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SPENSER AND THE EMBLEM WRITERS

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COMMITTEE IN CHARGE OF CANDIDACY;
Assistant Professor Norman Joseph Dreyfus, S.J.,
Chairman and Adviser
Associate Professor Louis Frederick Doyle, S.J.
Assistant Professor Patrick Ward Gainer
Doctor Maurice M. Hartmann
Mr, Herbert Marshall McLuhan
Assistant Professor Frank Sullivan
SPENSER AND THE EMBLEM WRITERS
By
Sister Mary Louise Beutner, A.M.S.L.
Dissertation presented to the
Faculty of the Graduate School
of Saint Louis University in
Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy, 194l.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PART I
EMBLEMS AND EMBLEM-BOOKS
Page
FOREWORD
iv
PREFACE
vi
Chapter
I.
EMBLEMS AND EMBLEM-BOOKS
1
D e f i n i t i o n s and g e n e r a l survey of the emblem
field
II.
SPENSER AND CONTEMPORARY TREATISES ON EMBLEMS . . .
19
A view of t h e p e r s o n a l c o n t a c t s Spenser had
with w r i t e r s of Emblem-books or t r e a t i s e s on
Emblem-books
III.
EMBLEMS AND ELIZABETHAN TASTE
58
A survey of a l l t h e environmental, emblematical m a t e r i a l p r e v a l e n t during t h e Renaissance
PART I I
IV.
EMBLSM-BOOKS AND THE FAERIE QUEENE
EARLIEST VARIETIES OF EMBLEM LITERATURE
102
A resume of t h e e a r l y t r a n s l a t i o n s p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e Shyp of Folys and Danse Macbree genre
I l l u s t r a t e d Bibles
V.
TRANSLATIONS AND ADAPTATIONS OF EMBLEM-BOOKS
. . .
134
The Theatre for Worldlings, H e r o i c a l l Devices
Translations
VI.
ICONOLOGIES AND ACADEMIES
1^8
Examination of t h e works which were v e r i t a b l e
encyclopediaee during t h e Renaissance and which
were source books for emblem m a t e r i a l
VII.
STEPHAN BATMAN
. . .
175
A study of t h e e a r l i e s t E n g l i s h Emblematist
ii
Page
Chapter
VIII.
THE EMBLEM WRITERS AND THE FAERIE QUEENE
,.
195
An examination of a l l t h e well-known Emblem
w r i t e r s , c i t i n g analogous passages from t h e i r
works i n conjunction with p a s s a g e s from The
F a e r i e Queene
IX.
SUMMARY o
252
Spenser and t h e Emblem-book frame of mind
APPENDIX
257
BIBLIOGRAPHY
406
1/
iii
•
FOREWORD
The present study is a continuation of the investigation
begun in Volume I of the same title. There, the minor poems of
Spenser were dealt with. Here, the work is devoted to The Faerie
Queene. The Emblem-book collections at the Newberry Library,
Chicago; The Huntington Library, San Marino; The Folger Shakespeare Library, The Library of Congress, Washington; and The New
York Public Library, New York City, have been used for this study.
In addition to these collections, the copies of the Emblem-books
at the University of Chicago, the University of California, Los
Angeles, the University of California, Berkley, the University of
V/isconsin, Madison, Brown University, Providence and Columbia
University, New York have been examined.
I should like to express my gratitude to those who assisted
me in this work. The errors, however, are mine alone. I Bhould
like to thank Dr. Ray Heffner, who was responsible for my introduction to the subject and whose advice and counsel have been of
enormous assistance throughout the entire study. I am likewise
indebted to Dr. Dorothy Atkinson whose knowledge of heraldry as
well as of Spenser, was at my disposal; to Dr. Bowie Millican for
many leads and some valuable references; and to Dr. James G.
MoManaway for some stimulating criticism of my work, and for his
assistance in locating emblem material at the Folger, and to
Sister Margretta, S.L. who checked all my notes. The staffs at
the libraries, particularly the Huntington and the Folger, were
most kind. I am very grateful to Rev. William H. McCabe, S.J.
iv
who supervised the work in its initial and middle stages, and
to Rev. Norman J. Dreyfus, S.J. whose very kind aid assisted
its completion, and to Mrs. Maurice File, who so painstakingly
typed it.
v
PREFACE
This study has a two-fold purpose. First, it is an investigation of the relationship between Spenser's Faerie Queene
and the Emblem-book genre which was so popular during the Renaissance. Second, it i3 intended as a resume of Emblem-book material and as a hand-book, since the collections of Emblem-books
are not accessible to everyone. The first purpose was formulated
as the objective in Volume I of which this is merely a continuation. The work is not a source study, but rather an inquiry into
the method and content of Spenser1s poem in the light of the
Emblem-books. Nothing is proved in the fullest meaning of that
term, but much that is considered strikingly analogous or significantly parallel is cited. The second purpose accounts for the
apparent lack of balance in the work. There is much more emblem
material then might, on first glance, seem warranted. This inclusion, however, seemed justified, since the proper appreciation
and evaluation of the emblem necessitated quoting it in its entirety. The inaccessibility of the collections noted above, as well
as the hand-book aspect, offers further justification.
The difficulties encountered in the work demand a few
words of explanation. The necessarily endless repetition stood
in the way of clear progress. An attempt has been made to surmount that barrier by a recapitulation wherever possible, by extended references in the footnotes, and finally by citing added
emblematical material in the appendix. The lack of adequate
vi
bibliographies, and in some cases the method of cataloguing Emblem-books in various libraries, presented difficulties. The
long titles of Elizabethan books, the inconsistency of the original spelling and the type peculiarities have also presented
difficulties. The titles have been shortened where the verbiage
adds little to the description of the book. However, where the
additional matter was pertinent, the entire title was quoted.
Adherence to the original spelling, punctuation and capitalization has been attempted, but no effort has been made to retain
the type peculiarities. The variation in the spelling of the authors' name8 has been incorporated in the text so that the references can be made more readily. But the indebtedness to Henry
Green in this work should be acknowledged here. Although he
worked in the middle of the last century and although much that is
known to modern scholarship was not available to him, still his
erudition and appreciations have been of invaluable assistance
to this present work.
This study is an attempt to demonstrate an "Emblem-book
frame of mind" in Spenser. Emblem-books with their appealing pictorial quality, with their professed tone of "prodesse" and
11
delectare" were composed with an aim that is definitely harmonious
with Spenser's own professed purpose as expressed in the letter
to Raleigh.
The generail end therefore of all the booke is to fashion
a gentleman or noble person in vertuous and gentle discipline:
Which for that I conceiued shoulde be most plausible and pleasvii
ing, being coloured with an historicall fiction, the which
the most part of men delight to read, rather for variety
of matter, than for profite of ensample; . . . . In which
I have followed all the antique Poets . . . . To some I
know this Methode will seeme displeasaunt, which had rather
haue good discipline deliuered plainly in way of precepts,
or seraoned at large, as they vae, then thus clowdily enwrapped in Allegoricall Deuises. (italics mine) Buch
such, me seems, should be satisfide with the vse of these
dayes, seeing all things accounted by their showes, and
nothing esteemed of, that is not delightfull and pleasing
to commune sence.
Mario Praz puts the matter rather neatly in his foreword
when he says:
"A study of this neglected branch of literature may
help to explain certain aspects and passages of famous writers of
the centuries in question, since emblems and devices were then so
widespread."
Placing Spenser side by side with the authors of
Emblem-books, furnishes an insight into his method of composing.
His artistry is never more apparent than when it is viewed in the
light of lesser achievements. For, as will be shown, the similarity between his ideas, pictures, stories, or morals, and these
features of the Emblem-books i3 most striking, yet in poetic
treatment, Spenser and the Emblem writers differ as night and d§y.
Cicero stated the case for out interest in these works when he
said:
"Omnium magnarum artium, sicut arborum, altitudo nos
delectat, radices stirpesque non item; sed esse ilia sine his non
potest."
(Orator, sec. 45) And if his conclusion be true, then
the material gathered for this study has not been without purpose.
Mario Praz, Studies in Seventeenth Century Imagery
don: Warburg Institute, 1959), I, 5#
viii
(Lon-
PART I
EMBLEMS AND EMBLEM-BOOKS IN GENERAL
The first part of this study of Spenser and the Emblem
Writers covers three important questions, as a preparation for
a complete understanding of the second and most valuable part
of the 3tudy. The first question is one of definition. The
term and the genre are defined for the purposes of this study.
The second question is one of knowledge. Spenser's acquaintance
with the field is established by citing works on or about emblems which name him or his work. Likewise his mention of the
composers of Emblem-books or treatises on Emblem-booKs are instanced. The third question is one of taste. Emblems didn't
exist, only between the covers of books, during the Renaissance.
Their prevalence in environmental surroundings is examined as
furnishing evidence of Spenser's "Emblem-book frame of mind."
The first chapter concerns itself with the history of
the term emblem, its definitions with special relation to the
Emblem-book genre and finally with the definition as used in
this work. Authorities, early and late, are cited.
Their
agreement establishes a standard for this study, and their disagreement testifies to the latitude of the subject.
Some in-
dication of the all-inclusiveness of the content, as well as
the enormous number of contributors in the field, is attempted
by offering the chapter-heads and the list of authors from
Pere iienestrier's work.
An effort has been made not to include
any of the material which had previously been included in
Volume I, except that which was indispensable for an understanding of the study without reference to the earlier work.
But by this very fact, it is not offered as a comprehensive
essay on the subject.
For a more inclusive treatment, the
reader is referred to Volume I of the present study.
CHAPTER I
EMBLEMS AND EMBLEM-BOOKS
The term emblem has always been capable of different interpretations, and is an interesting example of the development
of a word—the way it both acquires and
IOSSB,
as it goes along.
Its modern meaning "a visible sign of an idea" as will be noted
later, is of comparatively recent derivation, while its original
meaning "inlaid or mosaic work" has become obsolete. This latter
connotation was found among the Greeks where the word was derived
from en (in) and ballein (to throw) and where it meant something
inserted or—thrown in, if you will~as for example, an ornament
affixed to a pillar, tablet or vase. Always, however, it has retained the "significant representation" implication.
St. Clement of Alexandria writing in the second century
states:
Ofttv
KtM.TWtMT'Troi.
f>Ti/\o<S Tn.v
&-\k\\
o u -fo^S ^tT i-fu^oOm f a xK&pa-
T w / <9t'«jY
ju-o'voi* Y^
Ci'cfrviriv
r o ? S ^.C\\o^J(^^v
^ < T ! \ t « . V v ripo'^ £ 'v o . ^ Kal\ T & v
K P » 6 t ? c r i v c f V^r
1po<pK5
K (U
?Aic^£PoY
ifl I
ilptuiv
ro?S
c^o^ t ^ u j r d ^ r o i S a i T o ' T £ T n S
TViS f T o - i P E / a S \ < o u T o u ^fcvous-
Clement of Alexandria Stromatum, v . v i i . Migne, P.G.
9«68B. ("Hence a l s o t h e Egyptians did not e n t r u s t t h e m y s t e r i e s
which were held among them t o everyone, nor was t h e knowledge of
t h e i r divine r i t e s given t o o u t s i d e r s , but only t o t h o s e d e s t i n e d
for t h e kingdom of heaven and t o t h o s e p r i e s t s who were judged
most worthy by e d u c a t i o n , d o c t r i n e and f a m i l y . " )
1
2
Dom l e Nourry comments on t h i s p a s s a g e :
Sed omnino perperam, quandoquidem, i p s i s m e t e t h n i c i s
f a t e n t i b u s , s c e r a m y s t e r i a non impiis e t immundis, sed p u r i s
tantum e t e x p i a t i s hominibus p a t e f a c i e n d a s u n t . Ad i t autem
probandum non modo quaedam eorundem ethnicorum a d h i b e t t e s t e monia, sed ipsam quoque Aegyptiorum variam l i t t e r a s t r a d e n d i
methodum, ac d i v e r s a i l l o r u m , atque etiam Graecorum s i g n a ,
aenigmata, symbola, o r a c u l a e t sapientum apothegmata.
While S t . Clement goes on t o say:
Wu-l fj-^-V y<.oufoU c£pou
iV A v od-TTo'Aet f*S
A tYl/fffoO i l t c
Kc-A no, LVOV •KXoXC^ v o 5,^0-1'61'o-fl'ulTbA.
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v^8us |tr<rous
o
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i s
o
ff^Xiv
5
....O-AAou^ ^
K(x.\ -jTa-vfi ocr a
cfioC
lfo-Pa.^OvAoV|ukO-To5 WocpoA Y t f a.^
KOA
(TtUvo'TtpoL
KO-UCXTTOLP
u.do^ToSj
jU^Taiv^
T& f^£v
^£LKYUO"L
UUQK.0^
0-1. iAop8a\
(ft
Tny
ov.a^a.i
/to.
<LVOS
LLZOOYO.
TE-
o-Av\86.\.av"
YOV
TUJY
Too -fou*
TfaP<x. KA.\uur
o- u v t IA <j)a <r £. c S fLvo-S a-u T a t s ^ < x r -
^pvt)Qp,^YMJV-
L
Dni. Nicolai ie Nourry . . . . Dissertationes (ill) de
Omnibus Clementis Alexandri operibus, II.I.V, Migne, P.G. 9*1050.
?St. Clement, Op. Oit., p. 68C-69A. ("Moreover, at
Disopolis, which is a city of Egypt, in the sacred temple, which
is called Pylon, a child is the sign of birth, an old man of
death, and again, an eagle is the symbol of God, as the fish is
the sign of hate. And in another significance the crocodile is
the symbol of irreverence.")
^Tbid., p. 88B. ("Moreover, all things that are seen
through a veil convey truth both better and clearer, as fruit in
water is transparent, and shapes v/hich give part of their appearance through vesture. For something is added to their splendor,
which they have not when perceived directly and simply.")
5
The word is also found among the Latins, as in Cicero and
Quintilien. The latter pertinently comments on the orators of
his day, who committed to memory certain "finished" clauses to be
inserted like emblems in the body of their orations. "Quidam
. . . . scriptos eos (scilicet locos) memoriaeque diligentissime
mandatos, impromptu habuerent, ut quoties esset occasio, extemporales eorum dictiones, his, velut Emblematibus exornarentur."^
The meaning of the term as found in Greecian and Roman
usage was not altered until the revival of literature in the
fifteenth century when it took on the added meaning which is of
special interest to this study. Bacon indicates this changed
meaning when he says:
" . . . . emblems bring down intellectual
to sensible things; for what is sensible always strikes the
memory stronger, and sooner impresses itself than what is intellectual ."
Francis Quarles, who merits the distinction of having
given to the world the only Book of Emblems that is generally
remembered today, gives us the following definition of an emblem.
An Emblems is but a silent Parable. Let not the tender
eye check, to see the allusion to our blessed Saviour
figured in these Types. In Holy Scripture he is sometimes
called a Sower; sometimes, a Fisher; sometimes a Physician.
And why not presented so as well to the eye as to the ear,
before the knowledge of Letters God was known by Hieroglyphicks.
And indeed what are the Heavens, the Earth, nay, every
Creature, but Hieroglyphicks and Emblernes of his Glory?
Farewel READER77
•^Quintilien Lib, ii, Cap, iv.
Francis Bacon, Advancement of Learning and Novarum Organum
(Rev. ed.; New York: The Colonial Press, 1900), p. 161.
'Francis Quarles, Emblernes (London: J.Q. & F.E.V., I669),
2.ed. See the prefatory remarks to the reader.
4
And since Quarles' work owes more than inspiration to Pia Desideria
(1624) by Herman Hugo and Typus Mundi (1627) by Phillips de
Mallery; and since his book went through many editions, what he
has to say is decidely pertinent here. A reference to him by
Robert Browning was the origin of my own interest in emblems.
Browning wrote:
'Finchley'—I know very well—not that I ever saw the
streets, and palaces, and cathedral, with these eyes..but
in 'Quarles' Emblems,1 my childhood's pet book, I well remember that an aspiring Soul,—(a squat little woman-figure
with a loose gown, hair in a coil, and bare feet—) is
seated on the world, a 'terrestrial ball,'—which, that
you may clearly perceive it to be our world, is somewhat
parsimoniously scattered over with cities and towns—and
one, the evident capital of the universe and Babylon's
despair for size,—occupying as it does a tract quite equal
to all Europe's due share on the hemisphere, is marked
'Finchley'—Do (and here is inserted his own sketch) you
recognize?
The NED gives: "A drawing or picture expressing a moral
fable or allegory; a fable or allegory such as might be expressed
pictorially. obs." And the first example is: "C 1450 Ldyg.
Chorle & Bryde (1818.) I Emblemes of olde likenes and figures
Whiche prouyd ben fructuous of sentence."
But the inclusion of
the term allegory in this definition recalls the general wisdom
of Hazlitt's advice: "If they do not meddle with the allegory,
the allegory will not meddle with them." Not that allegory is
unrelated to emblems, but its inclusion as a note in the definition of an emblem tends to confusion. Hence Ootgrave's Dictionary
offers the most workable and most traditional definition when it
states that an emblem is "a picture and short posie, expressing
3ome particular conceit."
°The Letters of Robert Browning and Elizabeth Barrett
Browning 1845-1846 (New York: Harper & Bros., 1899), pp. 444-45.
5
Some of the writers of Emblem-books (the majority according to Green) confuse the meaning of symbols and emblems. Claude
Mignault, or Minos, the famous commentator on the Emblems of
Andrea Alciati, maintains that there is a clear distinction between the two.
Perlique sunt non satis acuti, qui Emblema cum Symbola,
cum Aenigmate, cum Sententia, cum Adagio, temere & imperite
confundunt. Fatemur Emblematis quidem vim in symbolo sitam
esse: sed differunt, inquam, vt Homo & Animal: alterum
enim hie maxime generalius accipi, specialius vero alterum
norut omnes qui aliquid indicii habeant.°
Green maintains that "all emblems are symbols, tokens or signs
but all symbols are not emblems; ~
not identity, —
the two possess affinity but
they have no absolute convertibility of the one
for the other."
Whitney, our English Emblematist, says in his address to
the reader, that the word in our language means:
to set in, or put in: properlie ment by suche figures,
or v/orkos; as are wroughte in plate, or in stones in the
pauementes, or on the waules, or suche like, for the adorning of the place: hauinge some wittie deuise expressed
with cunning woorkemanship something obscure to be
perceiued at the first, whereby when with furture consideration it is vnderstood, it maie the greater delighte the
behoulder. And althoughe the worde doth comprehende manie
thinges, and divers matters maie be therein contained; yet
all Emblemes for the most parte, maie be reduced into
three kindes, which is Historicall, Naturall & Morall.
Andrea Alciati, the Italian Doctor of Laws, was the first
to, use the term emblem, as such, in connection with the literary
^Clavdium Minoem, Syntagma De Symbolis (Lugdvni: 1615),
p. 15.
10
Henry Green, Shakespeare and the Emblem Writers (London:
Trubner & Co., 1870), pp. 2, 5.
Geoffrey Whitney, Choice of Emblemes (Leyden: Christopher
Plantyn, 1586), p. 2.
6
genre which is the subject matter of this study. He must be
placed first in the ranks of emblem writers of the sixteenth century, if not in priority of time, yet from superiority of genius.
He was born at Milan in 1492, the same year with the English
printer Caxton, and he died two years prior to Spenser's birth
in 1550. Boissard, of whom more will be related later, praised
him highly stating that he was not only the most noble jurisconsult of his day, but that he surpassed all in liberal learning,
was adept in poetry, and "so experienced that he could vie with
the very highest geniuses."
Alciati1s writings are very numerous and extensive, embracing a great variety of subjects, from Weights and Measures
up to The most excellent Trinity. The Lyons edition of 156*0 occupies five folio volumes, and that of Bale in 1571 the same
number. These we pass over for that particular species of literature of which he may be regarded, if not the founder, as the
most .successful cultivator, and v/hich under the name of emblem
writing, from the year 1522, when at Milan he published his
Book of Emblems, to beyond the middle of the seventeenth century,
for nearly one hundred and fifty years occupied so important a
position in the estimation both of the learned and of the ordinary
public who read for delight and instruction.
Two commentators, of vastly different periods and outlooks, attest to his importance, and throw light on the use of
the term emblem as found in his v/orks. Cautley, a contemporary
of Green, gives Alciati' s attitude as well as that of his reading
public. In the "Preface" to his A Century of Emblems, he writes:
7
Alciati, therefore, considering that the illustrations
formed no necessary portion of his book and that they were
only inserted, as he says himself, to make his moral and
philosophical teaching more attractive, gave to his collection of poems and pictures the name of Book of Emblems.
This idea took greatly with the public of his day, and
for upwards of two hundred years afterwards, and generated
a class of books now reckoned among the fossils of literature which may be dug out of ancient libraries or procured
by chance here and there through the agency of those useful
purveyors, the publishers of catalogues of second-hand v/orks.
Now Emblem books have had their day, and are no longer
regarded as a means of instruction or delight. They have
done their duty as ornamental wits and lively educators,
•and now make way for others more suited to the age.x<i
The second commentator is Mario Praz whose reputation for
scholarship has been established in England, as well as in his
native Italy. He opens his latest English treatise, Studies in
Seventeenth-Century Imagery, which is merely a translation of his
earlier, Studi sul concetismo (Milan, 1954) v/ith the following
paragraph:
There lies asleep in old European libraries, chiefly
in those of ecclesiastical origin, a vast literature of
illustrated books which are very seldom and only cursorily
consulted nowadays—emblem literature. Although 'emblems1
form a permanent item in all second-hand booksellers'
catalogues, I suppose that most people jump over it with
the same expression of unconcern v/ith which they meet
Americana, Erotica, or Occultism. And as for the happy
few whose eyes kindle at the sight of the magic word
'emblems'—alas', their attention might as well be dedicated
to collecting stamps or cigarette-cards, for their interest
very seldom strays beyond the material possession of a
rare thing. True, they have the books sumptuously bound,
in full levant morocco, gilt edges, inside dentelles, etc.,
but as for reading them, that does net seem to be their
affair.1?
i2
G. Cautley, A Century of Emblems (London: Macmillan,
1878), p. l.
15
'Mario Praz, Studies i n Seventeenth-Century Imagery
(London, The Warburg I n s t i t u t e , 1959), I , 1.
8
In an earlier article he had disagreed with Cautley's
contention concerning Alciati:
»
Alciat, the acknowledged father of emblem literature,
was an Italian; but, although it was his Emblematum Liber,
first published in Augsburg in 1551» that started the
vogue, he can hardly be credited v/ith the invention of a
new genre. The early history of the emblem has been traced
by Ludwig Volkmenn in his Bilderschriften der Renaissance,
(Leipzig, 1925) and space does not allow me to repeat his
conclusions here: his point of view is rather one-sided,
as he sees in emblems a humanistic attempt at giving a
modern counterpart of the Aegyptian Hieroglyphics such as
they were erroneously interpreted at the time. No doubt
hieroglyphs, whose knowledge was spread by the Aldine edition of Horapollo's Hieroglyphica in 1505, has a decisive
influence on the emblem fashion, but Alciat went for his
chief inspiration to the Greek Anthology. Out of his 212
emblems 44 are mere translations of Greek epigrams: Alciat
does nothing else but add a picture to each epigram, and
since the picture was presupposed by the original, the only
difference between one of Alciat's emblems, and a Greek
epigram out of the Planudean Anthology, is a difference of
name. Now, an emblem, according to Alciat's definition, is
exactly the counterpart of an epigram. He says in his
commentary on De Verborum Significatione: 'Verba significant, res significantur. Tamestsi et res quandoque significant, ut hieroglyphica apud Horum et Chaeremonen, cuius
argumenti et nos carmine libellum composiumus, cut titulus
est Emblemata.' Emblems are therefore things (representations of objects) v/hich are indicative of ideas, or concepts; epigrams are words (concepts) v/hich are indicative
of objects (such as a work of art, an ex-voto, a tomb.)
The two are then, complementary, and many of the Greek epigrams, which were written for statues, possess all the
requisites of an emblem apart from the name. The name was
used for this kind of compositions first of all by Alciat,
who derived it from F. Bude's Annotationes ad Pandectas,
where it meant 'mosaic work'• In this sense Francesco
Colonna had used the term emblematura in a v/ork, the Hypnerotomachia, which exerted a great influence on the
origin and fashion of emblems. Emblem and epigram represent two different ways of looking at the same Technopaegnion; and the pictorial point of view implied by the
word emblem (being the counterpart of the literary point
of view implied by epigram) was adopted by Alciat under
the influence of the Aegyptian hieroglyphicks. Emblems,
then are an Alexandrine invention, in the same way as the
Alexandrine was the interpretation of hieroglyphics which
became current in the Renaissance. ^
Mario Praz, "The English Emblem Literature," English
Studies, XVI (August, 1954), I5I-52.
9
It is obvious that the word emblem is handled carelessly
with no strict adherence to an exact definition. Therefore,
when emblem literature is spoken of, considerable latitude is
taken and .allowed as to the kind of works which the terms shall
embrace. In one sense every book, v/hich has a picture in it, or
on it, is an Emblem-book,—the diagrams in a mathematical treatise or an exposition of science, or even Tennyson's poem of
"Elaine," illustrated by Gustave Dore.
Yet by universal consent, these and countless other
works, scientific, historical, poetic, and religious, which
artistic skill has embellished, are never regarded as
emblematical in their character. The 'picture and short
posie, expressing some particular conceit,' seems almost
essential for bringing any v/ork within the province of the
Emblem literature,—but the practical application of the
test is conceived in a very liberal spirit, so that while
the small fish sail through, the shark and sea-dog rend
the meshes to tatters. •?
Emblem literature, as distinct from allusions to emblems
(or attempts to define them) may be traced from the illuminated
manuscripts dov/n through the Block-books and the Biblia Pauperum.
Many of the ideas found in these Mss. and Block-books are to be
found in the Emblem-books. However, these latter are among the
earliest productions of the movable type and belong more to that
age. Movable types and greater skill in engraving had tended to
multiply the departments of emblem literature. One of the most
fascinating aspects of this literature is the fact that many of
the woodcuts did duty several times.
•^Green, Op. Oit., pp. 50, 51.
Cf. Vol. I of the present study, pp. 21 ff.
10
Some details have been preserved of the engravers who
worked v/ith the first printers, but the record is scanty
and not clear. Sometimes, as we have seen, the printers
made their blocks serve several purposes. A portrait of
a personage or a map of a city in one book might do duty
under a totally different caption in another book. Many
blocks travelled from one shop and from one city to
another. '
McKerrow calls our attention to the fact that the device
on the title page is not just a printer's device but an emblemo
The chief objects which we find on title-pages, and
which clearly ought not be considered as printers1 devices
are cuts or emblems appropriate to the particular book in
which they appear, or referring to the author of it:
though as we shall see presently there are a few cases of
emblems cut for a particular book being afterwards used by
the printer of the book or by a later owner as his own device . . . . It will be readily understood that it is not
always an easy task to distinguish between emblems of the
author of a book, or referring to the work itself, and
those of a publisher. If we can find a particular block
on several works by the same writer, but issued by different houses, we of course, can at once conclude that it is
the author's, and need trouble no more about it; but only
rarely can we do this.18
It has been noted parenthetically that the oldest preserved
print made from a wood engraving is dated 1425 •
Hans Alexander
Mueller v/ho for seventeen years directed the woodcutting class at
Leipzig Academy, in his book, Woodcuts & Wood Engravings. How I
20
Make Them,
published recently, states that the process of wood-
cutting has not changed materially since it was perfected by
Albrecht Durer in the fifteenth century. In fact, wood engravings
were used as illustrations in newspapers until about 1890. The
'John Clyde Oswald, A History of Printing (New York:
D. Appleton & Co., 1928), p. 514.
18
Ronald B. McKerrow, Printers' and Publishers' Devices
in England and Scotland 1485-1640 (London: Chiswick Press, 1915)»
pp. xv, xvi.
19
Vol. I, 51.
20
(New York: Pynson Printers, 1959).
11
book testifies to the high esteem in which wood engraving v/as
held. From the middle ages on, it ranked high as a graphic art.
Pere Claude Francois Menestrier, S.J., author of over a
hundred works and labelled by his contemporaries "a prodigy of
nature," furnishes not only the best conclusion for this discussion but the best introduction to the next. He found such controversies "longues et fatiguantes," and "les dialogues des
academiciens ennuyeyx."
He delivered his ultimatum thus: "Ces
gens la ne considerent pas que le Devise est un argument
poetique, et que c'est le propre de la poesie d'animer les
21
estres les plus insensibles."
He discusses thoroughly their
debates on devices in which they argue about the choice, the
number and disposition of the figures, the length or brevity of
the words, their sound, cadence, harmony and so forth, and in
v/hich they establish no criterion concluding thus:
Enfin j'avoue que j'ay este surpris en lisant dans ces
autheurs, qu'un homme qui avoit faite une bonne Devise en
sa vie, en devoit demeurer la, et se contenter de son travail. Ne dirait-on pas a les entendre parler ainsi qu'une
Devise est un Poeme Epique, ou un de ces grands ouvrages
ou 1'esprit s'epuise d'abord, et n'est plus capable de
rien produire, quand il a este assez heureux pour trouver
le merveilleux dans une de ces images? Je veux essayer de
les rendre plus communes, et d'ouvrir tellement 1'esprit a
ceux qui voudront s'appliquer a ces sortes de compositions,
qu'ils puissent en faire vingt ou trente en un iour, pour
le moins aussi bonnes qu'un tres-grand nombre de celles qui
ont paru depuis trente ans, que cet art est plus cultive en
ce Royaume, qu'il n'estoit auparavant. Je ne veux point
dormer de regie, qui ne soit une demonstration; comme neus
demonstrons les regies de 1'Architecture, de le Peinture,
de la Musique, et des autres arts.
•'•La Science et l'Art les Devises (Paris: 1686), pp.
57, 58.
22
lbid., p. 57.
12
That Father Menestrier was better qualified than any of his contemporaries to malce such dogmatic pronouncements on this subject
is evident from an examination of his works. His L'Art des Emblemes (1662), cited by Praz was published at Lyons by Benoist
Coral. There is another edition with a slightly different title,
and a very different treatment published at Paris (Chez R. J. B.
DE LA CAILLE) in 1684. The title of this reads: L'Art Des Emblemes Ou S'Enseigne La Morale, par les Figures de la Fable, de
1'Histoire, & de la Nature, with the added important notation,
"Ouvrage remplie de pres de cinq cent Figures."
I quote, even
at the risk of being tedious, the chapter headings plus the very
complete list of "les Autheurs, qui ont compose des Emblemes,
auec vn recueil des plus beaux sur diuers suiets"; because it
seems evident from a careful comparison of Yates, Green and Praz
that they all owe much more to his works than one gathers from
their references to him. Yates makes no mention of him at all,
though he uses Menestrier's division of emblems rather than that
given by Whitney. '
Green cites only his Fhilosophia Imaginum, giving his
"JUDICIUM" or "judgement respecting all authors who have written
on Symbolic Art"; and to v/hich he adds the dates. He mentions
the fact that Menestrier wrote various works on heraldry, decorations and so forth, but the reference is enigmatic and makes it
difficult to determine whether he had first hand knowledge of
these works or not.
2
?Cf. Vol. I, 85.
15
Praz, on the contrary, devotes a great deal of space to
him. He mentions him by name nineteen times, gives the titles
of ten of his v/orks, includes a vivid description of his personal
appearance, relates at some length his quarrel with Claude Le
Laboureur, and cites the research and bibliography available.
Pere Menestrier is, as has been noted, a Jesuit. And Praz' ideas
of a member of the Society of Jesus and of the Society itself,
are herev/ith given, because it is felt those ideas throw light
on his discussion of the Emblematist. This extract is taken
from "The Annual Italian Lecture" which Dr. Praz read before the
British Academy March 21, 1928 entitled, "Machiavelli and the
Elizabethans."24
Now Jesuitism was as typical of the Renaissance as
Machiavelli's political creed. Since the medieval ideals
of humility and contemplation had been supplanted by a
conception of life based on will of domination and active
undertaking, the Jesuits transferred to the terrene plane
the centre of the religious system and made the glory of
God coincide v/ith the terrestrial pov/er of their Society.
Apart from the different denomination, their aim coincided
with the aim for v/hich Machiavelli stood—the achievement
of supremacy on earth. Theirs was a defence of medieval
theocracy v/ith the very methods which had been devised to
fight against it. In the same way as the Machiavellians
conceived all manifestations of spiritual life, first of
all religion, as so many instruments of policy, so the
Jesuits adopted art, literature in short all the appealing
side of Humanism, as instrumental to their aim of controlling men and states. Domination was in both cases
the chief aim: everything else was degraded to the rank
of tool, to be laid aside when its function had been fulfilled. In both cases all scruples had to be disregarded,
whenever a certain action was conducive to the aim, which
in Machiavelli's case was the glory of the country, in
the case of the Jesuits the glory of God. Political writers
under Jesuit influence had in fact so much in common with
Proceedings of the British Academy, Vol. XIII, (London:
Humphrey Milford, 1928), pp. 84, 85, 95*
14
Machiavellie that, notwithstanding their apparent antimachiavellism, they actually reproduced Machiavelli's principles while pretending to derive them from Tacitus.
Hence, in the popular report, the doctrines of both
Machiavelli and Loyola could be epitomized in the formula:
'The end justified (or sanctifies) the means.' One of the
means of v/hich the Jesuits made constant use was equivocation, which was a perfect counterpart of Machiavellian
dissimulation. Equivocation became a byword in England
since Henry Granet, superior of the Jesuits in England,
used it during his trial for complicity in the Gunpowder
Plot . . . . The Jesuit practically eclipsed the
Machiavellian in the popular mind. The. politician of the
times of James II was eminently a Jesuited Politician.
To return to Pere Menestrier's two treatises on emblems.
The following are the chapter headings from the 1684 edition published at Paris, v/hich was the only copy in the Newberry Collection and from v/hich all the quotations in Vol. I are taken.
Table des Chapitres.
L'Art des Emblemes,
De l'Origine,
De la Nature,
De la Matiere,
De la Forme,
Des diverses Especes d'Emblemes
considerez selon leurs Figures,
Des diveres Especces d'emblemes,
N
a les considerer selon leur fin,
Moraux,
Politiques,
Doctrinaux,
Chymiques,
Heroiques,
Satyriques,
Passionnez,
Des parties de l'Embleme (Of. Chap. V of 1662 ed.)
Des deux parties essenielles des Emblemes
Des Figures qui sont le corps des Emblemes
La Maniere de fiare des Emblemes Moraux
Des vers qui expliquent la peinture des Emblemes
(Cf. Chap. VIII)
De La signification des Emblemes (Of. Chap. IX)
De l'usage des Emblemes, (Cf. Chap. X)
Quelques reflexiones a faire touchant l'usage des Emblemes
De la maniere de faire les Emblemes (Cf. Chap. XI)
15
In the Section devoted to "De La Matiere Des Emblemes"
many examples are given, and illustrated. Likewise, "Des
Peintures Scauntes en general" in this edition appears also in
the earlier. Part of it demands repetition for the light it
throws on subsequent discussion.
CHAPITRE' I — Des Peintures Scauantes en general
La Peinture est depuis long temps l'Ecole des sages,
& l'estude des souuerains. C'est vne parleuse muette,
qui s'expliqu: sans dire mot, & vne eloquence de montre
qui gagne le coeur par les yeux. Ses dicourse ne
l'epuisent point, elle fait des lecons publiques sans
interrompre son silence, & pour estre sans mouuement elle
n'est pas moins agissante, ny moins efficace a persuader.
C'este vne beaute fardee, qui doit toute sa grace a ses
artifices; mais quoy que son teint & sa bonne mine ne soit
qu'vn peu de piastre & de ceruse elle ne manque pas
d'adorateurs. On 1 y dresse des autels dans les temples,
& si nous remontons aux temps de I'idolatrie d'Athens &
de Rome nous trouerons qu'elle a receu les voeux & les
soumissionB de tous les peuples.
The following subjects in the order of their appearance,
come in for discussion:
Les Heroglyphes
Les Enigmes
Les Chiffres
Les Monogrammes (anciens des monnoyes)
Les Blasons
Les Devises
Les Empreintes
Chapitre
II: Du nom & de la definition de l'Embleme.
Chapitre III: De la difference des Emblemes, & des
autres Images scauantes.
Chapitre
IV: De la diuision des Emblemes ou de leurs
especes differentes.
Chapitre
V: Des Parties de l'Embleme
Chapitre
VI: Des Figures des Emblemes
Chapitre VII: Du mot de l'Embleme
Chapitre VIII: Des Vers, qui expliquent la peinture des
Emblemes.
Chapitre
IX: De la signification des Emblemes.
16
Chapitre
X: De l'vsage des Emblemes (For churches
and arsenals, and worthy of mention
is: "Embleme Sixieme, Les presens
des Sciences, & les seruices des
Arts, dans la famille de l'Esprit.")
Chapitre XI: De la maniere de faire les Emblemes.
Chapitre XII: Les Autheurs, qui ont compose des Emblemes, auec vn recueil des plus
beaux sur diuers suiets.
Recveil D'Emblemes.
"Les Autheurs" are:
Paulus Jovious
Ludovicus Dominicus
Hieronymus Ruscellius
Alphonsus Ulloa
Scipio Admiratus
Alexander Farra
Bartholoaemus Taegius
Lucas Contile
Johannes Andreas Palatius
Scipio Bergalius
Franciscus Caburaccius
Abrahamus Fransius
Julius Caesar Capacius
D. Albertus Bernardetti
Torquatus Tassus
Jacbous Sassus
P. Horatius Montalde
Andrea Chioccus
Johannes Baptista Persone
Franciscus d'Amboise
Gabriel Simeoni
Claudius Paradinus
Mauritius Sevus
J. Baptista Pittonius
Claudius Minos
Bernardinus Percivalle
Principius Fabricius
Johannes Pinedi
Jacobus Le Vasseur
J. Franciscus de Villava
This list and the "Avtores Recentiores" of I. Camerario (J. Camerarius) in his Symbolorvm & Emblematvm, published in 1595» would
furnish a very adequate bibliography for an approach to the study
17
of emblem literature, though they are by no means, all-inclusive.
Indeed the last mentioned even includes some non-emblematists.
But the dates should be kept in mind as indicative of how widespread and popular was the knowledge of emblem literature at the
time.
This brief resume of emblem definitions and their relation to Emblem-books gives a faint idea of the variability and
inclusiveness of the term itself, and the wide popularity of the
genre during the Renaissance and after.
Despite the latitude al-
lowed in the interpretation hov/ever, the essentials of Ootgrave's
definition, namely, "A picture and short posie, expressing some
particular conceit," can be found in all v/orks designated as
Emblem-books. A picture depicted in the woodcut, with an appended
verse v/hich ends v/ith an admonition of one kind or another, is
the typical Renaissance Emblem-book.
The comprehensiveness of
subject matter can be readily seen from the chapter headings
quoted from Pere Menestrier's v/ork. The prominence and importance
of the composers may be gathered from a perusal of his list of
authors.
The personal prominence of these authors, v/hich is
merely indicated here, will be reiterated throughout the study
since the prestige of an author necessarily carries over to his
work and lends that work a significance it might not otherwise
attain.
2
?Cf. "Camerarius," Appendix
One of the most important factors in establishing
Spenser's connection v/ith Emblem-books is found in the examination v/hich follows. The authors of Emblem-books or treatises
on Emblem-books were numerous enough during the Renaissance to
warrant the supposition that Spenser was well acquainted with
them. But proof positive is found in the following chapter
which cites Emblematists v/ho either mention Spenser by name or
who are mentioned by him. The most important of all these is
Abraham Fraunce v/ho read The Faerie Queene in manuscript,
since he quotes an entire stanza from the fourth Canto of the
second Book in his Arcadian Rhetorie published tv/o years before The Faerie Queene. Spenser, in turn, honors Fraunce by
special mention several times. The four cancelled leaves from
Puttenham's The Arte of English Poesie are quoted in their entirety, not only because of the direct Spenser connection but
also, because of the light that these four leaves throw on the
definition and method of composing emblems during the Renaissance.
The direct Spenser connection, it might be noted here, is further substantiated by Spenser's use of some of the emblems described by Puttenham. This use is pointed out by footnote references to the first volume of this study. Ripa and Holme are introduced, though lacking the direct Spenser contact insisted
upon for the others, because their books, in addition to being
very accessible, open up a new and important phase of Emblembook literature. The analogies between their ideas and Spenser's
have been reserved for a later chapter. Daniel's translation of
Giovio's Tract emphasizes the interest in and prevalence of emblems, and furnishes an introductory note for the next chapter.
CHAPTER II
SPENSER AND CONTEMPORARY TREATISES ON EMBLEMS
It would be superfluous to attempt a complete list of
the various treatises of the period which devote any discussion
to the subject of emblems. This task has been accomplished by
abler scholars in the field—notably Green and Praz—and has
been made available in their many published works. On the other
hand, this study would be inadequate were it to ignore these
treatises entirely. Spenser's knowledge and use of Emblem-books
has been established in and by his minor works. His later continued interest in and use of this same genre has been pointed
out incidentally by a number of literary historians.
The point
to be made here is, that this interest v/as not accidental—a
mere carry-over of an earlier attitude—but a very conscious
gesture—the result of very definite contributing factors. Not
least among these factors was Spenser's regard for everything
that might make him a better poet. He is anything but indifferent to the current fashions in versifying. Interest in the
"pleasing and useful,"—the two-fold Horatian prescription
of which Emblem-books are a direct off-spring—is evidenced in
the Gabriel Harvey correspondence. And of course, the enormous popularity of Emblem-books themselves in the period is not
to be overlooked. The treatises on Emblem-books which have
Cf. Vol. I of the present study. Also, Dorothy
Atkinson, Edmund Spenser A Bibliographical Supplement (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1957), pp. 59, H O , 117, 124,
145, 151» 155.
20
been selected for discussion here, are those which offer a direct connection with Spenser.
One of the best known of these treatises is Paola
Giovio's Dialogo dell impress Militari et Amore, 1561: or, as
one sometimes finds it entitled: Ragionamento, Discourse concerning the words and devices of arms and of love, which are
commonly named Emblems. Ruscelli's Discorso, 1566, and Domenichi's Ragionamento, 155^, ar ® likewise significant and were
frequently found published in combination. Sometimes (cf.
Roville's edition, Lyons, 1574) as many as four were brought
out together. Green vouches for twenty-two editions (which he
examined personally) between 1555
an
d 1585•
Domenichi's Ragionamento is discussed elsewhere in connection with William Bercher's manuscript. The correspondence
of Sir Phillip Sidney with Languet in 1572 shows that the former
v/as acquainted v/ith the Imprese illustri (1572) of Ruscelli.
Likewise, the mottoes and devices in the Arcadia are said to
give evidence of Sidney's rather general knowledge of emblem
literature. Obviously, interest on Sidney's part in this literature would certainly put an imprimatur on it that could not
otherwise be obtained.
But by far the most important of these three is Samuel
Daniel's translation of the first mentioned: The Worthy Tract
pf Paulus Iouius, contayning a Discourse of rare inuentions
both Militarie and Amorous called Imprese. Whereunto is added
a Preface, contayning the Art of Composing them, v/ith many other
21
notable deuises, 1585. By Samuell Daniell late Student in Oxenforde. He is the same, of course, who is included in the passage
from Colin Clout's Come Home Againe, wherein Spenser pays his respect to twelve contemporary poets.
And there is a new shepheard late vp sprong,
The which doth all afore him far surpasse;
Appearing well in that well tuned song,
Which late he sung vnto a scornfull lasse.
Yet doth his trembling Muse but lowly flie,
And doth her tender plumes as yet but trie,
In loues soft laies and looser thoughts delight.
Then rouze thy feather quickly Daniell,
And to what course thou please thyselfe aduance;
But most me seemes, thy accent will excell,
In tragick plaints and passionate mischance.
Though, as we see, Daniel did not take Spenser's advice very much
to heart, the "Arte of composing them" as found in the Preface,
as well as the entire text of the "Worthy Tract" must have been
read and assimilated by Spenser. Since the tenor of the discussion in the Preface is similar to some of the excerpts which follow, it v/ill not be included here. A pertinent quotation from
the "Worthy Tract" itself, however, will serve as a transition
to the next chapter and will appear at the end of this one.
A controversy had arisen between Thomas Campion and
Daniell over the latter's contention in his Observations in the
Art of English Poesie that the English language was not well
fitted for rhyme. This contention was answered very rationally
in Daniell's The Defence of Ryme and deserves mention here.
Abraham Fraunce, author of Lamentations of Amyntas, 1587
(2nd ed. 1589), The Countesse of Pembrokes Yuychurch, 1591, and
Colin Clout's Come Home Againe, lines, 4l6-27»
22
The Lamentation of Cory don, is the next important link. He was
a native of Shropshire (fl. 1587-1655) and educated at the
Shrewsbury School where Sir Philip Sidney had also studied. Aa
the protege of Sidney, he was introduced at an early age into
Sidney's circle of literary friends, v/hich included Spenser, Sir
Edward Dyer, and Gabriel Harvey. With Spenser he was very intimate, and he v/as able to quote, in his 'Arcadian Rhetorike,1 1588,
the 'Faerie Queene' before its publication. Spenser refers to
him in 'Colin Clout's come home again1 (1595) as 'Corydon:
And there is Corydon though meanly waged.
Yet hablest wit of most I know this day.5
This is a reference to Fraunce's translation from Virgil of
Corydon's lamentation for Alexis.^ The quoting of the entire
Stanza 55 ia Canto IIII of Book II in Fraunce's The Arcadian
Rhetorike: etc. (Signed E. 5«) which was entered on the Stationer's Books by R. Gubbynand I. Newman, June 11, 1588, and
therefore prior to the publication of The Faerie Queene, obviously establishes a most intimate literary friendship. There is
another reference to Spenser by Fraunce in the discussion devoted to the "Pentameter" (C. 4.) which reads:
Immerito: Spenser
vnhappie verse, the witnes of my vnhappie state,
Make they selfe fluttring wings of they fast flying.5
Fraunce quotes the entire twenty-one lines. The title of this
work furnishes its own precis of it. The Arcadian Rhetorike:
5
Lines, 582-5.
^DNB, Vii, 667-68.
^Two Other very commendable Letters, etc. (London:
H. Bynneman, I58O), p. 656.
25
Or The praecepts of Rhetorike made plaine by examples, Greek,
Latin, English, Italian, French, Spanish, out of Homer Illias,
and Odissea, Virgils Aeglogs, Georgics and Aeneis, Sir Philip
Sydneis Arcadia, Songs and Sonets, Torquate Tassoes, Goffredo,
Aminta, Torrismando, Salust, his Iudith and both his Semaines,
Boscan and Garcilassees sonets and Aeglogs. By Abraham Fraunce,
At London, printed by Thomas Orwin, 1588. It is, as would be
expected, "Dedicated to the Right Excellent and most honorable
Ladie, the Ladie Marie, Countesse of Pembroke."
This same author' s Insignium, Armorum, Emblematun, Hieroglyphicorum, Et Symbolorum, quae ab Italis Imprese nominantur,
explicatio: Quae symbolicae philosophise postrema pars est, was
published in London, 1588 and dedicated to Robert Sydney, brother
of Philip. The Explication is in three books: I. Concerning
Insignia; II. Concerning Arms; III. Concerning Symbols, Emblems
and Hieroglyphics. Joseph Brooks Yates, in an article in Lit.
and Phil. Society, 1849 which is quoted by Green makes the statement that he can find no evidence that Fraunce composed any emblems in English. And in referring to the above mentioned discussion Yates remarks: " . . . » this work consists very much
of Heraldic deductions and of conventional rules and distinctions which had been discussed very largely by former writers.
Moreover it ought to be classed rather with the treatises on Devices and Symbols than among Books of Emblems."
This is sub-
The Mirrour of Maiestie (ed. Henry Green & James Croston;
London: Holbein Society Publication, 1870), p. 80, .
24
stantiated by the following excerpt:
Symbolum (inquit Claudius Minos) est id quo aliquid coniectamus & cognoscimus. Significat tesseram vel signum
bellicum, notamj quin & pecuniam, vt apud Terentium, Symbolum
dedit, caenauit, denique argumentum quo aliquid ocultatur
quomode hie accipimus: non tamen ita, vt id omne a nobis,
hoc in loco Symbolum appelletur, quo aliquid occults.tur,
(etsi ea sit vocis vis) set vt catachrestiews id Symboli
titulo insigniatur, quod ab Italis Imprese, ab Anglis
Gallisq; Deuise nominatur Itaq; genus pro specie ponimus,
quia vocabulum non suppetit, & Imprese Symbolum synecdochicv/s appellamus, cum tamen & insignia & Hyeroglyphica,
& caetera quae alijs in locis a nobis sunt explicata, Symbolics iure videantur.
Itali, haec honoris insignia de quibus instituta est
disputatio, & inuenerunt pene soli, & soli pene perfecerut:
Italorum ergo sententias latinis Uteris illustrabimus.
Exordiemur autem a Paulo Iouio: Na is primus est, qui
praecepta tradidit, constituitq; nouam quandam symbolorum
quasi disciplinam, deinde quid Hieronymus Russellus, Alexander Farra, Lucas Contiles, Scipio Bargaglius, adicerunt,
subiungemus. Nam & Paradinus, & Lodouicus Dominicus, &
Gabriel Simeon, caeterique minuta quaedam exempla obtrudunt
potius, quam rei naturam inuestigant. Sic igitur Iouius.
Quinque mihi necessarib requiri videntur ad perfectam
symboli naturam absoluendam. Primum id est, vt inter
animan So corpus iusta quaedam intercedat proportio So analogia. Secundum, vt neque tanta tenebrarum caligine inuoluatur, vt Sybilla quaepiam interpres videatur adhibenda,
neque ita apertum sit ac peruulgatum, vt vel e media plebe
petitus homunculus So legat., St. intelligat. Tertib in loco,
illud diligenti cura & industria longe maxima prouidendum
est, vt pulcher satis aspectus, vt ita loquar, vultusque
venustus videatur, vt voluptate quadam amoeissima intuentis
animus compleatur; quod turn fiet, si Sol, Luna, Stellae,
Ignes, Aqua, Arbores, Animalia, inducatur: Quarto, vt
nulla humana forma adhibeatur. Vltimum id est, vt sententia
ipsa tanquam anima cum corpore coniungatur, quae quidem
plerumque peregrino sermone proponi debet, non illo, quern
simul cum lacte nutricis exuxerit ille, qui primus id symbolum excogitauerit: ita enim sensus erit obscurior.
Breuitas etiam in sententia laudabilis est, sed non ita
tamen vt dum,
Breuise esse laborat, obsourus fiat,
Author ipsius symboli. Duobus itaq; vel tribuB verbis
optime absoluetur, nisi vrsu fortassis aliquo vel integro,
vel dimidiato concludatur. Et vt melius, Quod dictum est
25
perspiciatur, illus ponendum est, per animam So corpus,
nihil nos aliud intelligere, nisi ipsam sententiam vel
vocem, vocique substratam suam materiam. Qubd si vel
forma materiae desit, vel formae materia, non subijciatur,
rude quodammodo So imperfectum erit symbolum, nee suis
numeris absolutum. Cuiusmodi erat illus Caesaris Borgiae:
aut Caesar, aut nihil de quo lepide Faustus Romanus:
Borgia Caesar erat, factis et nomine Caesar,
Aut nihil, aut Caesar, dixit: vtrumq; fuit.'
