
work with the least protection.
That leaves those in the most hazardous
Where the merit rating idea operates by
which employers with a low average of unemployment pay less tax, the
workers, as a whole, benefit less because there is less meney— those
companies with poor unemployment reserves not paying more.
It may be
argued that this is democracy and, also, states's rights but it may also
be said that such arrangements should not be called unemp1oyment insur­
ance or be part of a social security aot.
The amount of benefits and the time allowed for them varies as
After the plan has been in operation two years^ a person who has
By July 31, 1937 all states and territories had enacted unemployment
insurance laws and qualified for Federal cooperation. By July
1939 unemployment benefits were payable in every state.
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•245been working, but who loses a position and oazmot get another, nay get
a weekly benefit.
(Unless his work has been in one of the ooeupations
excepted by the Act.)
1. In nest cases the amount of the benefit is
equal to one-half of what his wages have been.
The maximum benefit is usually set at #15.00
and the minimum at #5.00. Wyoming and Utah have
maximums of #18 and a few states set no minimum.)
Payments of benefits do not begin until after
a waiting period— usually set from two to three
(It is six weeks in Washington. )
The length of benefits varies greatly.
Some states limit the benefits to 12
weeks in one year.
Four states pay benefits for more than
15-16 weeks a year.
Hew York provides for one week benefit for
each 15 days of employment in the pre­
vious year.
There are two definite weaknesses in this part of the Social
Security plan aocording to thoughtful observers.
Besides the inadequacy
of the amounts paid and the insecurity of the payments, it has been
pointed out that the plan is predicated upon previous employment—
a progressively-going industrial system.
Insurance will be paid only
to those who find a job and hold it or other jobs for the required
length of time.
This may encourage initiative and energy but for those
who are out of work for some time there is no aid but straight relief.
The limited application of the act is considered, also, a weakness*
It exempts from its benefits those engaged in farming, domestic service,
education, charitable and philanthropic enterprises; and employees of
the United States government and state governments, and excludes also
these employed by relatives and those working for "small* employers.
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-246The labor force must include eight employees for a twenty-week
In some states, also, there is discrimination in the payment
ef benefits when there has been labor trouble.
Thirty-three states
and the District ef Columbia refuse benefits if the unemployment is
due to a labor dispute.
It boa already been noted that same of the inadequacies in this
part of the Social Security Act stem off from the need in this country
to recognize the federal prinoiple.
It may be now that the Supreme
Court has permitted the Act to stand on the statute books some adjust­
ments under this section may be made to make benefits for the unemployed
uniformly or more adequately planned.
Improvements should be made
in state laws which will help to simplify records and reports and the
entire administrative set-up.
The ultimate evaluation of the unemploy­
ment section of the social security principle must be, however, net
in terms ef standards of administration but the extent to which adequate
benefits are available to those temporarily unemployed.
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Provision for Old Age under the Social Security Act*
There are two approaches to the task of providing for this part
of social security.
One is by means of a federal guarantee ef a sum
called an annuity to persons over sixty-five years of age in return for
the payment of regular contributions*
The other is through a system of
state pensions for needy men and women ever sixty-five.
A person may
be a beneficiary under both plans.
The first part of this section of the Act called The Old Age and
Survivors' Insurance — the annuity provision— operates as any ether
It is the only one of the programs entirely administered
by the Federal government.
It is a contract between the government
and the workers and benefits belong to the worker whether he is in
need or not.
They may, also, be considered a part of his estate.
any case the worker or his heirs get all he put6 into the fund and
the interest that accrues, and if he lives longer than the average
person he gets more than he puts in.
This annuity fund is finanoed by a fixed sum levied on employers
■Tin employees in certain lines of work which amounts to one percent
for each on the wages earned until 1943 when a graduated system of
percentage payments is arranged.
The amount of the annuity received will vary from $10.00 to
$85.00 a month.
The original provisions of the Act of 1935 made
these annuities payable in 1942.
The 1939 revision (Public Act £#.
379 of the first session of the Seventy-sixth Congress) made these
annuities payable in 1940.
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-248The benefit formula is based, upon average monthly wageij 1
and consists of 40 per cent of the first $50 ef average monthly
wage plus 10 percent of the average monthly wages in excess ef
$50, such amount to be increased 1 percent for each year ef coverage
up to a maximum salary of $3,000*
She groups who may not qualify for protection under old age
annuities are essentially the same as those exempted from unemploy­
ment insurance— agricultural workers, domestic servants, employees
of educational institutions and religious and philanthropic enter­
prises and employees of the national and state governments*
fessional people are not qualified and those styled a6 self-employed,
e.g. housewives and business men working for themselves.
All people
who receive a wage or salary not included in the exempted groups are
eligible. 2
This is due to the 1939 revision of the Act. The original 1935
provision was based on total accumulation of wages.
By the 1939 revision of the Social Security Act (Public Act
Ho. 379) the coverage of the Federal old-age insurance
been extended to nearly a million persons not
under the original law. Among the new groups covered are
employees of national banks, State banks which are members
of the Federal Reserve System, employees of building and
loan associations,
crews ef American ships. Thousands
of other workers now 65 or over who could not qualify under
the old law or at most could have received only a lump-sum
payment, may now qualify for monthly payments. This
applies even to those who have already received a lump­
sum payment.
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-249Beginning January 1, 1940 not only can a man who reaches 65
who is eligible draw monthly retirement benefits, but his wife, if
she is also 65, will receive an additional benefit equal to half
the amount paid her husband.
If the retired worker has a young
child, the child gets a supplementary benefit half as large as his
father’s until he is 18.
If a worker who qualified for retirement
benefits dies, his widow, on reaching 65, will receive each year for
the rest of her life three-fourths of his annuity.
If a worker
dies and leaves young children, each of them will receive a monthly
benefit of half the amount to which the father would have been
entitled until they are 18.
Until the youngest child reaches that
age, the widow also will receive monthly benefits— again threefourths of the amount that ».ould have been due her husband.
If a
man leaves no wife or children, then each surviving parent if they
are 65 ami dependent on him, will receive a monthly benefit, again
of one-half.
The best feature of this part of the Social Security Act as it
is now set us is that the annuity is regarded as a contractual rela­
tion and no investigation as to need— means test— is necessary for
annuity payments.
The weakest feature is the large group of persons
ineligible to benefits,
those who do not qualify.
a'omen and negroes make the largest part of
Women are in the professions, work as
housewives, and domestic servants, as welfare workers or are employees
of federal and state governments.
In 1930, 40 per cent of male negroes
were engaged in agriculture and 62.6 per cent of the women were in
domestic or personal service.
To some extent employees of federal and state governments and
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teachers are provided for by their own pension systems but there
are a large number of employees not covered by any pension or annuity
To aid those excluded from the system and to help those whose
allowances under it are small, the committee who set up the plan
recommended a supplementary system of voluntary government annuities*
These were to operate through a purchase ef annuity bonds from the
United States government in outright purchase or by regular payments*
Due to the pressure of private insurance companies this part ef the
plan was defeated although some of the leading insurance men in the
country were ef the opinion it would have helped the whole idea of
protection by insurance and so aid the insurance companies in the
long run.
The second provision for old age under the Social Security Act
is known as Old Age Assistance.
These are a matter for the states
«nii are paid to those over 65 who are in need and are financed out
of general taxation*
The federal government pays up to $20 a month of any old age
pension plus 5% for administration.
If no state laws are passed no
old age pension money will be received from the national govern­
This is the long-familiar grants-in-aid system.
By the end
of 1936, the Social Security Board had approved the laws of 40
states, the District of Columbia and Hawaii.
By August 1939 all
states and territories had approved plans and were receiving Federal
grants for old-age assistance.
In August 1939 the number of recipients of this form of aid
was approximately 1,875,000 and the total payment to recipients from
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-251Federal, state and local funds for each month amounted to more than
The average old age assistance payment in August 1939
was #19*43*
The Federal Government makes several conditions that must be met:
1* The state law must be operative in all sections
of the state. (This is to obviate the heterogeneous
and often-times lax provisions pertaining to counties.)
2. Pensions may be limited by the states to those
who are citizens, but pensions may not be refused
because a person has not been a citizen for a certain
number of years*
3. Federal grants toward the pensions may be avail­
able after continuous residence in a state for one
year and any residence there of five years of the
preceding nine.
4. Bo federal grants are made toward the costs of
maintaining persons in public institutions*
5. Bo federal grant will exceed 50% of a pension
and the largest grant by the federal government will
be #20*00 for a person* IKhile the maximum of the
state grant is set no minimum is stated* The state
pensions, too, differ greatly. VShile there is na
limit to what the state may arrange in its own law,
it is doubtful if many will exoeed the #40.00 a
month of which the federal government will pay
6. Pensions are to be paid only to those who are
needy. The Act, however, does not define what is
meant by the term and practically all states refuse
pensions to people possessing incomes above a very
low level and in all except two states, pensions
are denied all who have relatives who are legally
liable and able to support those who are needy.
Again the word "able" is possible of many definitions.
7. Each state is required to set up a central
agency to administer the Act and the right to appeal
to this agency shall be allowed any aged person
whose request for a pension has been refused. The
fact that the Social Security Beard can supervise
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those agencies may help against unfair discrimina­
tion or negleot and carelessness*
The eld age pensions are financed from the general tax funds
of the states*
If these funds are raised by a poll or head tax
paid by every adult regardless of income (e.g* Connecticut levies a
tax of #3*00 upon each adult) workers or those least able to pay will
pay the largest portion of the tax.
If the tax money is raised (as
in Hew Jersey) in inheritance taxes the working population will
pay a smaller proportion of the cost*
The best thing that can be said for this portion of the Social
Security Act is that it takes the place of the almshouse and of
direct relief for citizens that have no means of support*
The feature most to be critized is that the spirit under which it
operates is still that of poor relief.
Investigations are necessary
and for the most part the attitude continues to bo how to find loop­
holes upon which to deny the giving of aid.
Further, the states may
claim back from the estates left by the pensioners the sums paid as
pensions and many states require that aged persons transfer their
property to the pension authorities before any grants are made.
is further to be said that for the most part the support of the
dependent aged will continue to be borne by those who are young and
still earning.
Those with any steady income, no matter how inadequate,
will still continue to support themselves, their children, and their
parents thereby reducing any chances for what might be termed a full
life for themselves
protection for their old age.
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The Social Security Aot as it Bel&tes to Public Health.*
This part of the Act is limited, for the most part, te pre­
ventive health work.
The original plan to include health insurance
as a part of the system, was abandoned.
Eleven million dollars are te be spent annually en public health,
work,and disease prevention.
The larger part of this will go to
the states for extension of their programs and to the United States
Public Health Service.
The Surgeon General of the Public Health
Service will have charge of the distribution ef the sum each state
will receive.
This will be done in accordance with their needs and
after plans have been submitted showing how the money will be spent.
Hhile this country has lagged badly behind European countries in
public health work, the high quality of its Public Health Service
when considering the sire of the budget on which it is obliged to
operate has long been recognised.
Local public health work has been much in need of improvement.
Of the more than 3,000 counties in the United States, only a few more
than 500 have full-time health supervision and of these only seventyene were providing adequate service under a regular staff.
As the
depression made greater inroads and local tax money fell, relief
work increasingly took money from the public purse and health work
The increased amount to be made available for the states
together with the responsibility to intelligently plan in order te
get it, and the advice and effectiveness possible through more
coordinated efforts with federal authorities can be a considerable
step forward in public health work.
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The Social Security Act as it relates to those Sick and Disabled,
Medical assistance under the Act gives help to mothers and
young children,
$5,820,000 is set aside annually to aid the states
in their work with these groups.
This is no new departure.
Sheppard Towner Act of 1922 made similar provision but the funds
were discontinued in 1922 and many state programs were abandoned.
The states must establish state health agencies and health
servioes and must themselves sharethe cost and net shift the finance
burden to the counties and municipalities.
Maternal and child health
services must be extended into rural areas and must arrange for
cooperation with medical, nursing, and welfare work already existing.
The central state agency must be able to supervise and advise the
public health work extended to these localities and must make
reports from time to time to the federal government,
When the conditons are met, the federal government will pay
up to one-half of what the state spends.
The money is roughly
proportioned to the number of children born in each state, but
a portion of the whole fund is distributed to areas where need is
greatest on a non-matching basis.
The administrative expenses of
the federal government are met by a further allotment of $200,000*
The Children* s Bureau of the United States Department of Labor
is named as the Federal agencyfor this part of the Act,
The scope of the services and the problems that arise have been
concisely stated by Miss Katharine £, Lenroot, Chief of the United
States Children's Bureau in the following review*
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255Scope ef Servicei
It must not be understood that services such as
have been desoribed are everywhere available te
mothers and children who are otherwise without
adequate health supervision. About 1,000 counties
in the United States ere still without any publiohealth nursing service, though the number ef counties
being reached has been steadily increasing. Reports
from the maternal and child health directors for
the year ended June 30, 193S showed that prenatal
clinics were being held in 511 counties in 33 states
and that child health conferences were being held
in 898 counties in 43 states. This represents a
substantial increase over the preceding year in the
areas served.
Medical services at prenatal and child health
conferences in 1937 included 185,541 visits of
women for maternity services and 777,594 visits ef
children for child hygiene service. Physicians gave
1,405,807 health examinations to school children.
Offices and home visits by public health nurses
included 880,691 for maternity nursing, 1,092,188
for infants, 945,616 for preschool children, and
2,975,790 for sohool children. The reports showed
898,506 diphtheria imnuni sations and 1,078,779
small pox vaccinations.
Inspections by dentists
er dental hygienists totaled 1,308,779. More than
12,500 midwives were under instruction and nearly
10,000 midwives* classes were held.
Undoubtedly the figures for 1938 will show
increases over these figures. However, after 1938
substantial gains can be made only if increased
appropriations are available. The program is well
launched in the states, but it must be considerable
expanded to reach all areas, rural and urban, and
all families that need these services.
The problems that confront the Children* s Bureau
and the state health agencies in the maternal and
child health program include extension of service
into areas not yet covered, more complete service
and service reaching more families in the areas
where work is started, continuous improvement in
the quality of service, research on the administra­
tive and technical problems, and the finding of ways
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-256and means to obtain medical, nursing, and hospital,
care, when necessary, at the time of delivery and
for the treatment of illness of mothers and children*
It is becoming increasingly evident that facilities
for the care of those who are ill, designed to
restore them to normal health at the earliest
possible moment, are as truly preventive and as
much a part of a program for promoting maternal and
child health as are measures for health supervision
and health education. 1
The Act, also, makes possible expenditures of #3,870,000 each
year for crippled children.
After reserving #150,000 to administer
the Act, #20,000 is given to each state and in addition a share of
the sum that remains as determined by the need.
The states must then themselves make provision for funds
establish a special agency approver by the Federal government to
administer the program.
The agency must take the initiative in seeking
out those who need aid and must provide the medical and surgical care
and set up corrective treatments when necessary.
The agency must
secure the cooperation of the local officers and groups which have
been working in the same field.
Assistance to the blind is provided again on a grants-in-aid
The national government will pay one-half the cost of
pensions to the blind, no one Federal pension payment to exceed #20.00*
More than one-half the states had already established pensions for the
blind before the passage ef the Act.
In 1934, the average pension
was #20.01 per person per month, California paying #33.12, and
Arkansas #.83.
In some areas the burden was carried by the counties
the result being that in periods of financial stress the work had been
The Annals of the American Academy ef Political and Social Scienoe,
T E T T ad eT p E a j
H arcE7 1359. p p n O T -lltf.--------------------------------------
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In 1935, the county was the final authority in 12
To qualify for the federal aid there must be a state agency
responsible, a state law providing state funds, and a law that
operates in all sub-divisions of the state.
The state law may
require citizenship before aid is given but no length of time for that
citizenship may be set.
In addition, no more than one year of resi­
dence in a state may be required.
Scene states refuse pensions to those who have relatives able to
care for them.
The state agency must act as the reviewing board
for those cases that have been denied.
Each year it is estimated there are 84,000 people disabled
through accidents and disease.
Since 1920, the federal and most of
the state governments have cooperated in a program of rehabilitation
for some of these people.
The largest number reached, however, was
in 1954 when 8,000 persons had been restored to worldng power.
Between 1920 and 1935 aid had reached 68,000 persons.
The Social Security Act will augment the sum available Tinder
the Vocational Rehabilitation Act so that ♦4 ,000,000 annually will
be available.
There are no special taxes to meet the money so it
will be set aside from the general funds of the federal government.
Costs of administration are covered under the amount.
The fact that this part ef the Act has a definite contribution
to make to any concept of social security can be seen frem the
following statement by Dr. John A. Dratz, Chief of the Vocational
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-258Rehabilitation Division of the United States Office of Education,
Washington, D. C. since September 1921*
Soope and Significance of the Present Program
The program of rehabilitation is in operation in
forty-six states, the Territories of Hawaii and Puerto
Rico, and the District of Columbia. About 360 persons
are employed as professional workers in the cooperating
states. An indication of the extent of the service
rendered to disabled persons during the fiscal
year ended June 30, 1938 is shown by the following
Total number of cases served—
— — —
Case a closed as rehabilitated
— ------- 9,844
Cases placed but still being followed
— ------2, 580
up— — — — ---Ready for placement
After training—
— —
— — --4,924
After physical restoration
----- 1,365
Training not required--------------- 1,671
Training interrupted— --------3,021
Receiving physical restoration— --------- 1,692
In training— — —
— — —
— —
Persons rehabilitated during the fiscal year of
1938 were fitted for more than five hundred different
kinds of occupations, ranging in skill from laboring
jobs to the professions. The majority are engaged
in the production and distribution departments of
large manufacturing plants. A number of them are
in independent employment, such as barbering, shoe
repairing and small retail shops. Others are employed
in such maintenance services as auto mechanics, radio
and typewriter repairs, cleaning and dyeing, and
similar occupations.
More than 20 peroent of the rehabilitated persons
are women. Sixty-four percent are below the age
of 30 while 29 percent are over 40 years of age.
Seventy peroent have finished the eighth grade in
sohool. About 21 percent have been disabled through
employment accidents; 45 percent have had vocational
experience before injury; 72 percent have orthopedic
disability; and 21 percent have been disabled from
loss of sight or hearing or from tubercular or
.......... ..... .
cardiac conditions(.
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-259Heed for Expansion of Program*
When the accomplishments of the present program
are compared with the number of persons needing
rehabilitation each year, it is readily observed
that there is urgent need for further expansion
of facilities for rendering service to the disabled
which is not possible through existing legislation*
Tiro needs are fundamental and paramount* first,
additional funds for carrying on the program in
the states, and second, liberalization of the basic
Federal act* The states should be enabled to give
service to special groups heretofore not adequately
served, such as persons having cardiac diseases,
the tuberculous, the deaf and deafened, and the
blind. Furthermore, experience demonstrates the
urgent need for assisting disabled persons where
employment possibilities are limited to part-time
employment or employment under sheltered workshop
conditions* Such persons cannot be served under
the present Federal legislation. *
Ibid., p. 102-104.
Or. Dratz is describing the situation before
the provision for the additional |2,062,000 was made by the
August 1939 amendment which made the total sum available
14,000,000 annually.
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The Social Security Act as it Concerns Widows and Orphans*
By the Social Security Act of 1936, Federal Aid to the states
fer dependent children under sixteen years of age permitted' $6*00
for the first child and *4•00 for each additional child to be paid
to state authorities who were paying $18.00 and $12.00 for such
children in their own program.
If the states paid less than this
amount the federal aid was proportionately reduced.
It was
limited to one-third the state amount in each oase.
Before the passage of the Federal Act in 1935 many states
had provided for assistanoe to children who had lost one or both
of their parents but in only fourteen of them had the state
borne any share of the financial burden.
Counties and cities had
been forced to assume the financial burden.
With the passage of the Act many states remade their existing
laws in order to take advantage of the government assistance program*
There must be one central agency to administer the state plan which
must make reports to the federal authority and to hear appeals from
those to whom aid has been denied.
Under the amendments to the Act made August 1939 Federal grants
to dependent children beginning with January 1, 1940 have been on
an equal matching basis.
In addition, the age limit for Federal
contributions was raised from 16 to 18 while the child is regularly
attending school.
The increase in Federal matching for aid to dependent children
will enable the states to take care of more needy children and to
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care of them more adequately.
At present more than 700,000
children are receiving the Federal-State aid which is more than
2g- times as many as were oared for under state and looal "mothers*
aid" laws in 1935.
There are still eight states which are not
talcing part in the Federal-State program and many children in the
participating states whose needs have not been met.
It is estimated
that with the increased Federal funds now available at least a
million children can be cared for.
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Administration of the Social Security Act.
Under the President1s First Reorganization Plan, effective July 1,
1939, a new organization was created with the title of "Federal Security
Member agencies in this new overhead organization are:
Public Health Service
Social Security Board
Office of Education
Rational Youth Administration
Civilian Conservation Corps
The Social Security Board is the agency in this organization that
administers the Social Security Act.
It consists of three members
appointed by the President subject to confirmation by the Senate.
more than two of the three members may belong to the same political
Their term of office is six years.
assistants is required.
A large permanent staff of
With the exception of attorneys and experts, the
staff is appointed under the Civil Service laws.
The following statement from one who has served as executive
director of the Board explains the kind and quality of the work and
the kind of assistant needed:
Ever since its passage in 1935, the Social
Security Act has been characterized, alike by its
friends and its critics, as a new departure in
American governmental activity. So far as magnitude
goes, this is undoubtedly true. But as far as
concerns purpose, and even method and relationship,
the new aspects of the program are largely matters
of definition and emphasis.
The objectives of the Act— to offer protection
against need and to promote public health and child
welfare— were all well established as functions
of government before the passage of the present
law. Its methods represent in part the extension
of public welfare procedures long practiced as
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•265state and local activities; and in part a develop­
ment of social insurance principles not wholly
unknown in the United States, hut certainly less
familiar here than in most other large industrial
nations. The governmental relationships on which
the Act is based follow in the
the precedent
of Federal grants-in-aid to the states to enable
them to carry on more effectively activities which
are recognized as of joint federal and state concern.
Allocation of Responsibility:
With one exception, the Federal Social Security
law is simply an enabling act. Old-age insurance
alone, of all the ten programs for which it
provides, was definitely established by the law
and placed under direct Federal administration.
In its nine remaining programs, responsibility
both for initiating and administering social
security programs is expressly reserved to the
states. The Act sets up a national pattern. It
establishes a framework for nation-wide participa­
tion. It makes federal grants available. The
states do the rest, cooperating v.ith the Federal
Government on the one hand and with their own
local sub-divisions on the other. This emphasis
on joint Federal, state, and local action, with
the state the connecting link between the national
program ana the people in the local communities,
is not mere expediency. It is a practical method
of providing, at least in some measure, both the
flexibility necessary to meet diverse local needs
from state to state and the co-ordination necessary
for dealing with these needs on a nation-wide
In the allocation of responsibility under the Act,
a division of duties is provided for, not only as
between the Federal Government and the states,
but also among various Federal agencies. The
Social Security Board, created by the Act, is
responsible for the Federal aspects of the five
programs under which, in one way or another, cash
payments are made to individuals. These are oldage insurance, unemployment compensation, and
public assistance to the needy aged, the needy
blind, and dependent children. The remaining
provisions, in which the purpose is to promote
public health and welfare services, are directed
by Federal agencies already operating in these
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-264A wide area of responsibility is expressly
reserved to the states, each state plan thus has
an obligation to build programs suited to its
own needs upon the basic foundation laid down in
the Act(.................................... )
The definition of areas of responsibility,
the development of efficient methods and procedures
within each, and the establishment of genuinely
workable relations as between the various levels
ef government— all these are essential. But taken
alone, they do not add up to effective adminis­
tration. It has been said that no nation can
wisely legislate beyond its capacity to administer.
Anri capacity to administer depends upon the compe­
tence of the personnel all along the line.
The Sooial Security Board* s personnel policy
with regard to its own staff has been consistently
maintained upon an objective merit basis, in accord­
ance with Federal Civil Service practices and
Under the Social Security Act the selection,
tenure of office,
compensation of all public
assistance »nri unemployment compensation personnel
within each state are matters of state responsi­
bility. However, the Board has in every instance
followed the policy of encouraging the establishment,
by state agencies, of min-Smim objective personnel
standards. Though in some cases these standards are
not yet adequate, the movement as a whole represents
a very definite advance. Still further progress
has been made in some states through the establish­
ment of merit systems, either as part of a general
state civil service program where one is in operation,
or as a separate plan within the individual agency. ^
Dr. Frank Bane,°The Annals”,
op. eit., p. 157ff.
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Evaluati on of the Social Security Program.
Much has been written and much has been said in appraising
the principles and workings of the Social Security Act.
has been of a superficial
partisan nature as was to be expected.
Anri far from the last word has been said in the matter.
She Act
might have been the culmination of considerable activity, but it
is much more.
It is the beginning of many and far-reaching devel­
opments in eur national life.
A cross section of the general evaluation put upon the
program is given here as it is gathered from the more thoughtful
of the students of the subject* ^
Dr. E. M. Burns* ^
It is unreasonable to expect to solve the
whole problem of insecurity at a single blow. Even
the countries more experienced in dealing with
these problems have found it necessary to build
up their programs slowly, improving and correcting
them year by year. For many years to come (....)
the Social Security Act must be the base from
which amending and improving operations are
conducted (•......
The fullest realization of the potentialities
ef the Security Act depends also upon powerful
popular support of the Social Security Board.
Sooially satisfactory security, however, calls
for more than state action and support for an
effective Social Security Board. The Act must
be amended at the earliest possible opportunity.
Seme amendments can properly be demanded as
carrying out the principles already embodied in
the Act. The unemployment compensation tax should
The comments presented here in evaluation of the Act.although in
each case made before the amendments of August 1939, are as
applicable since those amendments as they were before.
Dr. B. 1L Burns, Toward Social Security. Hew York* IfoGraw Hill
Book Company, Inc., 1956, pp. 235.
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-266be changed, so as to embrace all employers in the
trades covered, regardless of the nnmber of
workers employed in each. It should be paid
not on the entire payroll but on the wages
of workers earning up to a certain sum. Workers
in non-profit-making concerns should at once be
placed on an equality with their fellows working
for profit-making employers and brought within
the scope of the old-age annuities and unemploy­
ment compensation plans. As soon as the Social
Seourity Board has laid the foundations of its admin­
istrative procedures, the remaining employees
excluded from the old-age annuities and unemploy­
ment compensation plans should be included. She
clumsy and roundabout tax method should be
replaced by the more convenient and constitutional
grant-in-aid method of returning to the states,
for unemployment compensation purposes, the money
collected by the federal payroll tax on employers.
None of these changes involves any serious challenge
to deeply held convictions.
The major shortcomings of the Act, however,
can never be remedied until we have the courage
to abandon the naive but seductive illusion that
economic pnri social evils can be corrected without
paint......................................... )
The Social Security Act may be inadequate, it
may be complicated, and its methods of sharing
out the cost of security may well be regarded
be many as unfair. In the last analysis, however,
these shortcomings are attributable to our own
lack of clarity as to what we want and the price
we are prepared to pay to attain our objective.
Until we have faced these fundamental issues and
are prepared to accept the sacrifice they involve,
it is unreasonable to expect a more satisfactory
Dr. T. 0. Key, Jr. 1
The passage of a model bill by Congress or
by a state legislature is all too often regarded
by the advocates of a new public service as the
end of the job. The legislative culmination of
a movement, it is now being more generally recog­
nized, is only the beginning of the real task of
Dr. Key is Associate in the Department of Political Soience of
the Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland. Taken
from The Annals, op. cit. pp. 153-158.
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-267r©aching the objectives sought. A. smoothly
functioning organization must be built up,
suitable lines of authority and responsibility
must be established, competent personnel must be
recruited, workable procedures must be devised,
measures must be undertaken to inform the
clientele, as well as the general public, of the
nature of the new program, and a large number of
other jobs must be done before the aspirations
of the originators of public polioy become
accomplished facts (..... .................
Although there are many blemishes on the record,
if one considers the magnitude of the adminis­
trative task, takes into account the inherent
difficulties, and compares accomplishments under
earlier social legislation, it must be concluded
that remarkable progress has been made in a
short time by both state and Federal officials
in transmuting the objectives of policy into
administrative reality.
Or. Abraham Epstein: *
As this brief analysis indicates, many
changes are necessary in the present Social
Security Act if it is to be converted into a
constructive measure for social good. First and
foremost, the present trends toward general
insecurity, resulting from the contemplated huge
reserves and lack of a government contribution,
must be reversed by paying adequate grants
through as large a government subsidy as possible
from progressive taxation. For none of the
objectives sought through social insurance can
be attained without such a contribution. The old
age insurance program must be so changed that it
will meet the needs of the aged and the middleaged. Protection for the unemployed must be
granted by flat benefits in accordance with their
need and for as long as the need exists. Our
present system of work relief, emergency relief,
and insurance must be coordinated. The costly and
top-heavy administrative system with its dupli­
cations must be eliminated and replaced with a
co-ordinated, simple, and relatively inexpensive
plan making use of flat benefits and government
Dr. Abraham Epstein, Tomorrow in the Making. Andrews and Marsden,
!hittlesey House, McSraw-HTTl, 193§, pp. 284ff. (Dr. A.
Epstein is Executive Secretary of the American Association
for Social Security.)
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-268contributions. Only after these improvements are
incorporated should the program be extended to
the large groups now excluded. It goes without
saying, of course, that political manipulation of
social security must be completely eradicated.
In & word, the act must be converted into a
genuine instrument for social security before it
shatters the long-standing dream of the American
people that the social structure can be improved
in an orderly fashion by government underwriting
of certain social risks.
4. Dr. Ewan Clague is director of the Bureau
of Research and Statistics of the Social Security
Board, Washington, D. C. and Hiss Anna E. Geddes
is chief of the Division of Public Assistance
Research of the Research Bureau of the Social
Security Board. Bach of these contributors have
written several books in this and related fields. 1
Advances during the decade.
Looking backward over the decade it is possible
to gain some comprehension of the great advances
which have been made in the treatment of dependency
in this country. The 1930's have been experimental
years in which new techniques have been developed
and tried out for assisting particular groups
of needy individuals. Relief has been recognized
as a matter of national as well as state and local
concern. Useful work has became the principal
method of caring for the needy unemployed. Special
types of work programs have been devised for
youth and for adults with different kinds of
skills. Insurance provisions have been set up to
soften the shock of unemployment and to keep
workers, as far as possible within the framework
of an insurance system, from becoming dependents.
There has been broad extension of public assistance
provisions for caring for the needy aged, dependent
children and the blind. Relief standards have
generally been raised and there has been a marked
trend away from relief in kind, which was pre­
dominant prior to the entrance of the Federal
Government into the relief field. Although there
have been great gains in the administration of
relief, there have also been some setbacks. The
The Annals* op. oit., p. 18ff.
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-269withdrawal of the Federal Government from partici­
pation in the general relief program has resulted in
a throwback to the old poor-relief system in many
A most significant development has been the
radical change in public attitudes toward the
problem of dependency. These changing attitudes
have been crystallised in legislation. Although
at the opening of the decade considerable stigma
attached to the receipt of relief, the recipient
of aid is no longer generally regarded as a social
outcast. It is not possible to estimate with any
degree of reliability the proportion of population
given relief at any time during the decade, but
the proportion is certainly large. It is estimated
that in October 1958, 21,300,000 persons in
6,600,000 households were on the relief rolls*
In the next decade a major task to be performed
is to simplify and co-ordinate the elaborate and
cumbersome relief machinery which has been established
in the decade. At present, various welfare functions
at the Federal level are unco-ordinated and admin­
istration at the state and local levels is unwleldly,
overlapping, and duplicating. The relation of
social insurance to relief remains to be determined.
Long-range and unified planning for the care of the
needy should be effected in the 1940's. The crea­
tion of a Federal Department of Welfare(....)would
be instrumental in achieving this goal.
5. Dr. Maxwell S. Stewart has probably treated the
subject as broadly and thoroughly as most of its
writers and has this to say: *
As we shall see(....)the Social Security Act
has many grave defects. Nevertheless, it would be
unfair to ignore its positive implications. Few
laws in history have ever been 60 comprehensive,
or have touched the every-day life of the people
at so many points. Few have involved a greater
financial stakeI Old age annuity reserves alone will
amount to the staggering sum of fifty billion dollars
by the end of the century. Few activities, out­
side the raising and equipping of our huge wartime
Maxwell S. Steward, Social Security.
Co., 1937, pp. 140ff.
New York:
W. W. Norton and
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•270army, and the subsequent keeping of its records,
have involved booking on such a grandiose scale.
Sever before has the Sational Government taken
so ambitious a step in the sphere of social
welfare, hitherto largely reserved for the states.
It is questionable whether any other measure of
Congress is likely to have such a far-reaching
effect on the nation* s economic structure.
When we think of the years in which every effort
to push through social insurance was thwarted in the
states, the fact that the Act was adopted at all
stands as a tribute to the political sagacity of
its founders. Perhaps its greatest significance
lies in the fact that it involved, for the first
time, a clear recognition of the Federal Govern­
ment' s responsibility for the insecurity that is
associated with our machine civilization. With
this recognition 'rugged individualism* was buried
as the official gospel of the American.nation.
Without claiming too much for the Act as an
instrument of social security, it cannot be denied
that it furnishes at least partial protection to
approximately half of the American population.
For those who qualify, much of the curse of shorttime unemployment has been abolished. Hearly a
third of all adult Americans may look forward to
a measure of protection in their old age, and
those who are ineligible for annuities may expect
a greater degree of assistance from state pensions.
The aid for the sick, the disabled, the widows,
the orphans is still far from satisfactory, but
even on these points the Act has recognized an
element of federal responsibility. While the degree
of social security afforded by the Act fails to
approach that granted by many Buropean countries,
it may be remembered that they, too, started
relatively cautiously and they have repeatedly
broadened the scope of their legislation.
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Group I below lists same historical subjects that could
be used as units of study.
Group II suggests subjects for
study of contemporary civilization.
Group III is a listing
of contemporary problems as given in the summary of Recent
Social fronds in the United States, the report of President
Hoover1s Research Committee. (Published 1933, MoGraw-Hill,
pp. 1538-1539)
Select an historical subject from Group I and a problem
suggested by those listed either in Group II or Group III.
Develop each one using the Type Studies of this text for
suggestion as to method.
(Substitutions may be made or any ramifications of the
subjects listed may be arranged.)
Some historical Subjects I'h&t Could Be Used As Units
for Study.
America in the Far hast
China for whom?
Civil strife in the United States
Colonial Hew England
Czarist Russia becomes Soviet RussiaRed Sunday —
The Constitution
Dividing Africa
Establishing the Monroe Doctrine
Congress of Vienna
Garibaldi, Mazzini and Cavour— Making
Italy a nation
Germany becomes a nation
Hairing the United States Constitution
March on Rome
Marxian philosophy
Oath of the Tennis Court
Parliamentary government versus the
presidential form
The Balkans in world politics
The British constitution
The constitution of France
The French Revolution
The Mediterranean —
a "Dangerous Sea"
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The Protestant Revolution
The Quaker colonies
The South in United States history
a* The "cavalier" South
b* The South when Cotton was King
c. "Economic Problem Ho* I"
The United States Supreme Court
The world goes to war in 1914
The Treaty of Versailles
Waterloo —
England divides and rules
Western expansion for the United States
Subjects for Study in Contemporary Civilization.
Administrative boards as legislative,
administrative and judicial agencies*
Aid for agriculture
Are teachers free?
Better city government
Causes and costs of war
City and regional planning - or unity
and coordination of the political and
social conmunity
Cooperative democracy
Costs of government
Costs of schools
Extravagance, corruption and incompetence
in government
Poreign policy of the United States ~
isolation, participation, vacillation
International organization
Organized crime, racketeering, and
commercial fraud
Organized labor
Population trends in the United States
and their significance
Pressure groups and propaganda agencies
Public and private control of power
Regional plans for regional problems
Reorganization consolidation and unification
of state governments
Reorganization of the national government
Reorganization of rural governments
Scientific research regarding government
and the use of scientific research by
the government
Social medicine
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Technical mechanical efficiency versus
social responsibility
The game of politics — nho votes in the
United States?
She merit system
The negro problem
The why and how of being a Good neighbor
Wages and hours of labor
Problems from Recent Social Trends
If present trends continue, .America will
struggle in the next period of growth with a
series of grave problems of government, which
it will not be possible longer to defer or
evade. Some of these questions are local to
us, and seme of them are worldwide, emerging
everywhere under urban-industrial conditions
in western civilisation.
What shall be the soope and type of the
functions of the government in terms of welfare,
culture, industry, morality? And on what levels
of organisation shall these functions be dis­
By what fiscal policies shall the burdens
of taxation and revenue by borne?
What shall be the nature of popular control
over the great Leviathan of government?
How shall we reconstruct the thousands of
governments, state, city, county, township,
school district, now so sadly upset by modem
methods of communication, and hanging so ill
together in a twentieth century environment?
What shall be the position of the world* s
most powerful nation in the great family of
states, in the world’s political and legal
order struggling to emerge from anarchy and
war, but in imminent danger of slipping back?
How shall we maintain a reasonable balance
between the center and the circumference—
between national unity and local self-govern­
How shall we recruit, train and hold adminis­
trative officials competent to deal with the
great social and economic problems which
government must aid in solving?
And likewise how shall we recruit and retain
political leadership in whose integrity,
competence and vision tne community may have
full confidence?