Fraunce's name was associated with that of Thomas Watson and
Spenser, according to the DNB, refers to them jointly in The
Faerie Queene when he writes:
Me seeme3 I see Amintas' wretched fate,
To whom sweet Poet3 verse hath giuen endlesse date."
Whitman, on the contrary gives this reference as typifying Sir
Philip Sidney. Whether or not, Fraunce is meant here, the
foregoing exchange of literary references stand. And it might
be noted in passing that Gabriel Harvey commends Fraunce in
his Foure Letters (1592) and Meres in his Palladis Tamia (1598)
names Fraunce with Sidney, Spenser, and others as "best for
pastoral."
Ben Jonson spoke disparagingly of Fraunce to
Drummond of Hawthomden, v/hich association of names immediately
calls to mind the "four cancelled leaves" of Puttenham to be
discussed later, and which are mentioned in their correspondence.
William Camden9 acts as a connecting link between
'Abrahami Fransi, Insignivm, Armorvm, Emblematvm, Hieroglyphioorvm. etc. (London: Thomas Orwinus, 1588), Liber III.
8
FQ, 5.6.45.8-9.
"(For the relation between Camden and Spenser cf. Joseph
Hunter, Chorus Vatum Anglicorum B.M. Addit. MSS. Photostat copies
in the Library of Congress and the Newberry Library. MS 24,487,
fols. 126-8; Camden's epitaph on Spenser "in his own hand" in the
volumes of his collection in the Bodleian. Also, Atkinson,
0P» Pit., pp. 5^,57.)
26
Spenser and the next composer of a treatise on emblems, Henri
Estienne. Apostrophizing the former, Spenser pens the"following:
Cambden, the nourice of antiquitie,
And lanterne unto late succeeding age,
To see the light of simple veritie
Buried in ruines, through the great outrage
Of her owne people, led with warlike rage,
Cambden, though Time all moniments obscure,
Yet thy just labors ever shall endure.10
And Camden in a letter (undated) to Sir Robert Cotton, which
was printed by the Camden Society (Letters, 1845), writes:
RYGHT WORTHY SYR,—That in my solitarines here I may
avoide the deadly sinne of Slouth, I am now an humble
suitor to you that you would send me by William Holland
my servant the Book of Heraldry, if you have bound it up,
or as it is. Or some other booke or Papers which you
shall think fitting my studies or delight. The Booke of
France v/hich I lately receaved standeth me in small stead,
for I perceave by my Notes that I have had it heretofore.
And therefore I will shortly returne it. Your Absolon de
Vita Guthlaci is the very same that other call Foelix
Monachus; and I have already both it and the other conjoined therewith. But for Theodulus, I never sawe him
before. Thus presuming of your ancient kindness I rest,
—Yours in all most assuredly,
Will'm Camden. n
The two emblematic citations need no further comment. The carryover to Estienne will be found in the following. Henri Estienne
(1551-98), the son of Robert, who was well known as both a
printer and scholar and whose famous device of the olive tree is
found in a number of important works such as Thesaurus linguae
Latinae, 1552, and Ecclesiasticae Historiae, 1544, composed The
lu
The Rvines of Time, lines, 169-74.
Chambers Cyclopedia of English Literature (Philadelphia: Lippincott, ed. David Patrick, 1910), I, 270.
27
Art of Making Devises. He was at the time Interpreter to the
French King for the Latin and Greek tongues. His work was
translated into English by Thomas Blount in 1648 and it is from
his "Dedicatory to the Nobilitie and Gentry of England" that we
quote:
My Author affirmes himself to be the first hath written
of this subject in his Mother tongue; and I might say the
like here, were it not that I find a small parcell of it in
Oamdens Remaines, under the title of Impreses, which are in
effect the same with Devises. Thence, you may gather, that
the Kings of England, with the Nobility and Gentry, have
for some hundreds of yeeres (though Devises are yet of far
greater Antiquity) both esteemed and made use of them:
onely in former times they arrived not (as now) to that
height of perfection; for they sometimes did (as the unskilfull still doe) make use of Mottoes without figures, and
figures without Mottoes. We read that Hen, the 5« (as
liking well of Remuneration) commanded to be written (by
way of Devise) in his Chamber at Woodstock,
'Qui non dat quod amat, non accipit ille quod optat.'
Edw. the 5» bore for his Devise the rayes of the Sunne
streaming from a cloud without any Motto. Edmond of Langley,
Duke of York, bore a Faulcon in a Fetterlock, implying, that
he was locked up from all hope and possibility of the Kingdome. Hen, the 5* carryed a burning Cresset, sometimes a
Beacon, and for Motto (but not appropriate-thereunto) UNE
SANS PLUS, one and no more . . Edw. the.4. bore the Sun,
after the Battell of Mortimers-CroBse, where three Sunnes
were seene immediately conjoying in one. Hen, the 7. in
respect of the union of the two Houses of York and Lancaster,
by his marriage, used the White Rose united with the Red,
sometimes placed in the Sunne. But in the raigne cf Hen.
the 8. Devises grew more familiar, and somewhat more perfect, by adding Mottoes unto them, in imitation of the
Italians and French (amongst whom there is hardly a private
Gentleman, but hath his particular Devise) . . .
To the honour of Queene, lane, (who dyed willingly to
save her child King Edward) a Phenix was represented in his
Funerall fire v/ith this Motto, NASCATUR UT ALTER. QUEENE
MARY bore winged Time, drawing Truth out of a pit with
VERITAS TEMFORIS FILIA. Queene Elizabeth upon severall occasions used many Heroicall Devises, sometimes a Sive without
a Motto, (as Camden relates) and at other times these words
28
without figure, VIDEO, TACOE, AND SEMPER EADEM. King
James used a Thistle and a Rose united, and a Crown over
them, with this Motto, Henricus, ROSAS, REGNA JACOBUS.
Pr. Henry (besides that Devise which is appropriate to
the Princes of Wales) made use of this Motto, without
figure, FAS EST ALIORUM QUAERERE REGNA. And his Majestie
that now is, that other of CHRISTO AUSPICE REGNO . . . .
The late Earle of Essex, v/hen he was cast downe with
sorrow, and yet to be employed in Armes, bore a sable
Shield without any figure, but inscribed, PAR NULDA
FIGURA DOLORI. Sir Philip Sidney (to trouble you with no
more) denoting that he persisted alwayes one, depainted
out the Caspian Sea, surrounded with its shores, which
neither ebbeth nor floweth, and for Motto, SINE REFLUXU.12
Estienne malces the statement that his interest in emblems came
from his uncle who taught him the art twenty-eight years before
this time. He claims likewise to have examined all the known emblems in all known tongues, Greek,Latin, Italian, and French.
He goes on to give us their differentiating qualities and divisions. These divisions are similar to those set forth by Whitney.
The aim of emblems is well stated:
Though an Embl erne hath some affinity with the A enigma,
it differs notwithstanding in this, that drawing (as it
v/ere) the Curtaine from before the A enigma, it declared the
matter more plainly: For the Embleme is properly a sweet
and morall Symbole, which consists of picture and words, by
which some weighty sentence is declared. See an Example.
(Here is inserted the woodcut of a pelican feeding her
young and in the background Christ on the Cross with the
blood and water issuing from His Side streaming on the
Faithful granting them Grace, with the motto PRO LEGE ET
PRO GREGE written in a circle.) Emblemes are reduced unto
three principall kinds, viz. of Manners, of Nature, of
History or Fable. The chiefe aime of the Emblemes is, to
instruct us, by subjecting the figure to our view, and the
sense to our understanding: therefore they must be something covert, subtile, pleasant and significative. So
that, if the pictures of it be too common, it ought to have
Henri Estienne, The Art of Making Devises, etc., Transl.
Thomas Blount (London: Richard Royston, 1648), p. 6.
29
a mysticall sense; if they be something obscure, they must
more clearly informe us by the Words, provided they be
analogick and correspondent. Thus much for the Aenigma
may suffice, since Alciat, and many other Authors have entreated thereof more at large.15
Estienne lays down further distinctions and rules for
"discovering and achieving" them. His comments anent plagiary
demand inclusion.
Devises and Emblemes have this common resemblance with
each other, that they may be indifferently used with or
without words; And their difference is taken from this,
that the words of the Embleme may demonstrate things universall, and hold the rank of morall precepts, which may
as wel serve for all the word, as for the proper author of
the Emblem. This generall application of the Motto is a
great error in a Devise, which ought to be particular, and
the words thereof proper and sutable to the person onely
in whose favour the Devise is made. Neverthelesse, this
Condition hinders not, but that the Devise which hath been
by me already used, may also serve another day to expresse
the same inclination, designs or passion in some other
person; yet we must not conclude by this, that the Devises
of Fathers ought to serve his Children, unlesse they beare
the same Armes, have the same inclinations, or be continued in the same offices. So States, and some particular
Families, retaine still for their Devises the Oolomnes of
Hercules, the Golden Fleece, Saint Michael, and other
badges of honour.
The same Author pretends, that it is neither vice nor
theft to appropriate to oneself the Devise of one that is
already dead, so that there be something added or changed,
according to the designe in hand. V/as it not with this
license that a certain Pedant tooke the Devise which the
deceased Robert Estienne made for the Duke of Suilly, as
then Grand Master of the Artillery? Having therein placed
an Eagle, holding a Thunderbolt, and these words, QUO
JUSSA JOVIS, As farre as the command of Jupiter. This impudent Plagiary could not be content to keep the Condition
of that Licence, but without changing a title, he took
the boldness to apply it (as an invention of his owne) to
the Marquesse of Rosny, sonne of the said Duke, and in his
Fathers life time.
He observes also another difference betweene Emblemes
and Devises, which is that in those, we may have many figures, but in these, onely three.
Ibid., p. 7»
50
As for the connexion of the figure with the Motto, we
must take heed that the words doe not explicate the figure,
but rather that the figure lead the reader to the understanding of the words, and that the Motto, disunited from
the figure, may not have any signification.l^Many makers of emblems are mentioned in the treatise,
among them: Palazzi, Bargagli, Farra and Aruigio. He quotes
the opinion of Hieronomy Ruscelli v/ho disagrees v^ith Paulus
Jovious in calling the motto of the devise the "soule".
Coming next to The Arte of English Foesie, with its previously mentioned cancelled leaves, it must be remembered that
Puttenham praised Spenser.
Of the later sort I thinke thus. That for Tragedie,
the Lord of Buckhurst, & Maister Edward Ferrys for such
doings as I haue sene of theirs do deserue the hyest
price: Th'Earle of Oxford and Maister Edwardes of her
Maiesties Chappell for Comedy and Enterlude. For Egloque
and pastorall Poesie, Sir Philip Sydney and Maister
Challenner, and that other Gentleman who wrate the late
shepheardes Callender.15
Attempts at the race of identification still continue,
and though at the present moment it looks a3 though George
Turberville may have been the "Harpalus" of Colin Clout's Come
Home Again, nevertheless, it should be noted that there have
been reasons advanced establishing Puttenham as the original.
^Ibid., pp. 25, 27.
•^George Puttenham, The Arte of English Poesie (London:
Richard Field, 1589), p. 51.
Cf. John E. Hankins, "The 'Harpalus' of Spenser's
Colin Clout." MLN XLIV(1929), pp. 164-7. Also, Katherine Koller,
"Identifications in Colin Clouts Come Home Again," MLN, L(l955),
pp. 155-8; and Atkinson, op. cit-., pp. 129-51. The articles on
identifications in the poem establish a more than passing acquaintance between Spenser and Puttenham. And the correspondence
between Jonson and Drummond, previously cited, testify to the
wide interest in literary circles in the "four cancelled leaves."
51
At any rate it is obvious that Spenser knew The Arte of English
Poesie and knew too, the four cancelled leaves. The Robert Hoe
copy was used for this study and the leaves read, (contrary to
the contentions made in some of the editions) 84, j, ij, iij•
It is a perfect copy and is labelled as a second issue with the
added four leaves. We quote them in full.
Book Two.
Of the deuice or embleme, and that other which the Greekes
Anagramma, and we the Fosie transposed.
And besides all the remembred points of Metricall proportie(n), ye haue yet tv/o other 3orts of some affinitie with
them, which also first issued out of the Poets head, and
whereof the Counrtly maker was the principall artificer,
hauing many high conceites and curious imaginations, with
leasure inough to attend his idle inuentions: and these be
the short, quicke and sententious propositions, such as be
at these dayes all your deuices of armes and other amorous
inscriptions v/hich courtiers vse to giue and also to weare
in liuerie for the honour of their ladies, and commonly
containe but two or three words of wittie sentence or secrete conceit till they vnfelded or explaned by some interpretation) . For which cause they be commonly accompanied
with a figure or purtraict of ocular representation, the
words so aptly corresponding to the subtiltie of the figure, that aswel the eye is therewith recreated as the eare
or the mind. The Greekes call it Emblems, the Ialiens
Impress, and we, a Deuice. such as a man may put into letters of gold and sende to his mistress for a token, or
cause to be embrodered in scutchions of armes, or in any
bordure of a rich garment to giue by his noueltie maruell
to the beholder. Such v/ere the figures and inscriptions
the Romane Emperours gaue in their money and coinges of
largesse, and in other great medailles of siluer and gold,
as that of the Emperour Augustus, an arrow entangled by
the fish Remora, with these v/ords, Festina Lento, signifying that celeritie is to be vsed with deliberation: all
great enterprises being for the most part either ouer
throwen with hast or hindered by delay, in which case
leasure in thladuice, and speed in th*execution make a very
good match for a glorious successe.l?
Cf. Vol. I, pp. 8 ff.
52
Th'Emperour Heliogabalus by his name alluding to the
sunne, which in Greeke is Helios, gaue for his deuice, the
coelestial sunne, with these words (Soli inuicto) the subtilitie lyeth in the word (soli) which hath a double
sense, vix. to the Sunne, and to him onely.
We our selues attributing that most excellent figure,
for his incomparable beauty and light, to the person of
our Soueraigne lady altring the mot, made it farre passe
that of Th'Emperour Heliogabalus both for subtilitie and
multiplicitie of sense, thus, (Soli nunquam deficienti) to
her onely that neuer failes, viz. in bountie and munifi^-r
cence tov/ard all hers that deserue, or else thus, To her
onely (whose glorie and good fortune may neuer decay or
wane. And so it inureth as a wish by way of resemblaunce
in (Simile dissimile) v/hich is also a subtillitie, likening her Maiestie to the Sunne for his brightnesse, but
not to him for his passion, which is ordinarily to go to
glade and sometime to suffer eclypse.
..
King Edvvarde the thirde, her maiesties most noble
progenitour, first founder of the famous order of the
Garter, gaue this posie with it. Hony soit qui mal y pense,
commonly thus Englished, 111 be to him that thinketh ill,
but in mine opinion better thus, Dishonored be he, who
raeanes vnhonorably. There can not be a more excellent
deuise, nor that could containe larger intendment nor
greater 3ubtilitie, nor (as a ma(n) may say) more vertue
or Princely generosite. For first he did by it mildly &
grauely reproue the peruers construction of such noble
men in his court, as imputed the kings wearing about his
neck the garter of the lady with whom he danced, to some
amorous alliance betwixt them, which was not true. He
also justly defended his owne integrity, saued the noble
womans good renowme, v/hich by lice(n)tious speeches might
have bene empaired, and liberally recompenced her iniurie
with an honor, such as none could haue bin deuised greater
nor more glorious or permanent vpon her and all the posteritie of her house. It inureth also as a worthy lesson
and discipline for all Princely personages, whose actions,
imaginations, cou(n)tenances and speeches, should euermore
correspond in all trueth and honorable simplicitie.
Charles the fift Emperour, euen in his yong yeares
shewing his valour and honorable ambition, gaue for his
new order, the golden Fleece vsurping it vpon Prince
Iason So his Argonants rich spoile brought from Cholcosa
But for his deuice two pillers with this mot Plus vltra,
as one not content to be restrained within the limits
that Hercules had set for an vttermost bound to all his
trauailes, viz. two pillers in the mouth of the straight
55
Gibraltare, but would go furder: which came fortunately
to passe, and whereof the good successe gaue great commendation to his deuice: for by the valiancey of his Captaines before he died he conquered great part of the west
Indias neuer knowen to Hercules or any of our world before.i 8
In the same time (seeming that the heauens and starres
had conspired to replenish the earth with Princes and gouernours of great courage, and most famous conquerous) Selim
Emperour of Turkie gaue for his deuice a Croissant or new
moone, promising to himself increase of glory and enlargeme(n)t of empire, til he had brought all Asia vnder his
subiection, which he reasonably well accomplished. For in
lesse then eight yeres which he raigned, he conquered all
Syria and Egypt, and layd it to his dominion. This deuice
afterward was vsurped by Henry the second French king,
with this mot Donee totum compleat orbem, till he be at his
full: meaning it not so largely as did Selim, but onely
that his friendes should knowe how vnable he was to do them
good and to shew benificence vntil he attained the crowne
of France vnto which he aspired as next successour.
King Lewis the twelfth, a valiant and magnaminous
prince, who because hee was on euery side enuironed with
mightie neighbours, and most of them his enemies, to let
them perceiue that they should not finde him vnable or
vnfurnished (incase they should offer any vnlawful hostillitie) of sufficient forces of his owne, aswell to offende
as to defend, and to reuenge an iniurie as to repulse it.
He gaue for his deuice the Porkespick with this posie pres
& loign, both farre and neare. For the Purpentines nature
is, to such as stand aloofe, to dart her prickles from her,
and if they come heare her, with the same as they sticks
fast to wound them that hurt her.
But of late yeares in the ransacks of the Cities of
Cartagena and S. Dominico in the West Indias, manfully put
in execution by the prov/esse of her Maiesties men there
was found a deuice made peraduenture without King Philips
knowledge, wrought al in massive copper, a King sitting
on horsebacke vpon a monde or world, the horse prauncing
forward with his forelegges as if he would leape of, with
this inscription, Non sufficit orbis, meaning, as it is
to be co(n)ceaued, that one whole world could not content
him. This immeasurable ambition of the Spaniards, if her
Maiestie by Gods prouidence, had not with her forces,
'Cf. Vol. I, pp. 65 ff.
54
prouidently stayed and retranched, no man knoweth what inconuenience might in time haue insued to all the Princes
and common wealthes in Christendome, who haue founde them
selues long annoyed v/ith his excessiue greatnesse.
Atila king of the Huns, inuading Fra(n)ce with an army
of 500000. fighting men, as it is reported thinking vtterly
to abbase the glory of the Romane Empire gaue for his deuice of armes, a sword v/ith a firie point and these v/ords,
Ferro & Flamma, with sv/ord and fire. This very deuice
being as ye see onely accomodate to a king or conquerour
and not a coillen or any meane souldier, a certaine base
man of England being knowen euen at that time a bricklayer
of mason by his science, gaue for his crest: whom it had
better become to beare a truell full of morter then a
sword and fire, v/hich is onely the reuenge of a Prince,
and lieth not in any other mans abilitie to performe, vnlesse ye will allow it to euery poore knaue that is able
to set fire on a thacht house. The heraldes ought to vse
great descretion in such matters: for neither any rule of
their arte doth warrant such absurdities, nor though such a
coat or crest were gained by prisoner taken in the field,
or by a flag found in some ditch & neuer fought for (as
many times happens) yet is it no more allowable then it
were to beare the deuice of Tamerlan an Emperour in Tartary,
who gaue the lightning of heauen, with a posie in that
language purporting these words, Ira Dei, which also appeared well to answer his fortune. For from a sturdie
shepeheard he became a most mighty Emperour, and with his
innumeralbe great armies desolated so many countreyes and
people as he might justly be called (the wrath of God.)
It appeared also by his strange ende: for in the midst of
his greatnesse and prosperitie he died sodainly, So left no
child or kinred for a successour to so large an Empire,
nor any memory after him more then of his great puissance
and crueltie.
But that of the king of China in the fardest part of
the Orient, though it be not so terrible is no lesse admirable, & of much sharpnesse and good implication, worthy
for the greatest king and conqueror: and it is, two
strange serpents entertangled in their amorous congresse,
the lesser creeping with his head into the greaters mouth,
with words purporting (ama & time) loue So feare. V/hich
posie with maruellous much reason and subtillity implieth
the dutie of euery subiect to his Prince, and of euery
Prince to his subiect, and that without either of them
both, no subiect could be sayd entirely to performe his
liegeance, nor the Prince his part of lawfull gouernement.
For without feare and loue the soueraigne authority could
55
not be vpholden, nor without iustice and mercy the Prince
be renowmed and honored of his subiect. All which parts
are discouered in this figure: loue by the serpents amorous entertangling: obedience and feare by putting the inferiours head into the others mouth hauing puissance to
destroy. On the other side, iustice in the greater to prepare and manace death and destruction to offenders. And
if he spare it, then betokeneth it mercie, and a grateful
recompence of the loue and obedience which the soueraigne
receaueth.
It is also worth the telling, how the king vseth the
same in pollicie, he giueth it in his ordinarie liueries to
be worne in euery vpper garment of all his noblest men and
greatest Magistrates & the rest of his officers and seruants, which are either embrodered vpon the breast and back
with siluer or gold or perle or stone more or lesse richly,
according to euery mans dignitie and calling, and they may
not presume to be seene in publick without them: nor also
in any place where by the kings commission they vse to sit
in iustice, or any other publike affaire, whereby the king
is highly both honored and serued, the common people retained in dutie and admiration of his greatnesse: the
noblemen, magistrats and officers euery one in his degree
so much esteemed So reuerenced, as in their good and loyall
seruice they want vnto their persons litle lesse honour for
the kings sake, then can be almost due or exhibited to the
king him selfe.19
I could not forbeare to adde this forraine example to
acco(m)plish our discourse touching deuices. For the beauty
and gallantnesse of it, besides the subtillitie of the conceit, and princely pollicy in the vse, more exact then can
be reme(m)bred in any other of any European Prince, whose
deuises I will not say but many of them be loftie and ingenious, many of them louely and beautifull, many other ambitious and arrogant and the chiefest of them terrible and
ful of horror to the nature of man, but that any of them
be comparable with it, for wit, vert-ue, grauitie, and if
ye list brauerie, honour and magnificence, not vsupring
vpon the peculiars of the gods. In my conceipt there is
none to be found.
This may suffice for deuices, a terme which includes in
his generality all those other, viz. liueries, cogniza(n)ces,
emblemes, enseigns and impreses. For though the termee be
diuers, the vse and intent is but one whether they rest in
colour or figure or both, or in word or in the muet shew,
and that is to insinuat some secret, wittie, morail and
braue purpose presented to the beholder, either to recreate
7
This paragraph has direct bearing on the subject matter of the following chapter.
56
his eye, or please his phantasie, or examine his iudgement
or occupie his braine or to manage his will either by hope
of by dread, euery of which respectes be of no litle
moment to the interest and ornament of the ciuill life:
and therefore giue them no litle commendation. Then
hauing produced so many worthy and wise founders of these
.deuices, and so many puissant patrons and protectours of
them, I feare no reproch in this discourse, which otherwise the venimous appetite of enuie by detraction or
scorne would peraduenture not sticks to to offer me.20
The next treatise, Iconologie, 1595, hy Cesar Ripa,
though yielding no direct Spenser contact, must not be overlooked. In content it is most important, furnishing as it does,
not only definitions, chronology and distinctions, but a bit of
a persuasive "sales talk" too. From the recent work being done
by the V/arburg Institute, and from the later editions of Cesar
Ripa's work which have been consulted for this study, there is
no doubt but that Ripa was one of the leading figures in the Emblem movement. The following excerpt is taken from the "Preface" of his Iconologie, in the two volume edition published in
1698. The I65O and 1605 editions have also been used, but we
cite Mario Praz for the existence of the 1595 edition which
21
came from Rome.
Pre'face
Ce Receuil de toutes sortes de Figures, d'Images &
d'Emblemes, imprime' tant de fois & beaucoup augments' dans
cette Nouvelle Edition, est tire' des plus c6l6bre Auteurs
de l'Antiquite', tant Grecs que Latins, qui se sont sort
appliquez a. cette Science & y ont parfaitement bien
Ibid., pp. 84, j, ij, iij.
21
Mario Praz, Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery
(London: The Warburg Institute, 1959), p. 184.
57
reussi. Pour s'y attacher apres eux avec succez, on ne
peut mieux faire que de les prendre pour Guides, & de se
former sur de si bona Originaux & de si excellens Modeles.
Aussi celui qui a fait ce Recueil les a toujours eu devant les yeux & les a heureusement imitez.
Les Images que 1'Esprit invente sont les Simboles de
nos pensees. Elles appartiennent proprement aux Peintres
So autres semblables Ouvriers, qui par les Couleurs & les
Ombrages ont trouve 1'admirable secret de donner un Corps
a nos pense*es & de les rendre visibles.
Les Anciens ont fort aime ces sortes d'Images, temoin
tant de diverses peintures qu'ils ont fait de leurs Dieux,
& par lesquelles, comme par autant de Voiles ingenieusement inventez, ils ont enveloppe & cache tous les secrets
de la Nature So de la Philosophie, & meme tous les misteres de la Theologie So de la Religion.
C'est de cette source Feconde que les Poetes ont puise'
toutes leurs Fables & les explications qu'ils en ont
donnees. Par 1'Image de Saturne, pour exemple, ils ont
voulu representor le Temps qui devore ses propres Enfana,
qui sont les Jours, les Mois & les Annees. Par celle de
Jupiter Foudroyant, ils ont eu dessein de signifier cette
partie du Ciel ou se foment la plupart des Meteores.
Par celle de Venus, ils ont eu intention d'exprimer
l'Union de la premiere Matiere avec la Forme, d'ou
naissent la beaute" & la perfection de tous les Etres creez
So ainsi d'une infinte d'autres qu'il seroit trop long de
rapporter ici.
II y a une espece d'Images qui comprend les choBea
qui sont en 1'Homme meme & qui en sont inseparables,
telles que sont ses Pensees, ses habitues So ses Vertus,
qui sont fort-a-propos peintes sous la Figure Humaine,
puisque L'Homme etant, selon Aristote, la mesure de
toutes choses, sa forme exterieure doit aussi etre regardee comme la mesure des qualitez de son Ame.
Ceux qui ont donne' les Re'gles de cette Science, en attribuent 1'invention aux Egiptiens, So la regardent comme
une marque So un effet de I'abondance de leur Doctrine So de
leur Sagesse.
Le desir de s'eclaircir des veritez cachees sous ces
miste"rieuses Images fit aller Pitagore au fond de
l'Egypte, d'ou etant retourne' tres habile So tres-scavant
il s'aquit tellement l'estime So la veneration de ces
Concitoyens, qu'on changea sa Maison en un Temple qui fut
58
solemnellement consacre a son admirable Genie. Platon tira
de ces Figures Hieroglifiques la meilleure partie de sa
Doctrine. Et pour dire infiniment plus, les Saints Prophetes envelopment d'Enigmes leurs sacrez Oracles, So JesusChrist lui meme cacha sous des Similitudes & des Paraboles
la plupart des divins secrets de sa Ste. Religion So de son
Royaume celeste.
Apres cela il ne faut pas douter, que 1'Invention des
Images ne soit, non seulement tres-ingenieuse So tresagreable, mais encore fort-avantageuse & fort-utile So tres
digne de la curiosite de toutes les Personnes spirituelles
& qui aiment les belles choses.
Elles trouveront dans ce Receuil une grande quantite
de figures & d'Emblemes de tout ce qu'on peut imaginer,
avec des explications So des Moralitez tres-belles So tr&ssolides, dont on est redevable a des Auteurs fort-scavans
So fort celebres. Deforts qu'on peut dire que les Lectuerus qui scauront faire quelque reflexion sur ce Livre So
le bien gouter y trouveront, non seulement dequoi divertir
leur Esprit, mais aussi dequoi l'instruire, & y verront
mille choses fort-propres a. rendre leur Imagination belle,
vivre So feconde, a leur inspirer meme 1'amour de la Vertu
& la haine du Vice, So a. bien regler leurs moeurs & toute
leur conduite.
Si le Public en fait le meme jugement, & y prend quelque plaisir, le Libraire se croira bien recompense' de ses
soins & de ses peines, & il sera meme par-la engage' a
donner, le plutot qu'il fera possible, une suite de ce
Livre, qui ne sera pas moins agreVble ni moins utile que
ce qui va paroitre a. present.^
Obviously, "les Moralitez tres-belles So tres-salides" by "les
Auteurs fort-3cavans & fort-celebres" in addition ibo "le desir
\
de s'eclaircir des veritez cachees sous ces misterieuses Images"
would interest the author of The Faerie Queene.
Green, as was quoted above, calls attention to the fact
that the Herald and Emblematist are frequently identified by
the composers of treatises on the two subjects. 3y way of ilCesar Ripa, Iconologie Ou La Science Des Emblemes, Devises, Etc. (Amsterdam: A. Braakman, 1698), I, Pref.
59
lustration, he introduces into his own work a type of book which
was very popular in the Renaissance and which definitely seems
to be related to this genre—if not by consanguinity, at least
by affinity. To quote Green himself:
The paths of the Herald and of the Emblematist, even if
they do not run into one another and cross and double, are
so close together as not to be distinquishable in all instances. We may, therefore, here give place to a notice of
a black-letter book of no mean fame, v/hich first appeared
with woodcuts and other illustrations, on the last day of
December, 1562;—namely, 'Gerard Leigh's ACCIDENS OF ARMORY,
imprinted at London in Fletestrete within Temple barre, at
the signe of the hande and starre, by Richard Tottill.1
After two editions in 1591 and 1597, the work was re-issued
with numerous heraldic woodcuts and ornaments, THE ACCIDENCE OF ARMORIE, sm. 4to. l6l2.25
Further on Green cites another work and another side .of
the Herald-Emblematist situation. He writes:
A similar judgment, and if we follow J. Payne Collier's
Bibliographical and Critical Catalogue of early English Literature, vol. ii. p. 549, a far more severe judgment, must
be pronounced on Wyrley' s TRUE USE OF ARMORIE shewed by
Historie and plainly proued by example, &c. p. 169, London,
4to, 1592. The work contains woodcuts of 'Banners, Ensignes, and markss of nobleness and chevalrie'; but according to Collier's just criticism, 'it really possesses no
merit but of a technical kind, and the tv/o long poems, of
which it mainly consists, are about the worst performances
in verse that appeared.at a date remarkable for the excellence of its poetry.'2^
There is a remarkable work belonging to this genre entitled The Academy of Armory. It is by Randle Holme, and the
first volume was published in 1688. -* While this date would
2
^Green, op. cit., p. 75.
2
TEbid., p. 75•
''(The second volume was published by the Roxburghe
Club, in 1905.)
40
seem prohibitive, the fact is that the author of this work was
the third in his family to work at the profession of Heraldic
painter and like his two illustrious ancestors pursued and continued their studies and interests in this science. The MS3.
themselves were sold by Lord Randle the fourth, and became a
part of the Harley collection. They are, or v/ere, in the British Museum, and are numbered Harl. MSS. 1920-2180. The MS. of
Volume I is dated 1649 and contains Books I., II., and the
first 15 chapters of Book III. The most important feature is
the statement that this work is a continuation of the study begun by Randle I. who circulated his manuscript rather widely.
The actual content will be studied at some length in Chapter IV.
It is merely noted here that there is an endless variety of
topics for discussion and definition in the work. "Terms for
Angles, Printer, Chess Plays. Menus for Lent, Christmas, and
so forth. Things necessary for fishing or drawing with nets.
Parts of the body, and the diseases of the body. The kinds of
animals, insects, birds, and fish are given in full detail, together v/ith their habits, diseases, and functions."
Terms for
the barrel makers are side by side with notes of correction
made by the corrector. Instruments of a barber find a place as
do the customs for payment of money. The reception of nuns is
described in the same section with "Terms used in the Jewish
Religion explained." All the major religious orders come in for
various and sundry discussion, as do the descriptions of "men
canonized" and the "Four Evangelists." Of course there is a
41
discussion of rhetoric and another for the terms used in the
"liberal science of rhetoric."
Several sections are devoted to
poetry. All in all, it is a most fascinating work. And one
finds the Greek, Roman, Christian and Jewish Religions discussed as thoroughly as are the ways of making bread and the
art of juggling. The work is a mine of information and must
have proved even more popular then than it would today although
this too, be an age of handbooks.
The Emblemes and Epigrames of Francis Thynne, edited
from the Ellesmere MS. by F. J. Furnivall, furnish another direct reference. The editor notes in a foreword that:
The Emblemes and Epigrames are both dull and poor; but
they contain the wife-worried Thynne1 s opinions on v/ives—
who're always necessary evils, the best is bad; who're
good when they die of old age, better when they die after
some time during your life, and best when they die at
once . . . . and lastly, a set of mentions of, or poems to,
the English writers whom Francis Thynne honourd—Chaucer
(though Lydgate's Temple of Glass if wrongly assigned to
him on the authority of Sir John Thynne1 s MS still at
Longleat); Spenser (on Spencers Fayrie Queene . . . .
finally settled in his ivy-covered howse in Clerkenwell
Greene, where of drink and gout, as is supposed he died in
1604.26
In the dedication to Sir Thomas Egerton, Thynne refers
to the number of treatises upon emblems and to their v/idespread
popularity among the "larned" of that period. He comments
first on what was generally termed the "naked" emblem—or the
poesie without the picture.
Francis Thynne, Emblemes and Epigrames (A.D. 1600),
ed. F. J. Furnivall (London: Trubner, 1876), p. vii.
42
" . . . . the naked (for soe I does terme them because
they-are not clothed with engraven pictures) emblemes and
epigram whatsoever they be, partlie drawen out of the histories and partlie out of Phisicall Philosophie but tending to moralitie and for the moste part endinge in necessarie preceptes and perswatione to vertue . . . . To discourse of the nature of Emblemes or Epigramms, what things
be required to perfect them, and to what end they should
be made, is nedleles to your Lordship, because Paulus
Iouius, Lucas Oontiles, Claudius Minoes upon Alciat, So
divers other menns labors intreating thereof, are not vnknov/en to you whose Iudgment and lerning hath peirced the
depth of vniuersall knowledge; So therefore in vaine for
mee to bring owles to Athens, or add waters to the large
sea of your rare lerning, in superfluous itterating that
whereof you are not Ignorant, beinge one whoe hath adorned
your excellencie of lawe with bewtifull flowers of all
Philosophicall doctrine, as well divine as humane. '
It is clear from .the Emblem-book v/hich Thynne himself composed
and in which v/e find the emblem devoted to Spenser and his
Faerie Queene that Spenser was established in Thynne1s mind as
a composer of emblems. Thynne's own work v/as published in
1600, one year after Spenser's death. The significance of
this contemporary judgment is certainly of paramount importance
in establishing one of the main points of this study, namely
that Spenser wrote with an "emblem frame of mind."
Henry Peacham like Randle Holme belonged to a family
v/hich evinced a "traditional interest," not in Heraldry this
time, however, but in figures and ornamentB of rhetoric and
speech. Like the elder Holme, the elder Peacham started a
tradition. He published in 1577, in London, The Garden of Eloquence, conteyning the figures of Grammar and Rhetorick, Orna27
Ibid., p. 5.
28
Cf. Chap. Ill, 58.
45
ments, exornations, forms, and fashions of Speech. Another edition, "Corrected and Augmented," appeared in 1595• The younger
Peacham was also an author. He composed "competent" Latin and
English verse, and in addition knew something of botany, music,
mathematics, and heraldry. lie could paint, draw, and engrave
portraits and landscapes. He is said to have engraved a portrait of Sir Thomas Cromwell after Holbein. In fact, his first
treatise v/as on art and was entitled: Graphic, or the most
auncient and excellent Arte of Drawing with the Pen and limning
in Water Colours, London, 1606. He translated King James'
Basilicon Doron into Latin verse and presented it with "emblemes
limned in liuely colours" to Prince Henry in 1610. The first
draft is in Harl. Ms. 6855, art. 15 (58ff) and bears the title
|3o>.a- v-7> *-v^ov A O J POV
U S
"fa tix^A VuA-afa.
[5o.<rvVK.<C . (Totum versum.)
in three books dedicated to James I. The penmanship and the
pen-and-ink drawings are said to be very good. Each emblem is
accompanied by four Latin verses and each quatrain embodies the
substance of a passage from the Basilicon Doron, which is supplied in a footnote in an English translation. The music and
words of a madrigal by Peacham, in four parts entitled: "King
James his quier" are at the end of the manuscript. Peacham
was also the author of Minerva Britanna; or a Garden of Heroical Devises, furnished and adorned v/ith emblemes and impresas
of sundry natures, newly devised, moralized and published,
London, 1612, v/hich is strictly a book of emblems. This vol-
44
ume, to which Whitney seems to have furnished the model, numbers 252 pages and is divided into two parts. There are 205 emblems and devices and to each there is attached a motto,—to
many a dedication, as to the king, princes, and nobles. It has
one new feature as a book of emblems, in the anagrams of names
to the honour of v/hich certain devices are devoted; as (p. 14)
ELISABETHA STEUARTA, which contains the letters out of which may
be formed the sentence, Has Artes Beata valet.
Peacham, in his Address to the Reader, speaks of "the
many and almost vnimitable Impresa's of our owne Countrie: as
those of Edward the black Prince, Henry the fourth, Henry the
seuenth, Henry the eight, Sir Thomas Moore, the Lord Cromwell,
& of later times, those done by Sir Philip Sidney, and others."
He remarks: "The last (Emblems) I have seen have been the devices of tilting, whereof many were till late reserved in the
private gallery at Whitehall, of Sir Philip Sidney, the Earl of
Cumberland, Sir Henry Leigh, the Earl of Essex, with many others,
most of which I once collected with intent to publish them, but
the charge dissuaded me." " And in the Author' s Conclusion a
vision is narrated by him in interesting stanzas of the EMPRESSE
OF THE ISLES.
While proudly vnderfoote she trod
Rich Trophaeies, and victorious spoiles.^
And with proud boastfulness the writer says:
"Henry Peacham, Minerva Britanna (London: Wa: Dight,
1612), A5.
5
°Ibid., p. 209
45
Here saw I many a shiver'd launce,
Swordes, Battle-axes, Cannons Slinges,
With th' Armes of PORTUGAL and FRAUNCE,
And Crownets of her pettie Kinges:
High-feathered Helmets for the Tilt,
Bowes, Steelie Targets cleft in twaine:
Coats, Cornets, Armours richly gilt,
With tattered Ensignes out of SPAINE,
About her now on every Tree,
(Whereon full oft she cast her eie.)
Hung silver Sheildes, by three and three,
V/ith Pencilled limned curiouslie:
Wherein were drawne with skilfull tuch,
Impresa* a and Devises rare,
Of all her gallant Knightes, and such
As actors in her Conquestes were.51
He passes through the splendid roll of names, a true Mirror of
most illustrious men, from "Great EDWARD third," and "valiant
IOHN OF LANCASTER," down to "Couragious ORMOND, LISLE, and SAY",
and demands:
With other numberlesse beside
That to haue seene each one1s devise,
How liuely limn'd how well appli'de,
You were the while in Paradise:?2
The whole subject concludes with the assurance:
Nov/ what they were, on every Tree
Devises new, as well as old,
Of those brave worthies, faithfullie,
Shall in another Booke be told.55
Which of Peacham's after-works, if any, may claim to be that
"another Booke" is not evident. His Graphics, or the Most
Auncient and Excellent Art of Drav/ing and Limning, Green says,
is of an emblematical character; as is "THE GENTLEMAN'S EXERCISE: or an Exquisite practise, as well for drawing of all
manner of beasts in their true portraitures, as also the mak51
Ibid., pp. 210, 11.
^Ibid., p. 212.
52
Ibid., p. 212.
46
ing of all kinds of Colours to be used in lymning, painting,
&c."
Of a fugitive "POEME upon the Birth and in Honor of the
Hopefull yong Prince Henrie Frederick, 1615," Collier's Bibliographical Catalogue (ii. 158) declares, "it has no design, but
is a rambling laudatory and emblematical composition far from
discreditable to Peacham's taste, scholarship and general knowledge."
The Nobylytye off Wymen by William Bercher (Barker),
composed in 1559, is a very curious and in some respects a very
learned MS edited by R. Warwick Bond for the Roxburge Club.
The author is quite unknown except for a small book in Latin
called Epitaphia which he published about 1556"« He v/as a Cambridge man, had travelled on the Continent and seems to have
been a scholar. The work is pertinent to this study because
it demonstrates how prevalent were the ideas and thoughts of
Emblem-writers and how closely intertwined with each other and
with the writers of other genres. The MS. bears the date of
the second year of Elizabeth's reign and is an imitation of
the Italian mode of conducting a pleasant argument, v/hich is
concerned in this case with the relative superiority of men
and women. The conclusion mentions the names and qualifications
of all the learned and accomplished ladies of the time, from
the days of Saint Thomas More and his daughter Margaret to the
illustrious Elizabeth. The place where the conversation is
supposed to take place is Petriolo near Sienna, a place of
fashion in the sixteenth century.
47
Bercher evidently intended The Nobylytye off V/ymen to
be accepted as an original work. He offers it to the Queen
as "a poore preasant off Ytalyon costume," and alludes to a
similar discussion held at Milan on the occasion of the Marquis Caravaggio's wedding v/hich "by one that was learned and
long tyme trayned" in the love of ladies and v/as later to
"theyr greate glorye sett forthe in writing."
He makes three
later allusions to this same v/ork but nowhere does he actually name either the author or the work. Beyond the Preface
and the opening pages introducing the personages of the discussion with an occasional page interspersed in iihe" original
and some eight pages at the end containing examples of learned
English ladies, however the work is merely a translation and
some condensation of a much longer Italian work on the same
subj ect.
This longer Italian work is: La Nobilta delle Donne
di M. Lodovoco Domenichi. In Vinetia Appreso Gabriel Giolito
di Ferrarii. MDXLIX. Lodovoco Domenichi, while not a very
great writer, seems to have enjoyed a contemporary importance.
He held a post at Cosimo de Medici's Court at Florence and
did a great many translations from the Classics. His work is
about three times as long as that of Bercher and is divided
into five books, the last two of which are devoted to examples
of eminent women in ancient times or in contemporary Italy.
The supposed location of these conversations is Milan and they
occur during the festivities attending the marriage of the
48
Marquis of Oaravaggio and Faustina Sforza in October 1546. It
displays a very v/ide range of learning reflected in the allusions, literary, patriotic, medical and legal. This learning,
according to Collier, seems to have been "filched" by Domenichi
from Henricicus Cornelius Agrippa, Knight of Nettesheim, who
taught in London for some time after the year 1509« Agrippa
apparently v/as a very remarkable person, since his fame secured
him invitations from Germany, Italy, England (Henry VIII) and
from the Low Countries.54 His work is entitled: De Nobilitate
So Fraecellentia Foeminei Sexus Declamatio Ad Margaretam Austriacorum & Burgundionum Principem, Antwerp, 1529*
(it also
appears in the collected edition of his v/orks published in
Lyons, 1551*) It is about one half as long as Bercher's and
differs from both it and Domenichi's lengthy one in that it is
not cast in dialogue form. The rather risque element by which
both his followers tried to relieve the ponderousness of the
discussion is likewise not found in the early work. His
treatise was translated into English in 1542. A Treatise of
the nobilitie and excellencye of woman kynde, translated into
Englysshe by David Clapam, Lond. in aed. Tho. Berthelati,
1542. The theme of these is an old one in literature and
harkens back to a Debat published in 1451 which was illustrated
with woodcuts.
J
Cf. Guizot's article in Biographie Universelle. Also
the Biography by Henry Morley, I856,and a Study by M. August
Prost, 1881.
49
Bercher's work was probably not printed because of his
divided allegiance between the Duke of Norfolk and Queen Elizabeth. He seems to have been connected with the Ridolphi plot
and is credited with having given the evidence which sent the
Duke to the block. He was threatened with the rack and endeavored to conceal his knowledge of the whole intrigue by assuming weak wits and an imperfect memory. However, his integrity
or lack of it does not concern us here, but the notoriety which
is inevitably connected with a person of this sort may have had
the same effect on the Elizabethans as it would have on us today. Certainly he gained enough prominence to be mentioned in
a letter to the Queen from the Duke of Norfolk, who called him,
"ane Italianfyd Inglyschemane."
Whitney's treatise in the front of his Choice of Emblemes has been discussed in Vol. I of the present studyo
Alciati's ideas, as well as those of his commentator, Claude
Minos, have likewise been covered in the previous volume. It
is obvious that the age was vitally interested in Emblembooks and how to compose them, and that Spenser not only knew
and used them but made his contribution to the manner of composing them as well.
Probably the most significant link of all however,
comes in the well-known works of John Florio. His "perfect
induction" into the Italian language, his praise of Alciati,
in addition to his complete quotation of one of the latter's
emblems, plus his very flattering reference to Spenser, all
50
seem to tie the three together in a way that is decidedly pertinent •
The title of his first book provides a resume of the
book itself. Florio His first Fruites: which yeelde familiar
speech, meris Prouerbes, wittie Sentences, and golden sayings.
Also a perfect Induction to the Italian, and English tongues,
as in the Table appeareth. The like heretofore neuer by any
men published. The first volume is dedicated to Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, and it is in this volume that the
praise of Alciati occurs.
I wyl tel you of a braue saying, written by Alciato
that noble and learned Poet. Not many yeares ago, in
Milan a famous citie in Lombardie, through the rich merchants that are there, came a plague & infected many
yong Gentlemen, and old men liued, so that the youth
dyed and old men fel in loue upon which case, our Poet
Alciato wrote these verses.
Both loue and death were lodged in one place,
Both in the morning wakte:
At parting both, through froward fortunes
chance,
They changed dartes, & loue for wounding,
The young men wretchedly and sorowfully dyed.
And death with woundyng mydst the hart
The old mens harts in loue dyed frye:
0 mightly lord, and of our bodyes thou,
0 wicked Queene, your weapons soone returns,
that he may dye
That's olde, and young may happy liue in ioy.
Truely the verses shew, that the Poet was of a noble wyt,
and gallant. And so he was certaine.55
The Italian original, is of course quoted in full. It is taken
from the 1564 edition differing only from the one published at
55john Florio, Florio His first Fruites (London: Thos.
Woodcocke, 1578), pp. 45-5.
51
Lyons, 1551, in the manner of using capital letters (which the
latter uses for important words, like love and death) and in
the spacing.
Albergarono insieme Amor e Morte,
Et la mattina desti
Nelpartir si ambedoi, per dura sorte
Congiar li strali. Onde ferendo Amore
Ignoiuani, moriam miseri emesti.
Et la Morte impiaga'do a mezzo il core
I vecchi, ardeuan d'amoroso ardore.
0 potente Signore,
E tu de corpi nostri empia Reina
Ritornatiui 1'armi, accib che moia
II vecchio, e viua il giouanetto in gioia.5°
It is interesting to compare the same emblem in the 1581 edition from the press of Christopher Plantin. The woodcut in the
first mentioned shows death and love both shooting their darts
from the clouds. Two young men are already dead on the ground
while another is about to fall. In the center is an old man
making his way toward what seems to be a young woman, though the
figure is a bit obscure, with an arrow in his heart. This edition, likewise, has a very elaborate border. In the second work
the woodcut itself is clearer than in the former, though the
border is inferior. In this case, love and death are again
shooting their arrows. However, the old man is shot in the back
this time and is going off with the lady, who is anything but
appealing. Only one young man is lying dead on the ground, but
there is a city in the background, and perhaps one is expected
to imagine the slaughter of the rest of the victims. In the
•^Andrea Alciati, Diverse Impresse accommodate a diuerse moralita &c (Lione: Rovillio, 1551), P» 148.
52
former case the emblem was entitled "Delia morte ed' Amore."
While in this case it is "in formosam fato praereptam."
The emblem is numbered CLV and reads as follows:
Cvr puerum Mors ausa dolis es carpere Amorem,
Tela tua vt iaceret, dum propria esse putat.
E lusdem est argumenti cum superiori, quo deflect cuiusdam formosae Virginia immaturum obitum. Increpat itaque
mortem tamqua huius funestissimi mali caussam, nimirum quae
Amori dormitanti tela detraxerit: quo effectum est, vt
postmodum lethiferis pro blandis laetisque vteretur. Quod
quidem saepenumero contingit, vel cum puellae amore captae
desperates expirant, mortemque spontaneam aliquando malint,
quam ab aliqua spe incerta ac dubia lactari diutius: aut
cum corporis aliqua aegritudine, vel caussa alia minime
cognita, quo tempore de coniugij negotiis agendum erat,
ante mori discant, quam viuere inceperint. Sic enim amor
ille caecusreuera & impatiens, imb verb exspes, corripere
tela mortis dicitur, cum iuuenculae illae tenerae & delicatae aut se falli sentiunt, aut nihil spei fore intelligunt
in eo quem ardenti animo concupiuerunt. Memini me aliquando
epigramma lusisse in gratiam nobilis cuiusdam adolescentis,
qui magno suo dolore amicam, lectissimam primaeque nobilitatis iuuenculam, praematura morte sibi ereptam, lugebat:
cuius carminis haec fuit pars quaedam:
Ah virgo infelix quid te Libitina trucidat
Tarn citb, formoso digna puella viro?
Iniudit thalamo tumulus quo tempore primas
Coniugii teda ipse parabat Amor.
Sic penetrabilius telum fuit istud Amoris:
Mors aberat, mortem cuspides fecit Amor.
Sic male suadas Amor, Mortis qui spicula dirus
Arripuit, quando lethifer omnis erat.
Sed nil nos questus^q iuuant, mollesq susurri;
Virgo iaces, thalamis aptior vna tuis.
Quam misere ante diem Parcarum stamine raptae
Conderis, in tumulo digna puella thoro'.57
V/hitney uses exactly the same woodcut as WSB used in this last
edition. Rather, it were more accurate to say that Plantin supplied the same v/oodcut for both works. The border in the
5'Andrea Alciati, Omnia Andreae Alciati V. 0. Emblemata (Antverpiae: Christophori Plantini, 1581), pp. 547-48.
55
English book, however, is quite simple and the title reads,
"De morte, & amore: Iocosum.", and the dedication is addressed
to Edward Dyer Esquier. The verse, itself, is a splendid example of the way V/hitney "adopted" his model:
While furious Mors, from place, to place did flie,
And here, and there, her fatall dartes did throwe:
At lengthe shee mette, with Cupid passing by,
V/ho likewise had, bene busie with his bowe:
Within one Inne, they bothe togeather stay'd,
And for one nighte, awaie theire shooting lay'd.
The morrowe next, they bothe awaie doe haste,
And eache by chaunce, the others quieur takes:
The frozen dartes, on Cupiddes backe weare plac'd,
The fierie dartes, the leane virago shakes:
Whereby ensued, suche alteration straunge,
As all the v/orlde, did wonder at the chaunge.
For gallant youthes, whome Cupid thoughts to wounde,
Of loue, and life, did malce an ende at once.