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274How shall we reorganize our drifting *nd
conflicting attitudes toward government and
politics in such a way that governmental serviee
and servants may take their necessary place of
power and prestige in a modern world where
political authority "becomes increasingly
How shall we adapt an antiquated judicial
system to a modern environment in such a
manner as to restore the prestige of the
processes of civil and criminal justice?
"Hhat types and forms of government owned
corporations or similar agency shell be
developed on the border line between govern­
ment end business?
nhat units, types and forms of representation
shall we set up under modern conditions in
cities, states and nation?
lo what extent shall we make use of the
technique of planning, as a part of our local
and national economy?
How shall we make the fullest use of the
contributions of science and technology in
the activities of government? Hhat use shall
we make of education as an instrument of social
control, and particularly of civic education?
How shall we preserve equality in the face
of economic inequality, or liberty in the face
of mighty sooial and economic groups that are
pressing upon the individual from every side,
or democracy against demagogues on the one side
and plutocrats on the other? (pp. 1538-1539)
(Recent Social Trends. UcGraw-Hill, 1933)
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R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
The student of contemporary civilization will need material on a
great variety of subjects.
He will need "current" material, foundation
material,,primary or source material, and material from subjects allied
to his.
The material listed here is suggestive only.
It is merely a good
place to begin when studying the problems of the contemporary world.
Group A
IS g e n er a l
Group B
Group C
Group D
Group E
Group F
Group G
Causes and Costs of Yar
Cooperative Democracy
Fascism and National Socialism
International Organization and Control
Latin America
Problems of Labor
Socialization of Medicine
Social Security
The Far East
Toward an Under standing of the U.S.S.R.
Group H
Group I
Group J
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-274Group A
Barnes, Harry Rimer, Society in Trans-iti nn . Problems of & Changing
Age. Now York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1939. P. xviii ~999»
Modem society, especially American society, is in one of the major
transitional periods in human experience.
The question of the day is—
Will our material civilization lead us to utopia or to destruction and
Every major social problem of our age is a direct outgrowth of this
basic situation— of this disparity between machines and institutions.
The subject i6 developed in twenty-one chapters; the first five
devoted to The Historical Background of Our Transitional Age; Chapters
VI - XI, to the Institutional Impact of Urban Industrial Society;
Chapters XVI - XXI to Social Wreckage.
Dr. Barnes is not happy over the prospect that lies ahead for
American society.
The "cultural lag" lies heavily on his mind.
claims it is no time for "pussyfooting" and "evasive palliatives".
) society has thus far done little more than to embalm the intellec­
tual and institutional trends of the 17th and 18th centuries.
latter were of dubious adequacy for the guidance and control of even
that earlier year."
Excerpts given here are selected to show his style and give his
point of view and convey the urgency with which he suggests there is not
much time to lose if catastrophe is to be avoided!
Every major social problem of our age is a
direct outgrowth of this basic situation— of this
disparity between machines and institutions.
Our mechanical age has made possible an excess
production of goods. (..*•) It has led to economic
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insecurity, and to the whole train of serious social
problems which follow in its wake. (*«**) If sanely
employed in the service of mankind, it could pro­
vide us with a material utopia* (•••«) We are
poised between utopia and chaos and will move into
one or the other fairly soon* (pp. 19-20.)
(*...) we are living in the early days of the fourth
transitional period in the experience of mankind*
(....) it is inevitable that the changes which lie
ahead of us, for better or worse, will be carried
through far more rapidly than in the past* (pp* 944-945*)
(.*••) we face the prospect either of sweeping
reforms that will make the system permanently
efficient and trustworthy or of evasive time-serving
and water-treading which will bring acute crisis and
collapse* (pp. 955.)
president noosevelt and his New Deal introduced
an effort to seek a way out of the perplexities of
our economic system by the so-called middle way of
democracy and moderate reform* Because of bitter
opposition, there seams grave danger that we may
ultimately be forced in this country to choose between
the relatively unattractive alternatives of fascism
and communism, (pp* 955.)
Democracy is in a critical condition* (..*•) We have
came along so far not because of it but in spite of
it. (*..*) the old no8e-counting type has broken
down in all the greater states* (pp* 966*)
Law is even more inadequate and shopworn than
politics in our day* (....) it is a trial by mental
agility, with little relation to justice. The major
jurisprudence operates in a dignified way to protect
property and private enterprise, while the lesser
jurisprudence is a vulgar racket to beat the law in
petrfcy matters through a combat of wits* (pp* 967*)
Ihe more progressive educators are sadly admitting
that it is probably too late for conventional educa­
tion to do mueh about our social crisis (*.*•) the
sooial crisis is so very close that the children
now in the schools will have little opportunity to
take a dominent part in deciding whether we are
going to head for chaos or utopia* (*•*•) we now
have a feverish concentration upon adult ednoation,
recognizing that we must hastily educate adults if
there is to be any hope of saving the present order
on an intelligent and enlightened basis, (pp. 968-969*)
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-27SGroup A
Beard, Charles A* and Mary S., America in Midpassage,
Macmillan Company, 1939*
Heir York:
This is Volume III of The Rise of American Civilisation*
It is
a long treatment of just ten years of our country’s story “beginning
with "The Golden Glow" period of the late 1920*s.
It is brilliant writing*
The seventeen chapters treat the many
phases of our life of today, covering government and politics; foreign
policies; the rise
restlessness of labor; art; musio; literature;
the world of science; the frames of social thought*
The "Midpassage" years are those of the period between individualism
and collectivism in American life*
With no introductory remarks, with no guiding -cable of contents,
with no marginal interpolations, with no explanatory paragraphs, with
no documentary footnotes, with no complementing bibliography, floating
free of every device and aid to help make themselves clear, the authors
with a craftsmanship probably unequalled by any writers of our time
describe with clarity
and beauty «Tid brilliance the ten years of our
Such writing lends distinction in itself to theage
it describes*
The sentenoes that introduce the chapter "Science in the Widening
Outlook* illustrate the sweep and the charm of the writing;
Working in a field of research essentially
limitless, taking for their domain all things open
to observation and testing, driven by the dynamic
analytical quest, and claiming liberty of inquiry
as an indispensable condition of achievement,
scientists, in forging ahead, responded to the
demands of the enveloping world. Ho
more than business enterprise, politics, letters, or
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-27®Group A
art could science operate in & -vacuum, be
free from the impingement of the foroes that
buffeted the thought and action of the age.
The first paragraph of the Frames of Social Thought, Chapter
171, showsthe power over historical materials of the authors*
As in physical nature the flash of lightning
always precedes the roll of thunder, so in
human affairs the flame of thought has always
gone before a transformation in the social
arrangements of mankind. In Machiavelli, it
presaged the triumph of the Hational State
over the ruins of feudalism and the disruption
of the Church Universla; in Montesquieu and
Rousseau, the overthrow of absolutism; in Adam
Smith and Ricardo, the flowering of capitalism;
in Mary Wollstonecraft, the dissolution of the
patriarchal regime; in Marx and Engels, the
upswing of the world-wide proletarian movement;
in Sorel, Pareto, and Mosca, the uprush of fascism.
Was there such a flash in the United States during
the tumult8 of the midpassage, and if so, what
was presaged?
Berle, A* A . , Means, C. C., The Modern Corporation and Private Property.
Hew York* The Macmillan Company, l^SV. P. xlii * 3§6.
An acceptance and an appraisal of the large corporations as the
economic unit in American life, and a study of the effect upon employers,
upon workers, and upon consumers.
"It is obvious that the corporate
system not only tends to be the flower of our industrial organization,
but that the public is in a mood to impose on it a steadily growing
degree of responsibility for our economic welfare.*
The volume was prepared
under the auspices of the Columbia University Council for Research in the
Social Sciences acting on behalf of the Social Soience Research Council
of America.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Qroup A
Briggs, T. H., The Great Investment i Secondary Education in _a
Democracy. Cambridgei Harvard Press, 1930. (TEe Inglis Lecture,
Oxford diversity, 1930*)
P. X f 145.
A monograph showing the importance in a democracy of money
spent on education.
Header is partially prepared by the foreword:
frank speaking that disturbs conventional practice, especially
if that practice has emotional rather than carefully reasoned
intellectual approval is likely to stir up resentment."
simplicity but vigor of the treatment is illustrated by:
state supports free public schools to perpetuate itself
promote its own interests.
Education is, then, a long-term invest­
ment that the state may be a better place in which to live «nd a
better place in which to make a living."
(pp. 8)
Free education is a business enterprise and
not a benevolence(«...) If education is seen
as a necessity for preserving and for bettering
the state, opposition to adequate appropria­
tions takes on the tone of treason. (pp. 9ff)
The only instrument that society has for
accomplishing its great end of preserving itself
and of promoting its interests is education.
(....) However unplanned it may have been,
whatever defects it may have, our schools have
already contributed to society more than have
all other agencies combined, (pp. 142)
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-281Group A
Brindxe, Ruth, Hot To Be Broadcast: The Truth About the Badio.
Hew York* Vanguard press, 1537• P . 310.
A description of how America has surrendered freedom of speech
to Big Business*
In England where freedom of the press has always
been ardently defended, broadcasting is a government monopoly, a branch
of the postoffice system*
In America, it is a private monopoly dom­
inated by the government*
"The money changers, who were to be driven from the market place,
sit as directors of our national and regional chains and of our
'independent* stations and talk with the mighty voioes of Morgan, Mellon
and Rockefeller."
The author tells how the power trust and all the vested interests
censor and control what free men may hear.
A specific illustration of control of radio is Chapter IX
Master's Voice," the story of William J. Cameron and the development
of the Ford "saga* by means of the Ford Sunday Evening Hour.
Cameron has accomplished a feat surpassing even that of the publicity
agent, Ivy Lee, who transformed the eldest Rookefeller into a kindly
old gentleman whose pockets are fillea with shiny dimes."
(pp. 196-197)
Miss Brindre concludes:
There is no easy solution for the problems
created by the radio. They represent in highly
concentrated form the social and economic dilemna
of America, (pp. 287)
Here we see the vested interests firmly intrenched;
here we see business for private profit in full flower.
We need a sufficiently aroused public opinion so
that radio broadcasting in the United States will in
truth be made to serve the public interest, convenience
and necessity, (pp. 310)
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group A
Clarke, Edwin Leavitt, The Art of Straight Thinking: A Primer of
Scientific Method for Social Inquiry. HewYorTH D. AppTeton-CenEury
1828. ' P . 3g~W"T7K--------------------------A popular account of the methods of scientific thinking about
current social problems.
Contains useful aids to effective thinking,
and analyzes important causes of crooked thinking.
The causes of
prejudice and means of curing and preventing thesu
Ways and means of
obtaining and interpreting data.
Exercises, questions and problems
are included at the end to give training in scientifically regarding
social problems.
Counts, george S., The Schools Can Teach Democracy.
John-,Day Company, 1939. £• 32.
New York*
A ringing challenge to the schools of .America to educate for
For us in America the present is an age of
reckoning, rte are being challenged to honor our
promises, to make good our professions, to prac.
tice in an increasingly hostile world the faith
which animated our fathers and which for genera­
tions made our country significant, (pp. 5)
Certainly the fulfillment of the early nineteenth century promise of American life requires
of youth more than an informed and critical understanding of past and present, an ability to detect
unmask hypocrisy, a passive acceptance
of the Bill of Rights, an abstract acknowledgment
of the brotherhood of man. It requires an active
and creative attitude, a living and heroic spirit,
a positive sense of social obligation, an eagerness
to improve society, a faith in both the ends and
means of democracy, above all a great mid ennobling
goal toward which to strive.
This monograph is a longer and stronger form of an address given
by the author before the Progressive Education Association on Washington’s
Birthday, 1939.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-283Group A
Counts, George S., The Prospects of American Democracy. Hew York*
The John Day Company, 1338. P, xL
A searching study of the American democratic tradition.
It is
not an optimistic view of the probabilities of success for democratic
ideals but holds that American democracy is well worth fighting
for and can be made a living and creative
Chapter Mill sets
a "Program for Democracy" and H I a "Program for PublicEduca­
"The most critical uncertainty probably resides in the vitality
of the American tradition."
(pp. 355)
Whether American democracy is to survive tomorrow
rests fundamentally upon the action taken by the
friends of American democracy today. And the fate
of the world democracy may well be described in the
Doited States. Let the experiment with free insti­
tutions fail here, and men and women in all lands
will lose faith in the possibility of organizing a
society of, by, and for the many. (pp. 359)
Lerner, Max, It is Later Than You Think* The Heed for a ifi1itant
Democracy. Hew YorlET tflie Viking Press, 19391 P. x v 2 S 0 T
A study of the problems that attend the strengthening of democracy
in the United States.
A calm, steady treatment of one who fears greatly
the inroads Fascism has made in the United States and an urgent,
positive, uncompromising call for the establishment of concrete economic
and political programs to meet the needs of our industrial age. Socialist
in objective but not of narrow politically-partisan type and not Marxian.
A piece of constructive political thinking throughout.
"If there is any passion in this book, it is the passion for
maklng democracy militant enough and collectivism democratic enough to
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•284Oroup A
Gill, Corringtoa, Wasted Manpower i The Challenge of tjhainployment.
Hew Yorkj W. w. Horton and Company, Inc., lSdS. P. S12.
The author was statistician and economist for the Federal
Employment Stabilization Board; later, director of research, statistics,
and finanoe-analysis for the Federal finergency Relief Administration;
then in charge of the same division of the Civil Works Administration*
A comprehensive and penetrating account of unemployment.
readable one for the average man, also, with the statistics and tables
for the scholars in the appendix.
Sr. Gill says mass unemployment is a national problem that ought
never again to be left to the states, counties and cities.
A mans of unemployed individuals, eight to fifteen
million strong, who with their dependents represent
from one-eight to one-fourth of our population, will
not be satisfied to remain forever in this state of
insecurity. History teaches us that such a group will
sooner or later be willing to trade its freedom of
religion, speech and press, its rights to representation
and assembly, and even its cultural heritage for anything
that looks like security. For that reason I believe
that the persistence of this pressing problem is &
serious threat to our social, political and economic
outlook, (pp. 11-12)
A bed-rock irreducible minimum of 4,000,000 to 5,000,000
unemployed is to be expected.
The author recommends a system of
social security programs for the aged and the youth; a system of
employment agencies; job-training programs; and the regulation of
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
205Group A
Hudaon, Jay William, The Old Faiths Perish.
and Company, 1939* P. T50Z*
This is a sane, steady book*
Hew Yorki
D. Appleton,
In Chapter I "Before the Header
Begins", the author tells of going up on a mountain far away from
books and people in order to have his very own adventure into the
logic of belief.
In the final chapters, "Hhich Creed is Best" and
"Before the Reader Ends," the reader is left with a sense of the
fundamentals necessary for a deep and abiding religion, "A Venture­
some Creed for Educated Hen."
Religion faces a crisis.
impact of modem science.
even there, they are dying.
The old faiths are perishing under the
"They linger on in our public ritual, but
They die not because they are openly
repudiated, but because they are silently neglected.
(«...) Differ­
ences in creed, once tremendously vital, are giving way to a common
gospel of right living and social service.
Doctrinal divergencies
are superseded by ethical sameness."
As to what is going to happen to religions
A reformulation of religion is now occuring
under our very eyes--a ttH
formulation of
a broad set of faiths, with great tolerance
for the individual differences of men; (....)
As this silent transformation of the faiths
proceeds, the warfare between science and religion
is becoming a silly anachronism, and the church
is becoming less and leas estranged from educated
men. (pp. 293)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-286Group A
Lippmann, Walter, Yhe Good Society.
1937* P. xxx f 402.
Little Brown *»nri Company,
This book is what its explanatory title claims it to be:
Inquiry Into the Principles of the Good Society.
It is at once the
philosophic thinking and the restless questioning of a person who
declares himself confused in a confused and unhappy modern world.
In Books I and II of the first part of the book the author analyzes
the theory and practice of the movement which, since 1870
attempting to organize a directed social order.
Books III and IV
attempt to find out why the development of the liberal doctrine was
arrested and why liberalism lost its influence on human affairs; and
to set forth some fundamentals of a good society.
The writer is
convinced there can be no general plan for a new society.
"All plans
of a new society are a rationalization of the absolute will."
The two modes of thought, the logic of authority and the logic
of liberalism, will conflict and the promise of liberty to mankind
will be continually unrealized and frustrated until the logic of
liberalism has been much perfected.
We are the "Lost Generation" but the modern reaction against
freedom cannot prevail for it runs against the mighty energy within
the being of man.
"At what last rampart must a man stand when he fights
for human freedom?"
This is a restless book of a restless writer but a stirring one
for a thoughtful reader.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
group A
Mann, Thomas, The Coming Victory of Democracy.
Knopf. 1938. £. 67.
Beautiful writing, strong writing.
Hew York*
Alfred A*
A concept of democracy built
upon belief in the inherent dignity of man.
A plea for the courage
«nri faith and capacity to do that which will protect democracy from
those who would destroy it.
It is insufficient to define the democratic
principle as the principle of majority rule and
to translate democracy literally, all to literally,
as government by the people, an expression of
double meaning which could also signify mob rule,
for that is more nearly the definition of fascism.
We must define democracy as that form of govern­
ment and society which is inspired above every
other with the feeling and consciousness of the
dignity of man.
(Such) is not a truth of yesterday or the day
before yesterday, antiquated, unattractive and feeble.
It is the new and necessary truth of today and tomorrow,
the truth which has life and youth on its side in
opposition to the false and withering youthfulness
of certain theories and truths of the moment, (pp. 17—21)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group A
Mumford, Lewis, Men. Must Act.
1939. P. 176';
Hew York:
Harcourt Brace and Company,
A plea for the American people to rise in defense of democracy,
and a broad program for defending democracy and civilisation in the
United States.
For democracy, it is clear now, will not survive
by mere passivity or by shamming dead, hoping that
fascism will pass by and not notice its ordained
victim: nor will democracy survive by self-distrust
and harassed surrender. We still have a fighting
chance to preserve our Western World against fascist
barbarism, but only on one condition— that we are
prepared to fight. - (Prefatory note) - The Democratic
tradition formed the original core of the American
ideology and will always be a precious ingredient
in the American character. — When it vanishes, one
of America* s chief contributions to the world will
vanish, too. (pp. 47)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-289Group A
Murphy Frank, (Attorney General of the United States) In Defense of
Democracy* (With an Introduction by Charles Beard) Washington,-!?.C. t
(1721 Eye Street): American Council on Public Affairs, 1939.
(ten cents) P. 20.
This is a brief but stirring defense of Democracy.
"It is my settled
conviction the finest contribution which America has made to civilisa­
tion is our loyalty to the idea of civil liberty."
The Attorney General sets forth primary doctrines of American
democracy and liberty and makes a strong plea for the preservation of
the best features of our American heritage,
innumerable instances came
to his office in Washington of attempts to sabotage democracy.
not mean to exaggerate the danger.