And aged men, whome deathe woulde bringe to grounde:
Beganne againe to loue, with sighes and grones;
Thus natures lawes, this chaunce infringed soe:
That age did loue, and youthe to gaue did goe.
Till at the laste, as Cupid drewe his bowe,
Before he shotte: a younglinge thus did crye,
Oh Venus sonne, thy dartes thou dost not knowe,
They pierce too deepe: for all thou hittes, doe die:
Oh spare our age, who honored thee of oulde,
These dartes are bone, take thou the dartes of gpulde.
V/hich being saide, a v/hile did Cupid staye,
And sawe, how youthe v/as almoste cleane extinct:
And age did doate, with garlandes freshe, and gaye,
And heades all balde, weare newe in wedlocke linckt:
Wherefore he shewed, this error vnto Mors,
V/ho miscontent, did chaunge againe perforce.
Yet so, as bothe some dartes av/aie conuay'd,
V/hich weare not thiers: yet vnto neither knov/ne,
Some bonie dartes, in Cupiddes quiuer stayd,
Some goulden dartes, had Mors amongst her owne.
Then when wee see, vntimelie deathe appeare:
Or wanton age: it was this chaunce you heare.5°
It is in Florios' second frvtes to be gathered of twelue
Trees, of diuers but delightful tastes to the tongues of ItalGeoffrey Whitney, A Choice of Emblemes, and other Devises, (Leyden: Christopher Plantyn, 1586), pp. 152, 55.
54
ians and Englishmen To which is annexed his Gardine of Recreation yeelding six thousand Italian Prouerbs, that we find the
very complimentary reference to Spenser, whom he calls "the
sweetest singer of all our westerne shepheardes."
In speaking
of Leicester to whom the first volume, as was noted above, was
dedicated, he says:
But nor I, nor this place may halfe suffice for his
praise, which the sweetest singer, of all our westerne
shepheardes hath so exquisitely depainted, that-as
Achilles by Alexander was counted happy for hauing such
a rare emblazoner of his magnanimitie, as the Moenian
Poete; so I account him thrice fortunate in hauing such
a herauld of his vertues as Spenser; curteous Lord,
curteous Spenser, I knowe not which hath purchast more
fame, either he in deseruing so well of so famous a
scholler, or so famous a scholler in being so thankfull
without hope of requitall to so famous a Lord:59
The entire foregoing examination might indeed seem to
be merely "carrying owles to Athenes" unless v/e recall how
prevalent was the " embl em- frame of mind."
Emblems were the
fashionable taste of the period, as v/ill be seen in the next
chapter where it is demonstrated, they found their way into all
the surroundings. This fact is expressed in Daniell's translation of Giovio's Worthy Tract, where he speaks of Lorenzo
the Magnificent as symbolizing Faith, Hope, and Charity.
Giovio is speaking:
I cannot go beyond the three Diamats which the great
Oosimo did beare, which you see engrauen in the chamber
wherein I lye. But to tell you in trueth, although with
all diligece I have searched, yet cannot I find precisely what they signifie; & thereof also doubted Pope Clemet,
The Epistle Dedicatorie," A.5 ^verso).
55
who in his meaner fortune, lay also in the self same chamber.
And trueth it is that he sayd, the Magnifico Lorenzo
used one of them with greate brauerie, inserting it betweene three feathers of three sundrie colours, greene,
while, and red; which betokened three vertues; Faith,
Hope, and Charitie, appropriate to those three colours:
Hope, greene: Faith, white: Charitie, red; with the
worde Semper belowe it. V/hich Impresa hath bene used of
all the successors of his house, yea, and of the Pope;
v/ho did beare it imbrodered on the vpper garments of the
horsmen of his garde, vnder that of the yoke.
From the foregoing it can be seen that Spenser had his
attention called frequently to Emblem-books and their composition. One is always interested in a work which mentions one by
name. It is unreasonable to suppose that Spenser, who was ambitious in the correct sense of that term, v/ould prove any exception to this rule. In addition to that we Icnow his own personal
interest in anything which might improve or contribute to the
furthering of hi3 own artistic efforts.
Emblem-books, in the opinion of the Renaissance man, as
is obvious from the wide popularity of the genre, were held to
be just this sort of contributing factor, but it must be reiterated here that any one Emblem—book, as such, is not held by
this study to have been the source of any one idea, as such,
in the work of Spenser, no matter how analogous the tv/o quoted
passages might seem to be.
There is no need here to restate in detail what Green,
Praz, and others dating as far back as Thynne and V/arton have
56
held to be true; that Spenser composed emblems in The Faerie
Queene as well as in his earlier works. But it can be maintained that certain stanzas of The Faerie Queene could well
be incorporated under a woodcut as emblems.
I
The prevalence of emblematic figures, scenes and subjectmatter (frequently with their accompanying epigram or "moral") in
the environmental surroundings of the middle and upper classes of
Elizabethan England is the province of this next chapter. Not
only the tapestries and "Clothes of Arras" concerned themselves
v/ith emblematical subjects but even the carving on fireplaces,
stairways, furniture, doors, and church stalls portrayed symbolical material. The plate and tableware abounded in scenes from
mythology or beast lore. Gardens abounded in emblematic statuary
and design.
Light v/as furnished from chandeliers which used this
subject matter for ornamentation.
Garments were adorned v/ith em-
broidered figures and frequently the moral was written out in the
embroidery, as it had been inscribed on the plate or tapestry.
When it is recalled that this vogue for pictures with accompanying
pithy sayings descended even to rings for friends or collars for
their horses, it is quite probable that any of these may have
suggested a particular scene or moral to Spenser rather than the
one cited from an Emblem-book.
Hov/ever, the remainder of this
study demonstrates that the Renaissance interest in emblems took
a specific trend in Emblem-book3, and it is this "emblem-book
frame of mind" that is found in The Faerie Queene.
Since the
entire investigation is not a source study, but rather an inquiry
into the author's method, it is felt that this rather long examination of other possible source material is decidedly pertinent.
CHAPTER III
EMBLEMS AND ELIZABETHAN TASTE
Before attempting to point out the numerous analogous
passages to be found in Spenser and the Emblem-books, it is
necessary to survey the other possible sources which might have
suggested similar ideas to the poet's mind. It is not the aim
of this study to assert with finality that the passage quoted
from an Emblem-book is the definite source of the corresponding
passage quoted from The Faerie Queene. In fact, a good case
might even be made out for the reverse of the picture, at least
for the later Emblem writers in England. This point was indicated in the previous chapter in the discussion of Francis
Thynne. It is substantiated by the following which is found on
the back of leaf 55 iu his Emblemes and Epigrames published the
year after Spenser's death.
Spencers Fayrie Queene
Renowned Spencer, whose heavenlie sprite
ecclipseth the sonne of former poetrie,
in whome the muses harbor with delighte,
gracinge they verse with Immortalitie,
Crowning thy fayrie Queene with deitie,
the famous Chaucer yealds his Lawrell crowne
vnto thy sugred penn, for thy renowne.
Noe cankred envie cann thy fame deface,
nor eatinge tyme consume thy sacred vayne;
noe carpinge zoilus cann thy verse disgrace,
nor scoffinge Momus taunt the with disdaine,
since thy rare worke eternall praise doth gayne;
then live thou still, for still thy verse shall live,
to vnborne poets, which light and life will give.
58
59
It is important to keep in mind that the prodesse and
delectare aspects, which are the essence of the Emblem-books,
adopted popular subject matter. Thus in pointing out analogies,
it is necessary to remember that the poet may have drawn upon
some other inspirational source for his ideas. Certainly, there
was an "emblem" frame of mind evidenced during the period—
interest in the pleasing and the useful which was brought about
by prosperity with its resultant luxury and an increased interest in things cultural. Lucas sums up the situation thus:
The Renaissance was a most stirring and creative period
in the history of mankind. Never before had there been so
vast an accumulation of capital in the hands of so many
people and in so extensive an area. In the towns the upper
classes possessed of leisure inevitably began to seek a
higher cultural level
They were interested in a
higher secular culture in which all human and earthly things
would find their legitimate place. . . . . Letters, science, the arts, education, economic and political thought
and institutions, and social life were profoundly modified,
thus providing a broader basis for the culture of modern
times.
But an even more pertinent picture of the state of
things is given by Wright. It is well to recall the surroundings and environment in which Spenser lived. Obviously with
even the middle class enjoying the luxuries and advantages described in the following excerpt, it was impossible for him not
to move in an "emblematical" atmosphere. Wright states:
t
Prosperity brought with it
zens strode in silk and velvet
dined on rare dishes served in
erally aped the manners of the
new luxuries. Rich citithrough the Royal Exchange,
pewter or silver, and gengentry. So grandly did
Henry S. Lucas, The Renaissance and the Reformation
(New York: Harper & Bros., 1954), p. 691.
60
the wives of tradesmen dress that foreigners complained
that they could not distinguish them from fine ladies.
And all the while, preachers warned that, because of the
unseemly extravagance and corruption of gold which the
older generation had not known, the iniquitous country
would be swept by pestilence and damned to perdition.
The love of luxuries, which the traffic of business
placed in reach even of small tradesmen, had tremendous
esthetic effects. As Citizens of London and other towns
could afford it, they tore down their old houses and
built new and finer homes with chimneys and glass windows and carved stairways. No longer, as in the days of
their fathers, were tradesmen content with rude furnishings and bare necessities. Now they hung their walls
with painted cloths and tapestrieB and had their portraits painted. As they grew richer, they laid out gardens and dreamed of country estates. Although diligence
and industry were cardinal points in the tradesman's
creed, he took time for honest pleasures, of which music
was a favorite . . . . If so minded, the tradesman might
play the lute, for even in the barber shops he v/ould
find one provided for his convenience . . . .
In the three-quarters of a century preceding the
Puritan Revolution, they had learned to appreciate new
luxuries, new comforts, and new pleasures. And with the
development of their taste came the stirrings of a new
interest in the fine arts, which manifested itself chiefly in the desire of burghers for houses comfortably furnished and handsomely adorned. "Great prouision of tapestrie, Turkie Worke, pewter, brasse, fine linen, and
thereto costlie cupboards of plate" filled the houses of
"Knights, gentlemen, merchantmen and some other wealthie
citizens," William Harrison asserts in the Description
of England (1577), and even "The inferious artificers and
manie farmers" had plate, napery, "Tapistrie and silke
hangings." As in literature, bourgeois taste in art inclined to the useful and the didactic. The wall motto,
which has-not yet completely vanished into the limbo of
discarded furnishings, edified the citizenry, whom
Nicholas Breton enjoins to
Reade what is v/ritten on the painted
cloth;
Doe no man wrong, be good vnto the
poore:
Bev/are the Mouse, the Maggot, and
the Moth;
And euer haue an eye vnto the doore:
Trust not a foole, a villaine, nor
a whore.
Goe neat, not gaie; and spend but
as you sapre:
And turne the Colte to pasture with
the Mare.
61
No Whippinge, not trippinge: but a kinde friendly
Snippinge (1601) Big. B 5 ) .
Not every citizen could have possessed "fifteene
faire Pictures . . . . couered with Curtaines of greene
silke, fringed with gold", v/hich Deloney places in the
wainscoted parlor of Jack of Newbery, the clothier, but
every citizen would have approved the sentiments reflected in those pictures . . . . Naive though the artistic sense of Elizabethan commoners may have been, the
esthetic consciousness of plain men and women was growing v/ith a vigor stimulated by increasing wealth, which
placed within reach of the multitude painted pictures,
tapestries, and other handiwork of sundry native and
foreign craftsmen skilled in the decorative arts.
No longer content with smoky hovels and crude furnishings, citizens seeking the ornamental developed a
taste for color and gorgeousness, which is reflected in
all Elizabethan art, including literature.
The chimneys, carved stairways, painted cloths, tapestries,.pewter and silver dishes, the music, the pictures, the gardens and
so forth, mentioned by Wright, will be examined in the follov/ing
pages for their emblematical aspects. Not only could these environmental furnishings have been possible sources for some of
the pictorial effects or stories in The Faerie Queene, but what
is far more important to this investigation, they demonstrate
clearly that the very air which Spenser breathed, was fraught
v/ith emblems.
Strictly speaking, however, England made practically no
contributions to Renaissance painting. Her native talent remained undeveloped, and King Henry VIII invited Raphael,
Primaticcio, and even Titian to England. But it was impossible
to entice any of the great Italians to a land v/hich v/as still
regarded as provincial. A fev/ inferior Italian artists, hov/ever,
Louis B. V/right, Middle-Class Culture in Elizabethan
England. (Chapel Hill: The Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1955),
pp. 15-17.
62
were employed by the court and the aristocracy. As a consequence the v/orks of Low Country artists which were available
appealed to Englishmen. Pictures by Massys and Bossaert were
admired and a number of minor Netherlandish masters sought
work in England. But Hans Holbein was the only significant
artist who gladly spent his mature years there, though, Giulio
Romano was favorably known in England, probably through his
cartoons which were used for the weaving of tapestries. The
religious difficulties which began under Henry VIII and became
a chief factor in national life under Edward VI, Mary Tudor,
and Elizabeth were unfavorable to the development of native
painting. Puritan bitterness toward most traditional art destroyed the foundations of painting as they had been developed
during the closing Middle Ages.
Speaking of the vogue for portrait-painting or picturemaking, Lionel Oust says:
"From such a drawing (charcoal) a
painting was made, the details of costume and jewellery being
toilsomely elaborated. The intellectual side of portraiture
was sacrificed to the demands for a rich and showy effect."^
This evaluation is somewhat analogous to the Emblem-books, since
the intellectual side of the verse might be said to have been
sacrificed sometimes to the demands of the "showy" woodcut.
Oust also states that the picture shop was a very familiar sight
in Elizabethan London, adding in a footnote: "It should be
•^Lionel Oust, Shakespeare1 s England, (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1916), Vol. II, 8.
65
noted that the word 'picture1 was used equally for a painted
figure in stone or plaster and for a figure painted on panel
or canvas."
Only a superficial study of these painted can-
vases was possible and yielded nothing pertinent to emblems
that is not contained in the discussion of tapestries.5 As for
sculpture, Oust says:
England created as little in sculpture as in painting.
Hov/ever, Flemish masters who had learned something about
Italian form soon began to find favor in that country.
Pietrc Torrigiano (1472-1528) made the sepulchres of Henry
VII and his mother, the Countess Margaret* which stand in
King Henry's Chapel in Westminster Abbey."
The great musical awakening of the latter part of the
sixteenth century cited by Mr. Wright stimulated interest in
instrumental music; in fact, it is at this point that the history of this art begins. Like many other phases of Elizabethan'
taste it began in Italy. About 1580 a circle of scholars and
musical amateurs of Florence held meetings at the house of
Giovanni Bardi, Count of Vernio, and a prominent feature of
their discussion was the possibility of a form of music suitable for dramatic purposes. They imagined that the problem had
been solved by the ancient Athenians in their drama, which they
inferred from the ancient writings had been declaimed in musi-
TEbid., p. 12.
5(The Renaissance collections of the Art Museums of New
York, Chicago and St. Louis, the Hearst and Frick collections,
the "Renaissance pi6ces" of the Huntington and Folger, and the
Italian Renaissance Art Collection brought over for the World's
Fair held at San Francisco, were examined for this study and
serve as reference for the statements made throughout the chapter, where no printed authority is cited.)
6
Ibid., p. 415.
64
cal tones, and they set themselves to discover a style of singing that would correspond to what they believed to have been
the Athenian method. Their experiments resulted in the invention of a kind of musical utterance that was half way between
speech and song. "It is not incorrect to say that in the Bardi
circle somewhere about 1590 recitative was invented, and with
it the modern opera was founded."'
The Italian influence in
England needs no comment here, and the similarity between opera
and Emblem-books will be noted later.
The date of the Armada is usually given as the date of
the birth of the great school of Elizabethan Madrigalists. In
fact, England is spoken of as having: • . . . "a magnificent
group of composers of this type of music, from Tallis through
the long-lived Byrd and Morely, Weelkes, Wilbye to Orlando
Gibbons."
(fl. 1542-1626) And in a later v/ork these same au-
thorities assert:
Instrumental music was closely associated with choral
music during the Renaissance, as we have seen; . . . .
Literally hundreds of these fantasies were written by the
English composers of this century, the most notable being
those by William Byrd, 'The father of English music,' and
Thomas Weelkes, one of the greatest of the madrigalistB.
. . . . A contemporary readily admits, 'Prick song (contrapuntal music) to be faire musicke, so it be done upon
the booke surely and after a good sorts. But to sing to
the lute is much better, because all sweetness consisteth
in one alone (that is, lies in one solo part); and sing-
'Edward Dickinson, The Study of the History of Music,
(New York: Scribners & Sons, 1915), p. 67.
Howard D. McKinney So W. R. Anderson, Discovering '•
Music (New York: American Book Co., 1954), p. 2l4.
65
ing to the lute with the dittie (methinke) is more pleasant than the rest, for it addeth to the words such a grace
and strength that it is a great wonder.' (Castiglione's
II Cortegiano).9
This combination of word and song v/ill be commented on in a few
lines. A personal investigation of the instruments used at
this period, available in the art collections, yielded no particular similarities to emblems except that all of them were beautifully carved.
It was at this time too, that Flemish musicians developed
the use of the canon, a repetition of a melodic theme, and
counterpoint. This was also the period v/hich witnessed the developments of the polyphonic school. And the culmination of the
contrapuntal school previously mentioned v/as an outgrowth of the
rather feverish seeking of the old, which was in reality an endeavor to find the new. The similarity between the characteristics, of this art and the Emblem-books is this "combination":
Opera meant a living picture accompanied by music; Emblem-books
meant a carved picture accompanied by poetry. In fact, there is
an example of an Emblem-book in which the verses are accompanied
by musical scores. It is Atalanta fugiens (Oppenheim, 1618) by
Michael Maier. The book is devoted to Alchemistic information
which is translated into emblems, the verses being set to music.
In addition to the fine arts in the Elizabethan period,
those numerous other minor arts which had such a vogue in the
Q
'Howard D. McKinney and W. R. Anderson, Music in History The Evolution of an Art (New York; American Book Co.,
1940), pp. 281 ff.
66
Renaissance yield an abundance of emblem influence. The first
and most important from the viewpoint of this study is that of
tapestry weaving. The Renaissance tapestries, while not equal
to the Gothic, have given to the world some designs that compel admiration. Among these are famous Royal Spanish collection, and Raphael's "Acts of the Apostles," and many of the
sets based on the designs of Giulio Romano and Bernard van Orley.
Renaissance tapestries excel in whites and golden yellows and
accentuate horizontal line effects and develop paint-style modeling. The variety of subject matter is tremendous; it ranges
from the five senses to the famous Unicorn tapestry at the
Cluny museum. The subject matter is as comprehensive for tapestries as it is for Emblem-books, and V/hitney's division for
Emblem-books might well serve for tapestries. V/hitney divides
them:
. . . . into three kinds, v/hich is Historicall, Naturall, & Morail. Historicall, as representing the acts
of some noble persons, being matter of historie. Naturall, as expressing the natures of creatures, for example
the loue of the yonge Storkes, to the oulde, or of suche
like. Morail, pertaining to vertue and instruction of
life, which is the chiefe of the three, and the other
two maye bee in some sorte drawen into this head. For
all doe tende vnto discipline, and morall preceptes of
liuing.l°
Menestrier, the famous Jesuit Emblematist, makes four classes
and goes on to explain how the different emblems are included
in these four subdivisions, just as V/hitney has done. His com10
Geoffrey V/hitney, "Address to the Reader", Choice of
Emblems (Leyden, Christopher Plantyn, 1^86)9
6
1
ments are likewise applicable to tapestries:
Ce sont les images qui sont la matiere des Emblemes,
puisque les Emblemes sont des instrucions qui doivent
frapper les yeux, pour passer de la jusqu'a l'ame. Ces
images se tirent de toutes les choses sensibles So des
estres spirituels que nous pouvons repreoenter sous des
figures humaines. Ainsi la Nature, les Arts, les Fables,
les Metamorphoses, les Proverbes, les Aplogues, les
Sentences Morales, les Axiones des Sciences, les exemples de l'Histoire, & les fictions des Poetes, sont la
matiere des Emblemes; . • . . H
Whole stories and histories have been found beautifully executed
in tapestries. Most of them have a Latin inscription and many
of them have a verse or inscription in one other language such as
Spanish or French. These inscriptions always tell the story or
are in explanation of the picture portrayed. There is an added
feature in the Emblem-books, which alv/ays endeavor to draw a
moral from the illustration. The Mazarin tapestry which is considered the finest tapestry in the world, was made in Brussels
about the middle of the reign of Phillip and Joanna (1486-1506).
It depicts the Persian Empire of the Old Dispensation, the
Roman Empire of the New Dispensation, and the Christian Hero
(Preux) Charlemagne. There are two things of interest to this
study: the similarity of subject matter to the Biblia Paperum,
the fore-runner of Emblem-books, and the appearance of Augustus,
whose "Festina Lente" is found so frequently in Emblem-books.
Practically all of the numerous tapestries listed in the
inventories of Henry V and Henry VIII came from across the
P. C. F. Menestrier, S. J., L'Art des Emblemes (Paris,
Chez R. J. B. De La Caille, 1684), pp. 19, 20.
68
Channel. While some of the less important ones may have been
woven in England, by French-Flemish weavers, the first English
tapestry factory of any continuity appears to have been established in the middle of the sixteenth century, at Barcheston
in Warv/ickshire, by Richard Hyckes, with William Sheldon, an
English country squire as patron. A tapestry from the Victoria
and Albert Museum attributed to this factory bears in the center the coat-of-arms of Sir William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke.
The design is one of the Italian Grotesques so popular during
the Renaissance. On each side of the coat-of-arms are picture
medallions showing Pride and Luxury, both of which are found in
The Faerie Queene. There are four such tapestries v/hich bear
the arms, crests, supporters and motto of Robert Dudley, Earl
of Leicester and Warwick, favourite of Queen Elizabeth, and typified by Arthur in The Faerie Queene.
The following excerpt in discussing the authorship of
the tapestries and illuminated manuscripts throws some light on
what is meant by an "emblem-frame" of mind. The writer who
composed the scenario and the inscriptions was the significant
factor. That The Faerie Queene is without illustrations is irrelevant to this study since the poem was evidently conceived
in this "emblem-frame" of mind.
The Author of Gothic tapestries was not the painter who
made the original sketches or executed the full-size cartoon. It was the writer v/ho composed the scenario and the
inscriptions. V/hat was true of tapestries was also true of
Gothic illuminated manuscripts, and in accordance v/ith the
precedent set by them. The Author who composed the text
and printed it in beautiful letters with his own hand, was
69
vastly more important than the painter who under the Author' s
direction did the illustrations. The Author was the originator, and the creator, and the architect, to whom credit for
the book or the set of tapestries was allowed as a matter of
course. The painter played the part of the modern illustrator of a popular novel, or of the scenario photographer who
records on the film the ideas of the author as made into pictures by the actors of the cinema.12
In Gothic tapestries, even those picturing ancient history, most of the personages looked just like contemporaries. In
Renaissance tapestries, ancient personages, and sometimes contemporary ones, were pictured in v/hat they thought the ancient
Romans wore. The Tapestries of the Hearst Collection supplied
some pertinent information. Outstanding in the collection is a
set of four Flemish fifteenth century tapestries woven in Brussels and depicting the "Creation and Fall of Man."
These former-
ly hung in the Treasury of the Cathedral of Toledo, Spain; later
belonging to the V/einberg Collection in Frankfort. At Brussels
v/hen "The Creation and Fall of Man" tapestries v/ere v/oven, there
were strict rules regulating the weaving and the weavers. The
weaver must not design anything more important for the tapestry
than accessory details—though, today, we find in those very details perhaps the greatest charm. A little later, a rule was
made forbidding the copying of another weaver's work, and the
rule seems to have been about as effective as if it had not been
made. The copying v/as as prevalent here as it was in Emblembooks. The designs were copied from cartoons by artists quali-
l^George Leland Hunter, Practical Book of Tapestries
(Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1925), pp. 245-46.
70
fied by experience and training for their special and exacting
work. This same situation prevailed with Emblem-books, where
the designs for the woodcuts were executed by artists of note.
The fact remains, however, that tapestry may be made or marred
by the skill and taste of the individual weaver. The vivacity,
teeming life, the freedom of gesture, the sweep of composition—
all against an exquisite mille-fleurs background of these tapestries, indicate something of the heights to which this art of
weaving had developed. The weaver was completely sure of himself, complete master of his material; the designer did not
fumble nor compromise but wrought his pattern with a perfect comprehension of its ultimate destination.
Frederick Hard has ably demonstrated Spenser's acquaintance with and use of tapestries and tapestry lore. Admitting
that "the pictorial representations are based ultimately on the
Ovidian account," he remarks:
I believe, however, that the fact has a much deeper significance; it means, as I see it, that Spenser was not only
a very skillful painter of pictures employed for the sake of
heightening his narrative, but also that he was a keen observer whose natural response to sensuous impressions furnished him v/ith a firm basis in actual experience for his
seemingly imaginary compositions. In other words, Spenser,
like Keats and every true poet, drew primarily from his own
experience—particularly sensuous experience—rather than
from literary sources. Thus it is that the literary sources
just reviewed are not sufficient to explain the evident
sympathy and appreciation which Spenser displays in his descriptions of the hangings.15
He feels that there is a real relationship betv/een tapestries and
the paintings of the period. Also, that there is a definite sim-Trederick Hard, "Spenser's 'Clothes of Arras and of
Toure'," Studies in Philology, XXVII (1950), I65.
71
ilarity between tapestries and the MS. of illustrations. And
certainly there is a decided kindred of subject matter between
these two arts and the Emblem-books.
Thomson, in A History of Tapestry, says "Tne inventories made in the beginning of the l6th century show that enormous quantities of the finest kind of tapestry were in every day
use in England."
And he gives the following list of tapes-
tries from the inventory of King Henry VIII:
The Tower
Hangings of Arras
7
1
12
(6
4
peces of the Seaven Deadely SynneB (FQ, 1.4.18 ff.)
pece of fame and honor (FQ, 2.8.15 and 2.5.4l)
peces of thistorye of the XII Monthes (FQ, 7.7.52 ff.)
peces of Muliager)
peces of Tapestrye of Hercules (FQ, 1.7.17 and thirtynine other references in FQ alone.)
7 peces of Vulcan, Mercury and Venus (FQ, 4.54; 6.22.8
and 4.10.59)
7 peces of Tapestrie of VII Virtues
In Spenser's letter to Raleigh, he says of his plan of The Faerie
Queene:
By ensample of v/hich excellente Poets, I labour to pourtraict in Arthure, before he was king, the image of a braue
knight, perfected in the twelue private morall vertues, as
Aristotle hath deuised, the which is the purpose of these
first twelue bookes:
6 peces of tapestrie of Poetree (FQ, 1.10.59)
9 peces of Hunting Tapestrie of thistorie of Venus and
Cupid.15 (FQ, 5.6.11 ff.)
The subject matter and treatment are definitely analogous.
1 % . G. Thomson, A History of Tapestry (rev. ed.; London:
Hodder So Stoughton, 1950), p. 259.
^Ibid.. pp. 245-50.
72
The architecture of the period reveals many emblematical
aspects. Early in the sixteenth century a new influence of foreign origin was felt in architectural design. The Renaissance
styles of Italy came to England, and Italian ideas became fashionable in this art as in the others. However, the result was
not merely an adopting of Italian modes. It was a curious mixture
of old and new.
. . . . a homely English dress with Italian trimmings;
a Gothic framework with Classic overlay; or Classic features treated in a Gothic manner . . . . It was, indeed, a
fit companion to the poetry with which it was contemporaneous. It had the naivetey, the curious mingling of the
mediaeval and classic in an atmosphere of romance, which
characterize The Faerie Queene.1"
The interior of the house also contained much that was emblematical in tone.
Heraldry also played an important part in the decoration
of houses both inside and out. Nothing is more usual than
to find the owner's arms carved over his front door, and on
his principal chimney pieces; while his family animal—be it
bird, beast, fish, or fabulous monster—appears in all sorts
of places where ornament v/as required: on stone finials
outside, on newel-posts inside, in the panels of a screen,
or the frieze of a chimney-piece, or even—as was the garb
(or wheatsheaf) of the Hungerfords—fashioned into an escutcheon round a keyhole. Gresham's crest—a grasshopper—was
carved on almost all prominent points about the roof of the
Royal Exchange.1'
The close connection between heraldry and emblems is conceded, but
the following paragraph by Oswald Barron shows not only this close
relationship but the manner in which the taste pervaded the entire
surroundings of an Elizabethan:
Shakespeare's England (imp. 1952; Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1916), II, 52.
17
Ibid., pp. 69, 70.
75
In one fantastic branch of the heraldry of the Renaissance Shakespeare showed a practical interest. Noblemen
of his day adopted the Italian fashion of adorning their
shields at tournaments, and sometimes their household
furniture and plate, with 'imprese', artistic devices in
miniature combining ingenious allegorical pictures with
mottoes. Near the end of his career, in March 1615, the
dramatist helped his friend Burbage, who was well known
not only as an actor, but also as a painter, in devising
an 'impress' for the Earl of Rutland, a friend of the
dramatist's patron, the Earl of Southampton, to bear on
his shield and equipment at a forthcoming tournament at
Whitehall.!8
Again in a dedicatory epistle signed J. Evelyn, Court 20,
August 1664, a discussion of the elements of architecture with
rules for the construction of the house in general and the various
parts, viz. chimneys, floors, and so forth is found. A characteristic remark about the staircase concerns itself with the width
of the stair and the height of ceiling. This latter should be of
a certain height since "we expend more breath in mounting."
Con-
cerning decoration he writes:
Decor, is the keeping of a due Respect between the Inhabitant and the Habitation. Whence Palladius did conclude,
that the principal Entrance was never to be regulated by any
certain Dimension, but by the Dignity of the Master; yet to
exceed rather in the More, than in the Less, is a Mark of
Generosity, and may always be excused with some noble Emblem,
(italics mine) or Inscription, as that of the Conte di
Bevilacqua, over his large Gate at Verona; v/here, perchance
has been committed a little Disproportion. Pater Januat
Cor magi8. . . . . And here likewise I must remember our ever
memorable Sir Philip Sidney (whose Wit was in truth the very
Rule of Congruity) who well knowing that Basilius (as he had
painted the State of his Mind) did rather want some extraordinary Forms to entertain his Fancy, than Room for Courtiers, was contented to place him in a Star-like Lodge; v/hich
otherwise, in severe Judgment of Art, had been an incommodious Figure.19
l8
Ibid., p. 88.
19
John Evelyn, A Parallel of the Ancient Architecture with
the Moden (London: Printed by T. W. for J. Walthae; 1755),
XXXVII.
74
The over-decoration and vogue for the ornate was very
evident in each feature of the interior of the Elizabethan house.
The ceilings were beamed, open-timbered or barrel-vaulted, usually v/ith parget-work. This was a sort of decorative plaster work
in raised ornamental figure, frequently colored. These figures
were often nothing more than a design similar to the border on
Emblem-books, but sometimes they were representations of the
wind, sun or flowers, and sometimes even of godB or goddesses.
The floors were of oak, stone or tile, with nothing particularly
emblematic to be noted about them. The v/indows were casements
in ranges with stone mullions between. Doorways were carved and
of either wood or stone. The carving, of course, followed the
usual tendency. The fireplaces were a special feature and were
fashioned with much dignity and elaborate carving. They were
supported by pillars or sometimes even by a huge carved human
figure. Above them, framed in a heavily carved moulding, were
the owner's arms. There might even be added a statue or two of
some abstraction such as Justice and Virtue, or a carved panel
of figures setting forth some historical incident, or a bit of
scripture or mythology. Near this would be carved a short legend,
either the owner's motto or some sententious saying in Latin.
Could anything be more emblematic?
V/hen the walls were not cov-
ered with tapestries and arras cloths, the panelled wood of which
they v/ere formed wa3 elaborately carved.
Even the chandelier felt the touch of emblematic taste.
75
Ces Chandeliers etaient sans doute tres simples, mais
pour l'usage des personnes haut placees, on fabriquait des
flambeaux d'um style evidemment inspire de l'art italien
et nous sommes obliges de reconnaitre que les artistes qui
composaient ces objets, se laissaient quelquefois emporter
par 1'amour d'une riche decoration. On sent trop que
toutes ces pieces, chargees de moulures ou d'ornements,
placees la sans raison, ne sont maintenues les unes aux
autres que par la barre de fer qui traverse le flambeau
dans toute sa longueur. Of, si nous etudions la maniere
rationnelle dont doit etre compose un chandelier, nous
voyons qu'il doit consister en un pied, une tige et une
cuvette (l); c'est une petite colonne ayant base, fut et
chapiteau. La tige, surtout dans un chandelier, peut etre
variee, on peut la couper par deux ou trois noeuds qui
ajoutent a. sa solidite.
Ce qu'on peut reprocher aux chandeliers de la Renaissance, c'est qu'on ne voit pas facilement ou finit de pied,
et ou commence la tige; ce ne sont que des ressauts et
pieces diverses superposees, des moulures creuses sur des
moulures rondes, des spheres sur des disques, des cubes
sur des boules et reciproquement; si ces chandeliers
n'affectaient pas ordinairement la forme pyramidale our
decroissante de la base au sommet, on pourrait les
retourner sans inconvenient, les asseoir sur le plateau
de la bobeche et leur planter entre les trois griffes la
pointe destinee a. recevoir le cierge.
II faut remarquer cependant que tous ces morceaux sont
souvent d'une rare beaut4 et que le fini du travail fait
excuser les quelques erreurs de construction que renferme
leur composition. C'est l'talie que a fait adopter par
notre industrie nationale, ces formes nouvelles; en
re'alite' nous avons plutot gagne a cette renaissance, car
il est bon qu'une epoque ait son style bien caracterise,
cette necessite' stimule I1invention des artistes, et les
empeche de copier perpetuellement les formes anciennes.O
The chandeliers were made on huge round stands v/ith tier
after tier of carved designs, v/hich ranged from mere intricate
combinations of geometrical figures to scenes with humans and animals. The materials were wood, iron, bronze, silver, gold, and
crystal. Those that hung from the ceiling were most elaborate.
There was of course the famous "Lampes indiquaht les heures."
Henry Rene D'Allemagne, Histoire du Luminaire, (Paris,
1891), pp. 221, 22.
76
These were very magnificent in design.
In commenting on the
lamps made of wood the author has this to say:
Ce n'etait cependant ni l'habilete ni la penurie des
metaux qui avaient engage les artisans a employer cette
matiere pour leurs travaux.
Mais on peut dire pour leur defense que ces pieces
Vtaient quelquefois de veritables oeuvres d'art, dignes
de figurer dans les plus sumptueuses demeures.21
The emblematical element is likewise found here:
En general, ces lampes suspendues etaient au nombre de
douze nombre qui indiquait d'une maniere manifeste l'idee
symbolique (italics mine) attachee a cet objet. En effet,
les douze petit godets repvr£sentaient les douze apotres,
tandis que la lampe centrale etait 1'image du Christ.
II ne faut pas oublier cependant que c'est sur un vitrail qu'est figure ce document, et il est assez probable
que 1'artiste qui l'a execute', voulant representor une
scene fort ancienne, a cherche a s'inspirer d'une epoque
bien anterieure a celle ou il composait son ouvrage. ^
V/e find the detailed design followed out even in the pubs
lie lighting system, such as it was.
"Eclairage public au xvi e
siecle—Arret du Parlement du 17 juin 1524 prescrivant I'eclairage
des rues pour assurer la securite' publique." ^
And for the
church v/e even find, "concours institue par le pape Leon X pour
la composition d'un chandelier."
The elaborate carving and the use of statuary was repeated
in the stairways, which interestingly enough had gone through a
decided decorative development all their own.
The furniture like-
wise was carved very handsomely and was usually made of oalc. The
pieces were low, heavy and rectilinear to agree v/ith the interiors.
The ornamentation displayed great variety, but the arch and the
Ibid., p. 242.
22
Ibid., p. 245.
2
5lbid., p. 275.
77
applied ornament of the split balusters, spindles, and so forth,
became tiresome through much repetition. The textiles v/ere those
used throughout Europe at the time—heavy velvets, brocades. The
needlework was especially celebrated. Squab cushions were used
on seating furniture (upholstery did not come in till about 1685).
The backs of chairs, however, v/ere covered with velvet which had
been elaborately embroidered. The subject and theme of this embroidery was worked around the usual animal, histoiical, scriptural, or other idea. The most common device found on the chairs
was the coat of arms, and an intricate design was sometimes
worked out with brass or gilded nails. In Percy Macquoid1s discussion of furniture in Shakespeare's England, he maintains that
Oil
chairs were very scarce. n
This fact, hov/ever, does not seem to
be substantiated by other authorities or the number extant in
the collections examined. The beds were huge, solid affairs that
were elaborately carved. They were "roofed" and sometimes even
had statues of nymphs or goddesses on them. The other pieces of
furniture, buffets, cabinets, and tables were heavy, massive, and
with beautiful carving.
In seeking for emblematic influence in the carpets of the
period, one finds some contradictory evidence. " . . . . Paul
Hentzner, a German traveller, states that he personally observed
1
hay strewn on the floor of Queen E l i z a b e t h ' s presence-chamber at
greenwich Palace." ? Holbein's picture of Henry VIII on the con2
^ I I , 121.
^ C . E. C. Tattersall, A History of British Carpets,
(London: F. Lewis, Ltd., 1954), pp. 25-6.
78
trary, shows a carpet on the floor. But the earliest representation is probably in a miniature of Christopher Hatton (154090).
Tattersall states that according to the recent research of
G. P. Barker, rugs were in England by 1520, and he repeats the
famous story of Cardinal Wolsey's acquiring sixty rugs. Unfortunately none of these was preserved. Halliwell's Ancient
Inventories
gives an inventory of Robert Dudley, Earl of Lei-
cester. Under date of 1588, it lists with some descriptions
thirty-nine carpets. In Tattersall's v/ork quoted above there
are eight plates of rugs which were in England prior to 1600.
One of these is an English heraldic carpet dated 1570.
Pottery and porcelain offer much more pertinent evidence
of the emblem-mindedness of the day. The Italian pottery, generally known by the names of Majolica, Raffaelle ware, and sometimes by the term of "Umbrian Ware", owed its origin, about the
twelfth century, to the introduction into Italy of the Moorish
Pottery, obtained as the spoil of conquest by the various Italian
republican states engaged in warfare with the Infidels. The immortal Raffaelle Sanzio d'urbino has given his name to this ware,
which has, doubtless, given rise to an erroneous supposition that
its splendid designs were either painted by him or under his immediate direction; whereas the finest specimens are not of an
earlier date than 1540. The designs for many of them were, however, furnished by his scholars from the original drawings of
their great master. It is a matter of indifference whether
26 p . 116.
79
Raffaelle himself ever painted any of these earthen plates with
his own hand since they could not now be identified. At all
events, it is certain that the compositions of Raffaelle are
found upon a very large number of Majolica vessels. In the sixteenth century the art reached its highest point of excellence
in Italy under Marc Antonio. This artist was employed by
Raffaelle, lived in his house, and worked under his eye. The
prints he executed became the fashion, and therefore v/ere copied
on these plates.
It was at its greatest celebrity from 1540 to I56O,
under Duke Guidobaldo II. During this period artists were
employed of first rate merit, and their designs were introduced from classical or scriptural subjects, v/hich were
taken from the drawings, and Marc Antonio prints of the
school of Raffaelle, and other great masters especially
Parmegiano.
What the Mezza Majolica wanted in drawing and design,
was abundantly made up in beauty and perfection of its
colour and enamel glaze
Arabesques and coats of heraldry round the rim of the
dish, with the bust in the centre, characterize the general style of the 'Mezza Majolica'. Semi-busts of the
Deity were very generally introduced; as also portraits
of princes (especially of the House of Sforza), and of
their consorts, and occasionally of the popes, accompanied
sometimes with sentences in Latin or Italian.
1560 was the commencement of a new era in the history
of the Majolica. Then began to be painted landscapes and
friezes, together with every strange variety of fanciful
conceit, or 'Capricci', (as they are termed); boys, birds,
trophies, musical instruments, monstrous animals, as well
as copies from many of the fine Raffaelle grotesques.27
Every variety of form which can be required for common
or domestic use, as well as for ornament and luxury, both elegant and grotesque, is to be found in the Majolica: bottles,
'Joseph Marryat, Collections towards a History of Pottery and Porcelain in the 15, 16, 17 and 18 Centuries (London:
Murray, 1850), pp. 12, 15.
80
vases, fruit basins. The figures are often those which are
found either in the woodcut proper of an Emblem-book or in its
surrounding border.
Small basins (amatorii) or small deep dishes (bacinetti)
adorned with the portrait and name of a favorite lady were frequently presented by a lover as a pledge of his love. On such
was inscribed under the portrait the name in this fashion:—
"Minerva Bella" and "Cecilia Bella."
These portraits are inter-
esting as giving the costume and head-dress of the period.
Small plates for ices and sweetmeats, about a palm in
diameter; children's plates, with paintings in the style of the
Festa di Ballo; nuptial vases, with appropriate subject; vases
for holding different kinds of wine, poured out from one spout;
"Fiaschini", or small flasks, in the shape of lemons and apples;
cups covered v/ith tendrils and other quaint devices: small
statues of saints; jocose figures; birds of every kind, coloured
after nature; painted tiles, used for walls and floors (many of
them admirably executed), show the great variety and excellence
of this ware. In addition to depicting children's games, scenes
from the old and new testaments, and the Metamorphoses of Ovid
were common. Subjects are taken from Scripture and Greek mythology. Roman eagles are introduced on some and complete scenes in
the center of the plates with verses on the wrong side of the
plate, on others. Salt cellars in the shape of animals, grotesque, imaginary animals holding up ewers were not infrequent.2"
Ibid., pp. 18-21.
81
The sceneB of scriptural or "Ovidian" origin may well have suggested their counterparts as found in The Faerie Queene to
SpenBer as he sat at table.
Much uncertainty exists regarding the period when the
manufacture of fine earthenware was first introduced into England. However, the importation of it in large quantities establishes its prevalence. Among the documents in the Foedera,
occur various lists of articles ordered to be purchased in
England for several foreign potentates, and permitted to be exported for their U3e without paying the Custom duties. Among
these were 2,000 plates, dishes, and saucers, and other vessels
of electurm (a mixed metal, similar in appearance to pewter, of
which plates and other vessels were made previously to the introduction of fine earthenware).
As these articles were, no doubt, the produce of the
country, it v/ould appear that utensils for domestic use
were then made of metal, and not of pottery; and it was
not till some time afterwards that the latter was introduced by the Dutch, whose manufactory at Delft probably
existed as early as the fifteenth century, and who sent
large quantities of their v/are to England. The skill
and excellence of the English artisans consisted in the
manufacture of silver, and other metals . . . .
Still Elizabeth, who so highly prided herself upon
the state and splendour of her establishment, and v/ho was
in constant intercourse with the Court of France and the
Low Countries, was not likely to have remained altogether
satisfied without possessing, among the manufactures of
her own kingdom, something similar to the fine Fayence
(%arryat footnote: Fictile vessels, probably imported
from Germany and the Low Countries were so much esteemed
in Queen Elizabeth's reign, as to be mounted in a very
costly manner7] then in use in every foreign court . . . .
Shapespeare' s Jug preserved since 1616 is the most remarkable
example of Elizabethan pottery now existing.
82
The shape partakes very much of the form of the old
German or Dutch ewer, without, however, the usual top or
cover (this has been added since for preservation). It
is about ten inches high, and sixteen inches round at
the largest part, and is divided lengthwise into eight
compartments, having each a mythological subject in high
relief. All of these, although executed in the quaint
style of the period, possess considerable merit. Some
of them, indeed, manifest much masterly grouping of both
human figures and animals; and such is the admirable
state of preservation of this very interesting old English
relic, that as correct a judgment may be formed of its
workmanship, as in the days of its first possessor; at
all eventB, as regards the degree of perfection which
English Pottery had attained in the Elizabethan age, an
inspection of this jug will justify the presumption, that
her court was not less tastefully provided in that respect than those of the Continent, notwithstanding the
obscurity in which the precise locality and extent of the
manufactory is unfortunately involved.29
The eight compartments each having a mythological subject must
not be overlooked. The author of the foregoing comments on the
difference in the process of making this metallic ware and that
when the introduction of pottery caused this ware to decline
the same moulds were often used.
The earliest mention discovered in this study, of China
ware, in England is, according to Prince Labanoff,^
in 1586.
In the inventory of minor valuable belonging to Mary Queen of
Scots, are enumerated:
"Deux cuillieres de pourcelaines,
garnyes, l'une d'or, et 1'autre d'argent."
Cavendish, however,
the celebrated traveller in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, is
supposed to have presented his royal mistress v/ith the first
vessels of porcelain ware which came into England. Mr. Douce,
29
Ibid., pp. 57-59.
2°Letters of Mary, vii, 246.
85
in his Illustrations of Shakespeare, says, that in the reign of
Elizabeth, Spanish carracks were captured, and part of the cargo
was China ware of Porcelain. "Amongst the new year's gifts to
Queen Elizabeth, 1587-8, Lord Treasurer Burghley offered one
'porrynger' of 'white porselyn,1 garnished with gold; and Mr.
Robert Cecill, 'a cup of grene pursselyne'."51
Lucas substanti-
ates this information thus:
Ceramics also made some progress in northern Europe.
The bourgeoisie v/as tired of the rough dark-colored pottery and dishes which were in common use, if we may judge
from the pictures of ordinary life by Peter Breugel and
his successors. Well-to-do folk were eager for better
things and welcomed the beautiful majolica of Italy.
Bernard Palissy (d. 1589?) of Sintonge, who greatly admired Italian ware and worked hard to learn the secret
of its manufacture, experimented with glazes, and produced some beautiful results. His platters and other
dishes are covered with leaves, plants, fishes, snakes,
lizards, and all sorts of animals, and they became immensely popular. Some of this ware v/as intended purely
for decorative purposes, for these pieces illustrated
classical themes and pleased the Humanist bourgeoisie
as did the Adages of Erasmus.52
The Hearst collection has some interesting examples of these
"porryngers" and cups. One of the most unusual pieces of silver is an Elizabethan horn tankard and cover, with silver-gilt
mountings, bearing a London Hail-Mark for 1561, and made by
William Dyxson. The tankard itself is made of horn mounted
with silver-gilt cover, neckband and foot; the cover is em•?1Nicholl s Progresses of Elizabeth, ii, 528.
5 2 Q P . Pit.,
p.
416.
84
bossed with Satyrs' masks and bunches of fruit and strapwork,
and the neckband is engraved with scrolls bearing bunches of
grapes; the thumb piece formed as two acorns and leaves, and
the handle engraved with foliated scrolls. The mouled foot is
plain silver-gilt. Another fine silver piece is a William III
vase and cover, engraved with the arms of Bateman and made by
John Stocker in 1698. It is a gracefully designed inverted
pear shape vase, with original mask and fleur-de-lys on top
which forms an urn. Of greater antiquity than these tv/o pieces
and preserved in the same collection is a Romanesque silvergilt chalice, the work of a goldsmith of the Meuse School near
Namur, about 1220-1250, under the influence of Hugo D'Oignies.
There are two interesting tigar ware jugs in this collection,
also, both with handsomely v/rought silver-gilt mountings. Each
bears a London Hall-Mark; one, 1579, and the other that of 1564.
The evidence of emblematic taste needs no further comment.
In discussing porcelains the emblematical and symbolic
significance with which they v/ere endowed at that time can be
seen from the following description:
Poreclaines Hieratiques. Nous reunissons dans cet ordre
les peintures offrant un caractere religieux, soit par leB
sujets traites, soit par la figuration multipliee (2)
d'emblemes sacres reconnaissables a. leur forme meme ou au
noeud qui les retient, veritable lemnisque aux bouts flottants, semblable a. celui avec lequel les Grace So les Romains
attachaient leurs couronnes votives. Ces Emblemes se
trouvent parfois dans les vases paeoniens; mais la famille
verte les reproduit avec une telle profusion, leur repetition est si constants, qu'on ne saurait meconnaitre une intention mystique. Les porcelaines hieratiques foment les
deux groupes suivants:
Hieratiques a personnages. Les scenes qu'elles reproduisent seraient fort interessantes a connaitre, car elles
85
nous initieraient aux mysteres de la theogonie orientale;
malheureusement la soience n'a pas encore mis a la disposition des curieux assez de monuments litteraires pour
qu'il soit possible de remonter a la source de toutes ces
figurations singulieres. Au surplus, nous n'avons point
a les decrire ici; nous reservons ce travail pour le
mement ou nous exliquerons comment la delineation, le
style, la conception des sujets peuvent faire distinguer
les oeuvres des peintres chinois, japonais, persans, &c.
Bornons-nous a dire que les scenes hieratiques sont bien
caracterisees; elles se passent souvent dans l'empyree au
milieu des nuages & du tonnerre; si des mortels y prennant part, au feuil des palais & dans lea lieux elevee,
ces hommes, revetus des insignes de l'autorite, entoures
d'une assistance nombreuse, procedent aux ceremonies du
culte au bruit des chants & des instruments de musique;
pour mieux exprimer 1'intervention celeste, on voit
apparaitre au-dessus d'eux, entoures de flammes fulgurantes,
le dragon, le ki-lin, le fong-hoand, du meme des divinites
ou des saints, reconnaissable au nimbe & au sceptre.
Hieratiques a. Symboles. Les symboles religieux sont
varie's So nombreux; on doit mettre en premiere ligne les
animaux sacr^s, le dragon, le ki-lin, le fong-hoang, la
gure, la tortue, le poisson, & c ; puis, viennent les ting
ou bnJle-parfums, les vases honorifiques dans lesquel3 se
placent le sceptre, les plumes de paon, le corail; les
tablettes ou kouei, enfin tous les signes de dignites que
les grands portent aux sacrifices ou deposent a. titre
d'hommage dans les temples des divinites ou des ancetres
. . . .
II est une sorte de symboles ou l'on pourrait voir
des offrandes ou des voeux; c'est la reunion sur une meme
piece de tous les attributs du dieu de la longevite, de
la richesse, & c , ou de plusieurs emblemes de bonheur, de
talent, de dignites, &c. Nous y reviendrons dans
l'histoire speciale des porcelaines chinoises.55
The next environmental influence, the garden, is one that
had a real attraction for Spenser. V/itness his garden of Adonis,
garden of the Bower of Bliss, the garden of Poeana, of Phaedria
on the floating island, of prince, of Proserpena, in The Faerie
Queene alone, as well as the gardens which are mentioned in the
minor poems. Not only their appeal to Spenser but their relation-
"^Albert Jacquemart So Edmond Le Blant, Histoire Artistique, Industrielle Et Commerciale De La Porcelaine (Paris:
J. Techener, 1862), pp. 69, 70.
86
ship to emblems should be noted. Lucas attests to their prevalence and to the Italian influence to be found in them:
Gardening attracted much interest during the Renaissance.
In earlier ages monasteries and castles had their own gardens and wealthy townsmen often constructed small pleasure
gardens adjoining their houses. But with the development
of a more cultured life during the Renaissance, people began to dream of better things. Love for the country led to
the building of villas, and the construction of gardens became a matter of course. The Medici in Florence and the
Este in Ferrara, the lesser persons shared in this enthusiasm.^
The study of classical writings, especially those of
Pliny, revived many ancient ideas, and architecture and gardening v/ere thus peculiarly related during the Renaissance. Leon
Battista Alberti (l4o4-l472) was the first to apply ancient
ideas to gardening. The Villa Quarrachi near Florence was
adorned with a garden laid out, in part at least, by him. Such
villas and gardens v/ere plentiful around Florence, at least until the invading armies of Charles V destroyed most of them in
1527. Botanical gardens also became common, the first one being
laid out in 1545 at the University of Padua. Mangin in his
"Histoire et description" testifies to "la philosophie" and "la
Moralite" of gardens:
Ce que j'offre aux gens du monde, aux artistes, a tous
les esprits curieux de connaitre dans leurs developpements
successifs et sous leurs formes diverses les creations du
genie de l'homme, ce sont des recits, des descriptions,
et aussi quelques considerations que je puis bien appeler
philosophiques; car l'histoire des Jardins a, comme toute
autre, sa philosophie, sa moralite'. Elle se rattache par
des liens etroits a l'histoire des arts, des sciences,
Pp. Pit., p. 542 ff.
87
des institutions civiles, politiques et religieuses, des
moeurs, de la civilisation en un mot, et, de plus, "a
1'ensemble des phenomenes inherents au climat de chaque
pays et a. la nature de ses productions. D'ou l'on voit
que son champ est, en definitive, tres-vaste, que ses
aspects sont tresvaries, et qu'un tel sujet peut bien,
sans etre epuise a. beaucoup pres, remplir un gros volume.
The author vouches for himself thus:
" . . . . J'ai partout,
dans le cours ce livre, cite acrupuleusement mes auteurs, et
je puis, en consequence, me dispenser de les nommer ici."
J
The motivating spirit is likev/ise summed up, and might well
serve as an epitome of the aim of Emblem—books:
Si j'avais a definir les jardins, je dirais qu'ils
sont le chefd'oeuvre du genie de l'homme, inspire'par le
chef-d'oeuvre de la nature. En effet, soit que l'on
considere les jardins naturels ou les jardins artificiels,
on voit que ce qui constitue les uns et les autres n'est
rien de moins que l'harmonieux assemblage des objets les
mieux faits pour charmer nos sens et plaire a notre esprit.
/
Le nombre, l'etendue, 1'arrangement, la culture des
jardins prives et des jardins publics donnent la measure
exacte du degre' de prosperite d'un Etat, de la sages se de
ses institutions, de l'aisance et de la moralite des
citoyens, de leur gout, de leurs lumieres et du degre de
faveur qu'ils accordent aux sciences, aux lettres et aux
arts.
Nous reviendrons plus loin avec quelques details sur
les villas et les jardins d'ltalie dont la creation ou
les derniers embellissements se rapportent a. une e'poque
plus recente, et qui nous montreront le style classique
italien dans sa complete expression et, en quelque sorts,
dans tout le luxe de sa brillante parure. Toutefois on
peut dire qu'a ne considerer les jardins que sous le
rapport artistique, ils atteignent en Italie, des
I'epoque de la Renaissance, un degre de perfection auquel
le temps ne devait presque rien ajouter. L1architecture,
la sculpture, la science du dessin et des couleurs, accomplirent alors, dans leur disposition et leur decoration, des prodiges qu'il etait difficile d'egaler, plus
difficile encore de surpasser.
55Arthur Mangin, Les Jardins, (Tours: Alfred Et Fils,
1868), pp. v, vi.
88
Mias pour faire un beau jardin, il faut autre chose
que des parterres elegament dessines; autre chose que
des galeries de marbre, des pavilions et des belvederes;
autre chose que des bassins et des jets d'eau; autre
chose que des vases, des balustres et des statues. Tout
cela n'est qu secondare.?
Gardens and Emblem-books both originated in Italy and
both migrated to England. The Elizabethan gardens were a common appendage to all the houses, even to those in the cities.
In England, as in Italy, the subject matter, design and intent
although on a less ornate scale, were in keeping with the taste
of the age and used emblematical ideas and patterns.
Libraries, like academies, also were an indispensable
part of Renaissance scholarship. Persons were employed by
princes to collect books for them. In fact, the vogue for collecting books was accompanied by the custom of giving books
as tokens of friendship. The Emblem-books devoted to Love
themes were given where the modern would "say it with flowers."
And sometimes Emblem-books were used as "Liber Amicorum," following the same custom that is in use today—writing one's
name with an appropriate thought or two. There is a copy of
one of these "Liber Amicorum" at the Huntington, but none of
the autographs could be connected with Spenser.
The borders in the books like those in the early manuscripts vary from those simple in design to those of the most
intricate allOover patterns of animal forms, whose legs and
wings can barely be distinguished in the maze of wide and narrow
'Ibid., pp. 1, 6-7, 115.
89
bands and knots into which their bodies have been drawn. Besides
these two principal types of ornament, there are several subsidiary motives which find a place in the designs. Geometrical
patterns, the Z, T and I patterns and red dots are also found,
both to form background patterns and to outline initials; their
use does much to lighten the general effect of the richly decorated-pages. The idea of composition seems to be to fill every
available space. Technique of drawing and colouring, as v/ell as
iconography is the tradition followed, and is in the main Oarloingian. The Winchester artists took up all the ornamental
cliches in use at these schools, the fluttering drapery with
crinkled edges, the swirls below the waist and on the shoulder,
elbow and knees. There was exaggeration in drawing and outline
usually for the purpose of historiated initials. Many of these
initials in the early printed books are made from woodcuts or
copper engravings and depict a mythological scene from the life
of a god or goddess v/hose name begins with the same initial.-''
A description of figure painting in the illuminated manuscripts
might well be applied to Emblem-book borders.
Figure painting in English 12th century manuscripts is
characterized by a complete neglect of naturalism, and an
exaltation of decorative values. The filling a space with
harmonious and pleasing lines is considered sufficient excuse for any impossible elongation or contortion of limbs.
The results are at first sight grotesque to the modern eye,
and yet they are not without an aesthetic charm when the
hand of an artist is at work. They are absolutely repellent in the hands of a craftsman. Isolated manuscripts
have come down to us which were produced during the 12th
'?'(A study of these elaborate initials as found in the
Folger Collection has been undertaken by Dr. McManaway.)
90
century at a number of different English Monasteries, showing that illumination was practiced in all parts of the
country, but from no other place except Winchester is there
sufficient work for us to be able to postulate a regular
school of art, or a particular style.5"
Like the afore-mentioned initials, the borders which enclose the
woodcuts of the Emblem-books would furnish enough material for a
complete study in themselves. The similarity of some of these
designs to some of Spenser's word pictures will be noted in the
second part of this work.
The relation of Bestiaries and Emblem-books is apparent
at once. Since this literary genre is v/ell known, only the relevant aspects will be noted here.
The principal importance of the bestiaries for the history of art lies in the fact that they were one of the most
fertile sources of subjects for sculpture arid painting, in
England and e]sewhere, from the 12th century onwards throughout the mediaeval period. They gave the initial ideas for
the grotesque monsters which came more and more into favour
in the decoration of English manuscripts, their popularity
culminating in the East Anglian work of the l4th century.
Besides this they provided much material for church
sculpture. The animal subjects which seem at first sight
so incongruous as carvings on choirstalls or reliefs round
church doors, are really borrowed from these moral books,
and had for the mediaeval mind a symbolical significance.
Single figures of animals or small scenes were peculiarly
suited for filling circumscribed spaces, and thus it came
that they were especially popular as a decoration for the
miseres, or folding choir seats of the l4th and l4th centuries. For example the fox is carved on a miserere in
Chester Cathedral, the unicorn occurs at Chester, Ely and
Lincoln, the elephant and castle at Beverley Minster and
Gloucester Cathedral.59
Some of the monsters described in The Faerie Queene may easily
have been suggested by the above mentioned carvings. There is
0. Elfrida Saunders, English Illumination, (New York:
Harcourt Brace) I. 6.
39
" G . C. Druce, Bestiaries, (Journal of the British
Archaeological Association; 1919-1920), p. 49.
91
another aspect of the bestiaries, however, which is closer to
the Emblem-books and that is the symbolical aspect:
From the stories in the bestiaries we get the idea of
the far-fetched symbolical and allegorical meanings which
underlie BO much of mediaeval art, since the subjects were
always dictated by churchmen trained in the subtleties of
mediaeval theology.^5
An example of this symbolical and allegorical meaning
is found in an unusual and interesting picture. The allegory
is of the penitent, who is represented by a young and graceful
woman, warding off the attacks of the devil with a shield, on
which are inscribed the names of the Trinity:
evil thoughts in
the guise of huge flies hover above her, but are chased away by
an angel with a long handled fan: another angel holds a sword,
the fear of judgment, over her head:
a peasant is laying an
axe to the root of the tree under v/hich she sits, which represents the world; on its topmost branch is perched a cock, to
signify the preacher, crowing to the empty air: under the
lady's foot is the vanquished serpent. This symbolic method of
teaching which v/as so dear to the mediaeval mind, and which is
evidenced in so many pictures and diagrams in illuminated manuscripts, had a definite carry-over into Emblem-books.
Sir George Warner Bums up the situation in his edition
of Queen Mary's Psalter:
The tinted drawings in the lower margins before mentioned begin on the second page of the Psalms (f. 85v) and
continue without intermission to the end of the Litany
(f. 518), their total number thus amounting to 464 • • • •
The subjects represented are of the most varied interest,
including real and imaginary creatures from mediaeval
Ibid., p. 50.
92
Bestiaries; tilting, hunting and hawking scenes, and other
field-sports, games, and pastimes of all kinds; banquets,
music and dancing; drolleries and grotesque monsters; and,
finally, long series of miracles of the Virgin and lives
and passions of saints. The first two classes form a fitting accompaniment to the invocations of the Litany, but
the rest have no connexion whatever with the text of the
volume and their motives are exclusively secular. According to mediaeval ideas there was nothing incongrous in
this method of decorating the margins even of MSS. of the
most devotional or sacred character. To many an artist no
doubt it was a welcome relief from the usual religious subjects, enabling him to give freer rein to his imagination,
and its popularity is evident from the number of volumes in
which it was more or less extensively employed, such as the
Duke of Rutland's fine thirteenth-century Psalter, The
Taymouth, and above all the later fourteenth-century
Louterell Psalter . . . . For the extremely curious illustrations of mediaeval natural history with which they begin the artist evidently had recourse to the thirteenthcentury Normal-French poem of Guillaume le Clerc, printed
under the title Le Bestiaire<, But although, in the main,
he follows this poem closely and with the same order of
subjects, he adds a few others which do not appear in the
published text. Source was probably the same Latin Prose
moralized Bestiary Materials, and which contained in the
first two of four books forming a composite collection on
natural history printed as an appendiz to the works of
Hugh of Sr. Victor. In either case (whether his own idea
of found in text) many of them appear under strange disguises, the owl for instance being turned into a bat and
the viper into a beast v/ith four legs. PI. 167, ff. The
plant mandragora of mandrake (G. 5297, 5552, H. ii 26):
How its roots grow in human form, male and female, and
shriek when torn from the ground: and how it is of potent
service in medicine.*!
The subjects which follow down are miscellaneous and
somewhat disconnected. The majority, however, are delightfully
graphic illustrations of contemporary life, and are consequently of the highest interest for English social history as v/ell
as art. The large number of grotesque figures interspersed
among them also have a special interest of their own, and a
Sir George Warner, Queen Mary's Psalter (Intro;
London: Longmans, Green, 1912), p. 57«
95
special relationship to thiB study. Their fantastic imagination
and exquisitely delicate drawing entitle them to rank with the
best examples of this characteristic style of fourteenth century
ornamentation, and they are no less remarkable for the spirit
and humour displayed in the fierce encounters in which they are
frequently engaged.
An entirely different phase of this period, one that is
totally unrelated to carved pews in churches or the grotesque
figures of illuminated manuscripts but one which is nevertheless
related to Emblem-books is that entitled lampoons. Blackmail by
means of lampooning and venomous pamphlets was an interesting
feature of the High Renaissance. These lampoons were witty, personal, and malicious satires which flourished in a society particularly sensitive to the charm of literary style. They were
called pasquinades after one Pasquino, a fault-finding schoolmaster of Rome during the previous century. His reputation grew
after death and fired popular imagination. Soon his name was attached to a newly excavated statue which was set up in the Piazza
Navona, and it became customary to affix to this statue lampoons
attacking famous persons and the Pope's government.' These verses
and dialogues were elevated to the dignity of literary art by
Pietro Aretino.
The similarity here to Emblem-books is not found in the
symbolic statue with the pertinent corresponding verse. The connection comes rather from two writers in England who evidently
found this subject of interest. One is none other than Sir
94
Thomas Elyot who translated Thomae Bertheleti's Pasqvil The
Playne in 1555. The other is Thomas Nashe. He was evidently
very much attracted, for it is as Pasquil that he took part
in the Martin Marprelate controversy which furnishes a Spenser
link via the two Harveys. Two of his works were written under
the pseudonym of Pasquil. They are: The Returns of the renounced Oavaliero Pasquil of England, (1589), and The First
Parte of Pasquils Apologie (1590). On the title page Nashe
uses this statement: "if my breath be so hote that I burne my
mouth, suppose I was Printed by Pepper Allie. Anno. Dom.
1589."
This is somewhat emblematic in tone. And one must not
forget another indirect Spenser connection in his praise of
Daniel's Delia which occurs in The Terrors of the Night. It
is this same Thomas Nashe who furnishes Praz with " . . . .
the first reference to devices I am going to give from English
literature." And he proceeds to quote Nashe's description of
the armour of the Earl of Surrey.42
An entirely different aspect of the Renaissance is
found in the posy. The posy came to take its place among the
short poems and epigrams that were one of the literary exercises of the time. Thus in 1586 Camden included in his Remaines Concerning Britain, "Certain proverbs, Poems or
Poesies, Epigrams and Rythms and Epitaphs of the English Nation in former times, and some of this present age," ? and
!
0p. oit., p. 195.
^1870 Reprint, p. 516.
9?
among these are a few posies found on extant rings of the late
sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The most important
literary source of our knowledge of the posies of the time is
the commonplace books, where they figure side by side with epitaphs and epigrams. The earliest and fullest of these is a
manuscript in the British Museum—Harleian MS 6910—written
soon after 1596. Th±B contains over four hundred such posies
of the most varied kind.
Several fifteenth-century English rings are engraved
with rhymed mottoes that are miniature poems: a beautiful
iconographic ring found at Godstow Priory has within the shank:
Most in mynd and yn myn herrt
Lothest from you ferto deparrt.
Another has on the outside the disillusioned distich:
Wel: Were: him: that: Wiste
To V/hom he Migte Triste.
Puttenham, in his Art of English Poesie, published in 1589, talks
of the epigrams "that were called Nenia or Apophoreta, and never
contained above one verse or two at yet moost, but the shorter
the better. We call them posies, and do paint them now-a-dayes
upon the backsides of our trenchers of wood, or use them as devices in armeB, or in rings."
44
"A great number of the mottoes of sixteenth-century rings
^Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries, 2nd Series,
X. 207, xii. 201 cf. the use of "Poysee" for a heraldic motto in
Hall's Chronicle, and the "posies devysed by Thomas Palmer" in
B.M. Sloane MS 5794: heraldic emblems in the manner of Paradin
and Whitney.
96
were composed according to the canon of 'the shorter the better1 ; and their brevity made it possible to engrave them in the
beautiful Roman Capital of the Renaissance . . . . Often the
posy seeks to point a moral rather than to adorn a tale. They
range from:
'Virtue Passeth riches' and our old friend 'Amor
Vincit Omnia', to:
Love is sure while faith is pure.
Lost all content, if not censent.
Love I like thee; sweete requite me.^5
In Ben Jonson's Every Man in his Humour, the foolish Stephen
talks about a jet ring with the posy "Though fancie sleep, my
love is deepe"; and of another with "The deeper the sweeter,
I'le be judg'd by St. Peter," and explains that he put in St.
Peter "to make vp the meeter."
Later (1655)—posies were everywhere: on fruit trenchers, on knives, on girdles and garters, on poke-dials, on
brooches, and on memorial rings as well as on love and marriage
rings. No gift between lovers was complete without a motto to
accompany it. Allusions to posies became common in literature
of the time; the dedication of Euphues says that "the posies
on your rings are always next the finger, not to be seen of him
that holdeth you by the hand," and Sir Thomas Browne declares
that J'To have great excellencies and great faults, MAGNAE VIRTUTES
NEC MINORA VITIA, is the posy of the best natures."
Their very
phrases passed into common speech . . . . and we find Sir V/alter
^Joan Evans, English Posiesand Posy Rings (London,
Oxford University Press, Humphrey Milford, 1951), p. xviii.
^°Ed. P. Simpson, II, xix.
97
Raleigh in a letter of 1584 writing "if you at any time have
occasion to vse mee you shall find me." To write posies became
a literary exercise; to provide them the kindness of a friend.
It was fashionable at this time to embroider initials or even
whole phrases on garments and horse trappings
. . . .47
The devices of the printers which were used at the time
were in most cases, according to Ronald McKerrow, taken from
the Emblem-books. The following is taken from his introduction
to the book on Printers and Publishers' Devices.
We now come to what is on the v/hole the most interesting group of devices, or at any rate the most varied,
namely those which represent not the owner's sign or a pun
on his name, but an emblem of some sort. This may be of
any degree of elaboration from a simple object such as an
anchor or a caduceus, to a complicated picture borrowed
from one of the emblem-books. With these designs we may
include such things as the Good Shepherd device, and that
of Christ rising from the Tomb, though these are hardly,
I suppose, to be called emblems in the ordinary sense.
Many of the emblematic devices require, of course, no
explanation. The anchor of Hope, the figure of Time
mowing, the man looking into a mirror and not seeing his
own face, but that of Death v/ho stands at his shoulder:
all these and many more can be understood at a glance.
Others, hov/ever, including most of those copies directly
from the emblem books are hardly to be understood without
a knowledge of the explanations there given. For example,
to take one of the simpler ones: there is a device (no.
541) v/hich v/as used from 1602 to 1609 by William Leake,
and is perhaps a good deal older than this, for even in
1602 the broder was badly broken. It represents a singed
and laureated skull, resting upon the globe, with, above
it, an hour-glass and an open book, on which are the
words, 'I live to die, I die to live.' This was copies
from a design of the Hungarian scholar, John Sambucus, of
whose Emblemata there were several editions from 1564
onwards. The motto on the book is there In morte vita,
and the emblem is explained as meaning that if a man
gives his life to the pursuit of learning his fame will
fly all over the world even v/hen he himself is dead.
Another emblem was used by Thomas Millington in the
years 1595- 7, (no. 502). This represents a tree broken
^'Phyllis Ackerman, Tapestry the Mirror of Civilization (London: Oxford University Press, 1955)»P» 105•
98
by a storm, before which reeds bend uninjured. It is
taken from V/hitney' s Choice of Emblems, and comes originally, I velieve, from Adrianus Junius. The meaning is
that Envy, Hatred, and Contempt, which are the storms and
tempests of this life, are to be suffered with patience
and not resisted . . . .
The meaning of the winged skull and of the broken
tree could probably be guessed without much difficulty.
One would at any rate not go far wrong in the interpretation; but others are less easy. For example, take the
well-known oval device (no. 142) first used by Rowland
Hall in 1565, and later by William Howe and others. It
depicts a fat boy with wings on one arm, and (apparently)
trying with the other to lift a heavy bag. Would it not
be a reasonable guess to say that it represents the soul
aspiring after excellence, but held down by its reluctance to abandon its earthly possessions—a hint, perhaps to a hesitating purchaser? But the true meaning, as
we know from the Smblemata of Alciat, is quite different.
The emblem represents a man ambitious to rise in the
world, but kept down by his poverty. Surely a strange
symbol for poverty, this well-filled bag'.
Or take another, the device that was first used by
Thomas Scarlet, and afterwards by Richard Bradock (no.
280, and in a smaller form, No. 277). This is described
by Herbert as representing 'a kite, or some bird of prey,
with a small bird in his talons, flying over a castle on
a hill; the sun in full blaze; in a compartment with this
motto, Sic crede'. The description is quite accurate,
but when we turn to the Symbola of Joachim Camerarius the
younger we find that the meaning is something very different from what this description implies. The device
does not, as one perhaps might fancy, symbolize the relations between the publisher and the too credulous author,
but alludes to the story that the eagle in order to see
v/hether its young is worthy to be reared, takes up the
newly hatched eaglet in its talons and compels it to gaze
at the sun. If it can do so without blinking, it is
looked on as satisfactory. If not, the eagle dashes it
to the ground. Scarlet perhaps meant to imply that he
printed nothing but first-rate v/ork.
An emblem which is still more difficult to interpret
was used by I slip in 1598 and 1615, and I am sorry to
say that I can give no explanation of it. The device
(no. 509) is, save for some simplification of detail, a
close copy of an emblem of the Hungarian Sambucus whom
I have already mentioned, and, as is evident from its
motto, represents the things which are necessary to the
stability of a commonwealth. Sambucus accompanied it
by a Latin poem in which he givea a great deal of excellent advice to persons about to establish a government,
99
but unfortunately omits to explain the details of his picture. The meaning of parts of the design may of course be
guessed. The pillar, as will be seen, stands on a shield
and helmet; this may symbolize the need for military power.
The goose or gull at the top has a ring round its beak
which prevents it from using the quill which it holdshinting, I suppose, at the necessity of a literary censorship. The cornucopia perhaps means that liberality is
requisite in the rulers, or it may mean that plenty will
be the result of such a government; but v/hat is implied by
the balance, the scales of v/hich contain one a snake and
the other a cat—or why the cat seems so anxious to get
away—I cannot even guess. So far, no rational explanation
has occurred to me, and unfortunately, though there is
said to be an edition of Sambucus with notes by Don John
of Austria, I have been unable to find a copy of this, or
any other annotated edition if such there be.
If we were to go through the whole number of the devices used during the second half of our period, v/e should
find that a very considerable proportion, perhaps the majority, are based ultimately upon emblems.^0
A word about the artists who executed these designs. The
impresas or plates may not infrequently be traced to the pencil
or the graving tool of masters artistically renowned as v/ell as
to some of their inferior English imitators. Green has listed
among others the following as being responsible for executing the
designs: Albert Durer, Michael Angelo, Titian, Parmigiano,
Agostino Caracci, Hans Holbein, Bernard Solomon, Theodore de Bry,
Gerard de Jode, and Otho van Steen. His list is much longer but
it is pointless to include it in its entirety. He makes this apt
comment:
As works of genius indeed, if we except those of Jacob
Catz, Emblem books can make no high pretensions; they were
generally trifles for a day, rather than monuments for
ages; and though in many cases produced by men of great
learning, skill and talent, they belong to the things
which amuse and perchance delight, and not to those which
invigorate and enlighten the soul. °
43
Ronald B. McKerrow, Printers and publishers' devices
(London: Chiswick Press, 1915)»IHustrated Monograph No. xvi,
Intro, p. xxii ff.
49
p, /.
Henry Green, Andrea Alciati (London: Trubner, 1872),
—
PART I I
EMBLEM-BOOKS AND THE FAERIE QUEENE
The second p a r t of t h i s study of Spenser and t h e Emblem
w r i t e r s i s devoted t o c i t i n g analogous passages and n o t i n g s i m i lar pictorial effects.
A passage from one of t h e Emblem-books
has an image, i d e a , a t t i t u d e , c o n c l u s i o n , m o r a l , or sentiment
t h a t corresponds t o an image, i d e a , a t t i t u d e , c o n c l u s i o n , moral,
or sentiment found i n a passage of The F a e r i e Queene.
These a r e
placed side by side for purposes of comparison and c o n t r a s t .
Likewise the pen p i c t u r e s of Spenser are viewed b e s i d e t h e woodcuts of t h e Emblem-books.
fold:
The r e s u l t of t h i s p r o c e s s i s two-
t h e e f f e c t i v e r e v e l a t i o n of S p e n s e r ' s a r t i s t i c h a n d l i n g
of commonplace themes, and a p a r t i a l p r e s e n t a t i o n of t h a t e n o r mously popular l i t e r a r y E l i z a b e t h a n genre—Emblem-books.
This
l a t t e r i s t h e j u s t i f i c a t i o n offered for quoting e n t i r e p a s s a g e s
where such long q u o t a t i o n s might not a t f i r s t seem w a r r a n t e d .
The beginnings of emblem literature in England are
traced in the following chapter.
The Pageants of Saint Thomas
More are cited, because they furnish a link between the assertions concerning the environmental emblems and the discussions
v/hich follow of emblems proper.
Spenser's surroundings v/ere
emblematical in tone and More's pageants v/ere on the "goodly
hangyne of fyne paynted cloth,"
Likev/ise, those pageants con-
tain the "Ymage and Verse," v/hich is the essence of the Emblembook genre. The Shyp of Folys and the Danse Macbree are illustrative translations of the very earliest Emblem-books, in that
they offer this subject in verse accompanied by an explanatory
woodcut.
The prevalence of this subject of death's levelling
pov/er, on walls, and bridges, and 30 forth, its translators,
artists, and printed versions are all discussed at some length,
to exemplify Spenser's "Emblem-book frame of mind."
Wherever
the subject matter employed by Spenser was available in a
"bridge carving," a "wall painting," or other environs, his use
of that material is found, upon examination, to be in the manner
of the Emblematist.
The illustrated copies of the 3ible are
included for discussion here, a3 a definite aspect of Emblembook literature.
The Gabriel Harvey autographed copy of one of
these is considered decidedly significant as a Spenser cotitact.
Keeping in mind the accessibility of Biblical lore during the
Renaissance, these illustrated copies are cited to demonstrate
that Spenser conceives and executes his ovm Biblical references
in the Emblem-book manner.
CHAPTER IV
EMBLEMS AND THE FAERIE QUEENE
Obviously the possibilities of source material, even
though given only a cursory glance in the previous chapter, are
seen to be endless. The nine pageants of Saint Thomas More,
furnish definite transitional material between the environmental
emblems and the Emblem-books proper. Although they had the
"ymage and verse," they v/ere nevertheless on a "goodly hangyne
of fyne paynted clothe," and thereby present a pro and con aspect of the whole situation.
They appeared in the year 1495 or
perhaps 1496, being subsequently published in 1557, "at the
costes and charges of Iohn Gawod, Iohn W a l y , and Richard
Tottell," in the city of London.
Mayster Thomas More in his youth deuysed in hys fathers
house in London, a goodly hangyne of fyne paynted clothes,
v/ith nyne pageauntes, and verses ouer of eury of those pageauntes: v/hich verses expressed and declared, v/hat the
ymage3 in those pageauntes represented: and also in those
pageauntes v/ere paynted, the thynges that the verses ouer
them dyd (in effecte) declare.
Chyldhod, Manhod, Venus and Cupyde, Age, Deth, Fame,
Tyme, Eternitee, The Poet.
In the first pageant v/as painted a boy playing at the
top a Bquyrge, And over this pageaunt v/as writen as foloweth,
Chyldhod.
I am called Chyldhod, in play is all my mynde,
To cast a coyte, a cokstele, and a ball,
A toppe can I set, and dryue it is his hynde.
But v/ould to god these hatefull bookes all,
V/ere in a fyre brent to pouder small,
Than myght I lede my lyfe alwayes in play:
Which lyfe god sende me to myne endyng day.
102
105
In the second pageaunt v/as paynted a goodly freshe
yonge man, rydyng uppon a goodly horse, hauynge an hawke
on his fyste, and a brase of grayhowndes folowyng hym.
And vnder the horse fete, v/as paynted the same boy, that
in the fyrst pageaunte v/as playinge at the top a squyrge.
And ouer this second pageant the wrytyng was thus.
Manhod
Manhod I am therefore I me delyght,
To hunt and hav/ke, to nourishe up and fede,
The grayhounde to the course, the hawke to the flyght,
And to bestryde a good and lusty stede.
These thynges become a very man indede,
yet thinketh this boy his peuishe game sweeter,
But v/hat no force, his reason is no better.
In the thyrd pageaunt, was paynted the goodly yonge
man, in the seconde pagiaunt lyeng on the grounde. And
vppon him stode ladye Venus goodes of love, and by her
vppon this man stode the lytle god Cupyde. And ouer this
thyrd pageaunt, this was the wrytyng that foloweth.
Venus and Cupyde
V/ho so ne knoweth the strength power and myght,
Of Venus and me her lytle sonne Cupyde,
Thou Manhod shalt a myrrour bene a ryght,
By vs subdued for all thy great pryde,
My fyry dart perceth thy tender syde,
Now thou v/hiche erst despysedst children small,
Shall ware a chylde agayne and be my thrall.
In the fourth pageaunt was paynted an olde sage father
sittyng in a chayre. And lyeng vnder his fete v/as painted
the ymage of Venus & Cupyde, that v/ere in the third pageant, And ouer this fourth pageant the scripture v/as thus.
Age
Olde Age am I, v/ith lokkes, thynne and hore,
Of our short lyfe, the last and best part,
V/yse and discrete: the publike v/ele therefore,
I help to rule to my labour and smart,
Therefore Cupyde withdrawe thy fyry dart,
Chargeable matters shall of loue oppresse,
Thy childish game and ydle bysinesee.
In the fyfth pageaunt v/as paynted an ymage of Death: and
vnder hy3 fete lay the olde man in the fourth pageaunte, And
aboue this fift pageant, this was the saying.
104
Deth
Though I be foule vgly lene and my3shape,
yet there is none in all this v/orlde wyde,
That may my power withstande or escape,
Therefore sage father greatly magnifyed.
Discende from your chayre, set a part your pryde,
Vousache to lende (though it be to your payne)
To me a fole, some of your wise brayne.
In the sixt pageant v/as painted lady Fame. And vnder her
fete was the picture of Death that was in the fifth pageant,
And ouer this sixt pageaunt the writyng was as foloweth.
Fame
Fame I am called, maruayle you nothing,
Though with tonges am compassed all rounde
For in voyce of people is my chiefe liuyng.
Occuel death, thy power I confounde,
When thou a noble man hast brought to grounde.
Maugry thy teeth to lyue cause hym shall I,
Of people in parpetuall memory.
In the seuenth pageant v/as painted the ymage of Tyme,
and vnder hys fete v/as lyeng the picture of Fame that was in
the sixt pageant, And this v/as the scripture ouer this
s eu enth page aunt.
Tyme
I whom thou seest with horyloge in hande,
Am named tyme, the lord of euery howre,
I shall in space destroy both see and lande.
0 simple fame, how darest thou man honowre,
Promising of his name, and endlesse flowre,
V/ho may in the world haue a name eternall,
7/hen I shall in pro ces distroy the world and all.
In the eyght pageant was pictured the ymage of lady Eternitee, sittyng in a chayre vnder a sumptious clothe of estate,
crov/ned with imperial crov/n, And vnder her fete lay the picture of Time, that was in the seuenth pageant. And aboue
this eight pageaunt, was it written as foloweth.
Eternitee
Me nedeth not to bost, I am Eternitee,
The very name signifyeth v/ell,
That myne empyre infinite shalbe.
Thou mortall Tyme euery man can tell,
Art nothyng els but the mobilite,
Of sonne and mone chaungyng in euery degre,
V/hen they shall leue theyr course thou shalt be brought,
For all thy pride and bostyng into nought.
105
In the nynth pageant was painted a Poet sitting in a
chayre. And ouer this pageant v/ere there written these
verses in latin folov/yng.
The Poet
C
Has fictas quemcunq iuuat spectare figuras,
Sed mira veros quas putat arte homines.
Ille potest veris, animum sie pascere rebus,
Vt pictis oculos poscit imaginibus.
Namq videbit vti fragilis bona lubrica mundi,
Tam cito non veniunt, quam cito pretereunt,
Gaudia laus So honor, celeri pede omnia cedunt,
Qui manet excepto semper amore dei
Ergo homines, leuibus iamiarn diffidite rebus,
Nulla recessuro spes adhibenda bono,
Qui dabit eternam nobis pro munere vitam,
In permansuro ponite vota deo•
These pageants, as has been indicated, were transitional.
On the other hand, the genuine progress of Emblem-books in England
is demonstrated by tv/o translations from Sebastian 3randt's Narren
Schyff, Bale, 1494. They v/ere both printed in London in the year
1509. One v/as entitled The Shyppe of Fooles and v/as "rendered"
from the French by Henry Watson and published from the Press, of
7/ynkyn de V/orde. The other came through Latin, French, and German
bearing the title The Shyp of Folys of the ',/orlde, and issued from
the press of Richard Pynson. It v/as translated by Alexander
Barclay, and was brought out again in 1570 by Cawood, "Printer to
the Queenes Maiestie."
Barclay, a monk of Ely, v/as employed by
Henry VIII, according to Hazlitt's Iiand-Book to compose "impressas
etc. used at the Field of Cloth of Gold."
x
A.D. 1520.2
I. R. Berry
Sir Thoma.3 More, The Vvorkes of Sir Thomas More Knyght,
sometyme Lorde Chauncellour of England, v/rytten by him in the
Englysh tonge. (London: Iohn Cav/od, Iohn Waly, and Richard Totell,
1557), ciii & (verso).
2
cf. p. 25.
106
has shown in her dissertation submitted to the University of
Pittsburgh,5 that the immediate source of Barclay's work, was not
Brandt's Narren Schyff, but Jacob Locher's Latin version, Stultifera Navis, published in 1497. The Shyp of Folys, with its two
thousand rime royal stanzas is more than twice as long as Das
Narren Schyff and is more national and contemporary in its tone.
Be that as it may, there is certainly a close relationship between the author of Das Narren Schyff via his Latin translator and the English Emblematist, Whitney. Brant, himself was
born at Strasburg in 1458 and died at Bale in 1520. His studies
were pursued in this latter place, and it is here that the famous
representation of the Dance of Death is found painted on the walls
of the Dominican Convent. He acquired the titles of doctor and
professor, and the lines on his portrait say that he was "equally
skilled in law and in sacred poetry, noble in genius, but rude in
art."
He devoted his leisure to classic literature and poetic
composition and brought out an edition of Virgil ornamented with
engravings. Of course, his most important work, from the point
of view of this study, was his Das Narren Schyff, which was translated into Latin, French, Dutch, and as previously noted, into
English. His "De obsequio duorum dominorum" deserves to be
quoted side by side v/ith Whitney's "Nemo potest duobus dominis
seruire."
In Brant v/e find:
Ille duos lepores uenator captat in uno
Tempore, per syluas quos canis unus agit
Qui cupit ardenter dominis seruire duobus,
Hie plus quam poterit, saepe agitare uolet.
Barclay's Ship of Fools as a r e f l e c t i o n of early sixteenth
century England. Unpublished Dissertation, 1951.
107
Seruire duobus.
Nemo potest duobus dominis seruire: aut enim unum ediet,
& alterum diliget: aut uni adhaerebit, So altero contemnet.
Non poetestis Deo 3eruire & mammosae. Qui ad utrunque festinat, neutrum bene peragit. Pluribus intentus minor est ad
singula seensus. Cor ingrediens duas uias, non habebit successur.
This is followed by the woodcut, which depicts, as would be expected, two hares, the dog and the hunter.
Whitney's woodcut on
the other hand, pictures a man carrying the world on his shoulders.
The verse reads:
Here, man v/ho first should heauenlie thingss attaine,
And then, to world his sences should incline:
First, vndergoes the -,/orlde v/ith might, and maine,
And then, at foote doth drav/e the lawes deuine.
Thus God hee beares, and Mammon in his minde:
But Mammon first, and God doth cone behinde.
Oh v/orldinges fonde, that ioyne those tv/o so ill,
The league is nought, throwe doune the world v/hich speede:
Take vp the lav/e, according to his will.
First seekc for heauen, and then for wordly neede.
But those that first their wordlie wishe doe serue,
Their gaine, is lo3se, ond seeke their soules to sterue.5
There is a similarity also between the tv/o emblems v/hich
each author devotes to "women playing dice."
V/hitney names only
"three carelesse dames," but Brant uses four, and really furnishes
the origin of the story.
In each can be seen the spirit of the
Narren Schyff and how it has been furnished v/ith its cargo.
Brant's v/ork is conceived in the same vein as the other books v/hich
deal with this theme, whether they be devoted to "emblems of mortality," or to a "Shyp of Folys" such a3 Barclay adapted.
Barclay 3elect3 his types frcm all the walks of life.
4
Sebastian Brant, Stvltefera Narais Mortalivm etc. Transl.
Iacobvm Locher (Basilean: Sebastiani Henricpetri, 1572), p. 56.
-^V/hitney, op. cit., p. 225.
108
Among these are various officers v/ho press dov/n upon the poor,
lawyers and physicians v/ho "clav/e the coyne" from the poor man,
and craftsmen v/ho cheat at their trades.
ized for their perennial frailties.
Women, too, are satir-
It offers, of course, a
fine reflection of the social conditions of the period.
It
satirizes the affectation among the "nouveaux-riches" of collecting beautifully bound books, whose cover was frequently all the
owner could enjoy.
Anent serenading, he says that the people of
England are too busy drinking to go "yowlinge" about at night.
Similar in theme and treatment is the famous series of
"Dance of Death," or "Emblems of Mortality."
The term "Danse
Macbree," is synonymous v/ith the French, "Danse des Morts" and
the German "Totentanz," and is used to describe certain mural
paintings v/ith appropriate moral verses, v/hich had for their subject the inevitability of death.
The whole of medieval Society
is represented, from the Pope to the common laborer, and each man
is led an unwilling captive by "Le Mort."
It is a moot question
whether the verses inspired the paintings or the paintings inspired the verses. Modern research, hov/ever, seems to lean to
the former theory.
There has been an enormous amount of litera-
ture devoted to its study, as the v/ork of Douce, Hawkins,
Humphreys, Langlois and others testify.
A study of its origin,
spread throughout nations, both ancient and modern, its variations, changes, and growth, the vast number of editions, representations, and revisions before and after the invention of printing, would fill several volumes. Langlois' Essai Historique sur
109
les Dances des Mortes,
cites editions of Holbein alone in French,
Latin, German, Italian, Bohemian, English, and Dutch.
Modern research tends more and more to confirm the supposition that the first Danse Macbree was v/ritten in Latin and v/as
the v/ork of an ecclesiastic' This hypothesis v/ould explain the
remarkable similarity of the French and German versions of the
dance. The original Latin verses were no doubt accompanied by a
series of designs executed according to the directions of the
author, poem and design being inseparable. That there v/as a tradition of a "ronde des morts" before the genesis of the "danse
Macbree," is proved by an allusion in an early Dutch version of
the French Maugis d'aigremont, dating before 1550. The earliest
allusion to the subject in England, hov/ever, is in Piers Ploughman,
written about 1550.
Elde the hore he v/as in the vauntwarde,
And bare the banere bifor Deth by rigte he it claymed.
Kynde come after v/ith many kene 3ores,
As pokkes and pestilences and moche people shente;
So Kynde thorw corupciouns kulled ful manye.
Deth cam dryeunde after and al to doust passhed
Kynges and knygtes kayseres and popes;
Lered ne lev/ed he let no man stonde,
That he hitte euene that euere stired after.
Many a louely lady and lemmanes of knyghtes
Sv/ouned and sv/elted for sorv/e of Dethes dyntes.
The origin is variously accounted for, but the most common
legend is that v/hich explains the phenomena as an outgrowth of a
°(Rouen: 1851), 2 Vols.
7
'Cf. Florence Warren, The Dance of Death. Edited from MSS
Ellesmere 26/A.15 and B.M. Lansdowne 699, collated with the other
extant MSS. Printed for the early English Text Society. (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1951).
William Langland, The Vision of William concerning Piers
the Plowman, ed. Walter W. Skeat (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1886),
I, 584.
110
plague v/hich occurred during the meeting of the Pope's Council in
Bale, Switzerland, in the year 1459•
It is recorded uniquely in
an eighteenth century edition from v/hich v/e quote:
Pope Eugenius IV. having summoned a Council to meet at
the City of Basle, or, as it is more usually called, Basil,
in Switzerland; it accordingly met there in the Year 1451,
and continued to sit for seventeen years, nine month, and
twenty-seven days, or according to Mr. V/alpole, but fifteen
years in the whole; and at this Council the Pope himself,
and after his Death his Successor Felix V. Sigismond Emperor
of Germany, Albert II. then King of the Romans, and many
other Princes and Persons of distinguished Rank were present. During the Sitting of this Council, viz. in the Year
1459, the City of Basil v/as visited with a Plague, v/hich
raged for some Time v/ith extreme Violence and carried off
many of the Nobility, and several Cardinals and Prelates
v/ho attended that Council, some of whom were interred in
the very Cemetery where the Painting, of which v/e are about
to speak, now is; and, on the Cessation of the Distemper
the surviving Members of the Council, v/ith a View to perpetuate the Memory of this Event, and of their providential
Deliverance from its Effects, caused to be painted in Oil
on the Walls of the Cemetery, near the Convent of the
Dominicans a Dance of Death, representing all Ranks of Persons, from, the Pope to the Peasant, as individually seized
by Death; adding also to each Figure eight Lines in German,
four of them containing an Address from Death to them severally, the other four their Reply. The name of the Painter
employed on this occasion has not been transmitted down to
us v/ith Certainty; but some Persons have imagined that this
Painting v/as the v/ork of HANS HOLBEIN.9
Many of the bridges in Germany and Switzerland were ornamented in this manner, a specimen of v/hich is said to exist at
Lucerne.
It is probable that almost every church of eminence was
decorated with a "Dance of Death."
In the Cloisters of St.
Innocent1s Church at Paris and in those belonging to the Old Cathedral of St. Paul at London v/ere tv/o famous representations of
v/hich more will be said later.
Even fragments of painted glass
^Emblems of Mortality, ed. T. Hodgson (London: George's
Court, 1789), pp. ii, iii.
Ill
whereon this subject has been depicted v/ith old English verses
over the figures, may contribute to show how very common it was
in England, though its popularity in this latter country, it is
said, v/as never as great as in France.
V/hen the arts of print-
ing and engraving became established, various copies of the Dance
of Macaber made their appearance, particularly in the Horae,
Breviaries, Missals and other service books of the Church.
Few
of them v/ere without a representation of it, though the designs
were sometimes varied.
The most famous of these is the Nuremberg
Chronicle, 1495, and. A Book of Christian Prayers, collected out
of the ancient V/riters and Best learned of our Time, first printed
in 1569, and afterward in 1608.
On the walls of a cloister on the north side of St. Paul's
Cathedral called "Pardon-Church-haugh," v/as printed the Macabre.
This was a single piece, and depicted a long train of all orders
of men, from the Pope to the lowest of human beings, each figure
having as his partner, Death.
According to the DNB ("John Lyd-
gate") and Vfarton (History of English Poetry), Lydgate traiaslated
Macaber1s Dance of Death from the French, at the request of the
Chapter of St. Paul's to be inscribed under the painting of that
subject in the above mentioned cloister.
But it appears from the
verses themselves, that he undertook the translation at the instance of a French clerk.
Lydgate's poem is neither a literal or
complete translation of the French version from Macaber and this
appears likev/ise in his own testimony.
reader:
In his address to the
112
I fonde depict ones in a wal,
Full notably as I rehearse shall,
Of a Frenche clarke takyng acquaintauce,
I toke on me to translaten all,
Out of the Frenche I,achabree3 daunce
By whose abuse and counsayle at the left,
though her 3tierynge and her mocion,
I obeyed vnto her request,
thereof to make a playn translacion,
In English tonge of entencion, . . . .
And at the end of his poem he confesses:
Out of the French I drough it of entent
Not word by word, but following in substance,
And from Paris to England it sent.
There is not only the difference in the number of characters, Lydgate having thirty-five in contrast to the seventy-six found in
the French original, but Lydgate even substituted some v/hich v/ere
not in the French. Lydgate' s version v/as published with his translation of 3occaccio's De Casibua Virorum Illustrium by Richard
Tottel in 1554. A Treatise excellent and compedious, shewing . . . .
the falls of sondry most notable Princes and Princesses
....
first compiled in Latin by . . . . Bocatius . . . . and translated
into English . . . . by Dan John Lidgate, Monke of Burye. . . . .
The. woodcut representation which occurs at the beginning of "The
&aunce of Machabree" in Tottel's edition is a single piece similar
to those pur on the Church walls. But at the end of the verses
beneath "Death speaketh agayn to the Hermite," appears another single woodcut of three men from various walks of life inspecting an
emaciated figure lying in his tomb. The inscription reads: "Nil
Fol., ccii and Fol., ccxxiiii.
115
ita sublima est supraq; pericula tendit; Non sit vt inferius, suppositumcq deo."
In each case, Death speaks to the person concerned,
and that gentleman, in turn, "maketh aunsv/ere."
Beneath the wood-
cut is inscribed, "The king ligging eaten of wormes," and the v/hole
is followed by this admonition:
Ye folke y loke upo this portrature
Beholding here all estates daunce,
Seeth v/hat ye been A what is your nature
meat vnto worraea, nought els in substaunce.
and haueth this mirrour aye in remebrauce
Howe I lye here whylom crouned kyng,
To al estates a true resemblaunce.
That wormes foode is Y fine of your liuyng.
Machabree the doctoure.
The representations on the walls of S t . P a u l ' s i t s e l f v/ere,
according to Stow, torn dov/n in 1549, three years before Spenser' s
birth.
The 10. of April, the cloister of Pauls church in London,
called pardon church-yarde, v/ith the dance of death, commonlie called the dance of Pauls about the 3s.ine cloister costly
and cunningly v/rought, and the chappel in the middest of the
same churchyard, v/ere all begun to be pulled dov/ne. Also
the charnil house of Pauls, v/ith the chappel there (after
the tombes and other monuments of the dead were pulled dov/ne,
and the dead mens bones buried in the fieldse) v/ere conuerted
into dwelling houses and shops.12
The French edition of the Danse nachbree v/hich subsequently appeared in many cities and v/hich v/as translated into many
languages is usually entitled, Holbein'3 Dance of Death.
But here
again we find a controversy over authorship, some commentators
maintaining that Holbein wa3 the author of the painting on the
John Lidgate, A Treatise excellent and compedious, etc.
(London: Tottel, 1554), p. cexxiiii.
12
John Stow, The Annales of England (London: Ralfe Newbery, l60l), p. 1004.
114
walls of the Convent at Bale, while others stoutly assert that
this is ridiculous, since the figures in the printed edition are
single and there appears an individual v/oodcut for each subject,
while in the above, as at St. Paul's and St. Innocentes the representation is a single procession. The arguments are brought
forward showing that Albert Durer v/as the designer, and these are
refuted and an anonymous artist is substituted, and so on and on.
No matter how fascinating, the controversy is not especially pertinent. More to the point is the fact that, as Davis has remarked:
"A line on 'November'
'all musick sleepes, where death doth leade the daunce'
presumably refers to the popular tlieme of the Danse Macabre versified in English by Lydgate and frequently represented in Mural
Paintings •"
Warton had pointed this out long before, just as he had
cited the controversy over the authorship of the Danse Macabre..
He concludes thus:
I cannot close thi3 subject more properly, than by remarking, that Spenser alludes to some of these representations, v/hich in his age, v/ere fashionable and familiar.
'All musicke sleepes, where DEATH DOTH LEAD THE DAUNCE.
November'14
What is significant in all this is the poetic use of the
Dance of Death by Spenser. That use is by no means confined to
^Bernard Davis, Edmund Spenser, A Critical Study (Cambridge: Univ. Press, 1955), p» 411.
14
Thomas Warton, Observations on the Fairy Queen of Spenser, 2nd. ed. (London: Dodsley So Fletcher, 1762), II, 121.
115
the Shepheardes Calendar.
V/e find, for example, an emblem in The
Emblems of Mortality, which is devoted to "The Gentleman," and in
v/hich the woodcut portrays Death talcing hold of a man, who is attempting to defend himself with a sword.
Beneath the woodcut is
inscribed the follov/ing:
V/hat man is he, however, brave
Of mightiest Pov/'r possest,
Who in this mortal World shall live
And death shall never taste?
V/hat Man is he v/ho Death's fell Dart,
V/hich conquers all, can brave?
Who his ovm Life, by Force or Skill,
From Death can hope to save?15
Spenser in the story of Malbecco's metamorphosis into "Gealosie"
after his unsuccessful pursuit of Hellenore and his inability to
persuade her to leave the Satyres, uses the idea of a man living
in this world and tasting death ever, rather than never, and he
also mentions "deathes eternall dart."
In the twenty-third emblem there are tv/o pertinent ideas.
The woodcut pictures a deceiving old monk v/ith a very direful
face trying to breal-: away from death v/ho has him by the cowl.
His
feet are bare, end his habit black, his beard a hoarie gray.
Archimago is first, introduced by Spenser at the meeting with the
Red Crosse Knight and Una:
5 T . Hodgson, (Ed.) Emblems of Mortality (London: Clerkenv/ell, 1789), 16 . N.P.
5.10.59»9« (References without designation of title are
to book, canto, stanza, and line, of The Faerie Queene, in conformity with the Spenser Index.)
116
At length they chaunst to meet vpon the v/ay
An aged Sire, in long blacke v/eedes yclad,
His feete all bare, his beard all hoarie gray,
And by his belt his booke he hanging had;
. Sober he seemde, and very sagely sad,
And to the ground his eyes v/ere lowly bent,
Simple in shew, and voyde of r:alice b a d . '
Again in Emblems of Mortality there are verses v/hich offer
suggestions, for Duessa, as v/ell as Archimago.
They read:
Some Men, the World to circumvent
By Fraud and Falsehood try,
By feign'd Religion, Sin to hide,
From ev'ry mortal Eye:
Of Piety and ardent love
They outwardly profess;
But inwardly they are the Sink
Of all Voluptuousness:1°
Similarly Spenser 3ays of Due3sa:
Her purpose wa3 not such, as she did faine,
Ne yet her person such, as it v/as seene,
But vnder simple shew and semblant plaine
Lurckt fast Duessa secretly vnseene,
As a chast Virgin, that had wronged bcene:
So had false Archimago her disguisd,
To cloke her ^uile v/ith sorrow and sad teene;
And eke himself had craftily deuisd
To be her Squire, and do her seruice v/ell aguisd.l°
There are thirty-two references to death in The Faerie
Queene, practically all of v/hich are conceived and executed in
this Danse Macbre spirit.
If it is remembered that the accepted definition of an
emblem for this study is a device followed by the more or less
17
1.1.29.1-7.
18
19
0p. cit.,
25.
2.1.21.1-9.
117
explanatory verse, then the illustrated copies of the Bible should
be included. The Quadins historiques de la Bible were just what
their name implied, historic picture-frames of the Bible. They
v/ere published in Lyons, between 1555 and 1585*
There was an En-
glish version, entitled The True and lyely Portreatures of the
v/oll Bible, translated into English metre by Peter Dorendel, 1555,
and four years before this, The Images of the Old Testament, set
forthe in Ynglishe and French vuith a playn and brief exposition
had been published. The Huntington Library has a copy v/ith the
signature "Gabriel Harvey, I58O" on the title page. His initials,
GH appear at the top and this note is inscribed on one side of the
emblematic device v/hich appears on the title page. "Sallust, du
Bartas, the only braue poet in this sacred vein."