"I do
I do not mean to erect a straw
I am eager only that we should be on guard against the tendencies
and practices that corrode democracy and sap its strength."
His answer to the question, "What, exactly, is this idea of
individual liberty?
What do we mean when we talk about the beauty and
dignity of the human personality?" is simple and to the point*
Why we mean that unknown fellow mounted on his
soap-box in the city street, speaking his piece
about the way he thinks this country and the government
ought to be run. We mean that editor or author, writing
as he pleases, condemning or commending the administra­
tion as his opinions dictate. We mean that little
group of Hennonites or Mormons or Quakers worshipping
in their own churches the way their consciences tell
them is right. We mean the ordinary citizen expressing
his frank opinions to his Mayor or Congressoan or
President and getting consideration of them. We mean
that business man setting up shop for his kind of
business and in the kind of community that he prefers,
with nothing but the public welfare to say him nay. We
mean the workingman at liberty to choose his own occupa­
tion ynd move when he pleases into another. We mean the
scientist free to search for truth, and the educator
free to teach it, unhampered by the fear of some ’super­
man* who makes his own truth and allows no competition.
(pp. 8)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
290Group A
Myers, A* F. and Williams, C. 0*, Education in a Democracyi An
Introduction to the Study of Education* TTewHrorij .prenticef
Hall, Inc., 1937. P.“xxvl 4 434.
A broad overview of the educational systems in a democracy and
necessary preparative steps for those preparing to teach.
A unit
type of proeedure with opportunity for students to work along some
line of individual interest.
Emphasis is on getting independent study
habits, and library techniques, and attitudes of inquiry and investi­
The importance of education as an agency for modifying the
attitudes and beliefs, and consequently, the behavior of a people has
been increasing during the past four or five centuries.
Education, broadly interpreted, comprises all
the efforts, conscious and direct, or incidental
and indirect, made by society, to accomplish cer­
tain objectives that are considered desirable. The
goals may be formulated in the interests of sooiety
at large or by segments of society which are some­
times self-seeking and selfish in 'their desires.
The contemporary problems that are challenging education are listed
in Unit IV.
The requirements of democracy are listed as follows*
1. A democracy demands the activity and intelligent
participation of its citizens.
2. A democracy demands active cooperation among its
3. A democracy demands that its finest and ablest
citizens should be elected to positions of leadership.
4. A democracy demands the exercise of initiative and
independence of thought on the part of its citizens.
5. A democracy demands that all its citizens be given
the best possible training for service, both to self
and society.
6. A major objective of a democracy demands continuous
social change with the purpose always of achieving the
greatest good for all.
The teacher cannot be an individualist if he is
to make the Tmnrimiirn contribution to society. He
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-291Group A
oust be motivated, by a sound social philosophy that
endeavors to place the welfare of society above the
rights of individuals (....) 3c must be a sociallyminded individual (.*..) The school cannot contribute
to social betterment unless it is staffed by sociallyminded individuals, (pp. 397)
Odegard, Peter H., Helms, E. Allen, American Politics.
Harper and Brothers, 1938. P. xi f 8^2.
A popular treatment of American party politics.
Hew Yorks
pressure groups, bosses, machines, voting election laws, ballots,
conventions and primaries are shown as they actually function.
signed primarily for college students but arranged also to help the
general reader.
Includes influence of radio, motion pictures and the
Appendices include the Election Record of Twenty Years in
graphic form and the political platforms of 1936 of the four parties.
Overstreet, Harry A. and Bonare, W., Town Meeting Comes to Town.
York: Harper and Brothers, 1938. P. 266.
A vivid and popular treatment of the story behind the Town Meeting
of the Air of the radio world— of town meeting methods of democratic
enlightenment extended by modern technics to cover the interchange
of fact and opinion from coast to coast and from city, town, and farm.
Town Hall, as an agency of education (....) is part
of a larger movement of American life (....) began with
our efforts to establish public schools and has con­
tinued into more forms than can easily be enumerated
Town Hall's chance to succeed in its purposes depends
upon the extent to which America lias succeeded in
establishing a tradition of freedom through education.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-292Group A
Siegel, 0. W,, Mobilizing for Chaos* The Story of the New Propaganda.
Hew Havenx lale University Press, 1934. P. 2»I.
A story of the encroachments of nationalism upon the agencies of
communication, the press and the radio.
concerning the future.
The writer is not optimistic
Chapter Till is entitled*
Conclusion* Toward
A Hew Dark Age?
The menace is clearly defined.
Human ingenuity has created a web
of communication system and a technique for news dissemination which,
if granted freedom from political and economic restraints, could be
of remarkable usefulness in supplying the world with a full and rapidly
produced record of events and opinions in all fields of human activity,
and thus serve as a valuable aid in any effort to secure universal
peace and understanding.
At the very time when the machinery of
record and inter-oommunication has reached its highest state of develop­
ment, and its potentialities of social usefulness have become most
clearly recognised it has fallen under the influence of forces which
are directing it to mercenary and selfish ends.
The elaborate network of physical equipment for
communication, including telegraph, telephone, cable,
and radio, has become the pawn of commercial and
political rivalry, (pp. 209)
The American press is making itself increasingly
vulnerable to some form of control by its growing
dependence upon advertising subsidy and the tendency
toward concentration and monopoly in the ownership of
newspaper properties. The restriction of freedom in
America is not likely to come about through the
dramatic decrees of a dictatorial regime but through
a slow and not clearly perceptible evolution in the
factors of finanoial control, (pp. 215)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
298Group A
Robinson, James Harvey, The Homan Comedy.
1937. P. rvii f 394.
New York;
Harper and Brothers.
It is the thesis of this book that man has now reached a stage
in his civilisation where he might easily enter into a utopian existence
but instead he lives amidst privation, fears, misery, suspicions and
The reasons are two fold— one, that man is borne down by a vast
baggage of outworn traditions and folkways; the other, that few men
ever grow up mentally.
They plod along on ideas and convictions acquired
in childhood and lack the courage to think anew.
The Human Comedy returns again and again to its theme and by so
doing gives the reader a way to understand himself and his place in
the scheme of things.
Modern scientific research, in spite of its
professed aloofness and disregard of human feelings and
motives, has succeeded in unfolding to our gaze so new
a world in its origin, development, workings and possi­
bilities of control in the interests of human welfare,
that praotically all of the older poetic and religious
ideas have to be fundamentally revised or interpreted
7e are foroed to ask whether it is safe, since our
life has come to be so profoundly affected by and
dependent on scientific knowledge, to permit the great
mass of mankind and their leaders and teachers to
continue to operate on the basis of presuppositions
and prejudices which (•.... ............ ......... .
fail to correspond with real things and actual opera­
tions as they are coming to be understood, (pp. 367ff)
This work has been arranged by Harry Elmer Barnes into thirteen
chapters from the material left by Professor Robinson at his death in
February 1936.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-294flroup A
Rugg, Harold (editor). Democracy and the Curriculum - The Life and
Program of the American School. Publication of the John Dewey
Society. Hew York: D. Applet'on-Century Company, 1939* P. xiv + 536.
An outspoken, hard-hitting and farsighted critique of traditional
American education.
The book discusses the efforts being made to
reform the educational curriculum and presents a constructive program
for the life and program of the school for the years immediately ahead.
Good reading for all interested in the problems of our rapidly changing
civilization and not only for those engaged in education.
The nine authors writing in collaboration with Dr. Rugg includet
George E. Axtelle
Perkins E. Harris
L. Thomas Hopkins
Hollis L. Caswell
Hi H i am H. Kilpatrick
George S. Counts
Paul R. Hanna
J. Paul Leonard
Caroline B. Zachry
The social machinery of American life is badly jammed;
the first step in disentangling it is to see clearly the
factors that have created the problem. They are these:
— the lag of some parts of the culture
behind others— notably that of the capacity
to distribute goods behind the capacity to
produce them.
— the undue control over wealth, communication
government by a minority of the people
whose philosophy of relatively uncontrolled
individualism and whose entrenched position
tends to make them unwilling to introduce
much needed changes in the social system.
— the failure of mass education really to
practice the democratic method and to build
a program of study and discussion of the
conditions and problems of life as it is
actually lived today.
— the lack of real tinderstanding of The American
Problem by the people and their corresponding
susceptibility to the propaganda of demagogues
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296Qroup A
(this, in spite of the magnificent initial
achievement in building the structure of
universal elementary education*)
— the widespread apathy of the people to
matters of public concern and the inertia
of intelligent and protected liberals who
are the potential leaders of an informed
thinking citizenry*
— the fact that government in our democracy
is carried on by the interplay of ‘interest
groups,' each citizen belonging to a number
of them* Each group strives to get some­
thing by exerting pressure through threats,
promises, and arguments, using in whatever
way it can the prestige of its numbers, its
wealth, and its power. Officials of govern­
ment resist or acquiesce in the demands made
in terms of the relative pressures applied,
create legislation and promote executive and
judicial action accordingly. Policy-making
thus lacks the dispatch and efficiency of
the dictator, but, in the long run, represents
the will of the people.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-29€Group A
, The Teacher and Society. Publication* John
Dewey Society. Sew York* D. Appleton-Cenvury Company, 1937.
P. adv * 360.
The first official publication of the John Dewey Society founded
in 1936 to foster scholarly and scientific investigation of American
education in its interaction with society and social changes.
A highly provocative treatment of the American school teacher
written in close collaboration by nine prominent educators*
William H. Kilpatrick
John Dewey
George W. Hartmann
Ernest 0. Melby
Jesse H. Hewlon
George D. Stoddard
Hilda Taba
Goodwin Watson
Laura Zirbez
The book is constructive criticism throughout.
The evils of
the day are pointed out and specific remedies suggested.
It is good
reading for all who would preserve democracy.
Some of the problems treated include*
What should the teacher do to meet modern
social demands?
What should be the teacher* s training and
How free should the teacher be to teach?
What should be the teacher* s relation to
the community?
The years ahead will be characterized by
struggle. It will require struggle to find the
essential facts about the present waste of
human, natural, and mechanical resources. It
will require struggle to teach the facts about
unrealized human potentialities and possible
abundance for living. It will require struggle
to secure the necessary freedom to think about
the meaning of these facts. The most bitter struggle
will come when teachers begin to act in the light of
these essential facts and meanings,
(pp. 332)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
group A
Tead, Ordway, Hew Adventures in Democracy*
House, 1939* P. xi + 229.
Hew York*
A plea for the American people to rise in defense of their
democratic order.
"Is not the fulfillment of demooracy in the opera­
tion of our institutions, including especially our economic institu­
tions (....) the great national purpose?
Is not this a big idea
worthy of our best metal— worth fighting for, sacrificing for, creating
for?" (pp. 224)
Democracy is defined asi
That total form of organized social life in
which the people as a whole determine the ends
their publio agencies are to serve, determine what
controls over all sorts of individual and group
activities are needed to give reality to a Tim-ximmn
possible freedom for all; and which so conducts its
affairs in point of sharing decisions about purposes,
policies, procedures and personal leaders that the
growth of individual personality is both safe­
guarded and enhanced.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group B
American Council on Public Affairs, 1721 Eye Street, Washington, D. C.,
Established 1938. Associate Membership $2.00.
The Council states its purpose<
Dedicated to the belief that the extensive diffusion
of information is a profound responsibility of American
democracy, the American Council on Public Affairs is
designed to promote the spread of authoritative facts
and significant opinions concerning contemporary social
and economic problems through—
Publication of studies and pamphlets
Sponsorship of scholarly treatises
Facilitating information dissemination
Cooperation with other organisations
Encouragement of adult education
Stimulation of interest in non-fiction
Assisting literature distribution
Initiation of research projects
Organization of lectures and forums
Arrangement of radio broadcasts
Issuance of timely press releases
Compilation of opinions on vital issues
The National Board of the Council is as follows:
Harry Elmer Barnes
Dr. George F. Zook
Paul D. Kellogg
liowell Mellett
Edwin 6. Johnson
Nathaniel Weyl
Dorothy Detzer
Willard TJphaus
Bar. Jerome Davis
John B. Andrews
Prof. Max Lerner
Chester Williams
Walter Myer
Mrs. Thomas F. McAllister
Henry T. Hunt
Fannie Hurst
Clarence Pickett
Dr. Floyd W. Reeves
Clark K. Eichelberger
Dr. John Haynes Holmes
Prof. Robert S. Lynd
Prof. Clyde R. Miller
Dr. Henry Smith Leiper
Walter West
Abraham Epstein
Robert Morss Lovett
Leroy Bowman
Prof. William C. Baglay
M. B. Sehnapper
W. Jett Lauck
James Waterman Wise
Dr. Ernest Qruening
Prof. Ernest S. Griffith
Delbert Clark
Quincy Howe
Prof. Hadley Cantril
Mark Starr
John Edelman
The Council has published «mnng other things The Federal Govern—
ment Today, which is a survey of recent innovations and renovations by
Cordell Hull, Frances Perkins and others.
It is a brief and authorita­
tive summary of New Deal achievements.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Monthly Catalog of United States Public Documents* Supplied by
SuperlntendenTT”of Documents. $1.00 for domestic delivery.
This catalog lists the publications of all Departments issued
during each month quoting prices in all instances where the publica­
tions are for sale.
Federal laws
The three successive stages in the publication of federal laws are
as follows*
(1) slip laws
(2) session laws
(3) statutes at large.
All the laws are prepared for printing by the State Department, but
public distribution is through the Superintendent of Documents.
The slip laws and the session laws are superseded by the statutes
at large and have no practical significance after the volume of the
statutes at large is published.
In the slip-law edition each act is published separately as soon
as it is enacted.
They are divided into four series-public acts,
public (joint) resolutions, private acts, and private (joint) resolu­
tions each of which is numbered separately beginning with "1" for each
The slip laws form a distinct series tut the title "Slip
Laws" does not appear.
At the end of each session the laws have been assembled in
unbound volumes generally called Session Laws or Pamphlet Laws.
I contains public acts and resolutions .and Part II the private acts
and resolutions, concurrent resolutions, treaties, proclamations and,
since 1930, executive agreements.
The laws are published in their final and permanent form in
the Statutes at Large.
Beginning with Volume 50 (1937) each volume
contains the laws enacted at a single session of congress.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-300Group B
Schmeckebier Laurence F., Government Publications and Their Dse.
Washington, D. C. < The Broomngs institution, iySc.
xili ^ 446*
Alton P. Tisdel, Superintendent of Documents of the Government
Printing Office, explains this volume in the Foreword}
The author of this volume has supplied a
valuable guide for librarians and students, which
will greatly assist them in the handling and use of
government publications* These publications have
long been the terror of librarians and the despair
of almost everyone who has attempted to make use of
them, and this manual furnishes a much needed
description of the guides required by those who
would use them intelligently. The lack of central
control has resulted in many changes in methods of
publication, and the absence of any orderly
arrangement or scheme of numbering has made it
difficult even for experts to oope with them.
Public documents are no longer mere dry statis­
tical records. Their province is the entire field of
human knowledge and they touch human living on
every hand; their importance to the general public
and to the business interests of the country can
not be fully estimated, and the libraries are active
agencies in educating the public concerning not
only the broad scope of such documents, but their
vast treasures of scientific, Industrial, and
economic information. They are therefore invaluable
as source material, and the question as to their
future usefulness is largely in the hands oftthe
live, up-to-date, and progressive librarian. It
is evident, therefore, that acquaintance with the
bibliographical tools available for the most
effective use of such publications is absolutely
essential, and the author has comprehensively
described them in this manual. (Foreword pp. vii)
The purpose of this volume is to describe the
guides that have been provided, to indicate the
limitations and uses of the indexes, to explain the
systems of numbering and methods of titling, to
call attention to some outstanding compilations or
series of publications in several fields, ana to
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-301Qroup _B
indicate how the publications may be obtained.
While many publications are specifically cited by
title the volume is neither a catalog, a bibliog­
raphy, nor a checklist. It is a guide to the
utilization of the publications with specific
sources of information. Chapters I to IV, and
XVI contain information that applies to almost all
classes of publications, while the remaining
chapters deal with classes that are of major
interest to persons working in particular fields.
(pp. 2)
Chapter I,
Catalogs and Indexes, classifies government publica­
tions as*
comprehensive general, covering all subjects
and a series of years.
periodic, covering a definite period and
issued regularly.
special, covering a limited group of
This chapter is the beginning place for all students who wish to
find their way as easily as possible to government material.
The other chapters are as follows*
II------ — Bibliographies
III— — — Classification
IV------ -Availability of Publications
Y— — — — -Congressional Publications
VI— —— — Federal and State Constitutions
— Federal Laws
VIII------State Laws
IX— —
— Court Decisions
X--------- Administrative Regulations and Departmental
XIPresidential Papers
XII------ Foreign Affairs
Reports on Operations
XIV— —
— Organization and Personnel
— Maps
XVI-------Technical and Other Department
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group ]3
Schmeckebier, Laurence F., International Organizations in Which the
United States Participates* Washington, D. C. i TEe-Brookings
Institution, 1936. P. x f 389.
The international activities of the United
States may be divided into four well-defined
groupst (1) Ihe regular diplomatic and
consular representation in foreign countries;
(2) representation at special conferences or
oongresses; (3) adjudication or arbitration of
special issues arising between the United
States and another power; and (4) support of
international organizations of a permanent
Only the fourth group-international organi­
zations of a permanent character— are described
in this volume, and the discussion is limited
to those for which obligations were in force
at the end of 1934. (pp. 1 Introduction)
The participation of the United States in
international organizations is not a recent
development. Of the 29 bodies described in
this volume, the United States adhered to four
before 1860, to six between 1880 and 1899,
to ten between 1900 and 1919, and to nine
after 1919. The volume is confined to perman­
ent bodies which were supported in part by
the United States at the end of 1934 or to
which the United States was obligated to make a
contribution, (pp. vii Director’s Preface)
This volume gives an account of the history,
activities, and organization of each body, the
amount contributed by the United States, and
the membership of other countries, with the
amounts contributed by each one. It includes
for eaoh organization a selected bibliography,
lists of supporting documents that are readily
available elsewhere, and text of the documents
that are not found in general compilations.
(pp. viii
Director’s Prefaoe)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-303Group B
School Life. Published monthly (except in August and September)
during the school year by the U. S. Office of Education,
Federal Security Agency, Washington, D. C. Subscription
rate $1.00 per year paid in advance. Orders sent to the
Superintendent of Documents, Government Printing Office,
Washington, D. C.
This magazine is the official organ of the United States Office
of Education and its printing has been approved by the Director of
the Budget.
Its purpose is to present current information
concerning progress and trends in education; report
upon research and other activities conducted by the
United States Office of Education; announce new
publications of the Office, as well as important
publications of other Government agencies; and to
give kindred services. (Issue of January 1940,
p. 97.)