The device is
the well-known butterfly and crab v/ith the word "matvra" beneath.
It was "Printid at Lyons, by Iohan Frellon, the yere of our lord
God, 1549."
The volume is underscored throughout and many com-
ments are v/ritten in on the margins. These comments are in both
English and French. If the marginal note is on the English page
it, too, is in English, if on the French verse then the notation
is also in French. These comments are not of direct pertinence
to this study, but the fact that Harvey was interested enough in
the book to make the marginilia does serve as a Spenser contact.
Some of the references to the story of Adam and Eve are included,
though it is perfectly obvious that these as common laiov/ledge have
only the faintest connection with Spenser in that they v/ere underlined and noted marginally by Harvey. The first is a woodcut of
118
the Angel driving Adam and Eve from the garden, with a grinning
skeleton in the offing watching the process. Underneath is written:
Vuhen Adam and Keua dyd atknolege thor syn, dhy dyd fie
from the face of God, and ar obiected vnto deth. Cherubim
is seth before paradise of pleasure vuyth a fyrey svuord.
And the French:
Pour le peche qu'ilz fierent contre Dieu,
Furent maudietz chacun selon 1'offence:
Puis Cherubmin les met hora de c6 lieu,
Et centre mort n'eurent plus de defcnce.20
The next v/oodcut portrays Adam with a long pole evidently digging
into the earth. The skeleton is right beside him this time and
Eve is in the distance nursing a child. The English above is:
Adam expelled ouut off Paradyse is commanded to dyge and
plouu the erth, the vuoman y3 subiect vnto the man, and
bringeth forth hyr chylder in sorouue.
And beneath the v/oodcut is the French:
En grand labeur, £> sueur de son corps
Le pere Adam a sa vie gaignee
Heue tandis en doloreux effortz,
Subiecte a 1'Homme enfante sa lignee.
The lines in Spenser's Chronicle of Briton's Kings, recalls this
same idea of Adam's condemnation to a life of toil in reparation
for his guilt:
• • • • from wretched Adams line
To purge av/ay the guilt of sinfull crime;22
In depicting the fight v/hich the Red Cro3se Knight has with
^The Images of the Old Testament (Lyons: Iohan Frellon,
1549), Sig., B.
21
Ibid., B verso.
22
2.10.50.5-4.
119
the Dragon in Book I, Spenser inserts two stanzas on the subject
of the tree of life and the sentence of death which, "v/e, their
Children, subject are."
The description of an accompanying v/ood-
cut could readily be executed from Spenser'3 description v/hich
follows:
There grew a goodly tree him faire beside,
Loaden v/ith f r u i t and apples ro3ie red,
As they in pure vermilion had beene dide,
Whereof great vertues ouer all v/ere red:
For happie life to all, v/hich thereon fed,
and life eke euerlasting did befall:
Great God it planted in that blessed sted
V/ith his almightie hand, and did it call
The tree of life, the crime of our first fathers fall.
In all the world like v/as not to be found,
Saue in that soile, whore all good things did grow,
And freely sprong out of the fruitfull ground,
As incorrupted Nature did them sow,
Till that dread Dragon all did ouerthrow.
Another like faire tree eke grew there by,
V/hereof v/ho so did eat, eftsoones did know
Both good and ill: 0 mornefull memory:
That tree through one mans fault hath doen vs all to dy.
Holbein treated these same ideas in his previously mentioned Dance of Death. And it must not be overlooked that some of
his cuts v/ere used also to illustrate the Images of the Old Testament.
Unlike Spenser, hov/ever, he insists on Eve's share in the
guilt.
Holbein a commence ces scenes e la vie par celle qui eut
tant d'influence sur toutes le3 autres. La Mere du genre
humain, tient dans sa main droite, la pomme fatale qu'elle
vient de recevoir du serpent a tete de jeune homme, So Adam
en cueille en meme terns une autre, excite par les sollicitations de la trop credule Eve, qui lui montre celle qu'elle
a recue. ^
25
1.11.46-47.
2
\816 ed., p. 56.
120
And the English verses admonish thus:
Against God's Will the direful Fruit
Of the forbidden Tree
The Husband by his foolish Wife
To taste indue'd we see.
A grevous Death they both deserv'd
For this Offence so great,
And v/e, their Children, subject are
To the same Lav/s of Fate.25
The story of Moses is told in a series of woodcuts in Holbein' s book.
Some of the most pertinent to this study are: "Exodi
XIIII, XV, XIX and Exodi XXV."
Biblical story.
In these are depicted the entire
One sees the separation of the Red Sea, Moses
v/ith his rod, his army coming through the Red Sea dry-shod, and
finally the Ten Commandments on the tablets of stone being dictated
amidst flashing lightning.
As was indicated it is the conventional
biblical story, but with Ihe added appeal of the pictorial devices
30 dear to Spenser's heart—or art.
The detail of the "highest
Mount" is supplied from another version of the same v/ork which
will be mentioned later.
V/hen the Red Crosse Knight is lead by
heauenly "Contemplation" to this "highest Mount," Spenser likens
him to Moses thus:
That done, he leads him to the highest Mount;
Such one, as that same mighty man of God,
That bloud-red billov/es like a walled front
On either side disparted with his rod,
Till that his army dry-foot through them rod,
Dv/elt fortie dayes vpon; where v/rit in stone
V/ith bloudy letters by the hand of God,
The bitter doome of death and bale full mone
.
He did receiue, whiles flashing fire about him shone.
25
^Hodgson, op. cit.,
26
1.10.55.
2.
121
The one detail omitted in the first representation of the story
of Moses referred to above is given in the Paradin version as:
All Isreal campeth himself in the plain
Nigh be Sina, whence he v/illeth go av/ai:
Moses allone goeth vp to the mountain,
_
For to his god, v/hiche calleth him speake, and prai.
The Scriptural figure of David is also celebrated by Holbein with a description and an accompanying woodcut.
Dauid vuhen the ark vas brogth, agayn blyssyth the people, and makyth then also a fest. lie doth instruit the
ministers of the ark to prayse God in instrumets of musyke.
Or the French v/hich in thi3 case was underlined by Harvey:
Le Roy Dauid deuant l'Arche de Dieu.
Benit le peuple, & a manger luy donne;
Et pour louer le Seigneur, au sainct lieu
Musiciens, & instrurnens ordonne.2"
In recounting the assuaging of Scudamour's anger, Spenser recalls
David's ability in music.
Or, such as that celestiall Psalmist was,
That when the wicked feend his Lord tormented,
V/ith heauenly notes, that did all other pas,
The outrage of his furious fit relented.
Such Musicke is wise words v/ith time concented,
To moderate stiffe minds, disposd to striue: 9
Hov/ever, Claude Paradin's version as translated by Peter Derendel
is even closer in spirit to the above.
The wicked sprit entring in the bodie
Of kinge Saul, for sor him to tourment:
Dauid plaing, v/ith sv/ete a melodie
Diuinie mad him av/ai to absent.^
27
Ibid., Verso I.
28
0p.oit., Verso KJ.
29
4.2.2.1-6.
50
y
Claude Paradin, The true and lyuely historyke pvrtreatvres of the vvoll Bible, Trans. Peter Derendel (Lyons: lean of
Tovrnes, 1555), L 5.
122
Gilles Corrozet composed the foreword for The Images of
the Old Testament. It is repeated here because it sums up the
aim of these "Tapisserie," embodies the spirit of the pleasing
and useful, and harkens back in the third paragraph to the preceding chapter tying these various threads of influence and analogy together into one literary bundle. The significant fact must
not be overlooked that this v/as Gabriel Harvey's copy and that
the phrases v/hich are underlined are not italicized, but are
those v/hich v/ere underscored by Harvey himself.
Aux Lecteurs
En regardant ceste tapisserie
L'oeil corporel, qui se toume, So varie,
Y peut auoir vn singulier plaisir,
Lequel engendre au coeur certain desir
D'aimer son Dieu, qui a faict tant de choses
Dedans la letre, & saincte Bible encloses.
Ces beaux portraictz seruiront d'exempiaire,
Monstrant qu'il fault au Seigneur Dieu complaire:
Exciteront de luy faire seruice,
Retireront de tout peche & vice:
Quand ilz seront insculpez en 1'esprit,
Comme ilz sont painctz, & couchez par escrit.
Donques ostez de voz maisons, & salles
Tant de tapis, So de painctures salles,
Ostez Venus, So son filz Cupido,
Ostez Heleine, & Phyllis, So Dido,
Ostez du tout fables So poesies,
Et receuez meilleures fantasies.
Mettez au lieu, & soyent voz chambres ceinctes
Des dictz sacrez, & des histoires sainctes,
Telles que sont celles que voyez cy
En ce liuret. Et si faictes ainsi
Grandz & petis, les ieunes & les vieulx
Auront plaisir, & au coeur & aux yeulx. (fr. Pliasir
PLUS QUE' MOINS.
Early translations and adaptations of emblem material are
briefly discussed in this chapter. The intermingling of pagan
and Christian, medieval and Renaissance, symbolic and heraldic
themes, all found a place in Emblem-books. Obviously, the task
of presenting these varying elements is too comprehensive to be
adequately treated in a study of this length. The Christian,
medieval and symbolic content of The Mirrour of Good Maners, containing the foure Cardinal Vertues, for example, is balanced by
the pagan, Renaissance, and heraldic subject-matter which furnishes most of the material for Paradin's Heroicall Devises. Here
again, however, a difficulty is met, for both Christian and
pagan themes find a place in this latter work also. The Theatre
for Voluptuous Worldlings serves as a good example of the combining of all these elements. (The emblematic content of this
"Visions" literature and Spenser's relation to it has been demonstrated by Jones, Renwick, Stein and Volume I of this investigation.) A comparison of The Theatre'8 content with that of The
Faerie Queene reveals similar matter handled in a similar way.
Whether or not Spenser translated this work is irrelevant here,
since its particular pertinence to this study is found in the fact
that the emblematic ideas and expressions contained therein are
carried over from this early work to the mature composition of
Spenser's later years. The analogies and similarities noted in
this chapter testify not only to Spenser's continued interest in
the use of Emblem-book material, but the artistic superiority of
the later work and the manner in which the artist himself developed.
CHAPTER V
TRANSLATIONS AND ADAPTATIONS OF EMBLEM-BOOKS
The eddying currents and tides of Emblem-book literature
flowing from their source in the traditional themes of the Shyp
of Folys and Danse Macbree not to overlook the "translations of
the Woll Bible," gradually began to branch out into new fields.
Obviously, much of the medieval traditional material was retained.
Much, too, of the currently popular was adapted. The merging of
these two literary streams is best seen in The Theatre for Voluptuous Wo ridings, the mention of v/hich, immediately brings Spenser
to mind. However, there are some early translation and adaptations of emblem material which need to be considered before actually discussing The Theatre, itself.
To the 1570 edition of The Shyp of Folys is attached an
emblematical work translated from Dominicus Mancinus, Liberrlus
de quattuor virtutibus, 1484 which is entitled The Mirrour of
Good Maners, containing the foure Cardinal Vertues. This work
was first printed by Rychard Pynson, and then by Wynkyn de Worde
around the year 1516. The next work to appear, that follows in
this genre is, Dialogues of Creatures Moralized, applyable and
edificatyfly to every mery and jocunde Mater, of late translated
out of latyn into our Englysshe tonge right profitable to the
gouernaunce of man. And they be to sell Upo Powlys Churche Yarde.
1525. Its content, curious woodcuts, and Gothic Black Letter,
have been discussed in the first volume of this study, and the
similarity to Spenser's minor poems has been noted. The printer
124
125
of this first translation is supposed to be John Rastell, and it
is said to be the first English book in which we find1the use of
those characteristic emblem couplets appended as a moral at the
end of the apologues. There is no direct connection between the
content of the writing and anything in The Faerie Queene, but
some of the woodcuts may well have supplied the basis of some of
the figures described by Spenser. There is one entitled "Of a
Scalye Fyssh called Regyna, and a v/ater sarpent callyd Idrus,
Dailogo, vfd," in which the woodcut is of a five headed monster
with an enormous serpentine tail and eagle feet. (Diii). Spenser
pictures Duessa's foot like the claw of an eagle. "For one of
them was like an Eagle's claw." Or, "Mighty Monoceros, with immeasured tayles." And the many references to deformed creatures
having two, three, or more heads, as Cerberus, for example, "His
three deformed heads did lay along," or to the two brethren
giants, "the one of which had two heads, th'other three": are
certainly analogous. There is another woodcut which pictures the
body of a woman formed into a tree, (K. ii) which recalls Spenser' s Fradubio and Fraelissa.
The Mirrour and The Dialogue just mentioned are concerned
with subjects that had been popular in medieval times. The next
work, however, belongs decidedly to the Renaissance. It is the
translation by P.S. of Paradin's Heroicall Devises, whose "dedicatorie" preface has been discussed in a previous chapter. This
^•Of. 1.2.28 ff. and 1.2.55 ff* also I.7.26.5.
126
work may well have suggested certain ideas to Spenser. On the
other hand, it, in both the original French and English translation, furnishes a certain contrast to Spenser's method of handling themes that is definitely important for the understanding
of the Poet. His individuality is never more manifest than when
he is dealing with subjects that are more or less common property.
In the Heroicall Devises there is an emblem which depicts
the rod of peace. It is entitled, "Vtrum lubet," which is translated thus, "Whether pleaseth him."
Then occurs the explanation:
Clubbes, or battes compassed about v/ith Oliue branches,
being a signe as wel of peace, as of v/arre may be giuen to
those, to whom we giue the choise as well of the one as of
the other. V/hich thing our ancestors portrayed with a white
wand, such as Ambassadors vse to carrie that intreat for
peace; and a speare adioyned, as the Romanes did to the
Carthaginians, or else with two speares, the one whereof had
his point tipped with steele, the other blunted with a
knobbe of wood on the end.2
Later there is another emblem entitled "Rerum Sapientia cuBtos"
("Wisdome that preseruer of all things"). The woodcut depicts an
olive tree around which are entwined two serpents. The explanation follows:
The most gracious Dutches of Berie, Margaret by name,
expressed the singular affection on her hart in this Embleme of two serpents, putting foorth both their heades
out of the boughes of an Oliue tree: shewing that the
true gouernment of all things is best helde fast, and
holden vp by the mast of wisedome and pollicie.^
These two emblems furnish an example of the way Spenser's
genius selected and combined details from many and varied sources.
o
P.S., op. cit., pp. 150-51.
5
Ibid., pp. 291, 92.
127
In describing Cambina's rod of peace he writes:
In her right hand a rod of peace shee bore,
About the which two Serpents weren wound,
Entrayled mutually in louely lore,
And by the tailes together firmely bound. .
And both were v/ith one oliue garland crownd.^"
One of the most fascinating emblems in the Heroicall Devises is entitled:
"inextricabilis error," and beneath is the
translation, "Error is inextricable."
The v/oodcut portrays a
sphinx or hideous beast body with the head and breasts of a woman,
around v/hich her long hair flows. She has great wings, horrible
claw-like paws, and a very long tail which is wound around her in
an intricate manner. The name, the "dreadfull beast," the position of "halfe flying and halfe footing," with the body "reared
high afore," and the "flaggy wings," v/ith the "huge long tayle
wound vp in hundred foldes," not forgetting the "rending clawes"
and the "rauenous pawes," as found in Spenser's description of
Error,^ are all very evident in the woodcut. The only detail
which is missing from the woodcut is the "hideous head" with its
"Deep deuouring iawes," and "three ranckes of yron teeth."
This
"hideous head" might well have been suggested to Spenser by a
woodcut occurring earlier in the volume, v/hich is that of a
Salamander lying in the fire. The head and mouth conform perfectly, except for the yron teeth, v/hich illustrate Spenser's
method of adding his own significant and startling details. The
^4.5.42.1-4.
51.11.8 ff.
128
"Explanation", in both its French original and in its subsequent
English translation, illustrates the method of discussing these
devises and furnishes an example of that type of Emblem-book
whose woodcuts are similar in content to Spenser's pictures, but
whose interpretations have no bearing whatever on his use of the
material. Paradein*a original reads thus:
Inextricabilis error
Le monstre Sphinx, representant chose difficile, & de
profonde intelligence fut la Deuise du susdit Augusts Cesar,
au commencement de son Empire. Comme voulant sinifier par
icelui, ne deuoir le secret, dessein, & intencion d'un
Prince estre diuulgue' aucunemet: considerant qu'il n'y ha
pas les choses Hautes ores les saintes So diuines, qui ne
perdent leur autorite/ quand elles sont par trop familieres
& corractees entre la Populasse. Cause iadis qui mouuoit
les Egipciens d'affiger ce Sphinx deuant leurs temples.
Deux de ces monstres Sphinx (comme dit Pline) auoit trouue
au parauant ledit Auguste, entre les anneaus de sa mere,
lesquelz seressembloient si viuement, qu'on ne les pouuoit
discerner. De l'un desquelz ses amis pendant les guerres
ciuiles seelloiet les edits, lettres, & despeschea en son
absence: selon que la disposicion du terns le requeroit.
Ce que confirme Dion escriuant que icelui Auguste estant en
Attie, Agrippa So Mecenas aministroient les afaires a Romme:
lesquelz auoient puissance d'ouurir & voir les lettres
qu'il enuoyoit au Senat auant tous autres. Et pour cette
cause receurent un cachet de lui, pour cacheter, auquel
estoit graue' un Sphinx. Deuise toutefois (comme d'auantage
dit Pline) qui ne fut sans moquerie So irrision, par lea
Enigmes que ce Sphinx aportoit: vu que telle chose donna
ocasion au brocard, par lequel on disoit qu'il n'estoit pas
de merueilles si le Sphinx proposoit des Enigmes. A raison
dequoy Auguste (pour euiter telles moqueries, cessa de plus
en signer, So signa un terns de 1'image d'Alexandre le Grand,
puis finablement de la sienne meames. De laquelle signarent
aussi apres comme lui, Tibere, Caligule, Claude-Cesar,
Domician, So autres ses successeurs en 1'Empire.
The translator, "F.S." in addition to giving the English version,
presents a philological problem in his use of Marmset or Monkey
for Sphinx.
Claude Paradin, Les Devises Heroiques (Lion: Tovrnes et
Gazeav, 1557), pp. 54, 55.
129
Augustus Caesar, in the beginning of his raigne vsed the
Monkey or Marmset, as a singular secrete signe, signifying
thereby, that the serious matters of a Prince, with his
waightie affaires are not to be committed to the common people. Of which sort especially are all holy and diuine
things, lest thorow the want of authoritie, they become base
and contemptible. The same reason in a manner moued the
Egyptians to picture in their temples the Marmset or Monkey.
August Caesar (as Plinie witnesseth) hauing found two such
Monkeye8 or Marmseta amongst his mothers rings made by such
wonderful art, and so like, that the one could by no means
be discerned from the other: with the one whereof, as with
a seale his actes and edicts in time of war were sealed, respect being had as wel of the time as of the causes. Dion
reporteth that Augustus Caesar being occupied in Y wars of
Atry, gaue liaence to Agrippa, & Mecenas chiefe rulers of y
Romaine affaires to seale writings before they were presented
to the Senate: & therefore they receiued a seale of Augustus,
bearing the image of the Monkey or Marmset. Which thing notwithstanding was not done without derision, as Plinie recordeth, for the enigmes v/hich they Monkey pretended, a prouerbe
or by-word rising thereof, to wit, it is no maruell if the
Monkey vtter hard and obscure things. Therefore Augustus to
avoid these iests and flouts, abstained altogither from his
suspected So uniust maner of sealing, changing his seale into
the images of Alexander the great. At the last, he imprinted
it w(ith) his own natural picture or image, which afterward
Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius Caesar, Domicianus. So other
Emperors succeeding in the same order, did vse.'
However, not all the explanations in the Heroicall Devises
are complotely unrelated to Spenser's subject matter. Take for example the topic of the golden chaine. At the opening of the ninth
Canto of the first Book, Spenser indulges in an apostrophe to the
golden chain:
0 goodly golden chaine, v/herewith yfere
The vertues linked are in louely wize:
And noble minds of yore allyed were,
In braue poursuit of cheualrous emprize,
That none did other safety despize,
Nor aid enuy to him, in need that stands,
But friendly each did others prayse deuize
How to aduance with fauourable hands,
As this good Prince redeemd the Redcrosse knight
from bands.
Op. cit., pp. 57-58.
1.9.1.1-9-
150
Paradin's emblem on this subject is entitled, "immensi tremor
Oceani," which is translated:
"The trembling feare of the Ocean
Sea," and which incidentally furnishes a perfect example of how
totally unrelated the title can be to the emblem itself. The
woodcut in this case is of a chain—(presumably golden) and the
explanation is devoted to a recital of the history of the founding of the Order of Saint Michael, and some of the explanation is
concerned v/ith the Kings of France. The point here, however,
lies in some of the ideas v/hich bear a close resemblance to the
ideas expressed by Spenser in the previously quoted stanza. This
explanation reads in part:
. . . . for a Cognizance of Simbole he ensigned them with
a golden chaine lincked togither with cockle stones . . . .
and double-knots, with circles of gold: Which custome was
begun, & afterwardes confirmed amongst many kinds. The
chaine therefore is a type or figure of this order, a signe
of vertue, concord, and of a perpetuall league or couenant
of amitie and friendship to be continued amonst them, also
a cognizance or badge of those that deserued well, and of
the victorie obteined. By the gold he v/ould haue to be
vnderstood, magnanimitie, prowesse and honours. By the
cockles, their mutual equalitie or common condition of fortune: . . . . by the tying of them togither v/ith a double
knot, he would represent the indissoluble couenant made betwixt him and the rest, and that which no friuolous, signification."
, '
An emblem which has an entirely different content is the
one devoted to the Golden Fleece. It is devoted, quite naturally,
to the order founded by Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy, in
l429«
Spenser's use of the term refera to the Golden Fleece which
Jason and the. Argonauts recovered from Colchis. Spenser seems to
have been very much intrigued by the story as his many references
Heroicall Devises, pp. 25, 24.
151
to it indicate. Witness, the story's inscription on the gate of
the Bower of Bliss:
And therein all the famous history
Of Iason and Medaea was ywrit;
Her mighty charmes, her furious louing fit,
His goodly conquest of the golden fleece
His falsed faith, and loue too lightly flit,
The wondred Argo, v/hich in venturous peece
First through the Euxine seas bore all the flowr
of Greece.10
The reference in the Heroicall Devises obviously did not
inspire such a deep interest in Spenser, but slight as this reference is, it testifies to the existence of this same wide interest
on the part of the Elizabethan public, for the author drags the
story in almost by its proverbial ears.
. . . . the golden fleece hanging before the breast: imitating herein (as may be supposed) the marinal expedition of
Iason into Colchos by diligent obseruation as it were, of his
vertue and godlines, whereof he was said to be so desirous,
that he deserued the name of good, and the praise of an excellent v/it, the order whereof his Epitaph which also sheweth the
inuention of the golden fleece, doth declare in these words,
. . . .
It is ridiculous to claim a source in the following, and
yet the similarity should not be overlooked. In am emblem devoted
to "Two Lawrell boughes" which relates how the rubbing them together will produce flames, is the following phrase:
. . . . when mightie men meete togither, that the old
prouerbe may be verified which saith, Dura duris non quadrare.I2
10
2.12.44.5-9. For other references cf. 2.10.56.4; 2.12.
45.1-9; 5.12.7.5-9; 4.1.25.6-9; 4.2.1.7-8; 4.10.27.1; 5.8.47.5 in
addition to the references in the minor poems given in Vol. I.
ll
0p.
pit., p. 50.
12
Ibid., p. 55.
152
And in his famous "tree passage" Spenser writes:
The Laurell, meed of mightie Conquerours. 5
And again in the fifth Canto of the same Book:
Both those the lawrell girlonds to the victor dew.
The woodcut in Heroicall Devises, v/hich is entitled, nAb
insomni non custodita Dracone," and which is given in English thus,
"The golden apples were not kept of the vigilant Dragon," shows a
very attractive intertwining of two boughs laden with apples. It
has a short explanation beneath it, which reads:
It was to small purpose or none at all that the Dragon
watched so carefully for Hercules, neuerthelesse came and
stole away the golden appleB, that were in the garden of
Hesperus three daughters: By the which is signified, that
vertues, and famous exploits are euerie where to be found. ?
Spenser himself mentions golden apples several times bringing in
all the famous connections.
Their fruit were golden apples glistring bright,
That goodly was their glory to behold,
On earth like neuer grew, ne liuing wight
Like euer saw, but they from hence were sold:
For those, which Hercules with conquest bold
Got from great Atlas daughters, hence began,
And planted there, did bring forth fruit of gold:
And those v/ith which th' Eubaean young man wan
Swift Atalanta, when through craft he her out ran.
Here also sprong that goodly golden fruit,
With which Acontius got his louer trew,
Whom he had long time sought with fruitlesse suit:
Here eke that famous golden Apple gres,
The which emongst the gods false Ate &hrew;
For which th' Idaean Ladies disagreed,
Till partiall Paris dempt it Venus dew,
And had of her, faire Helen for his meed.
15
15
1.1.9.1.
0p_j_cit., pp. 67, 68.
l2f
1.5.5.9.
l6
2.7.54-55»
155
Later in Book Four he again mentions the sad history of Ilion:
For memorie of which on high there hong
The golden Apple, cause of all their wrong. '
And in describing Calidore's disguising himself as a shepheard
for the love of Pastorell he recalls the story of Oenone thus:
When he the loue of fayre Oenone sought,
V/hat time the golden apple was vnto him brought. 1°
The idea that music was a cure for many things, especially
melancholy, is so prevalent that one is not surprised to find it
in an Emblem-book. Paradin's treatment deserves special attention,
since he also adds the idea of music's power to inspire heavenly
contemplation. Above a woodcut of a harp is the motto, "In sibilo
aurae tenuis." Then the explanation follows:
La Musique de sa nature est ennemie de Melancholie: &
par ainsi peut apaiser la fureur causee de melancolie excedente. Oomme elle peut aussi exciter l'assoupiment prouenant de cette humeur melancoliq, suffoque' qu'il est &
obrue de flegme. De laquelle maladie Melanchthon dit auoir
vu poure pacient, si fort assoupi So endorrai, qu'on en
pouuoit tirer parole, fors que par le ieu de la Harpe: au
son duquel instrument, il leuoit la teste, se prenoit a
rire, & respodoit a ce dont il estoit interroge''. C'estoit
donques grande afinite de la Musique auec l'ame. Chose que
fit entendre euidemment le Profete Helisee, qui pour reuoquer
son esprit profetique So prier Dieu, (pour le secours de son
peuple mourant de soif) se fit amener un ioueur de Harpe:
So ainai obtint de la Diuine bonte, selon sa peticion &
prieres. Et quant au parfaio Harpeur Dauid, venoit il point
a. consoler l'esprit du Roy Saul possede'du malin, vu que
toutefois qu'il touchoit deuant lui, cessoit le manuuais
de le tourmenter? Cette armonieuse Musique donq participe
de la Diuinite: vu que non seulement elle reuoque la
sante' es corps, mais danantage esleue l'ame a contemplacion,
lai rend consolee, So celeste. Et pour autant est ennemie
des Diables, qui ne sont que desespoir, tristesse, frayeur,
So abimee desolacion. Au surplus comme en la Musique, par
voix diferentes se fait bon acord, ainsi entre hommes de
diuerses complexions, & qualitez diferentes, se peut faire
So meintenir tresbonne Paix: agreable a Dieu, sur toutes
choses.1°
17
18
4.1.22.4,5.
6.9.5^.8-9.
19
Paradin, op. oit., pp. 96, 97.
154
In the last Canto of the first Book Spenaer in relating
the festivities attendant upon the betrothal of Una and the Red
Crosse Knight notes not only the power of music to drive away
Melancholy, but also its spiritualizing influence on the soul.
And all the while sweete Musicke did apply
Her curious skill, the warbling notes to play,
To druie away the dull Melancholy;
The whiles one sung a song of loue and iollity.
During the which there was an heauenly noise
Heard sound through all the Pallace pleasantly,
Like as it had bene many an Angels voice,
Singing before th'eternall maiesty,
In their trinall triplicities on hye;
Yet wist no creature, whence that heauently sweet
Proceeded, yet each one felt secretly
His selfe thereby reft of his sences meet
And rauished with rare impression in his sprite.20
Paradin1s translator uses the same Latin title quoted
above but adds the translation, "in the muttering of the gentle
aire," and then gives his version of the French, v/hich is included
here because of the analogy which it bears to another passage in
Spenser.
Musicke is of its owne nature an enimie to melancholy,
and therefore is able to qualifie any furie that riseth of a
vehement melancholie. Wherefore she is able also to drive
away heauines, and dulnesse, which proceed of blacke choler,
being ouerwhelmed and suffocate with flegme. With the
which one hath recorded that once he saw a man sore troubled,
and so sound and fast on aleepe, that you could by no meanes
get a word of him, but onely by a harpe sounding in his
eares, at the pleasant harmonie whereof, he liefting vp his
head, laughed, So answered to their demands. V/hich thing is'
an argument that there is no small affinitio betwixt Musicke
and the soule. Elizeus the prophet hath plainely declared
the same vnto vs, when to call againe his propheticall
spirits, and to malce supplication to God for a remedie of
hi8 people that then were like to perish with extreme thirst,
he commanded one that had skill to play on the harpe to be
called for vnto him, and in that sort obtained at the hands
1.12.58-59.
155
of God that which he desired in his prayers, and supplications.
And what say you to Dauid the Musitian, who is now dead & rotten? Did not he comfort and recreate King Saul, his soule
being vexed with an euill spirits, v/hen as, so long as he played
vpon his harpe, the wicked spirite left to molest him. Therefore this consonant musicke hath a certaine diuine grace in it,
for as much as it doth not onely restore helth to bodies that
are sicke, but also stirreth vp the soule to contemplation,
comforteth the same, and maketh it heauenly as it were: Wherefore it is an enimie euen to the verie diuels, which doubtlesse
are nothing else than desperation, deiection of the soule,
feare, and an obstinate desolation. Finally, as in Musicke of
differenct voices there is made tunable musicke, so of men
also that are of one minde there may be made a consent of contrary natures and manners, which God accepteth aboue all other
things that may be obserued or kept. 1
Spenser at the opening of the second Canto of Book Four, having noted the "wicked discord,"and the "confusion" which Britomart's
rescue of Amoret caused, notes the neceasity for someone to pacify
this state of things. Someone, for example, like Orpheus, or:
Or such as that celestiall Psalmist was,
That when the wicked feend his Lord tormented,
With heauenly notes, that did all other pas,
The outrage of his furious fit relented.
Such Musicke is wise words with time concented,
To moderate stiffe minds, disposd to striue.
Bound with the Heroicall Devises in this same volume, there
is a translation of some of Gabriel Symeon's emblems. One portrays
a rather large man standing on a rock and holding out before him a
pair of balances. It is entitled, "Statere aerdo non transiliendus,"
which is translated, "The ballance is not to be ouerladen with
waight."
The explanation concerns itself with the happy mean.
21
Op. cit.t pp. 121, 22, 25.
22
4.2.2.1-6. (For other passages illustrative of these same
ideas cf. 1.1.8.2; 1.8.44.4; 1.5.5.4; 1.12.7.5; 2.5.24.6-9; 2.5.51.
6-9; 2.6.25.1-4; 2.10.59.5-9; 2.12.55.6; 2.12.70-72; 2.12.55.6;
5.2.15.9; 5.12.5-6; 5.1.40.1-6; 4.2.1.9; 4.9.6.1-7; 4.11.25; 5.11.54.
1-4; 17.7.12.6-9.)
156
Those that be wicked & of euil conscience, it is most certains, doe neither keepe nor obaerue anie means, and therefore for the moat they proue their end to be miserable, euen
as a paire of ballance or waights (which the Latines and the
Tuscans call a Statera) if you lade the one more then is cgunenient with waight, it straight waie breaketh in peeces.5
Spenser devotes several stanzas to a discussion of the Gyant and
his "paire of ballance" whom Sir Artegall and Talus meet after they
have overcome Lady Munera. In part it reads:
There they beheld a mighty Gyant stand
Vpon a rocke, and holding forth on hie
An huge great paire of ballance in his hand,
With which he boasted in his wurquedrie,
That all the world he would weight equallie,
And he continues:
Well then, sayd Artegall, let it be tride.
First in one ballance set the true aside.
He did so first; and then the false he layd
In th'other scale; but still it downe did slide,
And by no meane could in the weight be stayd.
For by no meanes the false will with the truth be wayd.
And later:
And almost would his balances haue broken:24
The picture of Munera1s attempting to avoid capture by Talus
recalls another emblem in this volume. Spenser writes:
But when as yet she saw him to proceeds,
Vnmou'd with praiers, or with piteous thought,
She ment him to corrupt with goodly meede;
And causde great sackes with endlesse riches fraught
Vnto the battilment to be vpbrought,
And powred forth ouer the Castle wall,
That she might win some time, though dearly bought
Whilest he to gathering of the gold did fall.5
2
^0p. cit., pp. 545, 44.
2
S.2.50.1-5; 45.4-9; 47.2.
25'5.2.25.1-8,
157
And Symeon atrikea the tone of the moral in Spenser's portrayal by entitling his emblem, "Male parta, male dilabuntur,"
which is given in English as, "Things euill got, are as euil
Spent."
The woodcut, as one would suppose from the explanation
which follows, ia of a monkey pouring gold from a second story
window, while below through the open doorv/ay one perceives the
table laden with food waiting to be served.
A certaine Ape being brought vp in a vsurers house, who
was altogither delighted in counting of his money, spying
vpon a time his master playing, and toying with his money
vpon a table, when his master was at dinner he crept in at
a window, and got him to the heape of money, where initating
his master, after that he had delighted himselfe enough with
turning and tossing the money to and fro, at the last he began to throw it out at the window into the streete as fast
as he could. V/ith which sight, v/hether the passingers by
were more delighted, or the Vsurer grieued, I list not here
to debate, hauing enough to do to laugh at this vsurer, &
the like, who heape vp great summes of money, So leaue it
either to their brother or nephewe, or else to dicers,
whoremasters, gluttons and the like, scarsely euer remembring
this excellent and golden sentence, Male parta, male dilabuntur, Things euill got, are euill spent . ^
The story of Mammon, too, comes to mind, especially where
Spenser describes the evils that follow in the wake of riches:
All otherwise (said he) I riches read,
And deeme them roots of all disquietnesse;
First got with guile, and then preseru'd with dread,
And after spent with pride and lauishnesse,
Leauing behind them greife and heauinesse,
Infinte mischiefes of them do arize,
Strife, and debate, bloushed, and bitternesse,
Outrageous wrong, and hellish couetize,
That noble heart as great dishonour doth despize.7
Gli Triumphi Del Petrarohia, or Triumphs of Love, Chastity,
and Death bears a relation to this genre, depicting, as it does,
Op. Pit., pp. 569, 70.
27
2.7.12.1-9.
158
Love triumphing over Man, Chastity over Love, Death over both,
Fame over Death, Time over Fame, and Eternity over Time. The
Venice editions of 1500 and 1525 had been adorned with vignettes
and wood-engravings, but it was not until 1560 that the work
was translated into English. This translation v/as also accompanied with woodcuts, and bore the title: The Tryumphes of
Fraunces Petrarcke. The translator was Henry Parker, "knyght,
lorde Morely."
The Visions of Petrarch, which Spenser translated
from Clemen Marot's French version of them for van der Noodt's
Theatre, are definitely emblematic. In fact, Renwick says:
"This allegorical meditation on the death of Laura is one of the
„28
main origins of all this emblematic poetry.™
It might even
seem superfluous to discuss the Theatre for Voluptuous Worldlingg,
but the recurrence of these same pictures and ideas in The Faerie
Queene establishes, as nothing else does, Spenser's continued
interest in and admiration of the Emblem-book literature. The
first English version of the Theatre for Worldlings appeared in
London in 1569. The full title of this v/ork is: A Theatre,
wherein be represented as wel the miseries and calamities that
follow the voluptuous worldings as also the greate joyes and pleasures which the faithful do enjoy. An argument both profitable
and delectable to all that sincerely love the Word of God. Devised by S. John vander Noodt. Seene and allowed according to
the order appointed. Imprinted at London by Henry Bynneman, Anno
^f/. L. Renwick, Complaints (London: The Scholartis Press,
1928), p. 259. For discussion of Spenser and The Visions etc.,
see: Jones: A Spenser Handbook, pp. 120-21; Stein, Studies in
Spenser's Complaints, pt. 2, Ch. 8 and Vol. I of present study.
159
Domini 1569* The book, or pamphlet as it might be called, consists chiefly of translations of Du Bellay's Songe and Petrarch's
sixth canzone in Morte di Madonna Laura. To these are added four
sonnets composed by van der Noot, inspired by the Book of Revelations and dealing with the approaching ruin of Babylon. An illustrative woodcut is included with each of the six epigrams and
fifteen sonnets. Spenser's name does not occur in this book, but
there is now agreement that they are the youthful work of the author of The Faerie Queene.2^
The woodcut which accompanied the first Epigram gives us
two scenes in one. The first depicts the flight of the hind from
the dogs, and the second shows the eventual capture, where having
been driven into cover under a rock it is being attacked by the
dogs. The verses read:
Epigram I
Being one day at my window all alone,
So many Btrange things hapned me to see,
As much it grieveth me to thinke thereon.
At my right hande, a Hinde appearde to me,
So faire as mought the greatest God delite:
Two egre Dogs dyd hir pursue in chace,
Of whiche the one was black, the other white.
V/ith deadly force so in their cruel 1 race
They pinchte the haunches of this gentle beast,
That at the last, and in shorte time, I spied,
Vnder a rocke, where she (alas) apprest,
Fell to the grounde, and there vntiraely dide.
Cruell death vanquishing so noble beautie,
Oft makes me waile so harde a destinie.5°
Spenser's authorship of this work is not the province
of this study, though the fact seems to have been well established
by the references given in the previous footnote. The point to be
made here is that even if Spenser did not translate them, the similarity of picture and idea still would argue to his interest in
the emblem literature.
Theatre for V/orldings, B.i verso.
i4o
And Spenser in describing Artegall'a fight with Britomart, makes
use of this simile:
Did leape to her, as doth an eger hound
Thrust to an Hynd within some couert glade,
Whom without perill he cannot inuade.51
He uses the hind for the basis of a figure of speech in at least
four other places. V/hen the Redcrosse Knight has been separated
from Una and the "faire Falsehood" is recounting her adventures:
V/ith loue, long time did languish as the
striken hind.52
Again, Scudamour in relating his conquest of Amoret says:
Like warie Hynd within the weedie soyle.55
And finally in two other places which recall also the
translation of Gabriel Symeon's work published with the translation of Paradin's Heroicall Devises. Symeon's emblem pictures a
dying stag. He has not been bitten to death by dogs, but has an
arrow in hi8 side, and a branch in his mouth. The theme is of incurable love, and the inscription above is, "Esto tienne su
remedio, y non yo," or, "The Hart hath his remedie, but loue hath
none."
The explanation which follows expatiates upon the woodcut,
carrying, like Spenaer, the idea to a further conclusion.
A Hart stoke thorough with an arrow, So eating of a branch
or leafe of Dictanus (which is an hearbe growing abundantly
in Candia, or the land of Creta, which being eaten of a hart,
his wounds are immediately healed) with this inscription,
Esto tienne su remedio, y non yo, that is, the heart here
hath helpe, but my wounde ia incurable, may bee a figure or
simbole of loue that can neuer be healed: alluding to that
51
4.6.12.5-5.
55
4.10.55.8.
52
1.2.24.9.
141
verse of Ouid in his Metamorphosis, wherein Phoebus bewraieth
his loue towards Daphnes:
Wo to me that haggard loue,
Which sets our mindea on fire,
Cannot be healed by hearbes or rootes,
Nor druggie potions dire.?
In The Faerie Queene when Guyon discovers Amauia with her "luckless child," through the shrieks and cries she gives forth, Spenser writes:
With that a deadly shrieke she forth did throw,
That through the wood reechoed againe,
And after gaue a grone so deepe and low,
That seemd her tender heart was rent in twaine,
Or thrild with point of thorough piercing paine;
As gentle Hynd, whose sides with cruell steels
, Through launched, forth her bleeding life does raine,
Whiles the sad pang approching she does feele,
Brayes out her latest breath, and vp her eyes doth
seele.55
And .the final reference on the same theme:
And how he slew with glauncing dart amiss©
A gentle Hynd.56
The second Epigram is concerned with a beautiful sailing
vessel which suffers shipwreck. The woodcut depicts a graceful
ship with its handsome sails and tackle in full sail being buffetted by a storm. The final overthrow of this great ship is seen
in the background of the woodcut.
Epigram II
After at Sea a tall Ship dyd appeare,
Made all of Heben and white Iuorie,
The sailes of Golde, of silke and tackle were:
Milde was the winde, calme seemed the sea to be:
The Skie eche v/here did shew full bright and faire.
With riche treasures this gay ship fraighted was.
57Paradin, op. cit., pp. 55^-55*
^2.1.58.1-9.
56
l.6.l7.5-6.
142
But sodaine storme did so turmoyle the aire.
And tombled vp the sea, that she, alas,
Strake on a rocke that vnder water lay.
0 great misfortune, 0 great griefe, I say,
Thus in one moment to see lost and drownde
3o great riches, as lyke can not be founde.5'
Spenser opens the seventh canto, of Book II, with an expanded metaphor which has a similar content.
As Pilot well espert in perilous waue
That to a stedfast starre his course hath bent,
When foggy mistes, or cloudy tempests haue
The faithfull light of that faire lampe blent,
And couer'd heauen with hideous dreriment,
Vpon his card and compas firmes his eye,
The maistera of his long experiment,
And to them does the steddy helme apply
Bidding his winged vessell fairely forward fly:5°
Then Guyon approaches The Rocke of Vile Reproch which Spenser pictures thus:
On th'other side, they saw that perilous Rocke,
Threatning it selfe on them to ruinate,
On v/hose sharpe c l i f t s t h e r i b s of v e s s e l s broke,
And hiueredships, which had bene wrecked late,
Yet stuck, with carkasses exanimate
Of such, as hauing all their substance spent
In wanton ioues, and lustes intemperate,
Did afterwards make shipwracke violent
Both of their life, and fame for euer fowly blent.59
Again in that same acene the beauty of the ship, its treasures, the
storm and the regret of the poet over ita aubaequent loss which cannot be restored is recounted:
They passing by, a goodly Ship did see,
Laden from far with precious merchandize,
And brauely furnished, as ship might bee,
V/hich through g r e a t d i s a u e n t u r e , or m e s p r i z e ,
Her selfe had runne into that hazardize;
Whose mariners and merchants with much toyle,
Labour'd in vaine, to haue recur'd their prize,
And the rich wares to saue from pitteous spoyle,
.
But neither toyle nor rauell might her back recoyle.^0
* 7 0 p . fait., Bii v e r s o .
^82.7.1.1-9.
59
2.12.7.1-9.
2|0
2.12.19.1-9.
145
In Artegall1s encounter with the Giant occurs this simile:
Like as a ship, whom cruell tempest driues
Vpon a rocke with horrible dismay,
Her shattered ribs in thousand peeces riues,
And spoyling all her geares and goodly ray,
Does make her selfe misfortunes piteous pray. 1
The Laurel has already been mentioned as an item of Spenser' s interest. The second Epigram in The Theatre for V/orldling»»
concerns itself with the destruction of a "fresh and lusty" laurel
tree. The emblematic picture accompanying these verses shows in
the foreground the laurel tree standing proudly in the woods with
the birds neating among ita branches, and in the background its
overthrow by lightning. Both V/hitney and Sambucus devoted an emblem to this theme, which will be found later in this work. There
is a difference, however, in the treatment of the laurel tree in
the Epigrams and in the emblems. In the Epigram, not even the
Laurel tree is able to withstand the lightning, while in the emblem there is an adherence to the old idea that the laurel is
never struck even by the bolts of Jove.
Epigram III
Then heauenly branches did I see arise,
Out of a fresh and lusty Laurell tree
Amidde the yong grene wood. Of Paradise
Some noble plant I thought myselfe to see,
Suche store of birdes therein yshrouded were,
Chaunting in shade their sundry melodie.
My sprites were rauisht with these pleasures there.
While on this Laurell fixed was mine eye,
The Skie gan euery where to ouercast,
And darkned was the welkin all aboute,
V/hen sodaine flash of heauens fire outbrast,
And rent this royall tree quite by the roots.
Which makes me much and euer to complains,
For no auch shadow shal be had againe.
5*2.50.1-5. Other references to this subject: 2.12.52;
4.11.52.5; 5.H.29; 6.4.1; 1.12.1.
144
In addition to the passages previously quoted where Spenser uses the Laurel tree, there are some details in the scene of
The Faerie Queene where Atin finds Cymochles such as the "Birdes
of euery sort," and their "chearefull harmonie," not to forget
the "stately tree" dedicated to Jove, which strike a familiar note.
The Spring coming out of the rock, (though in Spenser's case, it
is "pumy stones") and the Nymphs charming the "homely Shephearde,"
of the same scene combine elements of the third and fourth Epigrams, and illustrate again Spenser's versatility.
And fast beside, there trickled softly downe
A gentle streame, whose murmuring waue did play
Emongst the pumy stones, and made a sowne,
To lull him soft a sleeps, that by it lay;
Therein did often quench his thirsty heat,
And then by it his wearie limbes display,
Whiles dreeping slomber made him to forget
His former paine, and sypt away his toylsom sweat.
And on the other side a pleasunt groue
Was shop vp high, full of the stately tree,
That dedicated is t'Olympicke loue,
And to his sonne Alcides, whenas hee
Gaynd in Memea goodly victoree;
Therein the mery birds of euery sort
Chanted alowd their chearefull harmonie:
And made emongst themselues a sweet consort,
That quickned the dull spright with musicall comfort.^5
The illustration which accompanies the fourth of the Epigrams pictures the Nymphs, mentioned in the poem, with a book in
their hands, in the act of singing. We note that the "ruder
cloune" might not approach the spring, and that the waterfall
serves as a pitch pipe here.
2.5.50-52.
145
Epigram IV
Within this wood, out of the rocke did rise
A Spring of water mildely romblyng downe,
Whereto approched not in any wis©
The homely Shepherde, nor the ruder cloune,
But many Muses, and the Nymphes withall,
That sweetely in accorde did tune their voice
Vnto the gentle sounding of the watera fall.
The eight whereof dyd make my heart reioyce.
But while I toke herein my chiefe delight,
I sawe (alas) the gaping earth deuour©
The Spring, the place, and all clean© out of sight.
Wh^ich yet agreues my heart euen to this houre.^
Spenser uses many similar characteristics in his description of
the Temple of Venus:
Fresh ahadowes, fit to shroud from
Faire lawnds, to take the sunne in
Sweet springs, in which a thousand
Soft rombling brookes, that gentle
sunny ray;
season dew;
Nymphs did play;
slomber drew;^5
And again Calidor© views a scene which recalls the details of th©
previous tv/o epigrams.
That was round about was bordered with a wood
Of matchless hight, that seem'd th'earth to disdains,
In which all trees of honour stately stood,
And did all winter as in sommer bud,
Spredding pauilions for the birds to bowre,
Which in their lower braunches sung aloud;
And in their tops the soring hauke did towre,
Sitting the King of fowles in maiesty and powre*
And at the foote thereof, a gentle flud
His siluer waues did softly tumble down©,
Vnmard with ragged moose or filty mud,
N© mote wyld© beastes, ne mote the ruder clowne
Thereto approch, ne filth mote therein drowne;
But Nymphes and Faeries by the bancks did sit,
In the woods shade, which did the waters crown©,
Keeping all noysome things away from it,
And to the waters fall tuning their accents fit.^*
^ p . Oit.t B.viij Verso.
45
4.10.24.1-4.
^6.10.6-8,
146
The next Epigram with its accompanying woodcut is devoted
to the Phoenix, and is almost word for word the same as the fifth
47
in the Visions of Petrarch. ' The Epigram, whose woodcut depicts
a serpent biting a lady in the heel, is found in Petrarch also,
but here there is the added note of the punishment of pride, and
of the evanescence of all temporal things. Theae ideaa find an
echo in Spenser in two places; in the Gardon of Adonis and in the
Cantos of Mutabilitie.
In that same Gardin all the goodly flowres,
Wherewith dame Nature doth her beautiaie,
And decks the girlond of her paramoures
Are fetcht: . . . .
. . . . wicked Time, who with hia scyth addrest,
Does mow th© flowring herbes and goodly things,^
And all their glory to the ground down© flings,^8
And later when he writes:
Whose flowring pride, so fading and so fickle,
Short Time shall soon cut down with his consuming
sickle.^9
The illustration which accompanies the sixth Epigram pictures in the foreground, a lovely lady walking proudly among the
flowers. In the background she is seen with a cloud around her
head and shoulder. As haa been noted, there is a serpent at her
feet which is biting her on the heel.
Epigram VI
At last so fair© a Ladie did I spie,
That in thinking on hir I burn© and quake,
On herbes and floures she walked pensivuely.
Milde, but yet loue she proudely did forsake.
Whit© seemed hir robes, yet wouen so they were,
As snow© and golde together had bene wrought.
Cf. Vol. I, 68.
V.8.1.8-9.
'5.6.50.1-4 and 59.5-6.
147
Aboue th© wast a darke cloud© shrouded hir,
A stinging Serpent by the heel© hir caught,
Wherewith she languisht as the gathered flour©:
And well assurd© she mounted vp to ioy.
Alas in earth ao nothing doth endure
But bitter griefe that doth our hearts anoy.^
The Epigrams are followed by "Sonets." The second, third
and fourth deal with the idea that all earthly things are shortlived and pass away quickly. The first is without an illustration.
The second depicts a stately building falling into ruin. The
third, which is also found in the Visions of Bellay, is accompanied
Is case with a woodcut depicting the "before and after" version of the spire mentioned in the Sonnet. The apire stands upright before the storm, but is seen lying broken on the ground
after the storm has wrought its destruction. The illustration of
the fourth is also a "before and after" version. It shows th©
Arc de Triomphe standing in glory before and smashed to the ground
after the earthquake.
Sonet II
On hill, a frame an hundred cubites hi©
I saw©, an hundred pillers eke about,
All of fine Diamant decking the front,
And fashiond were they all in Dorike wis©.
Of bricke, ne yet of marble was the wall,
But shining Chriatall, which from top to baa©
Out of deepe vaute threw forth a thouaand rayes
Vpon an hundred atepa of pure8t Golde.
Golde was the parget: and the sielyng ek©
Did shine all scaly with fine golden plates.
The floor was laspis, and of Emeraude.
0 worldes vainesesse. A sodein earthquake loe,
Shaking the hill euen from the bottome deepe,
Thewe downe this building to the lowest stone.51
^ Op. oit., B.vi Verso.