The officers of the Federal Security Agency are:
Federal Security Administrator
United States Commissioner of Education
Assistant Commissioner
Assistant Commissioner for
Vocational Education
Assistant to the Commissioner
Editor in Chief
Paul V. McHutt
J. Vi. Studebaker
Bess Goodykoontx
J. C. Wright
C. F. Klinefelter
Olga A. Jones
In an editorial entitled “The Logic of Lifelong, Systematic
Civic Education" the Commissioner of Education states:
Evidence clearly refutes the blind assumption
that civic interests mature as well by accident
as through organized, professionally directed
educational institutions.
To safeguard the future of American democ­
to improve it, adults beyond formal
school days must not be expected by accident to
pursue and push toward-maturity the budding civic
interests and social insights which have been en­
larged as much as possible through schooling appro­
priate for adolescents. (Dr. John W. Studebaker,
Issue of January 1940.)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
United. States Government Manual, Office of Government Reports, 1405
5 Street, fcf7 W. , Washington, D, C. (Annual subscription in cloth
$3.50; in paper $2.00) Published in October, February, and July
of each year.
This is an authoritative reference book designed to inform every
citizen on the organization and functions of federal departments »nii
The October 1939 edition is the first one to be published
since the reorganization of the Federal Government on July 1, 1939.
The complete charts are included.
The material in the Manual has been approved by the Departments
and Agencies themselves and is accompanied by organization charts and
the names and titles of administrative officials.
United States Information Service, 1405 G Street, H. W., Washington,
jj— £j-
This Service is a Division of the Office of Government Reports.
It was established in 1934 in response to the need for a central office
through which questions on the Federal Government might clear.
The Service furnishes to the public, on request, factual informa­
tion on the structure, functions, and operations of Federal depart­
ments and agencies, and serves as a central office to direct general
inquiries into proper channels.
It publishes a United States Government Chart and the Digest of
the Purposes of Current Federal Agencies which describe the various
functions of Federal departments, agencies and their subdivisions.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
,305Groap C
The Counoil of State Governments, 1313 East 60th St., Chicago, 111.
Heir York Office t 522 Fifth Avenue.
The Council of State Governments was organized in 1955, being an
outgrowth of the American Legislators' Association, founded in 1925.
Its official statement of purpose is, in part, as follows*
Under theconstitution of the United States of
America, the federal government exercises only cer­
tain enumerated powers, and all other governmental
powers are reserved to the forty-eight state govern­
ments. Problems frequently arise which are too
broad to be solved by any single state, but for whioh
federal action alone may not be suitable— sometimes
because the federal government lacks the necessary
constitutional power, sometimes because the problem
is of regional rather than national interest, and
sometimes because federal action needs to be supple­
mented by state cooperation. Furthermore, the state
governments can and do continuously exchange valuable
information concerning internal problems of state
administration and state legislation. To assist
the states in performing these functions the Council
of State Governments, a joint governmental agency
serving the several states, was organized.
The Council is the secretariat of the Governors'
Conference, the National Association of Attorney
Generals, the National Association of Secretaries of
State, and it acts as a clearing house and research
center for legislators, legislative reference bureaus,
and for the above national organizations of publio
It is the medium through which many federal-state
nnH interstate problems are resolved and a forum for
the consideration of an increasing number of prob­
lems which overlap state boundaries* questions of
flood control, pollution, highway safety, interstate
truok regulations, conflicting taxation, interstate
trade barriers, liquor control, relief, social security
and transiency. All of these matters have been the
subject of conferences and reports which have been
beneficial to each of the states. (Frank Bane, Director)
The Council issues biennially the BOOK OF THE
STATES, which is the standard reference work on
state government in the United States. A monthly
R eproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-306group J3
journal, STATE GOVEBHMEHT, discusses current trends
and developments in government end serves as a
medium for constant contact -with, some ten thousand
state legislators and state administrative officials*
In addition, weekly digests of legal opinions of
state Attorney Generals are prepared and circulated
to legal staffs in the several states for the pur­
pose of keeping all such officials abreast of develop­
ments in the field of public law, and special bulle­
tins are issued from time to time dealing with
governmental matters of current interest* (Frank Bane,
The Declaration of Interdependence of the Governments within the
United States of .America is in part as follows:
When, in the course of human events, it becomes
necessary for a nation to repair the fabric which
unites its many agencies of government, and to restore
the solidarity which is vital to orderly growth, it
is the duty of responsible officials to define the
need and to find a way to meet it.
A way does not come of itself. The maintenance of
just and efficient government is as intricate, as
arduous, and as imperative as any human endeavor. On*
hundred and fifty years ago our forefathers faced their
necessity, and formed a new union. They found a way.
And from that beginning in 1787 sprang history's
finest example of the democratic form of government—
a government dedicated to the preservation of every
man's endowment of life, liberty, and happiness*
Inevitable changes have come. The fundamental
pattern of states, united for the benefit of all the
people, remains the same as it was when the founding
fathers wove it. But the far-flung tapestry of our
many governments has stretched so taut that the fabric
has weakened. The essential thread of cooperation too
often is lacking.
How, for the first time since that memorable day
when the form of our Constitution was determined,
official delegates of the states sure gathered together
with representatives of their central government and
with representatives of their local governments, as
good neighbors, seeking to revive the original purpose
— 'to form a more perfect union.1
It was meant that the states, while creating a nation,
should yet preserve their own sovereignties and a
mmHimnn of self-government. But now if the claim of
states' rights is to prevail, it must be justified by
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-30?& demonstration of states' competence.
Through estatlished agencies of cooperation, through
uniform and reciprocal laws and regulations, through
compacts under the Constitution, through informal
collaboration, and through all other means possible,
our nation, our states and our localities must fuse
their activities with a new fervor of national unity.
We, therefore, as representatives of the officers
of government here assembled, do solemnly pledge our
loyal efforts to the accomplishment of such purposes.
As our forefathers by the Declaration of Independence
affirmed their purpose to improve government for us,
so do we by this Declaration of Interdependence affirm
our purpose to improve government for our contemporaries
and for our posterity, (pp. 3-4)
Ihe Book of the States is published every two years.
edition appeared in 1935.
in 1937.
The first
Ihe second edition called Volume II appeared
This edition is composed of two units.
The Handbook (Book I
of the 1937 edition) is a standard reference manual for state officials
and state research committees and reorganisation agencies and other state
The Interstate Minute-Book (Book 2 of the 1937 edition) con­
tains minutes of conferences held by state officials on problems of
interstate concern.
in June 1939.
Volume III of The Book of the States was published
Volime IV will be published in Hay or June 1941.
ment by Virginia Lanahan, editor. Book of the States.)
State Government is published monthly by the Council.
forum for the discussion of governmental problems.
It is a
The views expressed
by its contributors are not necessarily the views of the Council of
State Governments.
In the January 1940 issue T. V. Smith wrote on
States Rights and the Rights of the States.
Unemployment and Relief Trends.
Corrington Gill wrote on
The issue of January 1940 contains a
table of Legislative Reference Services of each of the states.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-508Group £
Frank Bane is Editor-in-Chief of the Editorial Advisory Staff*
The magazine is $2.50 yearly*
Lists and prices of the Research Bulletins published by the
Council are available upon request*
Shankle, George Earlie, State Hames, Flags, Seals, Songs, Birds,
Flowers and Other Symbols* Sew York: H. W* Hilson Company, 1958.
K 522.---------- -----
A. study based on historical documents of significant facts about
the states of the Union*
Facsimiles of the state flags and seals are
included with the history of each.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-309Sroup D
The American Academy of Political and Social Science. 3457 Walnut St.,
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania*
Publishes The Anna! s.
"The Academy was organized December 14, 1889 to provide a national
forum for the discussion of political and social questions*
The Academy
does not take sides upon controverted questions, but seeks to secure
and present reliable information to assist the public in forming an
intelligent and accurate opinion*11
Volume 202, March 1939 was devoted to Appraising the Social Security
Ayer, H* W. and Son, Directory of Newspapers and Periodicals*
Philadelphia* N. n* Ayer ahcT*Son, Inc.
A guide to publications printed in the United States and its
possessions, the Philippine Commonwealth, the Dominions of Canada
and Newfoundland, Bermuda, Cuba and the ffest Indies*
of the states, cities and towns in which they are published.
fied lists; 100 maps*
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-310Group _D
Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences* Editor-in Chief, Edwin S. A.
Seligman; Associate Editor, Alvin Johnson; Managing Editor, Max
Lemer. Hew York: The Macmillan Company, Published January,
Scope, Methods and Aims of the Encyclopedia:
The Encyclopedia includes, in the first place, all
of the purely social sciences as they are described
in the first section of the introduction. Obviously,
however, it can not go so much into detail as would
be possible for a series of works dealing with each
separate science. Intensive treatment of this kind
would be inappropriate because the real object of the
Encyclopedia is not so much to exhaust each particular
subject as to bring out in the respective topics the
relations of each science to all of the other relevant
disciplines. Accordingly we endeavor to include all of
the important topics in politics, economics, law
anthropology, sociology, penology and social work.
(p. xix)
In the making of the Encyclopedia we have had three
purposes in mind. In the first place it is intended
to provide for the scholar a synopsis of the progress
that has been made in the various fields of social
science in the broadest sense of the term. The student
of any particular science should not only find here
factual and methodological information of value, but
will also have his attention called, perhaps in a
hitherto unusual way, to the relation of his own science
to the other disciplines involved. What is probably
more important at this time, when such rapid advance is
being made in more or less untrodden paths, the En­
cyclopedia may be expected to serve as an incentive
to the votaries of the younger and more inchoate sciences
in order to bring to fruition what is now only in germ*
(p. xxii)
Secondly, the Encyclopedia will, it is hoped, appeal
to a much more numerous class which for lack of a better
term might be called the intelligentsia in the various
countries. It ought to furnish an assemblage or re­
pository of facts and principles which will subserve
the interests of all those who are keeping abreast of
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-511Group 0
recent investigation and accomplishment. It is
for this reason that we have made every effort
to keep the articles free from all scientific
jargon, (pp. xxii)
Finally, amid the welter and confusion of modern
thought, it has been our hope that the Encyclopedia
would constitute a center of authoritative knowledge
for the creation of a sounder and more informed pub­
lic opinion on the major questions which lie at the
foundation of sooial progress and world development,
(pp. xxii)
For the sake of giving unity to the work it
has been decided, largely at the suggestion of
Dr. Goldenweiser, to equip it with an extended
introduction, which appears in this first volume.
This introduction, as will be noted, is arranged
into two main divisions. In the first are a dis­
cussion of the meaning of the social sciences and
a history of their development arranged according
to periods. It is designed to exhibit as far
as may be in non-controversial fashion the filia­
tion of the social sciences and their contempor­
aneous relationship, as well as their dependence
on the institutional and general intellectual
situation. The second division of the introduction
is an account of the social sciences as disciplines,
in their historical development, throughout the
world. In the final volume it is proposed to
include a rigorously selected and annotated bibliog­
raphy covering the works of primary importance in
the development of the social sciences, (pp. xx)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-312Group I)
Foreign Policy Association, 8 West 40th Street, Hew York City.
Regular membership $5.00; associate membership $3.00.
For more than twenty years the
Foreign Policy Association has sought
to foster clear thinking through its
discussion meetings, and to chronicle
and interpret international events by
furnishing accurate and unbiased infor­
mation through its publications.
The Research Department with a per­
manent staff of eleven experts is the
backbone of the Association's activities.
It is responsible for the preparation
of Foreign Policy Reports, the Foreign
Policy Bulletin and World Affairs Pamphlets.
These experts, each covering a given field
in international relations, base their
writings not only on first-hand sources
of news but on personal contacts with
government officials, political leaders
and writers. Each manuscript is read
before publication by several outside
critics of varying points of view, thus
assuring objective presentation, of the
The Washington Bureau of the F. P. A.
keeps its fingers on the pulse of American
foreign policy through constant contact
with State Department and other government
officials. It is an essential outpost of
the Research Department and an active dis­
tribution center for the Association's
F. P. A. Luncheon Discussions serve the
all-important purpose of presenting to the
American public the pros and cons of current
international problems. Since 1919, distin­
guished leaders in America, Europe and the
Far East have helped F. P. A. audiences to
understand and evaluate the baffling problems
of world politics.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-313Group £
The Department of Popular Education, set
up in 1935, meets the needs of women* s clubs,
study groups, teachers, students, and the lay
public in general for popular material on for­
eign affairs. This Department's major activity
is the publication of Headline Books, over a
half million of which have been distributed in
the last four years. Its program also includes
the preparation of study material for discussion
groups, the organization of Institutes on World
Affairs for discussion leaders, and the wider
use of Headline Books in schools and colleges.
A Latin American Program will carry out on
an experimental basis a number of projects de­
signed to bring about a better understanding
of inter-American problems. The program in­
cludes research work, an Information Service,
and exchange of information.
International Conciliation, published monthly except July and August
by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 700 Jackson
Place, Washington, D. C. and -105 West 117th Street, Hew York City.
These documents present the views of dis­
tinguished leaders of opinion of many countries
on vital international problems and reproduce
the texts of official treaties, diplomatic
correspondence and draft plans for international
projects. (Pamphlet of Dec. 1939) A complete
list of publications sent upon request.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-314Group D
Kip linger Washington Agency, National Press Building, Washington,
D, C. publishes The Kiplinger Washington Letter.
This is a weekly letter (two page leaflet) circulated privately
to business men.
It contains short, terse statements on all items
considered of any interest in a business way.
It is news, gossip,
and editorial comment in one.
President* s opening message to Congress
this coming mid-week j
On fragments of intra-gov't talk we base
this conjecture* Conciliatory tone. No
scolding of business. No new antagonisms.
Emphasize the major overall problems of the
world, growing out of war. Play up world
travail, play down and deplore the internal
class strife. Say we have made progress
toward recovery, thanks to New Deal efforts.
Say progress would have been more, except for
unfortunate world events. Suggest that it is
America's destiny to save democracy and civili­
zation. To have bigger voice in world affairs,
we must have bigger army and navy. Can afford
this; can’t afford NOT to have it.
The high moral tone. The religious note.
The world statesman. On the whole, a stirring
message ’which will be generally 'well received'.
(Letter of December 30th.)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Round latle, University of Chicago. A weekly publication of the
University of Chicago. A printing of the address of the week
as presented by the University of Chicago Round Table on the
air on Sunday afternoons of each week. Subscription price for
a half year service of 26 issues. $1.00.
Readers1 Snide to Periodical Literature, Edited by Alice M. Dougan,
Bertha Joel, Jeannette Moore-Smith. Nev.' York: H. W, flfilson
Publishing Company. Cumulated Volumes:
January 1929— June 1932
July 1932— June 1935
July 1935— June 1937
July 1937— June 1939
These volumes are supplemented by the monthly lists which index
100 or more periodicals.
The list is cumulative every quarter, the
December number serving as an annual index for the year.
The Readers’ Guide came into existence in 1301.
The first indexes
include 67 English and American periodicals, the second 99 periodicals
and the others usually about 100.
The indexes are by author as well as by subject.
A list in the
front gives the magazines indexed, their full names, and abbreviations
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group D
Viho1s rthot an annual biographical dictionary, 1849 to date. The
193S volume is the 91st year of issue”. London: Adam and
Charles Black, Hew York: Macmillan.
Very concise biographical information about prominent living
Englishmen and a few well-known people of other nations.
office address is usually given for each person.
is alphabetical.
The arrangement
The members of the royal family together with
the brothers and sisters, aunts and uncles are listed first in the
volume with their places of abode.
Who’s who in America, revised and reissued biennially. Founded
In 1899 by Albert N. Marquis. Published in Chicago, U. S. A. :
The A. N. Marquis Company.
»«ho*s nho in America aims to give a brief,
crisp, personaT sketch of every living American
whose position or achievements make his per­
sonality of general interest, and tells just
the things every intelligent person wants to
know about those who are most conspicuous in
every reputable walk of life.
■iho’s Who in New iftngland. Compiled ana edited under the direction
of A. ITT Marquis, Chicago: The A. N. Marquis Company. First
edition appeared in 1909, the second in 1915, and the third in
Enact intimate personal sketches of some 12,000 of the most
outstanding among the 8,000,000 people of the New England states.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-317Group E
Desmond, R. ft., The Press and World Affairs. Hew York* D. AppletonCentury, 1930. P. xxi + 37IB. Introduction by Harold Laski.
It all cones back to the age-old question:
What is truth? The press at present can answer
only in so far as its limitations permit it to
do so, and in proportion as the public is ready
and willing to receive the answer.
If the press is doing less than it is capable
of doing toward the advancement of civilization,
the fault is not entirely its own. Its short­
comings are many but its potentialities are un­
limited. (p. 377.)
Political Handbook of the world. Parliaments, Parties and Press.
Edited by waiter h7 Mallory, New York: Harper and Brothers,
Published for the Council of Foreign Relations, Inc., 45 East
65th Street, New York.
An annual publication.
A comprehensive periodical survey of the
parliaments, parties, and press of each of the countries of the world.
The forms and personnel of congresses; the major features of the party
programs and the leaders of those programs; the leading newspapers and
magazines with their editors, owners, publishers, and circulation.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mott, Frank Luther, A History of American Magazines.
Mass.: Harvard University Press.
Volume II
Volume III
P. xviii * 848.
P. xvi + 608.
P. xiii + 649.
These volumes are the new standard work on American magazines.
Volume I
Part I
The Period of Beginnings:
1741-1794 includes two chapters
and a supplement explaining the—
Motives, Nature and Problems of the
First Magazines; iihat the First Maga­
zines Printed; and Sketches of certain
Important Magazines.
Part II
The Period of Nationalism:
1794-1825 includes three chapters
and a supplement of Certain Import­
ant Magazines.
Part III
The Period of Expansion:
1825-1850 includes Chapters VI to X
together with a supplement of Certain
Important Magazines of the Period.
Illustrations are numerous and a Chronological List of Magazines
includes practically all the periodicals of any importance with the
dates of beginning and ending.
Volume II
The magazines have always echoed popular
ideologies, presented personal but representa­
tive emotional responses, interpreted the men
and women of their own days.
This quality which the old magazines possess
of holding the mirror up to human nature and
popular movements is precious. Not even the
newspapers present so effectively the veritable
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-319Group E
life of the times in which they were published*
Historical investigation must increasingly look
to the old weekly, monthly, and quarterly jour­
nals to discover what men and women were doing
and thinking and feeling. For this reason a
history of magazines must give a considerable
share of its space to an analysis of magazine
content* Editors and publishers, dates, titles,
circulations, and so on, are important; but
the real heart of the matter is reached in the
answer to the question, "Hhat did they print?"
In the following pages it has been my purpose
to tell the story of the founding and the passing
of all the magazines of importance in the period,
calling attention to the phenomena of shifting
popular favor; to detail the tendencies and
movements in circulation, advertising, payment
of authors and editors, and costs of publication;
to describe the development of class journals,
including those for the professions and trades;
and finally— most important object of all— to
analyze the contents of the magazines of the
period considered according to ideas, literary
types, and typographical and pictorial presenta­
tion. (p. vii)
This volume uses Chapters I and 711 to develop its subject.