C. Verso (included in revised form, in The Visions of
Bellay, stanza 2 ) .
148
Sonet III
Then did appear© to me a sharped spire
Of diamant, ten feete eche way in square,
Iustly proportionde vp vnto his height,
So hie as mought an Archer reache with sight.
Vpon the top thereof was set a pot
Made of the mettall that we honour most.
And in this golden vessell couched were
Th© ashes of a mightie Emperour.
Vpon four© corners of the bast there lay
To beare the frame, foure great Lions of golde.
A worthie tombe for such a worthie corps.
Alas, nought in this v/orlde but griefe endures.
A sodaine tempest from the heauen, I saw,
With flush© stroke down© this noble monument.52
Sonet IV
I saw raised vp on pillers of Iuorie,
Whereof the bases were of richest golde,
The chapters Alabaster, Christall friseB,
The double front of a triumphall arke.
On eche side portraide was a victorie.
With golden wings in habite of a Nymph.
And aet on hie vpon triumphing chaire,
The auncient glorie of the Romane lordes.
The worke did shew© it self© not wrought by man
But rather made by his owne skilfull hande
That forgeth thunder dartes for loue his fire.
Let me no more see faire thing vnder heauen,
Sith I haue seene so faire a thing as this,
With sodaine falling broken all to dust .55
Spenser reverts to this same idea in describing the encounter between Artegall and Britomart. The latter is forced to dismount from her injured horse, and is compared to a steeple that is
torn down by lightning.
Like as the lightning brond from riuen skie,
Throwne out by angry loue in his vengenance,
With dreadfull force falles on some steeple hie;
Which battring, down© it on the church doth glance,
And teares it all with terrible mischance.54
C.i Verso (included in revised form, in The Visions of
Bellay).
55
C.ii Verso.
5
V6.14.1-6.
149
Th© them© is reiterated when Britomart approaches the house of
Temperance led by Alma:
First she them led vp to the Castle wall,
That was so high, as foe might not it clime,
And all so faire, and sensible withall,
Not built of bricke, ne yet of stone and lime,
But of things like to that Aegyptian slime
Whereof king Nine whilome build Babell towre;
But 0 great pitty, that no lenger time
So goodly workemanship should not endure:
Soone it must turne to earth; no earthly thing is sur©.55
And again when she hears the story of the Greek and Trojan wars
and laments the destruction of Troy:
0 lamentable fall of famous towne,
Which raigned BO many yeares victorious,
And of all Asie bor the soueraigne crown©,
In one sad night consumd, and throwen downe:5°
The next woodcut in the aerie8 depicts a great oak tree before its overthrow. In the background we see the downfall of this
mighty aged tree. Several men are tugging at its trunk and branches.
Two young trees have sprung up at its roots. The fifth Sonnet
deals with the fall of the fair Dondonian oak, drawing as always
the contrasting conclusion.
Then I behelde the faire Dodonian tree,
•
Vpon seuen hilles throw forth his gladsome shade,
»
And Conquerers bedecked with his leaues
Along the bankes of the Italian streame.
There many auncient Trophees were erect,
Many a spoile, and many goodly signes,
To shewe the greatnesse of the stately race,
That e,rst descended from the Troian bloud.
Rauisht I was to see so rare a thing,
V/hen barbarous villaines in disordred heape,
Outraged the honour of these noble bowes.
1 heard© the tronke to grone vnder the wedge.
And since I saw the root© in hie disdains
Send© forth againe a twinne of forked trees.^'
55
2.9.21.1-9.
57
^'C. iiij verso.
56
5.9.59.1-6".
150
Spenser's description in The Faerie Queene of the overthrow of
Orgoglio, bears more resemblance to the woodcut than to the accompanying verse. However, the theme of the overthrow of carnal
pride and tyrannic power, is certainly very similar in both.
That downe he tombled; as an aged tree,
High growing on the top of rocky clift,
Whose hartstings with keene Steele night hewen be,
Th© mightie trunck halfe rent, with ragged rift
Doth roll adowne the rocks and fall with fearefull
drift .58
The sixth sonnet shows an enormous bird rising tov/ard th©
sun, and in the other part of the picture, his fall to earth and
the final rising of the young bird from the ashes of the parent.
Sixt Sonet
I saw the birde that dares beholde the Sunne,
V/ith feeble flight venture to mount to heauen,
By more and more she gan to trust hir wings.
Still folowing th'example of hir damme:
I saw hir rise, and with a larger flight
Surmount the toppes euen of the hiest hilles,
And pierce the cloudea, and with hir wings to reach©
The place where is the temple of the Gods,
There was she lost, and sodenly I saw
Where tombling downe she fell vpon the plaine.
I saw hir bodie turned all to dust,
And saw the foule that shunnes the cherefull light
Out of hir ashes as a worme arise.59
Una leads the Redcrosse Knight to the house of Holiness and when
he arrives at the hermitage, we find what might be an echo of the
above:
As Eaglea eye, that can behold the Sunne:
That hill they scale with all their powre and might,
That his frayle thighes might wearie and fordonne
Gan faile, but by her helpe the top at last he wonne. *^
58
1.8.22.5-9.
60
1.10.47.6-9.
Op. Cit., C.v verso.
151
And again a very faint echo:
Ah. whither doost thou now thou greater Muse
Me from these woods and pleasing forrests bringt
And my fraile spirit (that dooth refuse
This too high flight, vnfit for her weake wing)
Lift vp aloft, to tell of heauens King."l
The seventh sonnet as a whole has not been incorporated into Spenser's later work, but certain phrases have a familiar ring
as:
"His head was garniBht with the Laurel, bow."
and in the des-
cription of the beast some of the details are not unlike those
used in the later work, as: "Long was his beard, and side did
hang his hair, A grisly forehed and Saturnelike face." There is a
closer resemblance hov/ever between the next sonnet and the picture
that Spenser gives of Britomart's conquering of the magic fire at
the Castle of Busyrane. The woodcut which accompanies the vera©
in The Theatre ia deacribed accurately in the verses themselves:
Vpon a hill I saw a kindled flame,
Mounting like waues with triple point to heauen,
V/hich of incense of precious Ceder tree
V/ith Balmelike odor did perfune the aire.
A bird all white, v/ell fetherd on hir winges
Hereout did flie vp to the Throne of Gods,
And singing with most plesant melodie
She climbed vp to heauen in the smoke.
Of this faire fire the faire dispersed rayes
Threw forth abrode a thousand shining leames,
V/hen sodain dropping of a golden shoure
Can quench the glystering flame. 0 greuous chaungel
That which erstwhile so pleasaunt scent did velde,
Of Sulphure now did breath© corrupted smel.
2
The picture that Spenser gives, has of course no whit© bird, because Britomart, herself, makes the conquest in this picture. Then
too, the sulphur is among the first details, rather than th© concluding oneso
$.7.1.1-6.
Op. Cit., C.vii verso.
152
A flaming fire, ymixt with smouldry smoke,
And stinking Sulphurs, that with griesly hate
Asaayld the flame, the which efaoone8 gaue place,
And did it selfe diuide with equal1 space.
That through she pasBed; as a thunder bolt
Perceth, the yielding ayre, and doth displace
The soring clouds into sad showres ymolt;
So to her yold the flames, and did their force reuolt.
Soone after that into a golden showre. ?
The ninth sonnet again yields only echo-like phrases. The
"fresh apring riae out of a rock©, Clere as Christall," and the
"noise alluring slepe of many accordes more swete," with the Nymphs
and Faunes recalls some of the previously cited passages, in addition to the one in "The canto of Mutabilitie" where Diana and her
Nymphs are bathing. The tenth sonnet, on the other hand, recalls
two references to Bellona, the sister of Typhoeus. The woodcut
depicts her in martial array raising her "tyrophee" over all the
world, and having at her feet the vanquished kings, with of
course, the usual counterpart of her downfall.
At length, euen at the time when Morpheus
Most truely doth appeare vnto our eyes,
Wearie to see th' inconstance of the heauens:
I saw the great Typhaeus sister come,
Hir head full brauely with a Morian armed,
In maiestie she seemde so matche the Gods.
And on the shore, harde by a violent streams,
She raised a Tyrophee ouer all the worlde.
An hundred vanquisht kings grounde at hir feet©,
Their armes in shamefull wise bounde at their backe
While I was with so dreadfull sight afrayde,
I saw the heauens Warre against hir tho,
And seeing hir striken fall with clap of thunder.
With so great noyse I start in sodaine wonder."^
Spenser likens Britomart to her:
6
55.11.21 ff.
64
Op. Oit., D.i verso.
155
Some, that Bellona in that warlike wise
To them appear1d, with shield and armour fit:65
And again in the opening stanzas of the Two Cantos of Mutabilitie:
And drad Bellona, that doth sound on hie
Warres and allarums vnto Nations wide,
That makes both heauen and earth to tremble at her
pride.66
The last four sonnets deal with biblical subjects. The picture of the seven-headed beast, which of course, is found ad tedium,
in Emblem-books, demands repeating here, since it is so definitely
Spenserian in its accumulation of hair-raising details.
I saw an vgly beast come from the sea,
That seuen heads, ten crounes, ten homes did beare,
Hauing thereon the vile blaspheming name.
The cruell Leopard she resembled much.
Feete of a beare, a Lions throte she had.
The mightie Dragon gaue to hir his power.
One of hir heads yet there I did espie.
Still freshly bleeding of a grieuous wounde.
One cride aloude. What one is like (quod he)
Thie honoured Dragon, or may him withstande?
And then came from the sea a sauage beast,
With Dragons speche, and shewde his force by fire,
V/ith wondrous signes to make all wights adore
The beast, in setting of hir image vp. '
The following representation of the Whore of Babylon yields
many details that are to be found in Spenser's descriptions of Duessa.
I saw a Woman sitting on a beast
Before mine eyes, of Orenge colour hew:
Horrour and dreadfull name of blasphemie
Filde hir with pride. And seuen heads I saw,
Ten homes also the stately beast did beare.
She seemde with glorie of the scarlet faire,
And with fine perle and gold© puft vp in heart.
The wine of hooredome in a cup she bare.
The name of Mysterie writ in hir face.
The bloud of Martyrs dere were hir delite
Most fierce and fell this woman seemde to me.
An Angell then descending down from Heauen,
With thondring voice cride out aloude, and sayd,
Now for a truth great Babylon is fallen.
^4.1.14.8,9.
7
0p. Oit., D.ii verso.
66
7.6.5.7-9.
^Ibid., D.iii verso.
154
Spenser in recounting the encounter of the Redcrosse Knight with
the filthy monster:
Vpon this dreadfull Beast with seuen fold head ,
He set the false Duessa, for more aw and dread. 9
And in the next Canto where Arthur exposes Duessa, we find her coming out of the Castle:
And after him the proud Duessa came,
High mounted on her manyheaded beast,
And euery head with fyrie tongue did flame,
And euery head was crowned on his creast,
And bloudi mouthed v/ith late cruell feast.
Then tooke the angrie witch her golden cup,
Which still she bore, replete with magick artes.'
The last sonnet pictures the new Jerusalem:
I saw new Earth, new Heauen, sayde Saint Iohn.
And loe, the sea (quod he) is now no more.
The holy Citie of the Lorde, from hye
Descendeth garnisht as a loued spouse.
A voice then sayde, beholde the bright abode
Of God and men. For he shall be their God,
And all their teares he shall wipe cleane away.
Hir brightnesse greater was than can be founds.
Square was this Citie, and twelue gates it had.
Eche gate was of an orient perfect pearle,
The houses golde, the pauement precious stone.
A liuely streame, more cleere than Christall is,
Ranne through the mid, sprong from triumphant seat.
There growes lifes fruite vnto the Churches good.71
The new Jerusalem is pictured for the Redcrosse Knight thus:
V/hich to a goodly Citie led his vew;
Whose wals and towres were builded high and strong
Of perle and precious stone, that earthly tong
Cannot describe, nor wit of man can tell;
The Citie of the great king hight it well,
Wherein eternall peace and happinesse doth dwell,
Now are they Saints all in that Citie sam,
More deare vnto their God, than younglings to their dam.
The fairest Citie was, that might be seen;
And that bright towre all built of christall cleene.'2
69
1.7.18.8,9.
71
0p. Pit., D. rto
7
°1.8.6.1-6; 14.1,2.
72
1.10.55 ff-
155
The use of similar details has been noted throughout this
chapter. The contrast needs more leisure and thought, for it postulates the important question of Spenser's reason for the rejection or variation of this material. Citing only one passage from
the above demonstrates some of the nuances of the problem.
Square was this Citie, and twelue gates it had.
Eche gate was of an orient perfect pearle,
The houses golde, the pauement precious stone.
Which now becomes:
Which to a goodly Citie led his vew;
Whose wals and towres were builded high and strong
Of perle and precious stone, that earthly tong
Cannot describe, nor wit of man can tell;
Which picture has more emotional appeal?
tic details?
V/hich one has more artis-
Why were the "houaea golde," and the "pauements of
precious stone," omitted from the second description?
gates changed into "wals and towres"?
to describe it all?
Why were th©
V/hat of the poet's inability
Simple questions—all of them'. Spenser' s em-
ployment of the content of The Theatre can be seen from the foregoing. His manipulation, rejection, and alteration of this same
content hold the secret of his artistic success.
Iconologies, and similar books, sometimes entitled "Academies," are treated in this section because of their immediate relationship to, and close association with Emblem-books. They
might even be termed the well-spring or Bource of much of the material that is incorporated in the Emblem-books proper, since
certain ideas and themes seem to stem directly from them. Their
pertinence to this study is also sustained by another reason.
They treat subject-matter which Spenser uses, and which is not
found in the general run of Emblem-books. Randle Holme's work,
which has been partially discussed in a previous chapter, was
chosen because it was English, and because it testifies to the
"traditional" interest in this genre. His own work is an edition,
v/ith further compilation, of the manuscript inherited by his
father from Randle's grandfather. This manuscript, as was noted,
was in circulation and well-known during the Elizabethan period.
Cesar Ripa, whose work appeared in 1595 but which was not translated until 1609, seems to have been one of the most important
authors in the field. It is fairly probable from Richardson's
testimony and from E . G . Hopkins' thesis submitted to Duke University, cited in this chapter, that Ripa's work was well-known
in Elizabethan England. Again, it must be reiterated, that even
if Spenser were not acquainted with these works, the analogy between his treatment of a subject and theirs, demonstrates the
point that is to be made here, namely, that Spenser wrote in the
manner of an Emblematist.
CHAPTER VI
ICONOLOGIES AND ACADEMIES
In his recent work, Studies in Iconology, Erwin Panofsky
strikes the key-not© of this chapter. He suggests the relationship that exists between the subject matter of the various arts.
He affirms th© emblematic, imaging, iconological habit of thought
that is found in the sixteenth century. In other words, a perusal of his book makes evident that there is such a thing as an
"emblem frame of mind."
He writes:
It is in the search for intrinsic meanings or content
that the various humanistic disciplines meet on a common
plane instead of serving as hand-maidens to each other
. . . . Our identifications and interpretations will depend on our subjective equipment, and for this very reason
will have to be corrected and controlled by an insight into historical processes the sum total of which may be
called tradition.
This "search for intrinsic meanings or content," has occupied the
scholars and students of Spenser, from the earliest commentators
and critics. The important contribution that Iconologies make-and in particular, Mr. Panofsky's study of them—i8 that the aymboliam of the graphic arts was freely employed by poets and dramatists. Artists in all walks of life drew from the same sources
in classical poetry, and sculpture and even in numismatics, and
"all went to the same contemporary sources."
Erwin Panofsky, Studies in Iconology: Humanistic Themes
in the Art of the Renai8aance (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1959), p. 16.
157
158
The previously mentioned Academy of Armory, which its authors called "A atorehouae of Armory and Blazon" is introduced
here rather than in the diacuaaion of treatises on emblems, although it might well take its place there, also, since its title
page cites it as "Containing the several variety of Created
Beings, and how born in Coats of Arms, both Foreign and Domestick,
with The Instruments used in all Trades and Sciences together
with their Terms of Art. Also the Etymologies, Definitions, and
Historical Observations of the same, Explicated and Explained according to our Modern Language. Very useful for all Gentlemen,
scholars, and Divines, and all auch aa deaire any Knowledge in
Art8 and Sciencea."
That might well be the blurb from the paper
jacket of a modern book. Ita deacriptiona of the seasons have
been found duplicated in later treatises v/ith accompanying illustrations, and lead one to believe that there were probably earlier
examples which are not now extant—at least in this country. In
addition to the seasons and months, there are many other figures
but all of these have found parallels in other works. The gods
and demi-gods, the several-headed serpent, Charitas, Occasio,
the seven planets, the twelve signs of the Zodiack and the signification of all the beasts, insects, and so forth, in Heraldry
are given, together with their customs and habits, diseases and
care.
Spenser opens his procession of the months with the four
seasons, while Holme has hia "four quarters of the Year" follow
the description of the months. Spenser again opens his list of
159
the months with March because he had opened his Beason with Spring.
Randle, too, gives Spring first place, but he opens his year with
the traditional January. The parallels can best be seen by placing the tv/o side by side, Spenser first and Holme immediately following.
Spenser:
Then came old Ianuary, wrapped well
In many weeds to keep the cold away;
Yet did he quake and quiuer like to quell,
And blowe his Nayles to warme them if he may:
For, they were numbd with holding all the day
An hatchet keene, with which he felled wood,
And from the trees did lop the needlesse spray:
Vpon an huge great Earth-pot steane he stood;
From whose wide mouth, there flowed forth th©
Romane floud.
Holme:
Mounths, emblemed, as January is depicted in th© shape
either of a Man or Woman, all in white Robes, Vests and
Mantle; like snow or hore— frost blowing his fingers, and the
sign Aquarius or the Water-man standing by his side.
Spenser:
And lastly, came cold February, sitting
In an old wagon, for he could not ride;
Drawne of two fishes for the season fitting,
Which through the flood before did softly slyde
And swim away: yet had he by his side
His plough and harnesse fit to till the ground,
And tooles to prune the trees, before the pride
Of hasting Prime did make them burgein round:
So past the twelve Months forth, and their dew
places found.
Holme:
February mounth, is drawn in a dark sky colour cloathes,
with the sign Pisces, or Fishes in his right hand.
Spenser:
These, marching softly, thus in order went,
And after them, the Monthes all riding came;
160
First, sturdy March with brows full sternly bent,
And armed strongly, rode vpon a Ram,
The same which ouer Hellespontus swam:
Yet in his hand a spade he also hent,
And in a bag all sorts of seeds ysame,
Which on the earth he strowed aa he went,
And fild her womb with fruitfull hope of nourishment.
Holme:
March mounth, is drawn tawny, with a firce look, a Helmet
upon his head, leaning upon a Spade: in his Right hand th©
sign Aries, or the Ram (standing by him some have it) in his
left hand Almond blossoms, and Scions, and upon his Arm, a
Basket of Garden seeds.
Spenser:
Next came frexh Aprill full of luatyhed,
And wanton aa a Kid whose home new buds;
Vpon a Bull he rode, the same which led
Europa floting through th1 Argolick fluds;
Hia horne3 were gilden all with golden studs
And garnished with garlonds goodly dight
Of all the fairest flowres and freshest buds
Which th' earth brings forth, and wer he seem'd in
sight
With waues, through which he waded for his loues
delight.
Holme:
April mounth, is drawn like a young Man, or Woman in green,
with a Garland of Mirtle, or Haw-thornbuds; in one hand Primroses, and Violets; in the other hand or standing or lying
down by him the sign Taurus, or a Bull in his proper colours.
Spenser:
Then came Faire May, the fayrast mayd on ground,
Deckt all with dainties of her seasons pryde,
And throwing flowers out of her lap around:
Vpon two brethrens shoulders she did ride,
The twinnes of Leda; \which on eyther side
Supported her like to"their soueraine Queene.
Lord', how all creatures laught, when her they spide,
And leapt and daunc't as they had rauisht been©.
And Cupid selfe about her fluttred all in greene.
Holme:
May mounth, is drawn with a sweet and lovly aspect, in a
Rob© of white and green, Embrauthered with Daffadila, Haw-
161
thorn, and blew Bottle flowers; on his Head a Garland of
white, red and Damask Roses; in one hand a Lute, and'upon
the Fore-finger of the other a Nightingal, with the sign
Gemini, or two naked Boyes playing, or sitting embracing
one the pther at his Feet.
Spenser:
And after her, came iolly Iune, arrayd
All in greene leaues, as he a Player were;
Yet in his time, he wrought as well as playd,
That by his plough-yrons mote right well appear©;
Vpon a Crab he rode, that him did beare
With crooked crawling steps an vncouth pase,
And backward yode, as Bargemen wont to fare
Bending their force contrary to their face,
Like that vagracious crew which faines demurest grace.
Holme:
June mounth, is drawn in a Mantle of dark grass green,
upon his Head a Coronet of Bents, King cobs, and Miaden
hari, (Which are the seeds, or tops of several sorts of
grass) in his left hand an Angle, in his right hand the sign
Cancer, or a Crab or a Cravice fish: and upon his arm a
Basket of Summer fruit.
Spenser:
Then came hot Iuly boyling like to fire,
That all his garments he had cast away:
Vpon a Lyon raging yet with ire
He boldly rod© and made him to obay:
It was the beast that whylome did forray
The Nemaean forrest, till th' Amphytrionide
Him slew, and with his hide did him array;
Behinde his back a sithe, and by his side
Vnder his belt he bore a sickle circling wide,
Holme:
July mounth, is depicted in a Jacked, or short Coat of
a light yellow, eating Cherries, with his Face and Bosom Sun
burnt; on his head a Garland of Century and Tyme, on his
shoulder a Sythe; with a bottle at his girdle, and the sign
Leo, or a Lyon carried by him, or else lying down at this
Feet.
Spenser:
The sixt was August, being rich arrayd
In garment all of gold downe to the ground
Yet rode he not, but led a louvle Mayd
162
Forth by the Lilly hand, the which was cround
With eares of corne, and full her hand was found;
That was the righteous Virgin, which of old
Liv'd here on earth, and plenty made abound;
But, after Wrong was lov'd and Iustice solde,
She left th' vnrighteous world and was to heauen
extold.
Holme:
August mounth, is drawn like a young Man, of a fierce
look, in a flame coloured Robe; upon his Head a Garland of
Wheat; upon his Arm a Basket of Summer Fruits, at his belt
a Sickle, bearing the sign Virgo, or a Virgin at his side.
Spenser:
Next him September marched eeke on fotte;
Yet was he heauy laden with the spoyle
Of haruests riches, v/hich he made his boot,
And him enricht with bounty of the soyle:
In his one hand as fit for haruests toyle
He held a knife-hook; and in th'other hand
A paire of waights, with which he did assoyl©
Both more and lesse, where it in doubt did stand,
And equall gaue to each as Iustice duly acann'd.
Holme:
September mounth, is drawn in a purple Robe, with a
chearful look, and on his Head a Coronet of white and purple Grapes; in his left hand a handful of Oates, with a
Cornucopia of Pomegranates, and other Summer Fruits; and
his right hand a Ballance, which is the sign Libra.
Spenser:
Then came October full of merry glee:
For, yet his noule was totty of the must,
V/hich he was treading in the wine-fats see,
And of the ioyous oyle, whose gentl© gust
Made him so frollick and so full of lust
Vpon a dreadfull Scorpion he did ride,
The same which by Diana.©s doom vniust
Slew great Orion: and ©eke by his side
He had his ploughing share, and coulter ready tyde.
Holme:
October mounth, is emblemed by a Man, or Woman, in a
Garment of the colour of Decaying Flowers, and Leaves viz.
brownish red, reddish yellow, dark green, etc. V/ith a
Garland of Oak leaves acorned, in his right hand a Scorpion, (which is the sign Scorpio) and in his left, a
Basket of Services, Medlars, and Chestnuts.
165
Spenser:
Next was November, he full gross© and fat,
As fed with lard, and that right well might seem©;
For, he had been a fatting hogs of late,
That yet his browes with sweat, did reek and steem,
And yet the season was full sharp and breem;
In planting eeke he took so small delight:
Whereon he rede, not easie was to deeme;
For it a dreadfull Centaur© was in sight,
Th© seed of Saturn©, and faire Nais, Chiron hight.
Holme:
November mounth, is painted in a Robe of changable green
and black; upon hia Head a Garland of Olive leaves with the
Fruit; in his right hand, or by his side the sign Sagitarius,
of the Centaur Archer couched by him; and in his left
bunches of Parsneps and Turneps.
Spenser:
And after him, came next the chill December:
Yet he through merry feasting which he made,
And great bonfires, did not the cold remember;
Hi8 Sauiours birth his mind so much did glad:
Vpon a shaggy-bearded Goat he rode,
The same wherewith Dan loue in tender yeares,
They say, was nourisht by th'Idaean mayd;
And in his hand a broad deepe boawle he beares;
of which, he freely drinks an health to all his
peeres.
Holme:
December mounth, is drawn like an old Creature, with a
grim, or horrid aspect; clad in an Irish rug, or four night
Caps and over them a Turkish Turbant; his Nose red, th©
beard hung with Iceikles, or dew frosts; at his back a
bundle of Holly and Ivey; holding in mittens, the sign of
Capricornus, or standing by him a Goat.5
Holme also supplies the material for "The four Quarters of
the Year Described."
These illustrate in the same way as the fore-
going has done, Spenser's method of using material. The data here^
in contained were traditional and whether these actual sketches
2
7.7.52-44.
5
Holme, op. oit., pp. 408-9.
y
164
and descriptions ever came to his notice or not, material of th©
same sort must have been known to him as will be seen from th©
discussion of Richardson and Ripa which follows. Spenser had
the ability, as had Shakespeare, of treating the commonplace to
an artistic "face-lifting," a process that changed ordinary" subject matter and verse into great art and poetry. Nowhere is that
more evident than in this comparative atudy. In some instances
every traditional detail is included in the portrayal, and in
others, there is not a single detail that is similar with the exception of the subject itself. As has been noted, he used the
same chronological succession of the seasons .
Spenser:
So, forth issew'd the Seasons of the year©;
First, lusty Spring, all dight in leaues of flowres
That freshly budded, and new blossmes did bear©
(in which a thousand birds had built their bowres
That sweetly sung, to call forth Paramours):
And in his hand a iauelin he did beare,
And on his head (as fit for warlike stoures)
A guilt engrauen morion he did wear©;
That as some did him loue, so othera did him feare.
Holme:
Ver or th© Spring, is emblemed, by a young Man or a Virgin in green Robes, with a Scarf over his shoulders, the
Head adorned with avriety of Flowers, with a Cornucopia
under his left Arm, and a Shepherds crook in his right hand.
Spenser:
Then came th© iolly Sommer, being dight
In a thin silken cassock coloured greene,
That was vnlyned all, to be more light:
And on his head a Girlond well beseene
He wore, from which as he had chauffed been
The sweat did drop; and in his hand he bor©
A boaw© and shaftes, as he in forret green©
Had hunted late the Libbard or the Bor©,
And now would bathe his limbea, with labor heated
sore.
165
Holme:
Summer, Estas; is emblemed in light and loose Garments,
naked Breasts, crowned v/ith variety of Corn, and Graines:
with a dish of Fruit in one hand, and a Sickle, or sheering
hook in the other.
Spenser:
Then came the Autumn© all in yellow clad,
As though he ioyed in his plentious store,
Laden with fruits that made him laugh, full glad
That he had banisht hunger, which to-fore
Had by the belly oft him pinched sore.
Vpon his head a wreath that was enrold
With eares of corne, of euery sort he bore:
And in his hand a sickle he did hold©,
To reape the ripened fruits the which the earth
had yold.
Holme:
Autumne, of the Fall, is presented by a fat well groawn
person representing Bacchus, with a Crown of Vine leaves,
and Grapes; with a cup of claret in hia hand, and a bunch
of Grapea in the other, and a Mantle cast about him carelessly.
Spenser:
Lastly, cam© Winter cloathed all in frize,
Chattering his teeth for cold that did him chill,
Whil'st on his hoary beard his breath did frees©;
And the dull dropa that from hia purpled bill
As from a limbeck did adown diatill.
In hi8 right hand a tipped staff© he held,
With which his feeble steps he stayed still:
For, he was faint with cold, and weak with eld;
.
That scar8e hi8 loosed limb©a he hable was to weld.
Holme:
Hyems, or Winter, emblemed by an old Man with grey long
beard: with a Garland of Parsneps, Carrets, and Turneps,
about hia Head; standing or sitting before a Fier, with a
cat on his watch, and a Dog in his sleeping posture.5
Day and night come in at this point in both treatises and
again illustrate the poet's gift.
V7.29-55.
5
0p_iCit., p. 409.
166
Spenser:
And after these, there came the Day, and Night,
Riding together both with ©quail pase,
Th'one on a Palfrey blacke, the other white;
But Night had couered her vncomely face
With a blacke veile, and held in hand a mace,
On top whereof the moon and stars were pight,
And sleep and darknesse round about did trace:
And Day did beare, vpon his scepters hight,
The goodly Sun, encompast all with beames bright."
Holme:
Day, is emblemed, by a Woman holding the Sun between her
hands, shev/s that the Sun courses the World about in a day.
Night is emblemed with the Moon in her hands v/ith black
Garments spotted with Silver or Gold Stars: or a Woman in
dark clothes holding her hand before a burning candle.7
"The Description of the seven Cardinal Vertues," (there
were only "foure" in the reference made in the previous chapter)
as found in The Academy of Armory offers some further analogies.
"Faith is painted in white Garments; in one hand a Cross, and in
the other hand a Golden Cup or Chalice, and sometimes a Book."
Spenser's Fidelia has all these characteristics and more:
She was araied all in lilly white,
And in her right hand bore a cup of gold,
With wine and water fild vp to the hight,
In which a Serpent did himselfe enfold,
That horrour made to all, that did behold;
But she no whit did chaunge her constant mood:
And in her other hand she fast did hold
A booke, that was both signd and seald with blood,
Wherein darke things were writ, hard to be vnderstood.°
Holme's emblem of Hope has the two distinguishing marks
given by Spenser. "Hope is a Woman in Blew Garments, with Mantle
or Vail of red, holding or supporting a Silver Anchor."
6
7.7.44.
Op. Pit., Ill, 205.
°0p. Pit., Ill, 205.
7
0p. Pit., p. 409.
9
1.10.15.
167
Her younger sister, that Speranza hight,
Was clad in blew, that her beseemed well;
Not all so chearefull seemed she of sight,
As was her sister; whether dread did dwell,
Or anguish in her hart, ia hard to tell:
Vpon her arme a siluer anchor lay,
Whereon ahe leaned euer, as befell:
And euer vp to heauen, as ahe did pray,
Her atedfaat eyes were bent, ne swarued other way.
Charissa, as Spenser's depicts her, bears an analogy to
Holme's requirements, but the emblem of Charity in Georgette
Montenay's collection furnishes a much closer parallel. However,
the aimilaritiea her© should not be overlooked. "Charity, a person in Yellow or Crimson Robes and Vail with a Child in her arms
and one in her hand by her side; or an enflamed heart in the
other hand, with a tyre of God and Precious Stones on her head."
Fortune, Fame, and Envy as described in Holme all have
some striking similarities to their counterparts in Spenser, but
since they occur in other Emblem-books with even closer parallels,
they will be discussed later.
Cesar Ripa is,for several reasons,one of the most important
of these early Iconologists, but before discussing his work, the
two volumes of Richardaon muBt be noted. Richardson's IntroducI
tion demonstrates how lasting was the influeij.ee of Ripa and argues,
too, to the fact that the representation of the Seasons and so
forth, as v/e find them in Spenser were the special province of
the Iconologies. His opus is an Iconologia of the late 18th century. It is entitled: Iconology: or A Collection of Emblematical
Figures; containing Four Hundred and Twenty-four Remarkable Subjects, moral and instructive; In which are displayed the beauty of
1.10.14.
* Op. Pit., Ill, 205.
168
Virtue and Deformity of Vice. The figures are engraved by the
most capital Artists, from original Designs; with explanations
from Classical Authorities, by George Richardson, Architect.
The preface gives a clue to the influence that Ripa had
in England, snd probably offers the source of the representations
that were handed down from father to son in the Holme family.
The celebrated Cavaliere Ripa with indefatigable study
made a collection of the Emblematical Figures of the ancient
Egyptains, Greeks and Romans, and published them together
with others of hia own invention.
The ancienta, delighted with these images, ingeniously
concealed under them the mysteries of nature and philosophy,
of divinity and religion.
The invention of this science is ascribed to the Egyptians, from whom Pythagoras formed hia aymbolical compositions; and Plato derived the greatest part of his doctrine
from those Hieroglyphick Figures.
The Iconology of Cavaliere Ripa, was originally printed
in quarto in Rome, 1595, without figures, and reprinted
there v/ith figures 1605; another edition was begun at Florence 1608, and finished at Siena 1615: It was reprinted
four different times at Padua in 1614, 1618, 1625, and I65O;
and was published at Venice in 1645 and 1669. . . . . the
Pagan Mythology, the Saintly calender, and the Metamorphoses
of Ovid, have furnished, during many ages, the principal aubjects (with a few exceptions) that have employed the pencils of our most eminent painters. These subjects have been
so often repeated under different modificationa, that they
are quite exhausted, and are become more or less a surfeit
to the wearied connoisseur . . . . All the fine arts have
a double purpose; they are destined both to please and to
instruct; and this consideration has engaged many eminent
artists to introduce historical or moral representations
even in their landscapes. The pencil of the painter, like
the pen of th© philosopher, ought to be always directed by
reason and good aense. He must present to the understanding and judgment of the spectator, something more than is
offered to the external eye; and in this attempt he will
succeed perfectly, if he knows the right use of allegory,
and is dexterous enough, to employ it as a transparent veil,
which rather covers than conceals his thoughts. Has h©
chosen a subject susceptible of poetical expressions—In
such case, his art will inspire him, and kindle in his soul
the divine flame that Prometheus ia said once to have
brought by stealth from the celestial regions.
This work is in two volumes and devotes the first part of
each volume to the prose description of the figure under discus-
169
sion, and gives a steel engraving (which with Ripa, it explains,
were woodcuts) depicting the figure. There is very little variation in the descriptions from those found in Randle Holme, except
that the sequence of th© months is the same as that found in
Spenser. A few quotations will serve to illustrate the slight
variations.
Fig. 27. January
The rigour of the season in this month, requires this
figure to be entirely cloathed, in a white mantle; because
in this month the earth is frequently covered v/ith snow.
The figure ia represented young, and holds the aign of
Aquarius for an attribute, aa the rain and snow at this
time fall in abundance.
Fig. 17. March
It is characterised by a young man of a sprightly aspect, dressed in armour, with an helmet on his head; with
wings at his shoulders (as have all the other months). In
one hand he holds the sign of Aries, adorned with th© flowers of the almond tree; in the other, he holds a cup containing the fruit of the ballace tree, asparagus and lupines,
or other fruits produced in this month.
Thia month ia painted of a sprightly aspect, and in
armour, because it was dedicated by Romulus to Mars. The
sign of Aries denotes the beginning of the year. The wings
allude to the continued course of the month.
A horse is introduced, because in this month it is mentioned they are inclined to propagate. Th© spade alludes
to the proper season, to dig about the roots of the vine.
Fig. 19. May
This pleasant month is represented by a young man dressed
in green, embroidered with various flowers, with a garland
of the same upon his head. In his right hand he holds the
sign of Gemini, adorned with white and red roses, and in
the other a sythe, alluding to the mowing of the hay. The
hayrick, and basket containing strawberries, cherries,
peaae, and the other fruits, are introduced as being the
natural productions of this month.
The green flowered dress and the garland signifies the
gayness of the fields, the hills, and the general face of
the country in thia month.*5
George Richardson, Iconology (London: G. Scott, 1789),
I, 17-18, 15, 14.
170
Cesar Ripa's book is entitled, Iconologia: or Moral Emblems, and the title page, in good Renaissance fashion, proceeds
to give a resume of the contents: "Wherein are expressed, various images of Virtues, Vices, Passions, Arts, Humors, Elements
and Celestial Bodiea. aa Design'd by The Ancient Egyptians,
Greeks, Romans, and Modern Italians: useful for Orator, Poets,
Painters, Sculptors and all Lovers of Igenuity: Illustrated
with Three Hundred Twenty-six Humane Figures With their explanations Newly design'd."
The "lovers of ingenuity" are converted
into "makers of emblema and impresses, architects, scenedesigners, and dramatists" in other editions. The 1709 edition
is used here because this was the only one available at the time
th© author was studied. However, a comparison of this with
earlier editions was made later, though time did not permit the
recopying of the material, nor would the slight variations have
warranted the effort. The most striking feature of this book in
relation to The Faerie Queene is the abundance of detail evident
in each woodcut. Mention of this same detail-matter will be
cited, since it is futile to repeat any of the emblems that hav©
been given above,because all these Iconologies hav© aa ha8 been
noted, almost identical content.
"Avaritia: Avarice" (Fig. 51) is accompanied "only with
an' hunger-3tarv'd Wolf," and in the explanation it is stated that
"The Woolf denotes the Voracious Humour of the covetous, who
would have other mens Goods by hook or by crook."
Oeasar Ripa, Iconology: or Moral Emblems (London: Benf.
Motts., 1709), p. 8.
171
"Gola: Gluttony" (Fig. 147) is depicted by a voloptuous
looking woman in a russet gpwn with a hog lying at her feet. The
explanation reads: "The Belly denoted Gormandizing as making her
Belly her God. The rusty, or Russet-Gown, shows that as RuBt
eata Iron, so does the Glutton devour his Substance. The Hog im„1'3
ports Gluttony»" '
"Concordia: Concord" (Fig. 56) of Ripa's woodcut bears
no resemblance to the many references found in Spenser, but the
idea of unity by meana of her qualitie8 is definitely stated in
the explanation and finds its counterpart in the Poet.
states it thus:
Ripa
"The Heart and Pomegranate denote Concord, be-
cause the Pomegranate is full of little Grains, closely united,
beside, the Pomegranates love one another to that Degree, that if
the Roots be separated, they mutually twist together again." '
"Fraude: Fraud" (Fig. 118) is one of the many figures
which is portrayed with a mask. Panofsky in his recent Studies
in Iconology: Humanistic Themes in the Art of the Renaissance,
cites Ripa as a reference when he makes the statement that the two
masks that lie on the ground in Brozino's "Expoaure of Luxury"
1 ft
refer to "Worldliness, insincerity, and falsehood."
Ripa ex-
plains himself thus: "The two faces denote Fraud and Deceit,
ever pretending well; the two Hearts the two Appearances; The
Mask, that Fraud makes things appear otherwise, than they are;
. . . . " ° The meeting of Britomart and Amoret with Duessa and
Alte is analogous in thought.
15
Ibid., p. 57.
1
Cf. 2.2.51; 5.1.12.8; 4.1.29.9; 4.1.50.9; 4.10.51-56.
l
0p. Oit., p. 14.
Panofsky, Op. Cit., p. 87.
19
7
Ripa, Op. Oit., p. 50.
17
172
And ech of them had ryding by his aide
A ladie, seeming in so farre a space,
But Ladies none they were, albee in face
And outward shew faire semblance they did beare;
For vnder maske of heautie and good grace,
Vile treason and fowle falshood hidden were,
That mote to none but to the warie wise appeare.20
In "Forza alia Giuaatitia sottoposta:
Force of Justice"
(Fig. 126) much is made of the sword which "denotes Justice."
There is an echo in only one instance in Spenser and that is where
Artegall in combat with Grandtorto is accused by Enuie for having
stained, ". . . . that bright sword, the sword of Iustice lent,
. . . .
«21
"Hereaia:
Hereaie" (Fig. 145) is depicted as a lean old
Hag, of terrible aspect and among other thinga, she holds "in her
left Hand a Book shut up, Serpents coming out of it, and with her
right, is scattering them abroad."
tion gives as:
Doctrines."
This last item the explana-
"the scattering Spertents, the dispersing false
Spenser's portrayal of "fouls Errour" in Book I of
The Faerie Queene has much in common with the elements of Ripa's
emblem, but the allegory is the most significant aspect.
There are many other details that might be noted, as for
example, the number of monsters which Ripa describes:
Scylla,
Chimera and Sphinx. These are the typical "combination" sort
which have human, bird, animal, and fish characteristics all in
one.
does.
He intermixes these qualities in the same way that Spenser
But to continue were to labor the point unnecessarily.
20
4.1.17.5-9.
21
5.12.40.5.
Cf. also 2.7.25.5 and 1.7.1.5.
22
0 p . Oit., p. 57.
175
It is enough to say, that Ripa has much to offer by way of ingenious details which he added to the proverbial pictures that
the Iconologists did not. And the fact that Ben Jonson refers
to him to justify the attributes of characters in his maaques
put an imprimatur on him that gives added weight to the paral25
lelisms noted above. '
Of. Elizabeth G. Hopkins, Ben Jonson and th© Emblembooks (Duke University: Typed M.A. Thesis, 1957).
Stephen Batman's works are examined thoroughly in this
chapter for four reasons:
First, he is much earlier and there-
fore much more important than the only other English Emblematist,
Geoffrey V/hitney. Batman's first work appeared in 1569 while
V/hitney's is dated I586.
than Whitney.
Second, Batman is much more original
The latter makes no pretense to originality call-
ing his work, A Choice of Emblemes and listing the sources and
originals on the margin of each page.
Batman, on the other
hand, treats many themes which are not found in other Emblembooks, or if these themes do appear there, they are handled in
an entirely different manner. Third, Batman was specifically
interested in subjects which delighted Spenser, namely:
Virtues, the Vices, and Mythology.
th©
He handled his subjects in
the accepted orthodox Emblem-book manner, devoting a title,
woodcut, and moral to each one. And where the individual subjectmatter i8 not pertinent, the plan and idea of the work are similar as is exampled by analogy of The trauayled Fylgrime to th©
story of The Red Cross Knight.
Finally, so far as is known, his
work has not been 8tudied before.
CHAPTER VII
STEPHAN BATMAN
Obviously, Emblem-books lent themselves well to the dissemination of religious themea.
The "prodesse" and "delectare"
elements furniah the writers in this genre with juat the sort of
vehicle that appealed. And one ia not surprised to learn that
clergymen devoted themselves to composing not only the little
moral application which appears as a conclusion to each, but exercised their creative talents in producing entire Emblem-books.
One of these gentlemen furnishea us with what may be termed an
Emblem-book, and in Engliah, too, although neither Green nor
Praz mentions him.
His name was Stephan Batman (Bateman), D.D.
and he was a translator and author who had earned the reputation
of being a very learned man and excellent preacher while still
at Cambridge. He is supposed to have taken the degree of LL.B.,
being at the time both a minister and a student of some year8
standing. Archbishop Parker chose him aa one of his domestic
chaplains, and set him to the task of collecting the library
which is now deposited in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.
Batman, according to the DNB, asserted that he collected 6,700
books, but this is probably an exaggeration. He has written several works which are definitely emblematic in character.
In A Christian glasse of Christian reformation, wherein
the godly maye behold© the coloured abuses used in this our present tyme, which appeared in 1569, Batman treats of the seven
^ f . Vol. I, 1554.
175
176
deadly sins, devoting five woodcuts and five discussions to each.
"The Description" is inscribed over each, followed by a quotation
from the classics or the Fathers, or some other impressive source.
For example, the quotations for "Oouetousnes," which happens to
be the first of the capital Bins according to Batman, are from:
Aristotle, Seneca, Antisthenes, Diogenes, Themistocles, and AriBtippus.
Beneath the woodcut the author always gives "The Signif-
ication of the picture" and then the emblematical verae.
"The Couetoua" ia pictured in one of the five woodcuts devoted to its explanation as riding on an elephant which is being
led by a man. The rider haa iron coffera on his back and under
each arm. There is no money in his lap, but depending from his
belt are many money bags and in one hand he clutches more money
bags.
He carries a flag or banner in his hand on which ia printed
the wolf devouring the lamb. The aignification ia aa follows:
The Eliphant signifieth, force or strength; the man on
hys backs vsury: the Flag or banner in hys hand, signifieth illusion, or vaine hoped time: the Wolfe deuouring
the lambe, signifieth all such gredy oppressours as do oppresse the poore and indigent: the cofer vnder hya arme
Mammon: the purse destruction: and he which leadeth th©
Eliphant, is Nigardship: and the rope the which he ia
drawen withall, ia deceate.
And beneath occurs the typical emblem-book application:
Who gredy death doth force aaaaile,
and Nigardship begin to flie:
the pitie shall hys place possesse,
So laud the name of God most hie. 2
Spenser's picture is much more artistic, the while some of the details are found in both.
2
Stephan Batman, A Christall glass© of Christian reformation, etc. (London: Iohn Day, 1569), p. 7.
177
And greedy Auarice by him did ride,
vpon a Camel1 loaden all with gold;
Two iron coffers hong on either side,
With precious mettall full, as they might hold,
And in his lap an heape of coine he told;
For of his wicked pelfe his God he made,
And vnto hell him self© for money sold;
Accursed vsurie was all his trade,
And right and wrong ylike in equall ballaunce waide.
His life was nigh vnto deaths doore yplast,
And thred-bare cote, and cobled shoes he ware,
Ne scarse good morsell all his life did tast,
But both from backs and belly still did spare,
To fill hia baga, and richease to compare;
Yet chylde ne kinaman liuing had he none
To leaue them tol but thorough daily care
To get, and nightly feare to I O B O hia owne,
He led a wretched life vnto him aelfe vnknowne.
Most wretched wight, whom nothing might suffise,
Whose greedy lust did lacke in greatest store,
Whose need had end, but no end couetise,
Whose wealth was want, whose plenty made him pore,
Who had enough, yet wished euer more;
A vile disease, and eke in foote and hand
A grieuous gout tormented him full sore,
That v/ell he could not touch, nor go, nor stand:
Such one was Auarice, the fourth of this faire band.^
Th© next capital sin to be treated by Batman is Wrath.
Moat of the five woodcuts depicting this sin are naturally devoted
to men fighting with each other. Hov/ever, there is one which pictures a man riding on a boar and carrying, interestingly enough, a
banner with the figures of a man and woman on it. He carries a
sword in the other hand. The signification follows:
The Bore signifieth Wrath, and the man on his backe mischief©: the Pope in the flag destruction, & the flag vncertaine religion, turning the chaunging with euery blast of
winds: the man killing himaelfe desperation: the woman madness.
In the description of wrath there is a cup with a serpent issuing
forth and beneath:
*
H.4.27-29.
"The cup with the Serpent poyson."
4Op.
<
Cit., p. 12.
This de-
178
tail is in definite contrast to Fidelia1s carrying the same emblem signifying healing power of immortality.
In the description
under the woodcut described above Batman follows the same train
of thought as does Spenser in giving us the resulta of wrath:
Ire accustomed maketh a man to come out of his witte.
Also ire doth most hurt vnto himself, and gedreth discord
and all enuie and cauaeth reason to perishe. Ire hath so
much done, & it hath brought men to desperation, and in
the end haue hanged themselues.
And later, "The other which Btriketh with the aworde murder."^
Spenser not only gives the more vivid picture, even though it ia
without the accompanying woodcut, but he shakes a more effective
finger of warning.
And him beside ride8 fierce reuenging Wrath,
Vpon a Lion, loth for to be led;
And in hia hand a burning brond he hath,
The which he brandiaheth about his hed;
His eyes did hurle forth sparkles fiery red,
And stred sterne on all, that him beheld,
As ashes pae of hew and seeming ded;
And on his dagger still his hand he held,
Trembling through hasty rage, v/hen choler in him sweld.
His ruffin raiment all was 3taind v/ith blood,
V/hich he had spilt, and all to rags yrent,
Through vnaduized rashnesse woxen wood;
For of his hands he had no gouernement,
Ne car'd for bloud in hiB auengement:
But when the furious fit was ouerpast,
His cruell facts he often would repent;
Yet wilfull man he neuer would forecast,
How many mischieues should ensue his heedlesse hast.
Full many mischiefes follow cruell Wrath;
Abhorred bloudshid, and tumultous strife,
Vnmanly murder, and vnthrifty BCath,
Bitter despight, with rancours rusty knife,
And fretting griefe the enemy of life;
All these, and many euils moe haunt ire,
The swelling Splene, and Frenzy raging rife,
The shaking Palsey, and Saint Fraunces fire:
,
Such one was Wrath, the last of this vngodly tire.
>Ibid., p. 12.
6
1.4.55-56.
179
Lechery is depicted on a goat, in Batman's work, however
the rider is a woman.
fieth Lechery."
"The Goate" (the writer explains) "signi-
The bearded goat, with "rugged haire and whally
eyes," is found in woodcut, but the admonition as given by Batman
is not similar to that advanced in The Faerie Queene. Spenser
achieves in his brief pen sketch with its subsequent moral, a far
more effective picture than doeB the learned minister in his five
word pictures and five woodcuts.
And next to him rode lustfull Lechery,
Vpon a bearded Goat, whose rugged haire,
And whally eyes (the signs of gelosy,)
Was like the person selfe, whom he did bear©;
Who rough, and blacke, and filthy did appears,
Vnseemely man to please faire Ladies eye;
Yet he of Ladies oft was loued deare,
When fairer faces were bid standen by:
0 who does know the bent of womens fantasy?
In a greene gowne he clothed was full fair©,
Which vnderneath did hide hiB filthinesse,
And in his hand a burning hart he bare,
Full of vaine follies, and new fanglenesse:
For he was false, and fraught with fickleness©,
And learned had to loue with secret lookes,
And well could daunce, and 8ing with ruefulnesse,
And fortunes tell, and read in louing bookes,
And thousand other wayes, to bait his fleshly hookes.
Inconstant man, that loued all he saw,
And lusted after all, that he did loue,
N© would his looser life be tide to law,
But ioyd weake wemens hearts to tempt, and proue
If from their loyall loues he might them moue;
Which lewdnesse fild him with reprochfull pain©
Of that fowle euill, which all men reproue,
That rots the marrow, and consumes the braine:
Such one was Lecherie, the third of all this trains.'
Batman's descriptions of Gluttony bear closer resemblance
to Spenser's portrayal than his representation of the previous
vices. It is true that Gluttony rides on a bear rather than on a
7
1.4.24-26.
180
awine, but all the other attributes, both physical and moral, with
the exception of the "vpblown© belly" are there.8 In one of Batman' a woodcuts devoted to this subject there ia depicted a Bacchanalian looking individual who is naked, crowned with vine leaves,
very fat (not the upblown belly, however) and wearing a girdle of
the same leaves, with the boozing can in one hand and a bunch of
grapes in the other, and, interesting enough, a barrel on one leg.
Attached to his nose, as well as to the nose of the man who follows are cords which are held in the hand of the woman who is
leading the parade. The signification reads:
The woman is Podagra: the naked man with the barrel1 on
his legge is Prodigus the other with the grapes in his hand
is rauin: the cordes are force to destruction: and are led
by Podagra, the gowte.
Above the woodcut and just beneath the title "Of Gluttony," is inscribed:
When gredy glotony seketh hes ease, for saking
true labor which is most fitte:
Then followeth Podagra with her disease, to vtter
ruine she aoth them knitte.
And on the next description there is the follov/ing:
This physical trait is found in one of Alciati1s emblems,
entitled, "Gourmandie." (Cf. appendix, "Alciati.") None of th©
other characteristics ia found in this woodcut, however. Both
V/hitney and Alciati devote an emblem, "In statuam Bacchi" (Alciati,
©d. 1581, p. 115; V/hitney, p. 187.) which has most of the other
physical qualities deacribed by Spenser. But the representation
which depicts an individual with both the "vp-blown© belley" and
the long crane-like neck is found in the border which encloses the
title page of Claude Paradin's Devises Heroiques, 1557. This same
border encloses some of the woodcuts of Georgette Montenay's edition, which iB bound with De Beza, but they are not found in any
other edition of her work. However, in this border represontatdon
the' figure is fully clothed even to wearing a cone shaped cap on
his head. The other details as pictured by Spenser probably came
from Batman, Bince he is the only one who depicts the bouzing can
in one hand, and grapes "he somewhat still did eat," in the other.
In both V/hitney and Alciati, the figure is beating a drum, and a
wine glass is beside him on the ground.
181
Wine inordinately taken, troubleth mans reaaon, makesth
dull understanding, and corrupteth the body, and engendreth
noysome diseases, as the goute, empostum, plurisies, caterns,
palsies, & dropsies wich such lyke: And also infebleth remembraunce, sendeth in forgetfulnes, poureth in errours So
bryngeth forth sluggishnes.°
The description yields:
How sufficient vnto a learned man is a small quantitie of
Wine? so that in sleep© he shall not bee sick© thereof, nor
feele any paine. Lecherie wine and sacietie, conaumeth all
Wysedome . • . • It is not (i aay) for kingsa to drinke wine
excessively, nor princes strong© drinke (for there is no secret where drunkennes raigneth) least they being drunken, forget the lawe, and peruerte the iudgement of all poor© mens
children.10
In his "The New Arjval of the Three Gracia, into Anglia,"
another work of Batman, w© find the figure of a man with a long
neck like a crane, with a bag in one hand and a aword in the other.
Beneath we read:
The long schull betokeneth Craftie imagination: Th©
pleasant countenaunce, Flattery: the long necke, Excess© in
eating and drinking: The right arme being shorter then th©
left, betokeneth small Deuotion: The bagge of money Couetousnesse: The left arme, Wilfulness©: The sword© Crueltie: The strauge disguising in apparell, Pride.1
And Spenser:
And by his side rod© loathsome Gluttony,
Deformed creature, on a filthie swyne,
His belly was vp-blowne with luxury,
And ©ke with fatness© swollen were hia eyne,
And like a Crane his necke was long and fyne,
With which he awallowd vp excesaiue feast,
For want whereof poor© people oft did pyne;
And all the way, most like a brutish beast,
He spued vp his gorge, that all did him deteast.
In greene vine leaues he waa right fitly clad;
For other clotheae he could not weare for heat,
And on hia head an yuie girland had,
Q
10
y
0p. Oit., F, f.
Ibid., F. ii.
Stephan Batman, The New Arrival of the Three Gracis into Anglia (London: T. Eaat for W. Norton, n.d.), p. 22. (STO,
1580?, HN photostat used which was bound with the previously
cited, A Christall Glasse . . . .)
182
From vnder which fast trickled down© the sweat:
Still as he rode, he aomewhat still did eat,
And in his hand did beare a bouzing can,
Of which he aupt so oft, that on his seat
Hi8 dronken corse he scares vpholden can
In shape and life more like a mon8ter, then a man.
Vnfit he was for any worldly thing,
And eke vnhable once to 8tirre or go,
Not meet to be of counsell to a king,
Whose mind in meat and drinke was drowned so,
That from his friend he seldome knew his fo:
Full of diseases was his carcas blew,
And a dry dropsie through his flesh did flow,
Which by misdiet daily greater grew:
Such one was Gluttony, the second of that crew.*2
Sloth, in A Christall Glass© is represented aa a monk or
friar riding on an aas. The signification reads:
He which rydeth on the Asse signifieth sloth, as well
amond the chiefest as among the lowest: The Fryer weed© and
Beades signifieth hypocrisie and lothsomne8 of the truth.15
He is holding his head with one hand and his eyes are shut. Another
representation ahows him holding hia head and sleeping before an
open book while the children whom he is supposed to be instructing
are indulging in many vaine and gay occupationa.
The significa-
tion:
He which sitteth sleeping signifieth slothfulnes amongest teachers, whose desire being satisfied, careth not for
the charge: the children idlenes, v/hoae mindes without a .
carefull tutor, are bent to nothyng but ease and vanities.^
The many similarities found in the following picture by Spenser
need no further comment.
But this was drawne of six vnequall beasts,
On which her six sage Counsellours did ryde,
Taught to obay their bestiall beheasts,
With like conditiona to their kinda applyde:
Of which the firat, that all the reat did guyde,
Was aluggish Idlenesse the nourae of sin;
12
1.4.21-25.
1?
0 p . Pit., G.
l4
Ibid., Gi.
185
Vpon a slouthful Asse he chose to ryde,
Arayd in habit blacke, and ami8 thin,.
Like to an holy Monck, the aeruic© to begin.
And in his hand his Portease still he bare,
That much was worne, but therein little red,
For of deuotion he had little care,
Still drownd in sleepe, and most of his dayes ded;
Scarse could he once vphold his heauie hed,
To looken, whether it were night or day:
May seeme the wayne was very euill led,
V/hen such an one had guiding of the way,
That knew not, whether right he went, or else astry.
From worldly cares himselfe he did esloyne,
And greatly shunned manly exercise,
From euery worke he chalenged essoyne,
For contemplation sake: yet otherwise,
His life he led in lawlesse riotise;
By which he grew to grieuous malady;
For in his lustlesse limbs through euill guise
A shaking feuer raigned continually:
Such one was Idlenesse, first of this company.15
Spenser's portrayal of Envie seems to owe nothing to this
emblem, although one of the woodcuts is devoted to a figure riding on a dragon.
The figure of pride is a woman standing on a
slcull and holding in her hand a mirrour, but the other details incorporated in Batman's woodcuts are concerned with the Popish cere.
monies, and are not analogous to the traits set forth in The
Faerie Queene.
The rest of the book is devoted to emblems of Love, Faith,
and Hope. The picture or woodcut for Hope ia that of a vessel
being broken on a rock amidst troubled seas.
The signification
reads:
The troubled seas signifie the temptations of mankind©,
the shippe beying rent, signifieth the dispersed church© of
God, who beying tossed to and fro by the force of tempta15
1.4.18-20.
The emblems of Alciati and Whitney entitled "Inuidia,"
bear a much closer resemblance to Spenser's portrayal. Cf. ap-.
pendix. (Alciati, ed. 1581, emb. 71; Whitney, p. 94.)
184
tions, and throwne out, yet they not fearyng the boysterous
windes of aduersitie, but thorough assured hope in Christ
they flie to the rocke of endles felicitie, which is Christ.3^
This finds an echo in Spenser:
Here may thy storme-bet vessell safely ride
1
®
And:
On whose sharpe clifts the ribs of veaaela broke. . . .
Th© reaemblanc© between Batman and Spenaer becomes more apparent by an examination of Randle Holme's "description of the
vices and wickedness." According to the nature of the work, as has
been noted, it would seem probable that thia was a atandard reference.
Envy, ia Emblemed by an Old Man or Woman with a Mans heart
in their hand, putting it to their Teeth as if they would eat
it; at whose feet is a snarling Cur Dog, or Medusa's snaky
head.
V/rath, is set forth by a Man drawing his Sword, and a Bear
robbed of her Whelps, and Armies Fighting.
Sloth, by a Man lapped in his Cloak, and an Ass lying under his Burthen.
Gluttony and Drunkenness, is a Man with Bags and Chests of
Money; and a V/olf with his foot on a Lamb and a Goose by th©
Neck in his mouth.
Lust, by a Man looking at a Picture of a Naked Woman and
an He- Goat standing by him.
Pride, Emblemed by a Man or Woman in rich Attire, and by a
Peacock in his Pride, having his tail spread out.
Blasphemy and Corruptions of the Flesh, or the deeds of
the Old Man, are included. Then:
Temptation or Sathan, (the chief Captain of all thia Hellish Train,) is drawn with a Dragons head and Wings, to th©
middle like a Man with slouch hanging breasts, and the lower
parts of a Goat, v/ith a serpentine tail, his right hand casting fiery Darts.20
Another of Batman's worka ia The trauayled Pylgrime, bringing newea from all partea of the worlde, such like scarce harde of
17
1
^0p. Oit., N.iii.
19
2.12.7.5.
18
2.12.52.7.
20
0p. Oit., pp. 206-7.
185
before.
no.
Seene and allowed according to the order appointed. An-
Domini.
1569. This opus is an Emblem-book because the
woodcuts which occur are all explained in the manner of an Emblem-book as:
The Childe signifieth good Infancie: the rod, Correction: the auncient or aged man, Reason: the booke, Truth:
the armed Knyght, youthfull Courage: standing in the
fielde called Time.
This is inscribed above the woodcut which contains all therein
described.
While below it is written:
Here the Author beginnes his voyage, being ready armed,
bidding Infancie farewell, and now growing by Reason to
further possibilitie and strength.21
The story is on the order of Pilgrim's Progress, except that it
ia more chivalric in character.
blance8 to The Faerie Queene.
It beare some striking reaem-
The Knight goes through several
adventures in the manner of the Red Crosse Knight, aa will be
aeen from the following:
The Armed Knight signifieth true Obedience in all estates, his armour, strength: the shielde, Hope: the
sworde, Courage: the speare, Aduenture: deliuered to the
Author, by Thought being present in the fielde called
Time. The Author fighteth with Disagreement, the speare
that Disagreement hath broken, is called Littlewit, the
Authors speare is Aduenture, both swordes in thys place
signifie folishnesse, wherewith eche striketh other, till
pleasant Ladie Memorie defendeth the Author from Disagreement, in the fielde called time. Here the Author by long
trauaile meeteth with Vnderstanding, and requireth lodging: Obedience or true Diligence, guideth his horse called
Will, in the fielde called Time. Vnderstanding maketh his
banquet, and comforteth the Author: true Diligence furnisheth the table in the place of Reason. Here Vnderstanding sheweth the Author a number of Vertues in the house
called Reason, to withdrawe him from vaine delit©8, declaring the daungers that doth ensue: that done, the Author trauaileth further.
And beneath this woodcut wherein is depicted all the little vir-
Verso, B.j.
186
tuea sitting in a row with the Author pointing them out to the
Pilgrim—is written:
After the Author had seene euery Vertue, and considered
the worthinesse of them, imagineth how he may keep© in the
house of Reason, not minding to trauaile any further, till
Vnderstanding moueth him to proceede in his iorney.2*
Batman composed another work which might well be termed
an Emblem-book, though the emblems are what Green calls "naked,"
that is, not accompanied by woodcuts.
But since it deals with
the stories of mythology, those well-known, well-used, and wellworn anecdotes of the pagan gods, not much space will be devoted
to its discussion here.
These storiea were ao widespread during
the period that it is worse than futile to attempt to trace them
from their ultimate source through the intermediary channels.
However, the Vita and Metamorphoaea of Ovid that Gabriel Symeon
made into an Emblem-book published in 1554 would seem to have a
fairly adequate claim to being the source for Spenser, if source
there be. Nevertheless, a work comprising these stories in English and whose purpose was obviously to point a moral should not
be overlooked.
The title is: The Golden Booke of the Leaden
Goddes. Wherein is described the vayne imaginations of Heathen
Pagans, and counterfaict Christians: wyth a description of their
seueral Tables, what each of their Pictures signified. The first
edition is very rare. Shakespeare is supposed to have consulted
this book which may be considered as the first attempt towards a
Pantheon or description of the heathen gods.
atates:
The dedication
"Wherein we Christians, now lyuinge in the cleare light
of the Goapel, may euidently aee, with what erroneoua trumperies,
Ibid., C.ii Verso, Ciii, D.l, D.i, Verso.
187
Antiquitie hath bene nozzled: . . . ."
The description in the
book which would correspond to the woodcuts in the complete Emblem-book are in Italics. Then follows the application, or as
he calls it The Signification. Diana will serve for an example.
The description reads:
Diana was portraicted, standing in the middlest of Satyres, Gods, and Nymphes of the Seas, Ryuera and Fountaynes,
wyth three headea and two wynges, her bow was bent, and
Quiuer by her side, she standing betweene a Panther, a Lyon
and a Shyppe. 2
The Signification follows and is quite long, including
the atory of Acteon which Spenser recounta in Book VII of The
Faerie Queene*^ and which Batman gives thu8:
The Poetea aayne that Actaeon, a man aeeking© more for
vaine pleasure and iolitye, then Vertue, and of the Progenie of Cadmua, after much wearynease in folowing his
houndes, sodainly espied Diana with her Dryades & Nymphes
bathing, was for his unmanernerly viewing, tra(n)aformed
into an Hart, & BO deuoured of his owne Dogs. Diana appellata est quod diem noctu efficiat, vel quasi Duana, guod
duobus temporibus maxime co(r)pareat, die ac nocte. 5
The story is a favorite v/ith the Emblematists and occurs
frequently, notably in both Whitney's and Alciati's works which
furnish a more relevant analogy to Spenser, and which will be
found in the next chapter. All the "expected" gods are described
and discussed here, and some that are not ordinarily found in a
work of this sort. There are some unexpected little references
too, which are quite pertinent. For example, in the "Signification" of Pluto one finds this phrase:
'Stephan Batman, The Golden Booke of the Leaden Goddes
(London: Thomas Marshe, 1577), p« 5*
24
7»6.42-55« (For analogies found in other Emblem-books
cf. next chapter and appendix.)
25
Ibid., 10 verso.
188
The Poetes saygne Cerberus, to be Plutos Porter, of the
Citty Dolor, who receiueth all those that Charon bringeth,
hduing three heades, the one of a Goate, the seconde of a
Beare, the thirde of a Tyger, whereby is also signified,
Lechery, Gourmandise, and Murder: dyuers haue framed diuers
shapes, onely to paint forth the filthines of vice, the
more to terrify the folowinge Age. Foelix quem faciunt
aliena pericula cautum.26
Again under the discussion of Volvpia the story of the airena is
given:
The Poetea sayne that Syrenes, the Daughter© of Acheloua,
dwelled within a certayne Iland© vetweene Italy, and Sicil,
who with their sweetnes of Voyce, allured such ae passed by:
who no soner obtayned their copany, but were rewarded for
their coming with preset death. Vlysses, occasioned to pass©
by: & to preuet their Whorish illusions, caused all his
Saylers and Soudiers to stop their Eares, and him selfe to
be bound to the Maste of his Ship. By which Policy, hee escaped the perill. The Syrenes, for anger that they were
preuented, flange themselves headlonge into the Sea, whereby
is described the property of Enuy, who wyll rather than bee
vanquished from doinge of Mischeife, further ther pretence
with their own Death.
As rust consumeth Iron, so doth Wrath, the bonea. 7
A li8t of gods and goddeases that are treated in The Golden
Booke of the Leaden Goddea, by Stephan Batman is given for purposes
of comparison.
Ivpter
Ivno
Appollo
Diana
Mercvrivs
Mars
Venvs
Vvlcan
Vesta
Neptvne
Ceres
Ianvs
Satvrnva
Pltvo
Bacchvs
Hercvles
Flora
Aeolvs
Cvpid
Osiris
Isis
Pan
Concordia
Protevs
Astraea
Harpyae
Orphevs
Peraeva
Fvriae
Aescvlapivs
Genivs
Minerva, or Pallas
Castor So Pollvx
Bona Dea*
Volvpia*
Harpocratea*, and
Angerona*
Parcae*
Priapvs*
Gratia©*
The treatment of Genivs was not examined to ascertain if Spenser
identification with Agdistes, the Phrygian deity found a parallel
here.
The seven that are starred are the only ones not employed
by Spenser. The latter part of the volume is devoted to, "A Recap-
'ibid., 14 verso.
Ibid., 15 verso.
189
itulation of the Sectarian Gods, by whose Heresies, much harm©
hath growen, to Gods true Church."
When the Image of the beast, a formed shape had found,
The Straightwai8 he became to geue the church a wound:
Which church new erected, by force was put downe by PAPA
the great God, which weares the triple crowne.2"
It is noted parenthetically that some of the heretics
are:
Arrius, Donatus, Pelagius, Eutices.
The New Arival of the three Gracis into Anglia mentioned
above opens with a woodcut depicting a ship ploughing through a
storm.
It is in danger of being lashed against the rocks. In
this representation, however, the three graces are filing down a
pathway to the right and a somewhat benign looking old gentleman
is seated asleep on the shore. The prevalence of this ship and
storm figure in Spenser has been cited already. A bit further on
in the book occurs a verse that has some of the details found in
Spenser'a parade of the capital sins:
the want of the poor peo-
ple, the long neck, the pleasure preferred, and so forth. It is
interesting because the inscription of the other side of the
"leaf©" states that it was made by Namtab, a Saxon, in Anno. 575»
"against the abuse of that present time."
More head then wit, more haire than wull,
Makes England thriftles, and yong heads dul,
When neckes be long no hoe in the filling,
And pleasure preferred, in lands small tilling.
V/hen diuers fashions in apparell are worne,
And beggers being more pore, so nearely are shorne.
When one won backe, is shewed diuers countreys lore,
A monster must needes be, so told© before.
When glandene will be the whole world it selfe,
A Spaniarde, Italian, French, Flemmishe and else.
All shewed in apparell, when this is at prime,
Then some place be heedefull, for sure it is time. 2 "
Ibid., 21 verso.
Op. Oit., p. 9*
190
But to return to The New Arival of the three gracia into
Anglia, above the picture is inacribed.
"The lat© ariuall, An©
aduiaed propheaie. In Anno 104l. this picture was found in the
temple of the lacobines in Geneua, against the wicked gouemement
of papall dignite."
To th© side is printed.
"Thia picture was
made by Iacobus Iaquiri de Ciuitate Taurini 104l."
And beneath:
Iudicabit iudices indix generaliia,
His mihi proderit dignitas papalis,
Siue sit Epiacopus sine Cardinalis,
Reua codamnabitur, nee dicetur quales
Hie nihil proderit quinquam allegare,
Neque exciperere neque replicare,
Nee ad apostolicum aedem appellar©.
Reua condamnabitur, nee dicetur quare.
Oogitate miseri, qui vel quales estis,
Quid in hoc iudicio, dicere potestis,
Idem erit dominus, iudex actor reatis.
The substance of the Latin here.
The mighty Oue the iudge of all, which sitteth in
throne aboue
Shall iudge each Papal dignite, the rable whole remoue
Such as the one the other is, and Cardinals like
wise
For their deformid flattery, the Lord wil them diepise.
And iudge of al, both quick and dead, whe (re) Popes
shal boyle, in bulles of lead.
As from the beginning, from the first token, or appered show vnto Noah:
the Rayne bow, the fier from heauen, the prophisyng
by the Prophets, the
Btarre at Christ his birth, the Prophises sence, th©
innumerable Comets,
Hailes, Thu(n)derings, Earthquakes, strnage deaths,
prodigius birthes as
well of creatures as beastes, famins, hungerB, sedicions, false religions,
sectes, opinions, fantasies, with an innumerable
inormities, all these
suffiseth not to b© for© warningea to Y most part of
the world, for the
which cause, as the end of these few insamplea, ao
8hal b© the end of
such inaolent peraons be.2°
Op. Pit., p. 20.
191
This book contains probably the moat revolting repreaentation of
the seven-headed beast so far discovered in any Emblem-book that
has been examined. The seven heads are of all different horrible
monsters with tongues sticking out, two heads on one side and
four on the other with the largest in the center. The body (top
part) is all scaly like an alligator. It has two horrible eagle's
wings coming out from the shoulders, the neck is very long, and
the arms end in lions' claws. The oft mentioned long dugs are
there. The lower part of the animal is of a goat, somewhat satyrlike in appearance, with the Pope's head crowned issuing from the
body between the legs of the animal. The tail ia very long and
is tied in knots around the body of a man who is holding a bag
and is being lowered into the flames from which another crowned
head is just observable. Two little satyr-like figures, which
share one head, are pumping bellows to keep the fire going. Spenser' s portrayal of Geryon, son of Geryoneo, said to typify the
Roman Catholic faith, is just as revolting, but is far more convincing, because it is so much more artistic. Only Spenser could
have succeeded in describing two such horrible monaters within a
few stanzas of each other and retained his reader's interest.
And huge great Beast it was, when it in length
Was stretched forth, that high fild all the place,
And seem'd to be of infinite great strength;
Horrible, hideous, and of hellish race,
Borne of the brooding of Echidna base,
Or other like infernall furies kinds:
For of a Mayd she had the outward face,
To hide the horrour, which did lurke behind©,
The better to beguile, whom she so fond did finde.
Thereto
Full of
A Lions
To rend
the body of a dog she had,
fell rauin and fierce greedinesse;
clawes, with powre and rigour clad,
and teare, what so she can oppresse;
192
A Dragons tail©, whose sting without redress©
Full deadly wounds, where so it is empight;
And Eagles wings for scope and speedinesse,
That nothing may escape her reaching might,
Whereto she euer list to make her hardy flight.51
The signification of details such as the claws and wings,
as given by Spenser is typical of Batman.
Both writers had the
same opinion of the Catholic Church; both wer© interested in leading others into right conduct by means of pleasing composition;
but made use of christian and pagan subject-matter; and both wer©
intrigued by pictorial effects, Spenser had two distinct advantages over Batman.
He was able to consult the later Emblematists
and he was a poet.
Batman, who died in 1584, published most of
his works by 1577, thereby missing Whitney and others. And if he
had the poetic gift he did not display it in the works which hav©
been cited.
51
5.11.25-24.
The field which th© next chapter attempts to cover is ao
vast that obviously it cannot be dealt with completely in a treatise as brief as this.
Likewise, the ramifications of many of
the subjects and their treatment must be neglected because of
lack of space.
V/hat has been attempted is the citing of passages
considered to be analogous or parallel to The Faerie Queene from
the works of the Emblem-writers of other countries. Whitney, a
native Englishman, is included in this chapter, rather than in
the chapters davoted entirely to thoae works which appeared in
English, because with very few exceptions all of his emblems are
translations, or at least adaptations of emblems derived from
the foreign writers. Symeon'e adaptation of Ovid's Metamorphoses
into an Emblem-book is examined first, since it could have been
the main source for all the emblematical, mythological material
found in The Faerie Queene. That it was not this source, can be
readily seen from the material studied in the rest of the chapter.
The remainder of the Emblematists and their workB are
weighed in the light of their relation to Spenser.
They are:
Andrea Alciati, Geoffrey Whitney, Barthelemy Aneau, Johannes
Sambucus, Nicholas Reusner, Jean Jacques Boissard, William de la
Perriere, Pierre Costau, Gilles Corrozet, Gabrial Faerno, Magdalene Boursette, Arnold Freitag, I. 0. Camerarius, Hadrian Junius,
Achilles Bocchius, Theodore d© Beza, Paolo Giovio, and Horopollo.
Biographical material is included because of the valuable light
it throws on the Emblematist in his relation to this study.
In
practically every case, the author is prominent, which necessarily
gives prestig© to his work, and in most cases he haa an indirect,
if not, a direct connection with England. Thia examination of
the manner in which Spenaer and the Emblem-writers handled the
same material demonstrates that Spenser wrote in what is termed
"the Emblem-book frame of mind."
CHAPTER VIII
THE EMBLEM-WRITERS AND THE FAERIE QUEENE
So far, the stories of the gods and goddesses have more
or less been avoided. First because a8 Green noted many yearB
ago, Ovid's Metamorphoses, printed as early as 1471, was a treasure house of mythological subjects. Second because so many of
the better known composers of Emblem-books used this subject
matter so widely. It is ridiculous, of course, to assert with
dogmatic finality that an emblem which bears an analogy to a word
picture found in The Faerie Queene is the source of that word
picture. It is just as absurd, however, to omit entirely these
emblems which treat of mythology from a study of this sort. A
comparison facilitates, as nothing else could, an insight into
the method of the poet, who borrowed, combined and invented.
Their pictorial effect, their popularity, and last of all their
moral lessons appealed to him. But as Professor Osgood has
pointed out, this tendency to moralize th© mythological stories
is not confined to Emblem-books only.
Admitting the importance of Ovid, and conceding the interest of emblems, it is necesaary at this point to consider
Gabriel Symeon, 1509-1570, an Italian Historian. For it is h©
who combined the two into that perfect mine of analogies entitled:
La Vita Et Metamorfoaeo D'Ovidio, Figurato & abbreuiato in forma
d'Epigrammi da M. Gabreillo SymQoni. There ia a 1559 copy at th©
Folger Library and a 1584 copy at the Huntington Library. Symeon'a
1
Charles G. Osgood, Boccaccio on Poetry (Princeton, N«J.:
P.U.P. 1950), pp. xviii-xx.
195
196
own emblems and those of Giovio are collected into one volume,
which is entitled, Tetrastichi Morali.
As a literary man, Symeoni possessed both powers and accomplishments, but he was of a haughty and capricious disposition.
His biography is a chronicle of adulation and censure so frequent
in men of this nature. His early years were very precocious; at
the age of six he was presented to Leo X. as a very extraordinary
child; and his natural abilities were so well cultivated and improved that before reaching his twentieth year he was employed by
the republic of Florence on a mission in which he had for colleague the celebrated Gianotti. Feted at the court of Francis I.,
he endeavoured to gain that king1s favour by flattering the vanity
of the royal mistress, and his first verses, addressed to the
duchess D'Etampes, were worth to him a pension of a thousand crowns.
On his return to Florence he filled several employments, but, after
being imprisoned by the Inquiaition, he withdrew to Lyons in 1556,
where and at Paris his Devices and Emblems were published in Italian, French and Spanish. There was published by J. Burchard
Mencke in Leipsic in 1727, A Dissertation on the Life and Writings
of G. Symeoni, demonstrating his continued influence.
In citing the treatment of subjects from mythology, a few
will be given from Symeon's adaptation to illustrate his method
and plan. Obviously not all can be included in a treatise S B brief
as this. The entire list establishing the relationship is included
in the appendix.
The story of Semel© will serve for one comparison. Juno
(Hera), who was jealous of Jove's (Zeus) love for Semele, assumed
197
the form of Beroe, Semele's nurse, and persuaded her to entreat
her lover to come to her with the same majesty with which he approached Juno. Jove acceded to this rash request and came accordingly with lightning and thunderbolts, by which Semele was instantly consumed. Her child, Bacchus (Dionysus), hov/ever, was
saved from the flames. Symeon's adaptation has this title:
"Semele mal consigliata da Giunone vsa con Gioue Tonate, So Si
sconcia di Bacco." The woodcut depicts Semele dying while Jove
surrounded v/ith all his glory is looking on from the distance.
Priega Semele vn giorno il gran Tonante
D'vsar con lei in habito reale,
Ei, ch* ha promesso, spoglia il fier sembiante,
Et sol s'adorna del minor suo strale.
La Donna il troua anchor feroce amante,
Teme, e'l parto imperfetto ir lascia male.
Ma Gioue porge (come padre humane)
A bacco nato la benigna mano.
Spenser in relating how Britomart invades the castle of Busyrane
after having found Scudamour who ia unable to break through th©
flames and follow her, introduces the story via the "arras of
great maiesty" and "in those Tapets."
Then shewed it, how the Thebane Semele©
Deceiu'd of gealous Iuno, did require
To see him in his soueraigne maistee,
Armd with his thunderbolts and lightning fire,
Whence dearely she with death bought her desire.5
Another example of mythology adapted to Emblem-books is
based on the story of "Hercole & Cerbero," as found in Symeon. It
reads:
Hercole inuitto, entrando nell' inferno,
Troua il trifauce Can, Cerbero detto.
La Mazza impugna, & nell' horrore interno
Gabriello Symeoni, La Vita Et Metamorfoseo D'Ovidio (Lion©:
Giouanni de Tomes, 1559), p. 56»
5
5.11.55.1-5.
198
Percuote in van'il Monstro maladetto.
Indi per non riceuer danno & scherno,
Gl1 ha con forti catene il collo stretto.
Dalla cui spiuma, sparsa foura al lito,
Nacque il velen mortifiro Aconite
The story as related in The Faerie Queene is expressed in one of
those expatiated similes so frequent with Spenser.
Like as whylome that strong Tirynthian swaine,
Brought forth with him the dreadfull dog of hell,
Against his will fast gound in yron chaine,
And roring horribly, did him compell
To see the hatefull sunne, that he might tell
To griesly Pluto, what on earth was donne,
And to the other damned ghoses, which dwell
For aye in darkenesse, which day light doth shonne.5
Another illustration of Symeon's treatment as analogous to
Spenser is found merely in the woodcut ofl the next emblem which depicts a horrible aerpent with a long tail wound about ita diagusting body with its loathsome progeny issuing from its side. The
title is, "Serpente veciso da Febo," and the verse reads:
Come nacquer di pietra i corpi nostri,
Cosi del caldo So naturale humore,
Formarsi a vn tratto mille nuous Monstri,
Tra quai Python Serpente fu il maggiore:
Cio vidde Apollo, & da I superni chiostri
Sceao, con l'arco gli trafisse il cuore,
Cosi di Febo partori lo strale
,
Salute al mondo, s. lui fuma immortals.
One last instance from Symeon, placing his work side by
side with that of some of the other Emblematists, will best serve
to throw light on the debt, if debt indeed it can be called, which
Spenser owed him. The story of Actaeon, transformed into a stag,
and hunted by his own hounds because he gazed at Diana and her
nymphs while they were bathing, is one that was very popular with
*bp. Pit., p. 102.
^6.12.55.1-8.
bp. Oit. (1584 ed,), p. 24. Of. Spenser, 4.5.25.7.
199
the makers of Emblem-books. They have used it variously to illustrate somewhat different truths or to point rather different morals. Symeon'B bears the title, "Ateone mutato in Cerbio da Diana."
The woodcut shows Acteon being changed into a deer with hounds
about to spring at him. The bathing nymphs are faintly visible in
the background.
Dalla sete e'l calor cacciando vinto
Cerca Ateon pel bosco vna fontana,
Hallo il suo fier destino in parta apinto,
Che mal per lui vi troua entro Diana.
La Dea, col vi8o di vergogna tinto,
Gli muta in cerbio la semblianza humana,
Et dice, nel gettar quell' onda cruda.
Non lice a ognium veder Diana ignuda.'
And the following woodcut depicts his being eaten by his own hounds
and is very much like the woodcut used by Sambucus. Alciati, whose
influence and work have already been treated in the first volume of
this present study, uses this story to preach a sermon. H© entitles his, "in receptatores ficariorum," and since there is no mention of Diana or her nymphs in the accompanying verse, they do not
appear in the woodcut which merely pictures Acteon v/hen he has become half beast, with his dog3 in pursuit. The stanza reads:
Latronum furumq, manus tibi Scaeua per vrbem
It comes: So diris cincta cohors gladijs.
Atqu© ita te mentis generosum prodige censes,
Quod tua complureis allicit olla malos.
En nouus Actaeon, qui postquam cornua sumpsit
In praedam canibus se dedit ipse suia."
Barthelemy Aneau also uses the subject. He takes an entirely different viewpoint and calls his, "Ex Domino Servvs." His woodcut tooi is dissimilar. It portrays Diana and her nymphs bathing
'Op. Oit., p. 54.
8
p. 60.
Andrea A l c i a t i , Emblemata (Lyon: Guillaume R o v i l l e , 1551),
200
beneath an overhanging cliff, while to on© side of the sketch is
Acteon with a stag's head, and his hounds are around him. Th©
vers© reads:
Cornibvs in ceruum mutatum Actaeon a sumptis
Membrati proprii diripuere canes.
VAE miser est Dominus, Parasitos quisquis edaces
Pascit: adulantum praedapar ata canuml
Se quibus irridendum suggerit, So comedendum.
Seruus So ©x domino corniger efficitur.9
This Emblematist's history makes a contact that should not
be overlooked at this point. Barthelemi Aneau, Latinised into
Anulus, was a Latin and French poet, a jurisconsult and an orator.
He was born at Bourges at the beginning of the sixteenth century
and died in 1565. In the year 1550 he was professor of rhetoric
in Trinity College, Lyons, and principal of that institution in
1542. Among his works are—"The Mystery of the Nativity," and
"The Merchant of Lyons"; the latter is a French satirical drama, in
which nine characters are introduced and the events of Europe narrated from 1524 to 1540. Aneau, in 1549, translated into French
the emblems of Alciatus verse by verse, and also the Utopia of Sir
Thomas More. His own Emblem-book, "Picta Poesis," Pictured Poetry,
was collected by him and published at Lyons in 1552. The original
has some Greek stanzas interspersed with the Latin. His death was
very tragic. On the twenty-first of June 1565, being the Fete d©
Dieu, a stone had been thrown from one of the college windows during the procession as the Blessed Sacrament was passing; it hit
the priest who was carrying the Host, and the irritable populace
broke into the college and massacred Aneau, believing him to be a
^Barthelemy Aneau, Picta PoeBJs (Lvgdvni: Mathaim Bonhomme,
1552), p. 41. There are two editions of Picta Poesis at HN. The
other is dated 1556. This latter has 126 pages, while the former
has 118.
201
Protestant and the author of the outrage. The publicity attendant
upon such a death for the translator of The Utopia would probably
result in making Aneau widely known in England.
Sambucus adapts the story of Acteon to point another moral
which Whitney, whose verse is illustrated by the same woodcut
turns again into another slightly different channel. Both Emblematists entitle their woodcut, "Voluptas aerumnosa."
Sambucus im-
plies that Acteon was horned from his birth and warns all against
pleasure purchased by anguish.
Qui nimis exercet venatus, ac sine sin©
Haurit opes patriaa, prodigit inque canes:
Tantus amor vani, tantus furor vsque recursat,
Induat vt celeris cbrnua bina ferae.
Accidit Actaeon tibi, qui comutus ab ortu,
A canibus propriis dilaceratus eras.
Quam multos hodie, quos pascit odora canum vis.
Venandi studium conscit, atque vorat.
Seria ne ludis postponaa, commoda damnia,
Quod auperest rerum sic vt egenus habe.
Saepe etiam propria qui interdum vxore relicta
Deperit externas corniger ista luit.l^
V/hitney, on the other hand, seems to follow Ovid, though
Sambucus inspires his moral application.
Actaeon heare, vnhappie man behoulde,
V/hen in the well, hee sawe Diana brighte,
With greedie lookes, hee waxed ouer boulde,
That to a stagge hee was transformed righte,
Whereat amasde, hee thought to runne awaie,
But straights hi3 howndes did rente hym, for their praie.
By which is ment, That those whoe do pursue
Theire fancies fonde, and thinges vnlawfull craue,
Like brutishe beastes appeare vnto the view©,
And shall at lengthe, Actaeons guerdon haue:
And as his houndes, soe theire affections base,
Shall them deuowre, and all their deedes deface.
Johannes Sambucus, Emblemata, cvm aliqvot nvmmis antiqvi
operis (Antverpiae: Plantin 1564), p. 128.
U
0 p . Oit., p. 15.
202
Spenser actually only devotes a few lines to Acteon himself:
That neuer any saw, saue onely one;
Who, for his hire to so foole-hardy dew,
Was of his hounds devour'd in Hunters hew.l2
However, the entire story of the "Foolish God Faunus" is merely an
elaboration of the story with the attendant nymphs entering into
the punishment of the unhappy Faunus.*5
It has been noted that all the men who devoted their talents to composing emblems were not only well educated, as would be
expected, but were very prominent as well. Their activities in
one way or another usually merited an international fame for them.
John Sambucus, who was a physician, antiquary and poet, proves no
exception to this rule. He was born in Tornau in Hungary in the
year 1551* He studied in Italy, France, and Germany, attaining a
high reputation not only in his special profession of medicine, but
also in the history of philosophy and in the study of literature in
general. He was patronised by the emperors Maximilian II. and
Rudolph II., and under them he held the offices of counsellor of
state and of historian of the empire. After a life of usefulness
and honour, he died at Vienna, 1585, at the age of 55•
The catalogue of his works, as prepared by himself and set
forth in Boisaard's life of him, is very extensive and of great
variety—from a simple exposition of the Lord's prayer to the
harangues of Thucydides and Xenophon "artistically explained."
His principal or more important works were: Lives of the Roman Emperors; A History of Hungary; Portraits of Physicians and Philosophers, sixty-3even in number, with their lives; and translations
7.6.45.5-5.
15
7.6.42-55.
205
into Latin of Hesiod, of the Battle of the Frogs, and of portions
of Plato. There are at least five editions of his emblems from
Plantin's press. They contain much that is original, but are not
equal to those of Alciat in purity of style and in forcefulness
of expression, With respect to V/hitney's translations and appropriations from Sambucus, it is to be especially remarked they are
very far from approaching the literal meaning; they are paraphrases,
or accommodations—the carrying out of thoughts and hints which
the Hungarian supplies, as can be seen from the preceding selections .
In contrast to wide appeal of the Acteon story, the Venus
and Adonis story appears only in Symeon and Alciati. In th© latter,
Adonis is pictured after he has been gored by a wild boar with
Venus bending over him trying to restore him to life. Symeon's
woodcut, however, pictures the garden v/ith the tv/o lovers together.
It is entitled, "Venere innamorata d'Adone," and echoes the
"clothes of Arras and Tour©":
Nutrir le Nynfe Adon come figliuolo,
Oh ogni giorno in belta lieto crescea,
Et per le selue peregrimo & solo
Ogni suo studio nel cacciar ponea.
Costui (lasciato Pafv, e'l terzo Polo)
Press in amor d'Amor la madre So Dea,
Et l'ammoni (tanto il suo mal la cuoce)
Di non cacciar giamai betia feroce.l^
Spenser, after designating where it was "pourtrahed," goes on:
Lo, where beyond he lyeth languishing,
Deadly engored of a great wild Bore,
And by his side th© Goddess© groueling
Makes for him endless© mone, and euermore
With her soft garment wipes away the gore,
Which staines his snowy skin with hatefull hew:
h
0p. Oitj, p. 144.
204
But when she saw no help© might him restore,
Him to a dainty flowre ahe did transmew,
Which in that cloth was wrought, as if it liuely grew.1^
Circe and her enchantments attract Alciati, V/hitney and
Reusner. In Alciati'a verae h© refera to the great power of the
enchantress, v/hich makes it possible for her to transform men into strange monsters without reason or soul. The woodcut shows
Circe with a long rod attempting to drive away the various beasts
that surround her. The whole is captioned "Cauendum a meretricibus," while the verae reads:
Sol© satae Circea tarn magna potentia fertur,
Verterit vt multoa in noua monstra viros.
Testis equum domitor Picus, turn Scylla biformis,
Atque Ithaci postquam vina bibere sues.
Indicat illuatri meretricem nomine Circe,
Et rationem animu perdere, quisquis amat.l"
Reusner combines th© Sirens and Circe in his admonition
pointing out the horrible animal fate that is in store for those
who partake of the foul potions. His woodcut, which was designed
by Virgil Solis, is quite different from that of Alciati's book.
In the former we find Circe a rather disarrayed lady offering th©
foul potion to men who are partially beasts already, while some
who have become entire beasts are in evidence and one rather
»
vague figure in the background who seems «to be endeavoring to
make his escape from it all.
Per varios casus, per tot discrimina rerum,
Dum longas Ithacus itaque, reditqu© vias:
Sirenum voces, & Circes regna relinquit:
Blanda nee Atlantis tunc remoratur iter.
At socijs Circe dum pocula foeda ministrat:
Excors, So turpis BUS ait hie, ille canis.
15
5.1.58. Cf. also 5.1.54-58; 5.6.47-49.
Andrea A l c i a t i , Emblemata (Antwerp: Plantin, 1581),
p . 184.
205
Quid monet hoc, Vuolfgange, rogas, & Carole? fratrum
Par bene compo8itum, pectora cara duo.
Si vos laus, & famaiuuat: virtutis amor©
Difficiles pigeat ne superare vias.
Si nihil infesti durus vidisset Vlysses:
Forte magis felix, at sine laude foret.
Sed blandae morteB Circes, So gaudia dira
Sirenum, celeri 8unt fugienda pede:
Nempe libido furena, & non concesaa voluptaa:
Scilicet haec homines efficit vaq feraa.
Quam circum volitat nigria infamia pennia:
Et dolor, & ai quid triatiu8 ea8© poteat.17
Nicholas Reusner, like the other emblem writers, was a man
of extensive learning, a jurisconsult and poet. He was born at
Lemberg in Silesia 1545, a little before Whitney, and he died at
Jena 1602. He waa a member of one of the most distinguished families of his native province. His law studies were pursued at
Leipsic, and in 1565, at the age of 20, he lectured, or rather
gave lessons, on Latin literature at Augsburg. The duke of Bavaria
named him professor of Belles Lettres at the college of Launingen,
of which Reusner afterwards became rector. He filled in succession
several literary offices at Bale, Spires, and Strasburg; and in
1589 his reputation called him to Jena, a university founded in
1550 and to which he rendered important services. In a solemn assembly the emperor, Rudolph II, decreed him the poetic crown, and
created him count-palatine. From the electorate of Saxony in
1595 he was sent aa a deputy to the diet in Poland where the German princes formed a league against the Turks. He died during
his aecond rectorate in 1602, and was buried in a tomb which he
had caused to be constructed for himself. The inscription on this
tomb is said to be anything but humble. Dominik Animaeus and
17
Nicholi Reusner, Emblemata (Francforti, 1581), pp.
154-55.
206
Thomas Sagittarius collected and published the facts of his parentage; and John Weitz set forth his life, in a quarto, at Jena in
1605.
Reusner*s works are fifty-oight in number; some sixteen of
which were published in one volume at Frankfort in 1581. The one
hundred emblematic cuts are by Virgil Solis. His poetical works,
the first of which is entitled Polyanthia, sive Paradisus posticus,
supplied Whitney with several quotations. These flowers of poetry
are given in seven books, printed at Bale, in octavo, 1579. The
second poetical work was edited by his brother Jeremiah, and issued by the celebrated printer John Feyerabend of Frankfort in
1581. His emblem8 supply Whitney with mottoes, but very few of
the emblems themselves are analogous in thought.
Whitney designates his emblem which actually follows Alciati' s idea, "Homines voluptatibus tranaformantur."
See here Vlysses men, transformed straung© to hear©:
Some had the shape of Goates, and Hogges, some Apes
and Aases weare.
Who, when they might haue had their former shape again,
They did refuse, and rather wish'd, still brutishe
to remaine.
Which showes those foolishe sorte, whome wicked lou©
dothe thrall,
Like brutishe beastes do passe theire time, and haue
no senc© at all•
And thoughe that wiaedome woulde, they shoulde againe
retire,
Yet, they had rather Circes 3erue, and burne in their©
desire.
Then loue the onelie crosse, that clogges the worlde
with care,
Oh Btoppe your eares, and shutte your eiea, of Oirces
auppea beware. °
Spenser depicts Acrasie, the enchantress of the Bower of Bliss, who
Op. Cit.t p. 82.
207
transformed her lovers in hideous beasts as Circe has been here
portrayed. Alciati and Whitney both describe the lovers of the
enchantress as being without intelligence or shame, as does Spenser. The poet's moral is similar to the Emblematists, too. However, V/hitney is the only one who uses the same idea as Spenser
in the complete brutishness of Grille, who does not wish to be
transformed into a man again.
Said he, These seeming beasts are men indeed,
Whom this Enchauntresse hath transformed thus,
Whylome her louers, which he lusts did feed,
Now turned into figures hideous,
According to their mindes like monstruous.
Sad end (quoth he) of life intemperate,
Andraournefullmeed of ioyes delicious:
But Palmer, if it mote thee so aggrate,
Let them returned be vnto their former state.
Straight way he with his vertuous staffe them strooke,
And streight of beasts they comely men became;
But one aboue the rest if speciall,
That had an hog beene late, hight Grille, by name,
Repined greatly, and did him miscall,
That had from hoggish forme him brought to naturall.
Said Guyon, See the mind of beastly man,
That hath ao soone forgot the excellence
Of his creation, v/hen he life began,
That now he chooseth, with vile difference,
To be a beast, and lacke intelligence.19
The Sirens immediately come to mind after discussing Circe.
Those Sirens were fabulous sea-nymphs, who by their music lured
mariners to their destruction, but who were unable to ensnare
• Ulysses. He wisely had the ears of hie men stopped with wax
against their song and had himself strapped to the mast. Thus they
all were able to avoid destruction. Alciati in the 1546 edition
2.12.85-87.
208
from Venice has a woodcut which portrays only the three Sirens.
They hav© split-fish tails and hold these tails in their hands.
No other item appears in the picture. The 1551 edition previously quoted, however, depicts the entire story. The overhanging
cliffs in the background with the Sirens strumming their lutes
and the boat with Ulysses securely fastened to the mast sailing
safely by. In both editions the stanzas are identical.
Absque alis uolucres, et cruribus absque puellaa,
Rostro absque et pi sees, qui tamen ore canantv,
Quia putet e8ae ullos? iungi haec natura negauit
Sirenes, fieri sed potuisse docent.
Illicium est mulier, quae in pisceni desinet atrum,
Plurima quod secum monatra libido uehit.
Aspectu, uerbis, animi candore, trahuntur,
Parthenope Ligia Leucosiaq; viri.
Has musae explumant, has atque illudit ulysses
Scilicet est doctis com meretrice nihil,
The woodcut that accompanies V/hitney' s stanzas ia aimilar
in content to that of Alciati, but evidently it was executed by
an entirely different artist. It has, in addition to the figures
described above, another ship which is sailing toward the Sirens
and its own obvious destruction.
V/ithe pleasaunte tunes, the Syrenes did allure
Vlisses wife, to listen theire aonge:
But nothings could his manlie harte procure,
Hee failde awaie, and scap'd their charming stronge,
The face, he lik'de: the nether parte, did loathe:
For womans shape, and fishes had they bothe.
V/hich shewes to vs, when Bewtie seekes to snare
The carelesse man, whoe dothe no daunger dreede,
That he should© flie, and shoulde in time beware,
And not on lookes, his fickle fancie feed©:
Suche Mairemaides liue, that promise onelie ioyes:
But hee that yeldes, at lengthe him selffe distroies.
When the Palmer and Guyon are en route to the Bower of Bliss, they
Andrea Alciati, Emblemata Libellvs (Venetiis: 1545), p. 5»
Op. Cit., p. 10.
209
hear a rueful cry which they discover comes from an island. Guyon
is eager to interrupt his course to go to the assistance of the
maid who seems to be in such distress, but the palmer in the manner of Ulysaea, explaina the danger to him and rows him safely away.
Quit from that daunger, forth their course they kept.
And a8 they went, they heard a ruefull cry
Of one, that wayId and pittifully wept,
That through the sea the resounding plaints did fly:
At last they in an Island did espy
A seemely Maiden, sitting by the shore,
That with great sorrow and said agony,
Seemed some great misfortune to deplore,
And lowd to them for succour called euermore.
Which Guyon hearing, streight his Palmer had,
To stere the boate towards that dolefull Mayd
That he might know, and ease her sorrow said:
Who from him auizing better, to him sayd:
Faire Sir, be not displeasd, if disobayds
For ill it were to hearken to her cry:
For she is inly nothing ill apayd,
But onely womanish fine forgery,
Your stubborne hart t'affect with fraile infirmity.
And now they night approched to the sted,
Where as those Mermayds dwelt: it was a still
And calmy bay, on th'one side sheltered
With the brode shadow of an horie hill,
On th'other side an high rocke toured still,
That twixt them both a pleasaunt port they made,
And did like an halfe Theatre fulfill:
There those fiue sisters had continuall trade.
They were faire Ladies, till they fondly striu'd
With th'Heliconian maids for maistery:
Of whom they ouer-comen, were depriu'd
Of their proud beautie, and th'one moyity
Transform'd to fish, for thei bold surquedry,
But th'vpper halfe their hew retained still,
And their sweet skill in wonted melody;
Which euer after they abusd to ill,
T'allure weake trauellers, whom gotten they did kill.
dZ
2.12.27-28; 50-51. (Of. 2.12.27-54 for entire treat-
ment ) •
210
The moral in both Whitney and Spenser is certainly similar in
tone. The Sirens are "seemely" maidens to behold, but they are
really "onely womanish fine forgery."
With their facial beauty
they seek to ensnare the careless man who yielding to them at
length destroys himself. The Palmer expresses this warning to
Guyon, which the latter heeds, thereby saving himself from destruction.
The story of Daphne, the most beautiful maiden of Thessaly occurs only in the Picta Poesis by Barthelmy Aneau. That
is, always assuming that we admit th© inclusion in Symeon*s adap25
tation of Ovid. ' Daphne, according to mythology, was the
daughter of Feneus. Apollo became enamored of her, and she fleeing from his importunities invoked the aid of the gods, who
transformed her into a laurel tree. This is the reason advanced
for the Laurel's being the favourite tree of Apollo. Anulus*
woodctit shows the head and arms of Daphne being changed into a
tree, while Apollo is obviously pleading his love. Th© verse
reads:
Ille amat, haec odit, fugit haec: sectatur at ill©
Dumque fugit: Laurus facta repent© stetit.
Sic amat, So frustra, nee Apollo potitus amor© est.
Vitus Apollinis est, sic Amor opprobrium.
HAEOINE doctorum sors est inimica virorum,
Vt iuuenes quamuis non redamentur ament?
Exosoque habeat prudentes stulta iuuentus
His ne iungatur stipes vt ©BS© velit.
This same story of Daphne seems to have had quite a fascination
for Spenser. H© uses it in describing Florimell's flight from th©
son of the old hag.
25
Again he uses it in among the stories de-
0f. Appendix.
24
0p. Pit., p. 47.
?5-7.26.4.
211
picted in the "clothes of arras" in the castle of Busyrane.26 It
serves again as the simile for Amoret's escape from the horrible
monster who has carried her off to his cave.27 Finally, in the
overthrow of the Bower of Bliss the wooing of Daphne by Apollo is
used by way of illustration.2®
The story of Prometheus, whose surpassing cleverness deceived even Jove himself, was treated by four of the Emblematists:
Alciati, Aneau, Reusner and Whitney. Naturally, the part of the
story which appeals to them is the chaining of the hero to the
rock on Mt. Caucasus, where during the daytime a vulture fed on
his liver, which was miraculously restored each succeeding night.
The woodcuts for this emblem are ©xactly the same in the 1551 and
1581 edition of Alciati. Aneau's differs only in the background
and in the figure of Prometheus which seem8 much older in the
Italian's work. The position of the bodies is somewhat different,
too. Two other editions of Alciati have been used, the 154l of
Paris, and 1556 from Venice, in citing thia story to illustrate
prevalence and variation. "Qua© supra a nos, nihil ad nos" is the
title of the first, and the verse reads:
Caucasia aeternum pendens in rupe Prometheus
Diripitur sacri praepetis ungue iecur.
Et nollet fecisse hominem, figuloque perosus
Accensam rapto damnat ab igne facem.
Roduntur uarijs prudentum pectora curis.
Qui coeli affectant scire deumq; uices.