The Supplement "sketches (....) certain Important Magazines which
Flourished 1850-1865."
Many illustrations of the magazines are
Volume III
This volume is as rich and full and scholarly as the two
preceding volumes.
The titles of the chapters indicate the grouping
and arrangement of the material:
Magazine Publishing as a Business
Magazines North, South, East, and West
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-320Group E
Chapter VII
Chapter VIII
Religious Periodicals After the War
Women and Their Magazines
Scientific, Technical, and Trade
Medicine, Law, Finance, and Agriculture
Education and Art
Music, The Theater, and Sports
Literary Phases of Postbellum Magazines
Politics and Economics
A Postscript on Some Features of the
The supplement beginning on page 319 includes sketches of thirtyseven important magazines which flourished between 1865 and 1885.
chronological list of all of the magazines, found within the period,
begins on page 561.
Illustrations of the life of the times taken from the magazines
of the time are numerous.
The twenty years after the Civil .«ar were filled
with problems of extraordinary difficulty. In spite
of their variety, nearly all of these problems may
be said to have arisen from troubles in assimilation:
it was as if the nation had eaten a tremendously big
meal and was suffering from a painful indigestion.
(p. 3)
Another general observation must be made about
the period as a whole. More than most periods,
it was a time of ne'.v growths. Whether the war was
responsible, or whether it 'was merely the yeasty
state of the public mind in these years, the fact
is that the old sanctions— ecclesiastical, educa­
tional, social— were breaking down. The moral
conventions maintained so long under the vague
name of ’puritanism’ were losing their old power.
The public attitude toward churches was changing.
The ideal of classical education was losing its
position. Frontier manners were being mellowed
and refined. The hundredth anniversary of our
nationality marked an era in our national mind
spirit as well as in our chronology, (p. 4)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
321Group E
In the period of expansion immediately follow­
ing the war, when money was plentiful, when improve­
ments in presses, stereotyping, and engraving en­
couraged periodical publication, and when a spirit
of optimism was abroad in the entire North and West,
a boom in magazines set in* The Round Table was
fearful lest what it called ’a mania of magazinestarting* should *spend itself by every successful
writer becoming possessed of a magazine of his own.1
A calculation based on census figures and the
advertising directories of the period gives a
scant 700 periodicals for 1865, somewhat over
1,200 for 1870, twice that many for 1880, and
some 3,300 for 1885. This means that in the two
decades the number of periodicals multiplied more
than four and a half times— increases of somewhat
over 100 each year, speeded up toward the end of
the period to 150 more each year. Allowance for
an average life, within the period, of four years
(a liberal estimate), gives some eight or nine
thousand periodical publications not newspapers
issued in the years 1865-85. (p. 5)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group E
Salmon, Lucy Maynard, The Newspaper and Authority* New York*
Oxford University Press, f35 west S2nd St.j, 1923. P. xrviii
* 505.
This book follows the one entitled The Newspaper and the
The author states the purpose;
The object of the present volume is to discover,
if possible, how far the restrictions placed on
the newspaper press by external authority have
limited its serviceableness for the historian
in his attempt to reconstruct the past. The
newspaper press is responsible for the limita­
tions that have been developed from within itself,
but it can not be held responsible for those that
have been developed from without.
The theme is developed through five chapters with the points
illustrated from press history and carefully documented throughout.
The work is broad and rich and scholarly.
Much of it has to do
with censorship of material and propaganda in the news.
The last
paragraph may be considered the author* s conclusion;
True freedom of the press from all controlling
authority has yet to be won and it can be won
only by the press itself. Every restriction that
authority has been able to devise may be removed
from the press and the press may still be in fet­
ters,— fetters wrought by its own low standards,
its own timidity, its own irresponsibility, its
own failure to perceive its obligation to others.
Freedom of the press will not come before the
press genuinely believes in freedom of the press,
nnri finds for itself freedom in the mind 'which
no chains can bind.* The great press associations
that have thus far considered each some partial
aspect of the press have in reality secured only
improvements in journalism, and they have, so it
seems to an outsider, done little to improve the
welfare of the press. Before genuine freedom of
the press comes, before freedom from irksome
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-323Group E
authority is gained, the impetus towards it must
came from the press itself. The great press asso­
ciations have not discussed freedom of the press
or determinea what is comprised in that term, or
in what their duty to it consists. They have not
apparently believed in 'one big union* that might
officially confer with authority and determine
how they could be mutually of service. Authority
has often fearea the power of the press ana has
attempted at times to conciliate it. But true
freedom of the press does not come through the
policy of conciliation on either side,— it is
founded on fearlessness and perfect understanding.
The conflict between the newspaper and authority
that has been of a three centuries' duration will
be settled only when the press asserts its right
to true freedom and claims it from authority. The
true freedom of the press lies, and lies only,
within the keeping of the press itself, (pp. 466467)
Salmon, Lucy Maynard. The Newspaper and the Historian. New York:
Oxford University Press, (.American Branch) 35 tfest 32nd St.,
1923. P. xliii * 566.
The object of writing this book has been to
discover if possible the advantages and the
limitations of the periodical press, especially
the newspaper, considerea as historical material,
«»T»ri thus to determine the extent of its useful­
ness to the historian in his efforts to recon­
struct the past. (....) It is not the object
of the book to give a history, even a fragmen­
tary one, either of the newspaper or of journal­
ism. It is not to be considered a brief for the
press, or an indictment of the press, or *a pre­
sentation of both sides of the case,* in a sense,
it does not concern itself at all with the press,
since the person ultimately in mind has been the
student of history, (introduction)
In spite of the statement attributing to this book other purposes.
Chapter I, The Development of the Newspaper, traces the coming of the
newspaper and much in the other chapters can help in the history of
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Chapter V is devoted to News-Collecting and
News-Distributing Organizations
Chapter VI is entitled The General Reporter
Chapter VII
Chapter VIII
Chapter IX
The Official Reporter
The Special Correspondent
The liar Correspondent
Chapter XI treats of The Editor and The Editorial'
Chapter XVIII of The Advertisement
The author sets the problem in the introduction.
"Rhat then is
the newspaper and to v.nat extent can it serve the historian?" and in
a work of fine scholarship develops the answer.
The analysis of the periodical press that
has been made, it is hoped, may indicate that
the actual value of the newspaper is far be­
yond all that could have been anticipated when
the presses close, the papers have passed into
the hands of their readers, and have then been
cast aside as having served their purpose. The
suggestions that have been made of its ultimate
value to the historian through the infinite
range of reconstructions of past time made
possible by the press have presupposed a press
under normal conditions. A press regulated or
censored by authority, a press under govern­
mental control, a press used by governments to
promulgate its special doctrines is not a free
press, and a sooiety reconstructed from a press
thus limited by external conditions is but a
caricature of what should be a normal society.
For this study of normal life the newspaper,
— abnormal as it itself may seem with flaring
headlines and blurred pages of illustrated
advertisements, with all of its limitations, its
inaccuracies, its unworthy representatives, its
lack of proportion, its many temptations— not
always resisted— to throw prismatic colors in­
stead of the while light of truth on its accounts
of the day, the periodical press still remains the
most important single source the historian has at
his command for the reconstruction of the life of
the past three centuries, (pp. 490-491)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-325Group F
The idea is abroad in the land that it is not philanthropy that
the American people want, and that charity and alms from accumulated
wealth of a badly-adjusted economio order must yield to such measures
of regulation and control that the potential plenty and comfort of
America may come as a normal condition to Americans.
■flhat to do with the surplus wealth which will exist after the
problems of production and distribution have been met, whether that
wealth is produced through individual or group entities, will eventu­
ally become a matter for social consideration.
Social technicians
will be needed for cultural planning just as technological experts
and economists will be called upon to plan for proper material pro­
duction and distribution.
There remains to be developed, however, a social mind that
makes possible long and protracted research under the use of pub­
lic funds.
dnaowments and Foundations and Community Trusts are, for the
larger part,Twentieth Century institutions and despite the grow­
ing dissatisfaction with the “status quo“ set-of-mind of their boards
of directors they will continue to exercise great influence in Ameri­
can life until such adjustments in the economic life of the country
make the piling up of individual fortunes impossible and until the
social ills are socially adjusted and philanthropy is no longer
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-326Group F
Hollis, sanest Victor, Philanthropic Foundations and Higher Education.
New York: Columbia University Press, 193d. P . x t 365.
A clear, concise treatment and the only one devoted especially
to the “Higher Educational" aspects of foundation spending.
"The number of foundations participating in various phases of
higher education varies from one to probably sixty, and it fluctu­
ates from year to year, as foundations are 'bora,* 'die,* or change
the fields of their interests."
The specific undertaking of this research
is to describe and interpret the foundation
as one of the forces that have stimulated the
development of American higher education during
the twentieth century. In the broad outlines
of a historical survey it will attempt to an­
swer the question: To what extent and in what
direction has higher education in the United
States been influenced by (1) the educational
and social philosophy of the foundations, (2)
their administrative organization and procedure,
(3) their research and diffusion activities, and
(4) their financial resources? (p. 5)
The philanthropic foundation is a social
institution important enough to be ranked v-dth
the school, the press, and the church. It
often falls to be accorded a ranking with
these agencies, however, because, unlike them,
it most frequently attacks social problems
indirectly; that is, it gives financial aid
and encouragement to well-nigh every type of
agency that is directly seeking to improve the
quality of our civilization. Through these
agencies its influence extends to cultural
and social planning in almost every department
of our life.
Although foundations are important for the
volume of money they distribute to cultural
undertakings, the essential nature of their
influence is not in the aggregate of their
contributions. Rather it lies in the fact
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-327Group F
that the grants may be large enough to provide
the essential supplement necessary for foundations
to hold the balance of power. In the 1924 fund­
raising campaign of sixty-eight leading American
universities there is an illustration of the
powerful influence foundations may exert even
when the amount they contribute is only a small
percent of the total. They contributed only
16.1 percent of the funds raised, but they were
reputed to have exerted a dominant influence on
the purposes and plans of the campaigns through
being the largest single donors. The average
size of grants from foundations was $376,322*76
as compared to an average of $5,902.75 from individ­
uals who gave $1,000 or more. About 3.4 percent
of the individual givers contributed 59.3 percent
of the total funds, but because the average of
their gifts was not large enough to be considered
an essential supplement, they were reputed to have
exerted a negligible influence on the policies
and programs of these sixty-eight colleges. If
such vital and strategic potential powers are a
possibility in foundation activity, it should
be known whether these new social institutions
are committed to a philosophy of social and cul­
tural values in keeping with the needs of a rap­
idly changing social order, (pp. 3-4)
Foundation activity began with a policy of
marked concentration and has tended to move
consistently toward more and more concentration
in the purposes aided and the number of institu­
tions assisted. There now seems a probability
that in the next period there will be a further
concentration— of a synthesizing characterone which will link the objective research of
academic institutions with the activities of
governmental claiming and administrative agencies.
(p. 298)
The appendix lists 100 foundations analyzed in the study.
It is
said to be incomplete as a list but "twenty foundations of this brief
list have supplied approximately eighty-seven percent of the philan­
thropic capital, the Rockefeller and Carnegie trusts alone controlling
sixty-four percent of such funds."
R eproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-328Group £
Eeppel, Frederick P., The Foundation - Its Place in American Life.
New York: Macmillan, 1930. P. vii f ll3.
An account of the development of philanthropic endowments and
their present activities in relation to education and scientific
and social progress.
The author has 6reat faith in the essential importance of the
foundation as a factor in American progress.
The story of foundations set up from surplus wealth is traced
from the time Benjamin Franklin left one thousandpounds to Boston
and another thousand to Philadelphia up to the time when we have
more than two hundred with an aggregate capitalisation of almost a
billion dollars.
rihile the author thinks there will be few if any new foundations
of very large size ($100,000,000 or more) he thinks there will be
a steady increase of small size ones of $5,000,000 to $15,000,000.
He thinks the time when society will take over what foundations now
do is two or three generations away.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group F
Lindeman, Sdward C., A Study of One Hundred Foundations and Community
Trusts and Their TfceratiorTlXiring the Decade 1921-1930. Hew York:
flarcourt feraee and Company, 1936. P. ix + 13S. '
This is a penetrating study of the role of foundations and
endowments in American life which places them in the larger social
setting and reviews them critically with relation to their ultimate
effect on our American culture.
first surprise was to discover that those
who managed foundations and trusts did not wish
to have these instruments investigated. Had it
occurred to me then that it would require eight
years of persistent inquiry at a wholly dispro­
portionate cost to disclose even the basic
quantitative facts desired, I am sure that the
study would have been promptly abandoned, (p. vii)
The average trustee of an American foundation
is a man well past middle age, of considerable
affluence, whose economic security ranks high,
belongs to the higher income-receiving class,
’respectable1 and ’conventional', and belongs
to the ’best’ clubs and churches, and associates
with men of prestige, power, and affluence.
He resides in the Northeastern section of the
United States and has attended one of the pri­
vate colleges of that region (...,) he is a
member of that successful and conservative
class which came into prominence during the
latter part of the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries whose status is based upon pecuniary
success. (pp, 37-46)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group G
Causes and Costs of War
De Madariaga, Salvador, Disarmament.
1929. P. xiii + 379^
Hew York:
Coward-McCann, Inc..
This book is a strong plea for international organization
regulation of the affairs of the world in order that relief from
the crushing burden of armaments might be possible.
In Chapter IX, entitled Outline of a Program, the two points
of a program are listed:
A thoroughgoing organization of the »»orldCammunity having for its basis a universal
League of Hations vjith power to take in hand
all the problems arising in the normal course
of international life.
A thoroughgoing examination of all present
discontents v.itn a viev. to international so­
lutions on world lines implying perhaps farreaching changes in existing conditions of
law and fact. (p. 339)
For peace is no negative state which turns up
through the mere absence of war. Peace is not
going to come about by mere bleating. The work
of peace is hard v.ork, the hardest work of all.
For we shall not obtain a state of peace unless
we keep in cneck the herd of wild beasts which
we harbor in our individual and national heart—
the tiger of which Mr. Baldwin spoke with his
usual candor, yea, the tiger and the dog as well,
and the swine also, not to forget the donkey, in
charge of utterance, all the zoo which is in us
must be kept vigorously in leash every day and
everywhere. Like the price of liberty, the price
of peace is eternal vigilance, but also eternal
activity. (The author, p. 362.)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-331Group G
Causes and Costs of War
Schuman, Frederick L., Europe on the five.
1939. P. xii * 573“STadTi.
New York:
Alfred Knopf,
Dr. Schuman is not optimistic over the conditions in Ekirope at
this part of the century.
In this vista of incessant conflict the declining
populations of Central and Western i&rope will be
first militarized, then brutalized, and at length
reduced to a miserable peasantry scrabbling about
in the ruins of new feudal realms. Under the whips
and bludgeons of petty despots and war lords who
mask the emptiness of death ana the peace of ex­
haustion, with the trappings of empire, les miserables who survive will sink into a dark ages com­
parable to the chaos of a thousand years ago.
(p. 509)
.Vatson, Thomas J., The Cost of .'tar, International Conciliation, October
1938, No. 343. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 405
nest 117th Street, New York.
A brief article but giving concise information on the cost of
the World War in terms of money.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group (i
Cooperative Democracy
Childs, Marquis «., Sweden, The Middle flay.
Press, 1936. P. xvi f 171.
New- Haven*
Yale University
A realistic report of the economic programs that are being carried
on in Sweden.
The author speaks of those economic programs*
Capitalism has been controlled, it seems to me,
in tv.o ways. First, consumers* cooperation has
developed slowly during the four decades until today
approximately one third of all retail trade and more
than 10 percent of wholesale trade and manufacture
for domestic consumption are carried on by coopera­
tives without profit; and the implication of this,
in low prices and high quality, reach out to the
entire consuming population. Second, the state
has competed so efficiently in many fields that
private enterprise has been prevented from estab­
lishing extortionate monopolies. One must add the
fact, the very important fact, of an all-powerful
trade union movement. Sweden, because it is far more
industrialized than Norway or Denmark, best illus­
trates these achievements. In Denmark the rural
marketing cooperatives ana the land system have had
a unique development and in Norway the cooperative
fisheries are an excellent example of collectivism
grown out of an ancient need.
If the test is the good life for the greatest num­
ber, and now, here in this immediate present and in
the immediate future, not in some distant and debatable
tomorrow, then one may well consider what has happened
in these small countries; and without the condescen­
sion which in the past we have reserved for small
things. For they have achieved a measure of peace
and decent living that will serve, and for a long time
to come perhaps, as a standard for larger nations.
(pp. xv-xvi)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group G
Cooperative Democracy
Daniels, John, Cooperation - An American way. Hew Yorks
Friede, 1938. P. x -t 398.
A book on the cooperative movement in America.
Consumers1 cooperation is no* I believe evolving
in the United States as a mutation of capitalism
and a new species of social economic organization.
(....) The chapter on American democracy suggests
the spiritual soil from which this movement has
sprung, and the next one deals with the problem
of social economy to which it is directed. The
working plan and principles of consumers1 coop­
eration are then outlined. Subsequent chapters
tell the story of this evolution which is still
unfolding before our eyes, and describe the
cooperative activities which are now going for­
ward in America, (p. 20)
The abuses which have sprung up under the
capitalist profit system and are rife in America
today are simply the occasion for cooperative
action. Its warrant lies in the profit system
itself, even though that system could be stripped
bare of all abuses. (»•••) it challenges capitalism
and the profit system on grounds of social economy
— the greatest good of the greatest number. It
indicts them as wasteful of material goods and human
lives and values (....).
(pp. 380-381)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
■334Group Gr
Cooperative Democracy
Manniche, Peter, Denmark - A Social Laboratory. Copenhagen:
Gad. Nev. YorYj Oxford-University Press, 1939. P. 213.
0. B. C.
A description, of “Independent Farmers, Cooperative Societies,
Folk High. School, Social Legislation” of Denmark.
Among the nations of the world Denmark is
distinguished as the farmers1 co-operative
commonwealth. without sacrifice of individual
liberty the Danish farmers have carried co­
operation further than those of any other country.
Of the 208,000 farmers in Denmark over 190,000
are members of one or more cooperative associa­
tions. tiithin recent years the co-operative
movement has made headway among industrial
workers as well. This development of co-opera­
tion, which is not the result of any state com­
pulsion or regimentation, is partly traceable
to the unusually high level of adult education,
fostered by the Danish folk high school system,
which was the legacy to the nation of the great
Poet-Bishop Grundtvig about the middle of the
nineteenth century, (p. 11)
warbasse, James Peter, Cooperative Democracy. (Third edition, completely
rewritten) New York: Harper and Brothers, 1936. P. xii
Dr. narbasse is President of the Cooperative League of the United
States ana the authority in .America on the whole subject of consumers’
He organised the League in 1916 and has traveled exten­
sively studying the cooperative societies in different parts of the
Chapter III surveys cooperatives throughout the world.
Cooperation is not found to be a palliative for
smoothing the path of the poor, nor a scheme for
softening the conflict between capital and labor.
While it does, to a degree, meliorate present ills,
it is not a method of reform for patching up the
existing order of society, (p. xi)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group G
Fascism and National Socialism
Lichtenberger, Henri, The Third Reich. Translated from the French
and edited by Koppel §. Flnson. Nev. York: The Greystone Press,
1937. P. xi + 392.
The rise to power of National Socialism and the history of
Germany since the .Yorld star.
Professor Lichtenberger is a French
scholar born in the disputed territory of Alsace.
A life-long
student of German philosophy, German literature, and German insti­
tutions, he brings the mind of a trained historian to bear on the
developments in Hitler Germany and explains Nazi aims, principles
and policies.
The future, certainly, is not very reassuring.
The hopes of those who, following the war, believed
in the advent of a humanity made wise by the great
lesson of the world cataclysm, and in which there
would be more justice and a better peace, have all
gone up in smoke. The world remains a jungle in
which peoples, retreating within themselves and
armed to the teeth, struggle for their daily bread
or for power, and where the triumph of the strong­
est seems to be the supreme law. The League of
Nations, weakened by repeated checks, scarcely seems
able tc. offer the weak any reliable guarantee. There
are moments ..hen it seems to be threatened even as
to its own existence. We see a new iron age opening
up before us. Nazi Germany is engaged in it with
sturdy energy, to the acclamations of a people who
have faith in their vitality, in their might, in
their masses and in their future. She presents her­
self in our new Hurope as a new Sparta, hardened by
the experiences of the past, systematically trained
for manual labor and works of war, animated by a
powerful dynamism, in possession of a military
establishment of formidable efficiency, animated
by a profound aisaain for 'bourgeois' civilization
and the ideologies of the past, full of scorn for
the formalism, the complexities and the delays of
the old diplomacy, wearied by the long procrastina­
tion and ready for direct action, and gathered with
all its strained energies in the hands of one leader
who disposes of an immense popularity, (pp. 297-298)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group G
International Organization and Control
Eaglet on, Clyde, International Government. Hew York:
Press Company, 1931;. P. vii
The Eonald
This book is designed as a text for fundamental but not too
technical principles of international law, and the institutions,
organizations and problems of international society today.
is a comprehensive and constructive survey of the governmental
aspects of international life.
Hudson, Manley 0., The Permanent Court of International Justice.
New Yorkj Macmillan Company, 1954. p. xxvii + 7iSi.
A comprehensive treatment by the greatest authority on the
Dr. Hudson’s writings on this subject are many.
volume is entitled “A Treatise11 and gives the entire history and
organization of the Court.
The Appendices contain voluminous
related documents and the Statute of the Court.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-337Group G
4. Intsmational Organization and Control
Streit, Clarence K., Union How.
P. rvi t 315.
Hew York:
Harper and Brothers, 1939.
The idea of this hook is that ten democracies (The American
Union, British Commonwealth of Hations, France, Belgium, Hetherlands,
Switzerland, Denmark, Horway, Finland and Sweden) should unite to
form a common government for their people.
The philosophy underlying
this government shall he that the state is made for the better order­
ing of man's affairs, and not that man is a creature of the state.
Each democracy shall have the right to govern its home affairs hut
shall work collectively with the others in all matters affecting the
common good.
These democracies could effectively control world affairs, it
is stated, because they would have 60 per cent control of nearly
every war essential.
Because of this control, the democracies could
reduce their armaments expenditures and still he stronger than any
combination that could arise against them.
If we are to save our own world, we need Union,
pud we need it now. (,...) For the condition of the
whole human species to change overnight immensely for
the better, the American President need only invite
the fourteen other leaders of democracy to join him
in declaring the undeniable: That their common su­
preme end of government is the freedom of individual
man, and that their common means to their common end
is the union of free men as equals; that the exis­
tence of a demooracy is proof in itself that the
people of it want Union, that Democracy and Union
are one and the same; (....) The American President
need only ask the others to join him in making this
Declaration of the Dependence of free men on them­
selves and on each other, and in convoking then our
Union* s constituent assembly, (p. 209)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group G_
Latin imerica
Rippy, J. Fred, Historical Evolution of Hispanic America.
F. S. Crofts~"and Co.,- 1532. F. xvTi t t80.
Hew York;
The Colonial Period of Hispanic America is treated in Chapters
I to VII;
The National Period in Chapters VIII to XV;
Relations in Chapters XVI to XXV.
A carefully classified and inclusive
bibliography is included.
In writing this survey of the history of
Hispanic America I have kept the following
objectives constantly in mind: (l) To strike
a proper balance between solid facts, systhesis
and interpretation; (2) to treat the colonial
era in such manner as to give a correct impres­
sion of the movement of the stream of history
through a period of three centuries, and especi­
ally to convey an adequate impression of change
and progress between the years 1600 and 1750;
(3) to avoid the handbook method of dealing
with the national period and give the student
the benefit of suggestions regarding the simil­
arities and contrasts in the historical develop­
ment of the twenty republics of Hispanic America;
(4) to emphasize the important changes which have
taken place in the region since the beginning of
the second decade of the twentieth century; and
(5) to present an adequate survey of the foreign
relations of these nations. (Preface,)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-339Qroup &
Problems of Labor
Brooks, Bobert B. R., nhen Labor Organizes.
University Press, 1936. P. 55(57
New Haven.:
An informed, simple, clear, interesting account of the labor
A popular treatment friendly to labor but with violent
partisanship omitted.
Not merely the self-interest, but the very
existence of the labor movement compels it to
struggle for the maintenance of the civil liber­
ties. Free speech, a free press, freedom of
assembly, freedom for group action upon common
interests— these are the pre-requisites for the
useful existence of the labor movement. Without
these, the labor movement goes underground as
does any other social group driven by powerful
social compulsions. From the underworld emerge
violence, terrorism, plots and counterplots,
bridges are dynamited, the Los Angeles Times
Building is destroyed, children are burned to
an ash at Ludlow, bullet-riddled men crumple
behind the flimsy wall of a shack at Centralia,
the red ore of Mesabi is stained a ceeper red
ana the ghost of l£ollv Maguire rides again.
(p. 329)
The appendix contains a classified list of unions of the American
Federation of Labor and the Congress for Industrial Organisation and
a list of un-inns not affiliated with either of those groups.
readings are also listed.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group (}
Problems of Labor
Commons, J. R. and Andrews, J. B., Principles of Labor Legislation.
Hew York: Harper end Brothers, Fourth. Revised Edition,
P. xviii f 806.
"America^ first labor law was enacted one hundred years ago,
yet the bulk of our effective and, indeed, revolutionary labor legis­
lation, is the fruit of the past twenty-five years.
With its rapid development during the past fifteen
years, the more extent and multiplicity of labor legis­
lation present to the citizen who would keep informed
a task that is truly formidable. Obviously, only a
few specialists can hope to keep pace with all the
details of this growth. As in all the other sciences,
it is necessary, finally, in the science of legis­
lation to formulate fundamental principles which
may be generally applied.
This book, therefore, is written from the stand­
point of the citizen and the student rather than from
that of the lawyer. With regard to each of the main
phases of the m o d e m labor problem— employment and
unemployment, wages, hours, safety and health, social
insurance, individual and collective bargaining, and
administration— it endeavors not so much to expound
technical questions of legality as to sketch the his­
torical background of the various labor problems,
indicate the nature and extent of each, and describe
the legislative remedies -.vnich have been applied.
Throughout, it is the principles of labor law, not
the details which may change from legislature to
legislature, which are emphasized. And this pro­
cedure has been followed because in a democracy it
is the people themselves whose collective opinion
finally* determines what the laws shall be and how
effectively they shall be enforced.
The work is intended to be both critical and con­
structive— critical in that it points out the good
and bad features of the statutes, constructive in
that it shows how, in the light of experience, the
good is being strengthened and the bad remedied.
Finally, it is in full recognition that a law is
really a law only to the extent to which it is
enforced that each chapter emphasizes efficient admin­
istration and that a chapter is entirely devoted to
this complex and all-important problem, (pp. xvi-xvii)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-341Group G
Problems of Labor
Hammond, J. L. and Barbara, The Rise of Modern Industry* Hew York*
Hare ourt Brace and Company, 1537. P. x i i + 364. Fifth Edition,
>«hile this book is arranged for the general reader and not for
the specialist, it may
be considered the beginningplace for all who
wish to understand theindustrial world of today.
Part I describes
commerce before the Industrial Revolution and why England was the
most likely area for the changes in the industrial world.
Part II
is devoted to the changes that took place in iron, pottery and cotton.
One chapter covers theinvention of the steam engine.
the social effects of the change from a
Part III examines
peasant toan industrial civili­
The final paragraph describes the place of the United States in
the itorld Economic Crisis as follows:
The place Great Britain held after the
Hapoleonic Weirs is held today by the United
States. Her technique and invention, her
engineers and her bankers, are forming and
transforming the fortunes and habits of man­
kind. Russia and Japan are as much her pupils
as France and Germany were the pupils of in­
dustrial Britain a century ago. Her obliga­
tions to Europe do not end, any more than did
those of Great Britain, with such services,
but this truth struggles slowly against the
habits of mind that are fostered by her his­
tory. For the present state of Europe, with
its dark face of passion, discourages and
repels men and women of American instincts, as
the state of Europe in the middle of last cen­
tury discouraged and repelled men and women
of British instincts. There is the same temp­
tation to stand aside from Europe's difficul­
ties on the plea that Europe's difficulties
are Europe’s quarrels. The conquest of her
great continent was an absorbing and exciting
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-342Group £
adventure, diverting her mind from her rela­
tions with the outside world, flattering her
pride with an illusion of economic indepen­
dence, and obscuring the sense both of her
debts and of her gifts to the politics and
the culture of Europe, Shen a people with
such a history steps into the first place
as a world power, it is not easy to acquire
at once a world outlook# The future of man­
kind seems to depend today on the answer that
the United States gives to that sudden and
disturbing summons, (pp. 283-284}
Millis, H. A. and Montgomery, E. E., Labor* s Risks ana Social Insurance. Hew York* McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1538. P. xiif
This is the second of the three-volume series on The Economics
of Labor,
The first volume dealt with Labor* s Progress and Some
Basic Labor Problems; the third volume with Organized Labor.
volume is a factual and detailed treatment of the problems of unemploy­
ment, industrial injury, sickness and non-industrial accidents, and
invalidity and industrial old age.
It is for mature readers and those
especially interested in social security.
The material is carefully
documented and statistics are used throughout.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group G
Institute for Propaganda Analysis, Incorporated.
New York City.
40 Bant 49th Street,
The institute is a non-profit corporation to help the intelligent
citizen detect and analyze propaganda.
Vice President
Executive Secretary
The officers are*
£. E. Lindeman
Kirtley Mather
Ned Dearborn
Clyde Miller
The Institute published:
Pr opaganda Analysis, a monthly bulletin ($2.00)
Analysts issues from October
1937 to October 1938.
Vol. II Propaganda Analysis issues from October
1938 to October 1939.
The Fine Art of Propaganda, A Study of Father
Coughlin* s "Speeches (edited by A. M. and
E. B. Lee and published by Barcourt Brace
and Company, 1939).
“There is today especial need for propa­
ganda analysis. .America is beset by a con­
fusion of conflicting propagandas, a Babel of
voices, warnings, charges, counter-charges,
assertions, and contradictions assailing us
continually through press, radio and newsreel.
These propagandas are disseminated by political
parties, labor unions, business organizations,
farm organizations, patriotic societies, churches,
schools and other agencies (....). If American
citizens are to have a clear understanding of
conditions and what to do about them they must
be able to recognize propaganda, to analyze and
to appraise it.“ (p. 14, The Fine Art of Propa­
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-344Group (}
Safety Education. Center for Safety Education, New York University,
20 Washington Square North, New York, Director, Dr. Herbert J.
Stack. Research studies are now being carried on in the various
aspects of Safety Education at The Center.
While interest in safety is as old as man
himself, safety education was not introduced
into the curriculum of the schools until little
over a decade ago. It is, therefore, one of
our newer subjects and, as such, has suffered
because of the lack of sound research to prove
the effectiveness of various methods, justify
the inclusion of content, and determine best
programs and methods of administration.
(Research in Safety Education, p. 3)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
group g
Laidler, Harry I., American Socialism.
1937. P« xv ^ 3^5."
Nev. Yorks
Harper and Brothers,
The first edition of this book appeared in 1930 under the title
Socializing Our Democracy* That volume dealt primarily with the aims
and program of the American socialist movement.
This book is a more
popular edition of the earlier work.
The author is writing directly in the years when the Hew Deal
changes in this country were at their height.
He does not believe
their adjustment under a system of regulated capitalism can "solve the
present social dilemma of poverty in the midst of plenty.
fihen the masses of the people become convinced that a regulated capi­
talism, no more than a laissez-faire capitalism, can be depended upon
to eliminate the social evils of the day, the contest on the political
field is likely to shift to one between regulated capitalism and a
socialized society."
(p. xi)
He believes we are faced with the
alternative of drifting toward chaos,, of being driven into some modified
fascist dictatorship or of building a truly socialist order.
Strachey, John, The Theory and Practice of Socialism.
Handom House, 1936. P. 512.
New York:
This book is exactly what its title would indicate.
plea but an explanation.
It is not a
Capitalism has run its course and socialism
has become more than a doctrine to be expounded by academicians, a
critique of the existing order, and an aspiration for those who wish
a better world.
Today it (socialism) exists as the institu­
tions of a great state. Before this incarna­
tion the positive approach attempted in these
pages was impossible; it would have led to no
more than fantasy building and dreaming. Then
it was necessary to put almost all the emphasis
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
on the analysis of capitalism; now it is possible
to shift the emphasis to the elucidation of socialism.
(p. 9)
Capitalism, socialism and communism are defined in this book.
The four parts of thirty-four chapters describe The Economic System;
The Political System; Socialism and the working Class; The Science
of Social Change.
Group £
Socialized Medicine
Aspinwall, George Fi., A Plea for Socialized Medicine.
Mercury, XXXIII, September 1934, pp. 34-40
This article is presenting strong evidence in favor of socialized
Siegerist, Henry B., .American Medicine.
New York:
Norton, 1934.
Dr. Siegerist was a European physician who came to .America
and joined the staff of Johns Jopkins University.
The book is
neither a text nor a reference book but the story of American
medicine in development, arranged for popular reading.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group G
11. Social Security
Burns, Mrs. iiveline M., Toward Social Security. New Yorks
Hill Book Company, 1936. P. xiii + 269.
An explanation of the Social Security Act and an evaluation of
its place in the social economy of the United States.
The author
explains the Act then points out its inadequacies in meeting the
need it was designed to serve.
She presents it as a large step
forward in the country's legislative history to meet the social
ills of the time.
Douglas, Paul H., Social Security in the United States. New York*
Whittlesey House, 193$. P. xT~+ 491.
An analysis and appraisal of the Social Security Act by one of
the pioneers and chief proponents of social security in the United
In this volume every aspect is considered in detail.
effectiveness of social security legislation is discussed and sugges­
tions for improvement are given.
The complete text of the Act is
The book is a thorough and scholarly treatment of the
Federal Security Agency, Social Security Board, Compilation of the
Social Security Laws. Washington, D. C.
This material has been compiled by the Social Security Board
for convenient reference purposes and includes the Social Security
Act Amendments of 1939 and other enactments of the 76th Congress,
1st Session.
The original law of 1935 is printed in roman and the
new law in italics.
with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group G
The Far Bast
Bisson, I. A.. Japan in China.
1938. P. 4T7.
New Yorks
The Macmillan Company.
A record of the political and social changes that have taken
place in China and Japan.
An authoritative discussion of current
development and probably future trend by a representative of the
Foreign Policy Association.
Griswold, A. Ihitney, The Far Eastern Policy of the United States.
New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 19"35. P. 630.
Dr. Gris..old gives the policy in the Far East of our story
behind the “story".
A carefully documented and thoughtful account
but easy to read and absorbing throughout.
The appendix gives the Hippisley Memorandum and the Rockhill
Memorandum ana the “Open Door0 notes that made in such large measure
our policy in the Far East.
The Bibliography is carefully classified into:
Manuscript Sources of Official and Private
Printed Sources, Official Documents, etc.
Letters, Diaries, Memoirs, Addresses, etc.
Biographies, Histories, Special Studies, Articles, etc.
Newspapers and Periodicals
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group £
12. The Far Bast
Morse, H. B. and MacHair, H. F., Far Eastern International Relations.
Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1931. P. xvi i 848.
It is safe to say that no other area presents
as many complexities and conflicting policies as
does the Far East. In no other part of the earth are there at the present day such potent and dan­
gerous possibilities. Concerning no other area
does there exist such abysmal ignorance or such
flow of popular emotion and sentiment. (Preface)
The aim of this volume is to present to the
college student «nd to the general reader a sur­
vey of the incidents and conditions outstanding
in the relations of the nations of the Far East
with each other and with the nations of the West.
The volume is a condensation of Dr. Morse’s three-volume v;ork
The International Relations of the Chinese Empire revised to deal
with the Far East as a whole.
The revision, the excision, and the
expansion of tne material is the work of Dr. MacHair.
Steiger, George Hye,
Company, 1936.
An introduction
” “
'• Boston:
Ginn and
guide to the study of Far Eastern history
suitable for a college text, rather than an exhaustive treatment
of any part of the vast field.
China, India, Japan, Central Asia,
Indo-China, Malaysia, Korea are treated in the book.
A short table
of contents precedes each chapter and a suggested list of references
follows each chapter.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group £
Toward an Understanding of the U. S. S. R.
Florinsky, Michael I., Toward an Understanding of the U. S. S. R.
Hew York* Macmillan Company, 19&9. P. viil + <2l3.
An appraisal of the evolution of the Soviet State during the
first two decades of its existence.
Part I is a brief historical
Part II deals directly with the structure of the Soviet
with communistic theory and economic planning.
Dr. Florinsky has an earlier volume dealing with Fascism and
National Socialism.
Webb, Sidney James and Beatrice (Lord and Lady Passfield), Soviet
Communism, Volumes I and II. New York* Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1938. P. xix ♦ 1174 (and numbered consecutively).
The sub-title of this book asks if Soviet Communism is "A
New Civilization".
It is the most comprehensive treatment so
far available of the different aspects of life in Soviet Russia.
This study of the subject closes «ith the following:
Will it spread? Will this new civilization
with its abandonment of the incentive of profitmaking its extinction of unemployment, its planned
production for community consumption (....) spread
to other countries? Our own reply is* Yes, it
will I But how, when, where with what modifications
(....) we cannot answer. (Authors, p. 1143)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group H
The study of contemporary civilization presupposes certain
techniques and habits of reading if it is to intelligent study*
Chapter IV of this text, Kow Can We Get Democracy, is a simple
explanation of those techniques.
The four volumes that fire
listed here explain the historical method and make possible a
fuller treatment and therefore a more adequate one*
Taken to­
gether with the two volumes on the newspaper by Lucy Maynard
Salmon in Group E
the volumes on the History of Magazines
by Dr. Mott in the same section they may be considered the
beginning of a liberal education for the study of contemporary
There are certain pedagogical aids the teacher of current
events can use that will make learning easier.
Several books
on method are suggested.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group H
American Museum of Natural History, Central Park West at 79th
Street, New York. Motion Pictures for General Circulation,
Department of Education - Film Division” 1940.
A catalog describing sound and silent Motion Pictures Ifenm.
width for "general Circulation to Schools and Other Educational
A completely classified list of the films avail­
able with regulations regarding charges, shipment and care of
A service charge of fifty cents a reel for silent films and
a dollar and fifty cents per film for sound films.
Expressed collect.
One day’s
Eetura shipments to be prepaid.
vice charge is doubled for use of the film for one week.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group H
Beard, Charles A., A Charter for the Social Sciences.
Charles Scritner1s Sons^ T5321 R. xii - 1ZZ.
New York:
Part I of the Reportof the Commission of the Social Studies
The Preface tells of the aims and personnel and financing of
the Commission appointed by the American Historical Association
to study the social studies and bring in recommendations for their
The Charter is the foundation volume,
ithile written by Dr.
Beard it represents a systhesis ofthe ideas and plans of the
It is distinguished (l) by the tremendously vigorous,
forwara-looking statement regarding our American society and the
place of the social studies in that society, (2) by the emphasis
given to democracy as the keynote of that society, (3) by the
"inescapable covenents" put upon the social studies by the need
for scholarship, (4) by the rare beauty of the phrasing and style
of the writing.
It is a masterpiece of both thinking and literature.
If truth is not easy to discover, if it is
not always mighty, and often seems to fail rather
than prevail, yen it has always been and still
is the goal toward which the world’s greatest
thinkers have resolutely set their faces. To
scholarship no other goal seems possible. Again
and again in history, the truth rides over the
set conventions of society. Society may say in
a voice of thunder that the earth is flat and
is immovable and may concentrate all the energies
of authority on crushing those who believe other­
wise; but the revelations of authority are not
destroyed. Defeated in life, Galileo triumphs
in death. Scholars must deal with ideas, facts,
and opinions as stubborn as those which society
imagines to be the ascendant realities of the
present and must report what they find or keep
silence, (pp. 4-5)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group H
Beers, Henry Putney, Bibliographies in American History - A
Guide to Materials For Research. Mew York; H. n. <iilson
Company, 193b. P. 33§.
Carefully classified bibliographies in fourteen chapters
arranged to help the research student in the location of materials.
Bining, A* C., and 0. H., Teaching the Social Studies in Secondary
Schools. Hew York: licGraw Hill Book Company, 1936. P. xv
This is designed as a textbook in training prospective teachers
of the social studies.
A summary is given at the close of each of
the eighteen chapters and review questions to stimulate thought.
A list of references is given both of books and periodical articles,
for each major topic.
Chapter XIII explains The Teaching of Current
Event s.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group H
Fling, F. M., The ifriting of History. New Haven j Yale University
Press, 1920,P. 195, "(Published by the Theodore L. Glasgow
Memorial Publication Fund.)
An introduction to historical method.
"Historical method is the process employed in the search for
historical truth."
The author dedicates his book to Ernst Beraheim
and declares the latter* s Leiirbuck der Historischen Method the
"standard textbook on historical method, having no rival in any
Through eight chapters Dr. Fling explains the collec­
tion and classification of sources, the criticism of sources, the
establishment of facts, and synthesis and grouping of facts.
He objects to history being classed as a branch of litera­
The first question to be asked of every
historical work is not, *Is it interesting
and well written?’ but ’Is it true?* That
the results of historical research should,
if possible, have adequate literary expres­
sion goes without saying (...............
the historian can draw only on his sources,
and where the sources fail, his work is at
an end. The aim of the historian is not to
arouse the emotions, but to convince the
intellect of the truth of his exposition,
of some period of man's unique social evolu­
tion. The 7/ork of the historian is not crea­
tive in the artistic sense. (pp. 156-157)
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-356Group 3
International Film. Bureau, 59 East Van Buren Street, Chicago,
Illinois. Wesley Greene, President.
A catalog explaining 47 films useful in teaching the social
sciences as well as several hundred subjects in other fields is
The cost of the service in connection with each reel
is given.
Johnson, Allen, The Historian and Historical evidence.
Scribner's Sons, 1926. P. 179.
This volume followed a course in historical method given
during the author's last years at fale.
It is a series of
suggestive essays, not a complete and well-rounded treatise
on the subject.
It was designed to be a book of advice and
suggestion on profitable methods of critical study for the
"not-too-patient American student".
It is so attractively
written it serves its purpose admirably.
An art or a science does not formulate the
rules of its technique until it becomes inde­
pendent and self-conscious. As long as his­
tory was regarded as a branch of philosophy
or rhetoric or oratory no rules of technique
apart from grammar or formal logic were nec­
essary (....)■ Only v.nen circumstances give
history an acknowledged role apart from the
sciences or art was any attempt made to formu­
late rules of historical method.
R eproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group H
Johnson, Henry, Teaching of History in Elementary and Secondary
Schools, Nev. Yorkt TKe Macmillan Company, 1917. P. xxix
V 497.
The early standard work in America on Introduction to the
Teaching of History designed for those learning how to teach.
The historical method is described in Chapter I, "What History
How to use maps, models, pictures, texts, examinations,
etc. are described in later chapters.
The five sections of the
Appendix list "basic works in the field of methodology and set
up profitable exercises for the teachers’ college student.
Probably no other treatment of the historical method has been
more influential than this one during the years when historical
criticism made its way into the schools of this country.
Langlois, C. V. and Seignobos, C., Introduction to the Study of
History. (Translation by C. B. berry), UewTork: Henry
Holt and Company, 1903. P. xxviii + 349.
A. clear statment of the conditions and methods the historical
student uses.
An "essay on the method of the historical sciences."
"Whether we like it or not, history has got to be scientifically
studied, and it is not a question of style but of accuracy, of
fulness of observation, and correctness of reasoning, that is be­
fore trie student."
(Dr. York Powell, Oxford College, To the
The searcn for documents, steps of criticism and synthetic
operations are exolained.
The appendices include an explanation
of secondary teaching in France,
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-358Group H
Kevins, Allan, The Gateway to History. New Yorki
Century Company, 1558. ~F. vii + 412.
D. Appleton-
An account of the vast stores of historical evidence that
have accumulated through the centuries and an explanation of the
values offered by history and the technical methods used in re­
search and writing.
The skilled historian himself speaks in these
pages and the grace and beauty of the style make the volume really
Chapter III, "Primitive Materials for History," and Chapter
17, "One Mighty Torrent," shows the accumulation of historical
materials through the years.
Chapter V, "The Cheating Document,"
Chapter VI, "The Garbled Document," and Chapter VII, "Pilate on
Evidence," describe the method of dealing historically with mater­
Chapter E l , “Biography and History," is Witten as only
the leading American biographer of this decade could write.
Appendix I contains a bibliography divided not only by Ancient,
Medieval, «nri Modem History captions but into standard works of
ancient and modem writers and recommended works of the older and
newer writers.
Standard and recommended works for American history
and standard and recommended works in the History of Thought follow
in sections of their own.
Appendix II lists Bibliographical Aids to Research in books
and periodicals for each period in history as well as for American
history, British history, and history of Hispanic America.
history and the history of' thought and culture are also included.
Appendix III is a bibliography of works on historical method.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-359Group H
The Sound of History
The addition of sound to the teaching of history furnishes a
new dimension in the field.
The modern recording of broadcast
speeches for use on the phonograph makes it possible to have the
actual spoken words of the makers of history in the schoolroom
and illustrates the interesting and important developments that
are possible.
1. Elmer Davis (ed.), Then Came War. Yonkers-on-Hudson, Hew York:
World Book Company, 1939. (phonograph records).
Phonograph records in six parts putting together the main
events from November 11, 1918 to August 1939 by means of conversa­
tions and addresses by the contemporary statesmen Hitler, Chamberlain, and Daladier who make the history with inpretative comments
and summary by Mr. Davis.
The Educational Policies Commission, 1201 Sixteenth Street,
N. ii., Washington, D. C. makes the following comment on American
Education and the War in Europe (reprinted in The Journal of the
N. E. A., November, 1939.):
The resources of scholarship should be
drawn upon to lend depth and significance
to discussions of international questions
(....). The peculiar function of education
i6 to place beneath the headlined surface of
current events a background of knowledge which
will check irrational prejudices, enrich dis­
cussion and lead to wise decisions.
R eproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-361Group H
Report of the American Historical Association*
The pedagogical aspects of contemporary civilization as that
subject is conceived as a school study can best be gained from the
first and last volumes of the Report of the American Historical
Association! A Charter for the Social Sciences and Conclusions
and Recommendations*
The entire volumes of the Report are the following:
A Charter for the Social Sciences in the
Schools— ------- —
— Charles A. Beard
An Introduction to the History of the Social
Sciences in Schools------ Henry Johnson
Citizens* Organizations and the Civic Training
of Youth
Bessie Louise Pierce
Measurements in the Social Sciences
Truman L. Kelley and A. C. Krey
Geography in Relation to the Social Sciences
----------------- Isaiah. Bowman
Civic Education in the United States-------------- Charles E. Merriaa
The Nature of the Social Sciences-----Charles A* Beard
Educational Administration as Social Policy
---------- Jesse H. Newlon
Social Foundations of Education
S. Counts
The Social Ideas of American Educators------ Merle Curti
The Social Sciences as School Subjects-—
-------------Rolla M. Tryon
Are American Teachers Free?— — Howard K. Beale
Curriculum-Mainng in the Social Studies
— — -------- Leon C. Marshall
The Teacher of the Social Studies
-William C.
Bagley and Thomas Alexander
Methods of Instruction in the Social Studies
----------- -— Ernest Horn
Conclusions and Recommendations of the
There is a new title in preparation to be called The History of
the Freedom of Teaching In American Schools by Howard K. Beale.
is expected that this book will be ready by May of 1940.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group H
Spilde, Lulu, Visual Aids for the Elementary Schools of South Dakota.
Pierre, S. D. State Department of Public Instruction.
This pamphlet is particularly useful for its bibliography of
books, periodicals, and motion picture distributors in visual edu­
cation in the elementary school.
Periodicals dealing with educational motion pictures:
The Classroom Film, Eastman Kodak Company, Rochester,
Hew York. Free.
Instructional Films Bulletin. Erpi Picture Consultants,
Inc., 2dO iiest 47th Street, llew York. Free.
Educational Screen. The only magazine in the field of
visual education in the United States. Educational
Screen, Inc., 64 East Lake Street, Chicago, Illinois.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-362Group H
World Pictures Corporation, 729 Seventh Avenue, New York City.
This corporation has The City (38 minutes), a first class
documentary film of 4 reels.
Traces the evolution and suggests
the future possibilities of American urban life.
Outlined by
Pare Lorentz and produced by Oscar Serlin on a $50,000 grant
from the Carnegie Corporation.
It starts with a short survey
of life in an old New England village and then proceeds to
examine unsavory example's of what United States cities have
become and shows what a town or city could be like.
The running commentary is done by Lewis Mumford.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group I
Commager, Henry Steele, ed., Documents of .American History.
York: F. S. Crofts and Co., 1938. P. xxi + 454.
Here are the fundamental sources of American
history which all students of the subject read
about, but for the most part, have not read; in
this they share embarrassment with many of their
teachers, well-read scholars though they be. It
is reassuring, nevertheless, that such confes­
sions are now made with shame, whereas our grand­
fathers, unless they were lawyers, would have
quoted fifth-hand testimony with as clear a con­
science as documents themselves, (p. vii)
Commager’s Documents, we dare to prophesy,
will be cited everywhere as a convenient form
in which most basic sources of our political
history may be consulted. In the college class­
room either as the foundation of a course or as
supplementary reading, they will perform but one
of many services. Everywhere that swift conven• ience is essential in historical inquiry this
volume, we like to think, will many times repay
its cost. Its v.ide-spread use, in its provision
of the basic texts, will go far to dissolve the
reputation of glib and careless volubility some­
times fixed upon our countrymen and supplant it
with that of accuracy and security in historical
statement. Nearly five hundred messages from
the past, serious and well-considered, are here
open to instruct us. (Dixon Ryan Fox, General
Editor, pp. vii-viii.)
Harley, John Eugene, Documentary Textbook on International Relations.
New York: Suttonhouse, 1934. F. xxvii + 846• A volume of the
University of Southern California social science series.
A text nnri reference study emphasizing official documents and
materials relating to world peace and international cooperation.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group jC
Macdonald., William (editor), Select Documents Illustrative of the
History of the United States, l7?6-l861. Hew York: Hacaillan
Company,- 1930. P. xi + 466.
To each document has been prefixed a brief
introduction and select bibliography. The
introduction is limited to the circumstances
of the document itself; and I have thought it
worth while to trace somewhat in detail the
legislative or diplomatic history of the variour selections. As the volume is designed for
use either in connection with a narrative text­
book, or as a manual to accompany lectures, no
attempt has been made to make the introductions,
taken together, form a connected story. (William
Macdonald, p. xi.)
Postgate, Raymond, (editor), Revolution from 1789 to 1906.
Houghton Mifflin Company, 1923. P7 xv t 399.
The aim of the editor has been (....) to
select speeches, posters, and articles which show
what the revolution 'was all about*; v,hat were the
problems confronting the revolutionaries; what were
their principles, the thoughts in their minds, and
the phrases they used; and particularly which of
their acts became the seeds o? the future revolu­
tion. (Preface)
Rach chapter and each section of a chapter deals with a separate
revolution and each section includes the Introduction and the Docu­
The Documents are reproduced as nearly as possible as they
appeared at the time.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
365Group _I
Robinson, James Harvey and Beard, Charles A., Readings in Modem
European History. Hew York: Ginn and Company, 190S7
Volume I.
The Eighteenth Century:
Napoleonic Period.
The French Revolution and the
P. xx 4 410.
"A collection of extracts from the sources chosen with the
purpose of illustrating some of the chief phases of the development
of Europe during the last two hundred years."
Volume II.
"An Introduction to the Study of Current History.”
P. v 4 443*
The first extracts of this volume have to do with the Congress
of Vienna.
This volume is probably the best one available for pri­
mary material on the unification of Italy and the rise of Germany
to nationhood.
R eproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-366Group _I
Scott, J. F., and Baltzly, A., Readings in European History since
1814. Hew York: F. S. Crofts and Co., 1931. P. xxv t S6o.
The documents and contemporary writings in this volume begin
with the period of the Congress of Vienna and include the BriandKellogg Multilateral Treaty of 1928.
u„pter XV is devoted in
large part to materials concerning the Russian Revolution of 1917.
The Worla War and the Peace Settlement axe treated in Chapter XIV.
Stephenson, Carl and Marcham, Frederick George, (translators and
editors) Sources of English Constitutional History. New York:
Harper and Brothers, 1937. P. xxxiv + 906.
This is a source book in English constitutional history, de­
signed for the use of students of English history and of constitu­
tional history in general.
The material is arranged chronologically
beginning with A. D. 600 and extending to the present.
The documents
are grouped according to subject matter.
Much of the material of the first sections (600 to 1485) has
never before been translated from the original texts written in
Anglo-Saxon, Latin and Old French.
Extracts from the Domesday Book, feudal charters, borough records,
writs, records of courts and many others are included.
Magna Carta,
Charter of the Forest, Petition of Right, Bill of Rights, the debate
on Reform of the House of Lords of 1910, the correspondence between
Mr. Baldwin and the King and the Abdication Act of Edward VIII are
among the many things the student of constitutional government will
find useful.
R eproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group _I
Schlesinger, Arthur ana Fox, Dixon Ryan (editors), A History of
American Life. Hew York: Macmillan Company. I twelve
volume series ($4.00 each) by leading American scholars.
This series is the newest of the surveys of American Life.
volumes are carefully documented throughout and each one contains a
classified bibliography.
Volume VIII
The Coming of the White Man, 1492-1848
by Herbert I. Priestley
The First Americans, 1607-1690
by Thomas J. mertenbaker
Provincial Society, 1690-1763
by James Truslow Adams
1763-1790 (preparing)
by LVarts H. Greene
1790-1830 (preparing)
by Dixon R. Fox and John A. Krout
The Rise of the Common Man, 1830-1850
by Carl Russell Fish
The Irrepressible Conflict, 1850-1865
by Arthur Charles Cole
The Emergence of Modem America, 1865-1878
by Allan Nevins
The Nationalizing of Business, 1878-1898
by Ida M. Tarbell
The Rise of the City, 1878-1898
by Arthur Meier Schlesinger
The t&iest for Social Justice, 1898-1914
by Harold U. Faulkner
The Great Crusade and After, 1914-1928
by Preston W. Slosson
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Group J
There is a great wealth and variety of material which, the historical
student may use for illustrating and complementing his work.
For many
years students and scholars in literature have "been assembling and
arranging this material with the result that collections exist for
practically all periods and arranged from many points of view.
A short
list of a few of the more recent and helpful volumes is given here:
Cross, E. A., iaforld Literature. New York:
P. xv t 1936.
American Book Company, 1935.
Twenty chapters covering all periods beginning with Greek and
Egyptian literature.
Foerster, Norman, American Poetry and Prose. Boston:
Company, 1934. P. x i * 1482.
Houghton Mifflin
American poetry and prose is grouped under three headings: The
Colonial Mind, The Romantic Movement, The Realistic Movement.
section is preceded by a chronology of
its period.
Greenlaw, Edwin and Hanford, James H.,
Scott, Foresman and Company, 1919.
The Great Tradition. Nev. York:
P. xxil~f679.
Selections from "English and American
Prose and Poetry,
trating the National Ideals of Freedom, Faith, and Conduct."
Odum, Horard and Moore, Harry Estill, American Regionalism. New York:
Henry Holt and Company, 1938. P. x f 693.
The "cultural-historical approach to national integration."
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
-369Group J,
Parrington, Vernon Louis, Main Currents in American Thought* New York:
Harcourt Brace and Como any, 1930. A one-volume edition. P. xvii
* 429.
One of the shrewdest, most comprehensive and beautifully written
treatments of American life and letters available.
6. Warfel, H. R. and Gabriel, R. E. and Williams, S. T., The American
Mind. New York: American Book Company, 1937. Volume- I
P. xx + 1520. Volume II P. xv + 1515.
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