In th© French, "Rien toucher c© qui ©st sur nous," is th© title,
with the following stanza:
Promotheua vng homme feist,
Et puis osa luy dormer ame:
Dont son cueur a iamais suffit
Au voultour, qui tousiours lentame:
5.H.56.6-9.
27
4.7.22.8.
28
2.12.52.5.
212
En ceste histoire est donne blasme,
A cil qui tant ©st mal discret,
Quen cueur fol son cerueau affame,
Pour ©nquerir diuin secret.29
Aneau, on th© other hand, rather than discouraging his reader
from the things which are above him, urges him to avoid curiosity. His stanza likewise, is somewhat different in tone from
those of Alciati.
Mitt© arcana Dei coelumque, inquirer© quid sit.
Nee sapiaa plusquam debet homo sapere.
Caucaseo vinctus manet hoc in rupe Prometheus
Scrutator coeli, fur & in igne Iuois.
Oui cor ©dax Aquila in rediuiuo yulnere rodit.
Materia poenis sufficient© suis.*0
V/hitney, however, follows Reusner much more closely here. He
has th© same motto, "0 vita misero longa," and the verses need
no further comment than to be placed side by side. Reusner's
version is as follows:
Heu quantus dolor ©st, inuita viuere vita:
Veil© mori semper, sed neq posse mori.
Felici breuis ilia quidem, sed longa misello
Poena datur; ai quia viuit in orb© diu.
Quid? miseram aatis est tolerabile viuere vitam:
Si modo nos vita© spes melioris habet.
Oui mortis poenas non hie mors altera finit,
Infelix. semper maxima poena mori.
Sic incon8umptum Tityi, semperq renascons.
Saepius vt pereat, non perit omne iecur.51
While Whitney has:
To Oawcasus, behoulde Promethevs chain'de,
Whose liuer still, a greedie gripe doth© rent©:
He neuer dies, and yet is alwaies pain'de,
With tortures dire, by which the Poettes ment,
That he©, that still amid© misfortunes standes,
Is sorrowes slaue, and bounds in lastingo bandes.
"Andrea Alciati, Les Emblemes Pes Maistre Andre Alciat
(Paris: Chrestien V/echel, 1540), p. 66» (Venice: 1556), p. 67.
^°0p. Pit., p. 90.
?l0y,
Oit., p. 57.
215
For, when that griefe doth grate vppon our gall,
Or aurging 8eaa, of sorrowes moste doe swell,
That life is deathe, and is no life at all,
That liuer rente, it dothe the conscience tell:
Which being launch'de, and prick'd, with inward care,
Although wee liue, yet still wee dyinge are.
Qualiter in Scythica religatus rupe Promethem,
Asiduam nimio pectore pauit auem, *
Spenser's treatment is in harmony with the Emblematists, but he
too takes his own particular view. He makes Prometheus' suffering a punishment for boldness and adapts hia warning to the bold.
He alao takea as an accepted fact his reader's familiarity with
the crime and punishment of Prometheus who, under Spenser's treatment, warns all men by his example "to refraine."
It told, how first Prometheus did create
A man, of many partea from beaata deriued,
And then stole fire from heauen, to animate
His work©, for which he was by loue depriued
Of life him selfe, and hart-strings of an Aegle
riued .55
The warning does not come until the Two Cantos of Mutabilitie,
where Spenser bases a simile on Prometheus in good Emblem-book
style.
Or great Prometheus, tasting of our ire,
Would haue suffiz'd, the rest for to restrain©;
And warn'd all men by their example to refrain©:5^
Prometheus is the subject choaen by another Emblem-writer
who has not been mentioned so far. But before discuseirig him or
hia Emblem-books, it is necessary to introduce one whose profession was not unrelated to emblem-making though it is not this relationship that establishes his pertinence to this study, but
rather the fact that he chose Emblematist8 for his subjects.
-Qp. Oit., p. 75.
^2.10.70.5-9.
'7.6.29.7-9.
214
Theodore De Bry was a celebrated portrait or miniature painter
of the sixteenth century, who projected a work which was to contain the portraits of those illustrious for learning and erudition, with their lives written by J. J. Boissard. Of this work
he lived to publish only Part I, in 1597, at Frankfort; but his
heirs carried on his enterprise, and between 1598 and I65I
brought out three other parts, making four in all. The work is
in quarto, and contains 198 portraits. A fifth part was added
in 1652 by William Fitzer, but it comprises only 52 pages, with
20 portraits chiefly of English bishops and learned men. The
fifth part has not been available for study.
In his Preface, De Bry affirms that the portraits wer©
taken from life, but this has been questioned and probably is not
entirely true. The portraits are accompanied by biographical
notices as was said by John James Boissard, who is listed as a
highly esteemed antiquary. These notices composed by Boissard are
not in all the editions, however. The work of Boissard and of
De Bry and heirs is very important because it is the primary
source from which the portraits and biographical notices of the
emblem v/riters are derived, for the biographical dictionaries
and cyclopediaes.
Boissard's most famous work, Theatrum Vitae Humanae ia
an interesting comingling of Christian and pagan topics. He
treats of Creation and the Fall of Man, Ninus the king of the
Asayriana, the death of Seneca, Naboth and Jezebel, the Advent
of Christ, the Last Judgement, Pandora and Prometheus among other
things. There are long stretches of Latin prose passages explain-
215
ing each emblem, but there is always the woodcut with its accompanying verse and its "derived" moral. There are two editions of
his Emblemata at the Huntington Library. One iB dated 1584 and
the other 1588, and both have been translated into French by I.
Pierre Messin. This latter edition is interleaved throughout and
had been used as a "Liber Amicorum."
The autographs and inscrip-
tions ar© dated 1590 to 1594. Several have colored drawing and
coats of arms. Whether these inscriptions and drawings belong to
the Renaiaaance or not ia a point that will have to await further
inveatigation. Hie emblem devoted to Prometheus is given here by
way of illustrating his method as well as for purposes of comparison with Spenser's work. The title reads:
La Maieste De Diev eat a tous inscrutable.
Then the verse:
II est bien dangereux d'esplucher trop avant
L'inscrutable secret de la saincte parolle.
II faut discretement entrer en cest© escolle:
Ou le plus curieux se faict le moins scavant.
Et ceux Bont opprimez de la gloire 80uvent
Qui aondent trop de prea, d'une esprouvette molle,
La Majeste de Dieu. Lea Myaterea du pole
Noatre homaine raiaon vont touajours decevant.
Prometh© pour avoir l'ame trop curieuse,
Endure sur Oaucas la pince furieus©
De l'Aigle, qui se paist de son coeur renaissant.
Contentons nous d'avoir la permise science
De ce qui n'est each©7. Du surplus, 1* ignorance
Est fainctement louable; & plaist au tout-puissant,*5
The woodcut follows, instead of preceding aa in most cases, and ia
entitled: "Ad Michaelem Oormaeum Paxium Pannonium. Periculoaa
^Iani Iacobe Boissardi, Emblemata (Metis, Faber, 1588),
p. 16.
216
Scrutatio."
It depicts Prometheus being gnawed on by the vul-
ture. Fire is raining from Heaven and a man with a glob© in one
hand is reclining, while reading a book. Two marble slabs on
either side of the woodcut are inscribed: "Homini de potestat©
de-our timide & pauca dicenda sunt," and "Qui scrutant maie estate poorimitur a glorio." And on the following page is inscribed this stanza:
Est divinorum scrutatio plena periclis:
Sacra lege: ulterius te Deus ire vetat.
Auaus rimari Divorum arcana Prometheus
Caucaseam lacero viacere pavit avem.56
Boi8aard'a choice of subject matter, as has been noted, is both
wide and varied, and will therefore come in for further discussion
later in this study.
Further substantiation of analogies between Reusner, Sambucus, Aneau, and Spenser may be found in the Appendix. Also for
Alciati and V/hitney, but these last mentioned because of their
priority will neceaaarily com© in for further comment. There is
another Emblematist whose creative output was small but influential, William de la Perriere was a native of Toulouse. Of hia
birth and education we poaseas no information. His only literary
monument appears to have been "Le Theatre des bons Engins," published at Paris in 1559 by Denys Janot, th© aame printer who published Corrozet's emblems. Both works were composed in French
verse, were accompanied by very beautiful woodcuts on a small
scale, and were extremely popular.
Perriere dedicates his work to the queen of Navarre, and
Ibid., p. 17.
217
speaks of himself "aa a Chriatian man writing to a Chri8tian
princeas."
Of booka like his own he declares in hia preface that
it is not alone in our time that emblems are in renown, and veneration, but from all antiquity, and even from th© beginning of th©
world. Several ancient authors of emblems are named by him as,
Ohaeremon, Horapollo and Lucan; and some moderns as Polyphilus,
Celian Rogigien and Alciatus. Alciati cornea in for special notice
as having written emblems and illustrated them with Latin verses.
Then he proclaims his own imitation of the beforenamed, and states
that he thinks he has well employed and appropriated his good leisure in the "invention and illustration" of the present emblems.
One of the most important emblems of Perriere for the purposes of this study is that devoted to Janus, the ancient Italian
deity, who was the god both of private doors and of the city gates,
and who presided over the year, his own special month being, of
course, January. He is most famous as the guardian of the state
and th© gates of his temple were left open during war, and were
closed in times of peace. He is represented with two heads, facing opposite ways. In fact, Alciati is said to be responsible for
the phrase, "two-headed Janus."
Be that as it may, the emblems
devoted to him by Alciati (p. 92, 1551 ed.) and Whitney (p. 108)
can be found in the appendix. Even Wither chose this subject for
on© of his emblems. Here we cite only the lines of Perriere:
La Dieu Ianus iadis a deux visages,
Nos ancies ont pourtraict & trasse%
Pour demostrer que l'aduis des ges sages.
Vise' au futur aussi bien que au passe,
Tout temps doibt estre", en effect copasse,
Et du passe auoir la recordance,
Pour au futur preueoir en providence,
218
Suyuant vertu en toute qualite'.
Qu'il pourra viure en graa tranquillite.27
Scudamour, in The Faerie Queene, in relating his travels and
toils, describes the Porter of the temple of Venus as Janus. He
christens him Doubt, however, and the use of this name in connection with the two heads, recalls Ripa's emblem entitled "Fraud©,"
cited earlier. Ripa used many figures with two heads always illustrating this same idea of looking forward and backward whether
for good or evil.
That was to weet the Porter of the place
Vnto whose trust the charge thereof was lent:
His name was Doubt, that had a double face,
Th'one forward looking, th'other backeward bent,
Therein resembling Ianus auncient,
V/hich hath in charge the ingate of the yeare:
And euermore hi8 eyes about him went,
As if some proued perill he did feare,
Or did misdoubt some ill, whose cause did not appeared
It must be noted that Spenser's interpretation of Janus is analogous to Whitney's in placing him in charge of the "ingate of the
yeare."
Peter Coustau, or Costalius, is another Emblematist who
composed one book of emblems which exerted a rather v/ide influence.
He issued at Lyons in 1552, and again in 1555, his rare and curious book, entitled "Pegma, cum narrationibus philosophicis."
It
containa a woodcut to which a few verses are added and then a dissertation, with each page elaborately ornamented, setting forth
the nature of that subject discussed. Moral and religious reflections are interspersed. In 1560 the Pegma was translated from
Latin into French by Lanteaume de Romieu, a gentleman of arles.
^7William de la Perriere, Theatre des Bona Engine (Paria:
Janot, 1559)> emblem, i.
4.10.12. Cf. alao Amoretti, IV.
219
An emblem (p. 574), "Time doea all." may have furnished Whitney
with hia last motto, "Tempua omnia terminat."
The "Entrait du Privilege" from the 1555 edition ia inserted by way of parenthetically noting the conditions and protections of printing and publishing at the time.
Entrait du privilege—Par privilege expres du Roy nostre
Sire en date du septieme de Mars l'an mil cinq cens cinquant©
trois, qui a este publie & enregistre en la cour de la Seneschaucee de Lyon, il a eate permis a Mace' Bonhomme Librair©
& Imprimeur de Lyon, d'imp rimer, So faire imprimer de telz
characteres que bon luy semblera, mettre en vente, & debitor
le present liure, intitule, P.Costalij Pegma, cum narrationibUB philosophicis. Auquel liure ledit Bonhomme se seroit
mis en frais So dispence pour faire tailler figures & histoir©s respondantes a la variete des epigrammes y compris: So
aussi l'auroit fait traduire es langues vulgaires. Parquoy
sont faites defenses a tous libraires So imprimeurs de ne
faire pourtraire & tailler lesdictes histoires, my imprimer
ledict liure en form© So maniere que ce soit, ou de ceux qui
auroyent este contrefaictz; au imprimez allieurs, n.1 en apporter my exposer en vente es pais, & terres de ce Royaume,
durant de tempa & terme de aix ana, commenciana du iour que
1* impression du present liure fera paracheuee', avec grosses
peines contre ceux qui contreuier dront directement, ou indirectement au-dit Privilege. Parlequel eat permiB d'inferer
pour toutes defenses & significations le sommaire du-dit
Privilege, au commencement, ou sur la fin du present luire,
ainsi que plus amplement est contenu au privilege suadit.
Ledit liure a eate acheue'd'imprimer.
le dixieme cour du moya de I annier,
l'an mil cinq cens cinquant© cinq.
Orpheus and the powers of music provide the subject on
which Spenser and Oostau find a common meeting ground. In the
Amoretti,
Spenser had expressed the power of music to overcome
strife. Whitney gave a very wide extension to his "Music of Orpheus,"
however, his ideas are contained in Coustau's simpler
lines:
59
Sonnet XXXVIII, 1-8.
H>p. Pit., p. 186.
220
La Force d'Eloquence.
D© son gentil & fort melodieux
D'un instrument, Orpheus feit mouuoir
Rocs So patiiz de leur placeB So lieux.
C'est eloquence ayant force & pouvoir
D'ebler les cueurs de tous part son scauoir
C'est l'orateur qui au fort d'eloquence
Premierement souz meme demourance.
Gens bestiaulx, So par ferocits'
Les assembla: & qui a bienueillance
Les reuoqua de leur ferocit^.
There follows a "Narration Philosophique" which occupies three
entire pages setting forth the power of eloquence. Reusner's
emblem entitled "Musicae, So Poeticae vis." (ill, p. 129) sets
forth the same idea. In Spenser's actual reference to Orpheus,
the pov/er of music alone is stressed.
Is wicked discord, whose small sparkes once blowen
None but a God or godlike man can slake;
Such as was Orpheus, that when strife was growen
Amongst those famouse ympes of Greece, did take
His siluer Harpe in hand, and shortly friends them
make• 2
But in the very next stanza in speaking of David, he combines
the two in the manner of the Emblematists.
Such Musicke is wise words with time concented,
To moderate stiffe minds, disposd to striue:45
It can be seen from the foregoing that mythology furnished an almost endless supply of topics for the Emblematists,
as well as for Spenser, who did not hesitate to malce them do
duty a aecond, a third, and aometimes even a fourth time. Many
of theae which offer 8triking analogies must be relegated to the
appendix, or omitted altogether. But before leaving the topic
entirely there are two mythological figures which must come in for
Pierre Oouatau, Le Pegme (Lyons: 1560), p. 589.
^4.2.1.7-9.
45
4.2.2.5-6. Cf. also 4.10.58.4.
221
special mention. One has been partially treated by Dr. McManaway
wherein he suggests Alciati's emblem as a possible source for
44
Spenser's "Occasion."
Perriere, Whitney, Boissard, and Corro-
zet have each devoted an emblem (sometimes two) to the fickle
goddess who is variously designated as Fortune, Opportunity, and
Occasion. Perriere describes his own woodcut thus:
Qvel est 1© no* de la present© image?
Occasion ce nome pour cetain.
Qui fut l'autheur? Lyapiua fiat l'ouurage:
Et qu© tient elle? vng rasoir en aa main.
Pourquoi? pourtatque tout trache aouldain.
Elle a cheueulx deuat & non derriere?
Oest pour moatrer quelle tourne e arriere
So fault le coup quacl on la doibt tenir
Aulx talona a dis esles? car barriere
(Quellesque soit) ne la peult retenir.^5
Incidentally, these verses contain practically the same thought
aa ia contained in thoae of Alciati. Hi8 woodcut also portrays
"Occasio" standing on a wheel that ia floating upon the waves,
holding a razor in her right hand, having wings on her feet and
a forelock of hair streaming from a head which is otherwise bald.
Whitney's woodcut is more artistic, although th© above description might serve for a word picture of it. Hia verses are merely
a series of questions and answers addressed to the qualities described above, and found in the woodcut0
Boissard, on the other
hand, has a different point of view. His woodcut depicts Occasion as the proverbial nude, winged creature, which the others
have made her, even to the bald head with the forelock in the
front. But this forelock provides the first point of difference,
^Jantes G. McManaway, "Occasion" Modern. Language Notes,
XLix (1954), No. 6. pp. 591-5.
•^Op. Pit., emblem vii.
222
since it is being pulled by a military looking individual who
uses both hands to accomplish the deed. There is another figure standing nearby in whose upraised hand there is a whip.
The lake provides the foundation here as it does in th© other
illustrations, and as in Alciati'a there are two boats in plying
their way through the waves. The title is: "A Tergo Oalva Est,"
while beneath occurs:
Arripe, se quoriea offert occaaio: calua est
A tergo: El volucci labitur ilia pede
Pone sequena torto insultat Metanoea Flagello:
& tantum ignauia poena dosenda venit.^
On the following page occurs the French stanza which is
self-explanatory, and which has the title repeated.
Combien d'hommes perdue, (pour auoir neglige
Le temps idoine, So propre) ont attaiut de mi seres,
Oombien d'ennuis, de maux, So de peines seneres
Ont le genre mortel: pour ce point, afflige:
Humain, chetif humain le bonheur assiege
Eschappera du clos, ou foible tu l'enserres:
II ne peut estre pris: tes forces sont legeres;
Si de l1occasion tu ny. est solage
Elle est chauue, pourtant est sa prise fortuite:
Paru qu'elle a, soudain elle se met en fuitte,
Si par 1© crin frontal on ne vient l'attraper.
So quipis est, elle a pour suitte Penitence:
Qui d'un fovet nouailleux de tarde repentance
Gesne l'homme fetard, qui la laisse eschapper. 7
Giles Corrozet, who is the next Emblematist to devote a
woodcut and verse to the fickle goddess was a man of genius and
learning. He was born in Paris, 1510, and died in 1568. He
carried on the business of a bookseller, but seldom affixed his
own name to his v/ritings. In early youth he enjoyed few, if any,
advantages from study. However, like so many others who became
famous, he taught himself. Besides other attainments, he mastered
'Op. Cit., p. 54.
Ibid., p. 55.
225
th© Latin, Italian, and Spanish languages. Thirty-four works
are said to have been composed or translated by him. Fourteen
of these are cited by Brunet, who gives both the title8 and the
edition8. The Tablet of Oebes and the Fables of AEsop were
rendered by him into French rhymes, and he also compiled a work
on the Antiquities of Paris. He amassed a large fortune by his
business, and his son and grandson sustained his reputation as
well as the business. The Hecatomgraphie from which we quote,
is an interesting volume and is a good specimen of his v/ritings.
By way of introduction he addresses an octain, "AUX BONS ESPRITZ
So AMATEURS DES LETTRES."
It is to the following effect:
Voulant (Seigneurs) ce petit liure faire
Pour au vouloir des Muses satisfaire,
L'ay a par moy pense bien longuement
A ce, qu'on diet assez communement;
Qu'il est assez, voyre trop de volumes
Tant d'imprimez que d'escriptz par les plumes,
Et que plus sont de liures que lecteurs,
plus de lecteurs, que vertueux facteurs,
Plus d'escripuains & plus de bien disantz,
Que d'auditeurs So que de bien faisantz,
Quand vous ferez a voatre bon loyfir,
Et que na'urez pas grandement affiare:
Quand vous vouldrez prendre quilque plaisir,
Et a 1'esprit par lecutre complaire:
Quand vous vouldrez fcauoir quelqu exemplaire,
Propos moraulx de la philosophie,
Et ce qui est maintesfois necessaire,
lisez dedans cest Hecatomgraphie.
Th© title, HECATOMGRAPHIE is explained thus:
I
C'est a dire lea descriptions de cent figures
E hystoires, contenants plusieurs appophthegmes,
prouerbes, sentences E dictz tant des anciens,
que des modernes. Le tout reueu par son autheur.
As was noted, Corrozet devotes two emblems to the subject of Fortune. One, entitled "L'ymage de fortune," depicts
that lady standing upright upon the sea. One of her feet is on
224
a fish, the other on a globe. In her right hand she clasps a
broken mast, but there is no forelock hanging down from the bald
head. Occasion, on the contrary, does have the streaming lock.
She also has wings on her feet and is standing on a wheel. The
wheel, however, is in a boat, in the stem of which Penitence is
seated lamenting lost opportunities. Occasion holds a swelling
sail in both her hands. The verse v/hich accompanies this woodcut is very similar to those previoualy quoted. The verse which
is inscribed beneath the emblem of Fortune is as follows:
Fortune ©st vng euenement
Inopine' E tressoubdain,
Ne luy donne doncques (Mondain)
Effect dessus toy nullement.^
This stanza is followed by a series of questiona which recall
V/hitney'a application. The tenor of the answers is similar to
the English Emblematist also. Whitney's text is quoted in the
appendix. The second figure is that of Cupid, the god of Love.
Love emblems were used by the earliest Emblematists. Alciati
is said to have derived some of his from the Greek Anthology,
and Bocchi, La Perriere, and Corrozet followed in hia footatepa.
It would be worse than futile to attempt to trace to an emblematic source the 142 references to Cupid in The Faerie Queene
alone, some of which are several stanzas in length. On the
other hand, a study of the Emblem-writers or of The Faerie Queene
would not be complete without some mention of the blindfolded
cherub who is made responsible for BO much joy and sorrow in
this world. Mario Praz has devoted almost one third of his
48
/
Giles Corrozet, Hecatomgraphie (Paris: Denys Ianot,
1545), emblem 4l.
225
Studies in Seventeenth Imagery to "profane and Sacred Love."
One of the most typical and certainly one of the emblems
most pertinent to this study is the Fable of Cupid Death, cited
in chapter two of this study. As was noted, Alciati devoted an
emblem to it and Whitney translates or rather paraphrases the
story as given by Joachim Bellay. Alciati's Latin and French
stanzas are both quoted becauae the reaaon for transference of
the arrows in the French stanza is felt to be significant.
De Morte & Amore
Errabat aocio Mors iuncta Cupidine, secum
Mors pharetras, paruus tela gerebat Amor.
Diuertere simul, simul una & nocte cubarunt
Caecus Amor, Mors hoc tempore ceae fuit
Alter enim alterius male prouida spiaila sumpsit,
Mora aurata, tenet ossea tela puer.
Debuit inde aenex qui nunc Acheronticus esse,
Ecc© amat & capiti florea serta parat.
Aat ego mutato quia amor me perculit arcu
D© fiao, inijaunt & mihi fata manum.
Parae puer, Mora 8igna tenens victricia parce,
Fac ego amem, Subeat fac Acheronta senex.
De Mort & Amour
Mort So Amour apres vin boire,
Changerent de stesches & de arc:
Et surcecy debue vous croire,
Que au Si firent de force So de ars;
Mort cuydant tuer les souldara,
Vieilles gens en amours mettoit:
Et Cupida gettant les darts, .
Aux ieunes gens la vie ostoit. °
The mention of "death's dart" in both these Emblem-books
is compared to Spenser's use of the same term. In deacribing
Malbecco's fate after hia experience with the tribe of SatyrB who
have captured Hellenore, he says:
"Les Emblemes de Maistre Andre Alcait (Paris: Wechel,
1542), pp. 140-41.
226
And doth transfixe the soule with deathes eternall
dart .50
It should also be noted that in V/hitney'a woodcut, death is not
pictured as a skeleton, but rather as Mors, or Mortz, a Beamonster, a dreadful fish, that hae deaerved the name of death.
Spenser seemingly has this in mind when he writes:
The dreadfull Fish, that hath deseru'd the name
Of Death, and like him lookes in dreadfull hew,,*!
Cupid was, as has been pointed out, one of the most popular of all mythological characters with the Emblematists. Entire
books were devoted to him, as the Amoris Emblemata of Otho Vaenius.
It is natural, then, that the theme of love as the greatest force
in th© world should have had wide-spread appeal. V/hitney gives
utterance to this idea in depicting Cupid driving his chariot which
is drawn by two lions. In one hand he holds the reins, in the
other a whip.
The Lions grimme, behoulde, do© not resist©,
But yealde them selues, and Cupiddes chariot draw©,
And with one hande, he guydes them where he liste,
With th'other hande, he keepea them still in awe:
Theye couche, and drawe, and do the whippe abide,
And laie theire fierce and drewell mindes aaide.
If Cupid then, bee of auchraightieforce,
That creatures fierce, and brutishe kinde he tames:
Oh mightie love, vouchsafe to showe remorse,
Helpe feeble man, and pittie tender dames:
Let Africk© wilde, this tyrauntes force indure,
If not alas, howe can poore man bee sure.
Quem non mille fera, quem non Stheneleius hostis,
Non potuit Iuno vincere, vincit amor.52
Spenser's portrayal as well as the moral he draws from the story,
bears a close resemblance to Whitney's. In the Masks of Cupid we
5.10.59.9.
?X
2.12.24.1-5.
J
OP. Pit., p. 65.
227
find the following:
Next after her the winged God himself©
Cam© riding on a Lion rauenous,
Taught to obay the menage of that Elf©,
That man and beast with powre imperious
Subdeweth to his kingdoms tyrannous:55
Alciati is so impressed with the idea that he devotes two emblems
to it. In the first, the woodcut shows Cupid with a 8heaf of arrows on his back, tearing an arrov/ in twain, while fire is raining
on him from heaven. The Latin inscription reads: "Vis Amoris."
Aligerum fulmen fregit Deus aliger, egne
Dum demonstrat uti est fortior ignis Amor.
And the French is entitled "Force d'Amour."
Le feu d'Amour vain Et la tempeste,
II n'est feu qui tant d'ardeur face:
Car quand quelqu'ung l'a en la teste,
II ard au cueur, & en la face.
Jupiter, qui la fouldre brasse,
N'en fait point de telle virueur:
Voire, si luy mesmes l'embrasse,
II l'en brusle, So suffre langueur.5^
The second emblem is found also in Whitney and it ahowa Cupid sitting on a huge bolder, holding a fish in one hand and a bunch of
flowera in the other. Whitney'a woodcut ia slightly different in
execution, but it is similar in content. Both bear the title,
"Potentia Amoris." The Latin stanza from Alciati is obviously the
source for the English of V/hitney. Again the French is submitted
for comparison.
Nudus Amor iuden ut ridet pladdumq; tuetur?
Nee faculas, nee quae cornua flectat habet.
Altera sed manuum flores gerit, altera piseem,
Scilicet ut terrae iura det atq; mari.
And the French:
55
5.12.25.l-5.
5\)p. Oit., (Ed. 1542), pp. 158-59.
228
La puissance Damour.
Cupido ne tient plus d© flesches,
Dare ny feu, dont maintz a pugny.
Ains ou lieu de fas arc traictz, mesches,
Dune main ssst de fleurs garny:
En 1autre est de poiasons munt,
Non de instrumens faiaans aymer,
Quil est maistre en terre, & en mer.55
In Spenser's temple of Venus we find this same power of love expressed:
Cupid their eldest brother? he enoiyes
The wide kingdome of loue with Lordly sway,
,
And to his law compels all creatures to obay.5"
And Whitney:
Here naked loue doth sit, with smiling cheare,
No bended bowe, nor quiuer he doth beare:
One hand, -a fishe: the other houldes a flower: ,__
Of Sea, and Lande, to shewe that he hath power?'
Cupid's darts come in for almost as much notice with the Emblematists as does Cupid himself. Substantiation ad tedium can be found
in the appendix. Spenser himself is not exactly unaware of the
subject since there are nineteen direct references in The Faerie
Queene alone.
Fables would seem the most natural subject-matter for the
Emblematists. They offer the illustration with its resultant
moral ready-made. Their popular appeal would seem to recommend
them also, for it is said that there were fables collected by
Bidpai in Sanscrit, by Lokman in Arabic, by AEsop in Greek, and by
Phaedrus in Latin. Like the ballade of more recent times, they
seem to have exchanged themes and ideas with one another until
CT2f
^ 0 p . Pit., pp. 164-65.
57Op. Pit., p, 182a.
4.10.42.7-9.
229
their origin is lost in their universal character. All the Emblematists have introduced fables into their works to a greater
or less extent. Alciati makes use of several, among them, the
Image of Isis, the Cock, the Lion and the Church, the Ass and
the Driver. Perriere has at least three: one to Diligence, on©
to Idleness, and one to the Ants. Hadrian Junius, who comes in
for diacussion later on, employs the caged Cat and the Rats, and
the Crocodile and her eggs. Corrozet and Cameriarius both use
the tree entwined by the vines. And so on, down through the entire list.
The relationship between Fablea and Emblems is made
rather nicely by one who used the subject matter of Fables and
the title of Emblems. Gabriello Faerno an Italian poet, was
born at Cremona, but the exact year is not known. He died in
1561 in the prime of life. He was a man who seems to have been
much beloved and admired. His scholarship was sound and extensive, as the publication of his notes on Terence and others
would indicate. Although the name of Emblems is given to one of
his works, it is, more properly, a book of very elegant Latin
fables. They were written at the request of Pope Pius IV, by
whom the author was very highly regarded. These fables are remarkable for correct Latinity, and for the power of invention
which they display. Indeed the charge was made, though it is
now labelled false, that his fables "are written with such classic purity, as to have given rise to an opinion, that he had
discovered and fraudulently availed himself of some of the unpublished works of Phaedrus."
250
One of his fables is called, "Astrologus." Whitney devotes an emblem to the same idea, using the same title. The references quoted from Spenser, in which he sxpreases some of these
same ideas, may have been suggested by either Faerno or Whitney.
Certainly Faerno's stanza furnished the original for V/hitney. It
reads:
Obscura astrologus graditur dum noctes in umbra
Intentus coelo, & tacite labentibus astris,
Decidit in puteum: casuque afflictus iniquo
Implorabat opem, Divosque hominesque ciebat.
Excitus accessit pictei vicinus ad oras
Salsus homo: So Quae nam haec tua tam praepostera,
dixit,
Dissita tam longe profiteris sidera nosse.
Quid rerum caussas, naturaeque abdita quaerig,
Ipse tui ipsius propriaeque oblite salutis.?0
According to Green, the plates are from designs which Titian is
said to have drawn. The following year, another posthumous work
appeared under the title: Fabvlae Oentvm ex antiqvis avctoribvs
delectae, et a Gabriele Faerno, Oremonensi carminibvs explicatae.
The city was Rome and the printer one Vincentius Luchinus. The
year as has been noted I565.
V/hitney's stanza is not repeated, for it is merely an
Englished version of the above. The ideas in Spenser which offer
an analogy are all concerned with human destiny as it is influX7
enced by atars, but the moral in Spenser is only implied .59
The phoenix furnishes the best example of the relationship
between fable material and emblems. There are nine Emblematist8
who devote an emblem to this subject of the phoenix: Horopollo,
^Gabriel Faerno, Emblemata (Rome: 1564), p. 5*
59
Cf. 1.1.27.5; 1.6.6.5; 1.8.42.6; 2.2.2.1; 2.6.44.9.
251
1551; Boursette, 1554; Paradin, 1562; Symeoni, 1562; Frietag,
1579; Reusner, 1581; Whitney, 1586; Boissard, 1588; Oamerarius,
60
1595.
Magadaleine Boursette*s opus has been described at some
length in Volume I of the present study. Her emblem concerning
the phoenix is found in the Becond volume of her work and furnishes one of the examples of the Emblematists' practice of making a religious application to the subject-matter of the emblem
itself. The woodcut depicts the phoenix standing in the midst
of flames, and is entitled, "Du Phoenix."
C'est une generalle regie
Que le phoenix vit six cens ans
Et est de la grandeur d'un Aigle
Vestu de plumages plaisans,
Quand fort vieux eat, aa plume blonde
II bruale E se met tout en cendre
Dont un autre phoenix a'engendre
Et n'en eat iamais qu'un au monde.
The woodcut is inserted here and the moral is inscribed below.
Le vray Phoenix est un seul Dieu
Qui est pour nostre iniquite
Venu en ce terrestre lieu
Prendre 1'habit d'humanite
Et s'est au feu de Charite
Burssle du bois verd de la croix
Et 1© tiers iour ressuscit© ,
Oomme souuerain Roy des Roya.
Another Emblematist to give the religious aspect of this
subject is Arnold Freitag. He supplied the descriptions and remarks in Latin, to a very attractive work entitled, "Mythologia
It must be remembered that Ovid relates the Fable of
the Phoenix. Cf, Metamorphoses, XV, 57*
61
Magdaleine Boursette, Le Premier Livre de la Description Philosophale de la Nature et Condition des Animaux (Paris:
Mathurin, 1554), II, 7.
252
Ethica," or Moral Philosophy taught in Fables; but the notices of
him which we have found are very brief and unsatisfactory. There
have been several distinguished physicians of the name Freitag,
and the above ia usually identified as one of them. He was born
at Emmerick, sometime around I56O, and was therefore, very young
when he wrote the Latin expoaitions of the engravings by Gerard
de Jode and others which adorn his work. He is said to have been
a professor of Medicine at Groningen, but the university there was
not founded until 1615, a fact which makes the statement somewhat
doubtful since this honor would have come to him at a late period
in his life. Among his works are mentioned some translations
from Italian and Spanish treatises on Food and Drink, and The Medicine for the Soul, or the Art of Dying, and a translation of
Duplessis-Mornay's work, On the Truth of the Christian Religion.
The inscription over the woodcut in which he makes the phoenix a
type of Christ and an emblem of the resurrection, is "Iuuenilia
studia cum prouectiori aetate permutata." And the moral itself,
is taken from St. Paul to the Ephesians, IV, 22: "Deponite vos,
secundum pristinam Conuersationem, veterem hominem, qui corrumpitur secundum desideria erroris."
Joachim Camerarius has composed a very erudite work in
this genre entitled, Symbolorum Emblematum ex Animalibus qua Drupedibus Deaumtorum Ecuturia Altera Collecta, which was published
in 1595. It contains a long explanation in Latin, a not eo long
one in Greek, the title of the emblem, and then the woodcut, be-
Arnold Freitag, Mythologia Ethica (Antwerp: 1579),
p. 249.
255
neath which is written the moral. He has quoted about eighteen
classic writers in the introductory explanation he attaches to
his device on the phoenix, among them the Greek and Latin Fathers.
Obviously, his moral takes the religious trend. In contrast to
these authors, Paradin gives his device, which is almost identical in execution, a more earthly application.
Comme le Phenix est a jamais seul, & vnique Oiseau au
monde de con. Theoespece. Aussi sont les tresbonnes
choses de merueilleuse rarite, & bien cler semees.65
Reusner, on the other hand, combines the two attitudes.
He describes the marvellous proprieties of the bird itself, and
then makes theological applications. He gives his the title,
"Vnica semper auis," and inscribes it thus:
Quae thuris lacrymis, So ucco viuit amomi,.,
Fert cunas Phoenix, busta paterna, suas.
Whitney deviates from the usual theme and devotes his emblem to the topic of the destruction by fire and quick reconstruction of a town near his birthplace named Nawpwiche. His woodcut,
however, is the same as that of Paradin.
There are a few more composers in the realm of emblems,
who must be noted, if only with a passing glance. Among the most
important of these is Hadrian JuniuB, whose name one finds variously spelled and whose work has been quoted in Volume I. A few
biographical notes which are pertinent to this study, and which
were not noted in the previous volume, are herewith submitted.
He was bom at Hoorn in Holland in 1511. He pursued his studies
63
^Op. Oit., p. 55.
Op. Oit., II, 98. This recalls the quotation given by
Camerarius from Lactantius, "Ipsa sibi proles, suus est pater, &
suus hoeres: Nutrix ipsa sui, semper alumna sibi." (Norimberg:
1595), P. 15.
254
at Haerlem, Louvain, Paris, and Bologna, and earned the titles
of an able physician and a learned philologist. Whether he excelled as a poet may admit of a doubt, though, beside hia emblems, he wrote verses on sacred subjects and an heroic poem on
the marriage of Phillip of Spain to Mary of England. He resided in England from 1545 to 1548, and dedicated to Edward VI
a Greek Lexicon, printed at Basle, to which he contributed above
six thousand words. Holland became hia residence for a while,
but he revisited England in 1555 or 1554 and remained only a
short time. A few years afterwards he was appointed physician
to the king of Denmark. Finally he settled at Haerlem, and received the appointment of "historian of the states of Holland."
He presided over the college; but the loss of his library, consequent on the siege in 1575, greatly afflicted him, and he
died in 1575*
Hia works were numerous and on a variety of sub-
jects, and the chief of them are enumerated by Boissard.
One of his emblems entitled, "Filio Suo Petro Iunio."
offers a very interesting comparison with and contrast to Spenser. Junius' stanza reads:
En tibi quaa, fili, geniturae consecro testes
Oeras, aucturas nomina amicitiae.
Petram Imitare Iuuentus.
Sperne voluptates, iuuenis, constanter; ut iras
Ventorum, assultusque maris Marpesiae cautea.
Nate, tuo lepide luden8 in nomine, dictaa
Symbolico elogio, tu, Petram imitare Iuuentus. 5
Spenser in describing Arthur's meeting with Una gives a minute
65
Hadrian Junius, Les Emblems (Antwerp: Plantin, 1565),
p. 45.
255
description of the Prince and devotes an entire atanza to hia
shield. In stressing its ability to withstand everything he says:
It framed was, one massie entire mould,
Hewen out of Adamant rocke with engines keene,
That point of speare it neuer percen could,
N© dint of direfull Bword diuid© the substance
would.66
And again in speaking of Una' a escape in the previous canto he
gives an even closer parallel:
Her constant hart did tempt with diuerse guile:
But wordes, and lookes, and sighes she did abhore,
As rocke of Diamond stedfast euermore.67
And by way of contrast, in describing Marin's languishing for
Florimell, he contradicts the above contention about the wind and
seas against the rocks, but retains the idea of the steadfast
heart•
Yet loe the seae I see by often beating,
Doe pearce the rockes, and hardest marble weares;
But his hard rocky hart for no entreating
V/ill yeeld, but when my piteous plaints he heares,
Is hardned more with my aboundant teares.6"
Another important Emblematist who must not be overlooked
is Achilles Bocchius, or Achille Bocchi commonly called Philerote.
He was an eminent Italian scholar and a native of Bologna and was
descended from a noble family of that city. Eeing equally distinguished for his scholarship and knowledge of public affairs, he
served several Princes, and filled important offices in the court
of Rome. In 1545 he instituted at Bologna an Academy, called
after its founder "Academia Bocchiana," and sometimes Hermathena
(from the device of Mercury and Minerva, which it assumed).
Bocchi's work, which was published in 1555, is entitled, Symboli-
1.7.55.6-8.
°' 1.6.4.5-5.
4.12.7.1-5.
256
carum QueBtionum de universo genere quas Berio ludebat, libri
quinque. The copper-plates, which are comparatively large, were
engraved by the celebrated artist Guilio Bonasone, after designs
by himself and by Bocchi, aided by Parmigiano and Prospero Fontana. Many of the ideas are said to have been from Michael
Angelo and Albert Durer. On the publication of the second edition (1574) these plates, being much worn, were retouched by a
still more celebrated engraver, Augustino Caracci, then very
young. Both editions are scarce and much prized.
The Latin verses of Bocchi are said to be more remarkable for their beauty than for their terseness. Just as in
Bocchius himself, it is said there is more to be understood than
is expressed, and that while others could paint the features he
could paint the mind, for that pure mind alone can comprehend
mind. The emblem which is quoted here is given not alone for the
analogy it bears to Spenser, though there is much that is analogous in its content, but because it serves as such a fine illustration of Bocchius' style, and because of its dedication. It
might be noted in passing that the emblem numbered 185 of Bocchi
is dedicated to another famous Emblematist, Paulo Jovio, Bishop
of Nocera. The one which follows is numbered 91. The title
reads, "Caecus qui pulchri non cernet lumina solis," and beneath
comes the dedication, "Ad Andream Alciatum Amicorum opt. Luce
caret, Pulchri qui causam nescit amoris."
Qua ratione homines rerum caperentur amore
Pulchrarum quondam magnus Aristoteles
Forte rogatus, ea eat caecorum quaestio dixit,
Et bene, nam; ocidi sunt in amore duces.
257
Ergo tuae cur tam capiar virtutis amore
Qui quaeret poathoc, his mihi caecus erit.6^
The woodcut is encumbered with much background and scenery, showing the sun with two circles around it, while the significance of
the two central figures is almost lost sight of in the maze of details. The one blind figure holds with both hands hia staff,
which in turn is placed on a rock upon which is inscribed "Ocvli
Dvcea Amoris." The other figure points at the first with one
hand and toward the sun v/ith the other. Spenser's portrayal of
Oorceca, the blind old woman who typifies blindness of heart in
contrast to Una, Forsaken Truth contains both analogous ideas and
lines.70
There are many other Emblematists whom space has not permitted us to discuss, as the lists quoted from Pere Menestrier
or J. Camerariu8 clearly demonstrate. But their omission from a
limited study of this nature is to be expected. There remain,
however, two more makers of Emblem-booka who demand at least a
few lines. They are not only vastly important in themselves,
and in their compositions, but because of the particular aspect
of their work.
Theodore de Beza occupies a large space in the literary
and theological history of his time, and according to the religious bias of his early biographers is spoken of with bitter aversion or with high regard. There can be no doubt that at one
^Achilles Bocchius, Symbolicarum Questionum etc. (Bologna: Bononiae, 1555), PP« LXXXII-III.
l.5.l.ff.
258
period of his life he was guilty of excesaes and immoralities,
but that in after years he became distinguished for his indefatigable zeal and labors in behalf of the so-called Reformation.
Balzec named him "the great minister of Geneva."
He was born at Vezelai in Burgundy in 1519, and died in
1605; and for about forty years held a high position among the
Reformed in Switzerland. Nearly the whole of his works were of
a religious and theological kind; and on these his renown rests,
and not on the small volume of emblems of ninety pages, though
these are beautiful in execution and illustrated by verses of.
"considerable neatness and piquancy."
At a very early age he was brought to Paris, and the care
of his education was undertaken by his uncle Nicholas de Beze.
In his tenth year he was sent to Orleans to be instructed by
Melchior Wolmar, an excellent Grecian, with whom he remained
about seven years in Orleans and in the university of Bourgea.
Like aome others, who in after life wrote emblems, his first
studies were those of law, but he soon began to attend chiefly
to classical literature. In 1559' at Paris he obtained hia degree
of licentiate of civil law, and during aeveral of the aucceeding
years amid the gaities of that capital, externally at least conformed to the Catholic church, in which he enjoyed some valuable
benefices. A severe illness which his "reformed" biographers
say induced "serioua reflection," caused him to give up his faith.
He was married at Geneva in 1548 after having made a rather hasty
exit from France. In 1549 he received the appointment to the
Greek professorship at Lausanne, and here, by the addition of
259
one-hundred psalms, completed Marot's translation into French
verse, and made the translation of the New Testament into Latin,
which passes by his name. It was published at Paris in 1557.
He was admitted as a Protestant minister in 1559, and soon after
became Calvin's assistant in lecturing on theology. In I56I he
was delegate from the university of Geneva to attend the conference of Poissy to effect, if possible, a reconciliation between
the Catholic and Protestant churches of France, On Calvin's
death in 1564 he succeeded to his important offices, and until
1597 continued to discharge them despite the infirmities of age.
To the very last his mind is said to have remained bright and
clear. He died at the age of 86.
The picture which comes to mind at this point is the one
given by Evelyn Waugh in his Hawthornden prize biography of
Blessed Edmund Campion. Campion in company of Persons and disguised as a servant, en route to England and eventual martydom,
set out in high spirits to interview "Theodore de Beza, the prominent Calvinist, who at the moment enjoyed an international reputation as a theologian, greater perhaps, in England than anywhere
else. He was then an old man; in early life his ambitions had
been purely literary, and he had earned considerable popularity
in the composition of lubricious verae; later, falling in with
Calvin, he had married one of his mistresses, the wife of a
Parisian tailor and was now one of the nine elders of the Church
of Geneva."
The interview mentioned above centered around the
fact that ". . . . since the Calvinists admitted no inequality
in ministry and governed their Church theoeratically, while Eliz-
240
abeth had appointed bishops and usurped for herself th© entire
jurisdiction of the Pope, the English Protestants were heretical
even by his own standards."
But Beza at this point changed the
subject to the "iniquities of the Duke of Guise," which Campion
standing by in his servant'B livery, could not abide and thereupon entered into the discussion, insisting on bringing the argument back to the basis of essentials. "But Beza was not in
the mood to waste an afternoon in his court yard being catechised
by a servant on question of which there was little hope of agreement, so he called his wife to bring him another packet of letters
and took leave of the Fathers with remarkable courtesy of manner,
promising to send them an English pupil of his, the son of Sir
George Hastings next-of-kin to the Earl of Huntingdon, who had
greater leisure than himself for such discussions."
But Hastings
never arrived, nor did the challenge which Persons wanted to offer Beza of a public disputation, the loser of v/hich, should be
publicly burned alive in the market place.7!
Beza's works are very numerous, though now almost forgotten. For the titles of these Brunet may be consulted; or the
card catalogue of the Huntington Library where a complete collection is to be found. The emblems devoted to the ship tosaed
about by the storm are cited not only because there are two that
are pertinent to Spenser's use, but because this particular subject, which was almost as popular as Cupid with the Embleraatiste,
has been neglected in this study, with the exception of the one
'Evelyn V/augh, Edmund Campion (New York: Sheed & Ward,
1955), PP. 92-95.
241
reference under the Theatre for Worldlings in Chapter V.
By way of a parenthesis may I note that in the "epistle
to the reader" Beza makes the following statements:
Le second liure est reaerue pour les Rois, Princes, Magistrats, So Gouuemeurs de Republiques, nourrissiers, de
l'Eglise: & pour les vaillans chefs de guerre qui meames
ont eepandu leur sang pour maintenir la vraye Religion.
Some of the people cited by Beza are: Thos. Cmanmer, Luther, Latimer, and V/yclif.
. . . . Outre ce I ay adiouste quarate quatr© Emblemes,
me persuadat qu'ils seront agreables aux lecteurs debonnairea, a cause des senteces notables & Chrestienes qu'iceux
Emblemes contienent.
The Englishmen therein described:
George Marche
George Egle
Wm. Hunter
V/m. Tyndal
Hugues Latimer
Robert Samuel
lean Bradford
Jean Hopper
Jean Hullier
Jean Liefe
Jean Philipot
Roland Taylor
Thos. Vitle
Christopher Cudman
Jean Rogiers
Jean V/iclif
Laurent Saunders
Nicholas Ridley
Robert Ferror
Thos. Cranmer
Obviously, he knew England and surely England knew him.
But to return to his emblems. The first woodcut shows a
ship which has been caught in a storm. Those on board are working desperately at the sails in an attempt to save themselves
and the 3hip.
,
Voyant cest enrage faire noyer soy-mesme
Et les siens, en percant la nef qui lea aouatient:
Tu voids, helasl au vif ceste miser© extreme
Du temps auquel le monde auiourd'hui s'entretient.'2
When Spenser's Palmer is conveying Guyon to the Bowre of Bliss,
they arrive at the Gulfe and the stream becomes more violent.
72
' Theodore de Beza, Les Vrais Povrtraits Pes Hommes IIIvstres etc. (Paris: lean De Laon, 1581), p. 285.
242
Then he with all his puissance doth striue
To strike his oares, and mightily doth driue
The hollow vessell through the throatfull waue,
Which gaping wide, to swallow them aliue,
In th'huge abysse of his engulfing graue.75
Later in this same canto, Spenser again expresses a simile that
frequently finds a place in his v/ork. It has long been popular
with writers, for it is even found in The Imitation of Christ,.
though it is to be found originally in the Old Testament.
But
the woodcut in Beza's v/ork, which depicts a boat making a desperate attempt against the storm that seems to be engulfing it,
would have had an attraction for our poet. The stanza in the
French edition reads:
Vois tu point ce vaisseau qui flottant a souhait
Au port ou il aspire eschouant se desait?
Oonsidere ceci toy qui ris en ce monde,
,
Que l'eau qui te soustient a mort ne te confonde.'
The woodcut also shov/s a man aa leaping in desperation from the
boat, seemingly with the intent of making the port which is pictured in the background.
The same woodcut, border and all, appears in the copy
bound with the previously cited work of G. Montenay. And the
Latin (which in earlier pages has a separate page and woodcut
the contents of which is similar, but the border of which is different) reads:
Tota viden' ventis expandens vela aecundis,
Vt perit optato littore mer sa ratis?
Haec tu mente notes, cui fors aspirat arnica,
Haec eadem ne te quae vehit vnda ruat.
Emblemata XVI entitled in this volume:
75
Nauis i n portu impingens. 1 ^
75
2.12.5.4-8.
74
Qp. P i t . , p . 257.
'^1584 e d . Bound with G. Montenay, p . 2 5 9 .
245
Spenser says:
Here may thy storme-bet vessell safely ride;
This is the Port of rest from troublous toyle. 76
Again, writing of Britomart's encounter with Marinell, Spenser
outdoes himself in the use of this storm-tossed barke.
Wherein my feeble barke is tossed long,
Far from the hoped hauen of reliefe,
Why do they cruell billowes beat so strong,
And thy moyst mountaines each on others throng,
Threatning to swallow vp ray fearfull life?
For els© my feeble vessell crazd, and crackt
Through thy strong buffets and outrageous blowes,
Cannot endure, but needs it must wrackt
On the rought rocks, or on the sandy shallowes,
The whiles that loue it stores, and fortune rowes;
Loue my lewd Pilot hath a restlesse mind
And fortune Boteswaine no assuraunce knowes,
But sails v/ithouten starres, g§inst tide and wind:
How can they other do, sith both are bold and blind? 77
The volume from which the previous quotation of Beza was
taken is an example of what one frequently finds in Emblem-books.
The works of two composers in this genre have been bound together.
Thia occura aometimea in what has been identified as an original
binding, and sometimes in a binding which indicates that the com7fl
bining is the work of some later collector.'
Madamoiselle Monte-
nay's volume contains a picture of Charity v/hich bears the closest
resemblance to Spenser's Charissa of any that were discovered in
this investigation.
In fact the woodcut is almost literally des-
cribed by Spenser. Charity has (allowing for the designer's
taste) "wondrous beauty with goodly grace and comely personage."
76
7
2.12.52.7-S.
77
5.4.S.ff.
The binding of the Beza-Montenay volume was identified
by R. Baughraan, Huntington authority on bindings, as an original.
244
"Her necke and brests were euer open and bare"—and "She iB giving
suck to one child."
"The multitude of babes" are there, too.
One child is standing on her lap, with an arm around her neck and
his other hand on her chin in an affectionate gesture. One child
is half standing on her knee and two others are playing at her
side.
Each of these latter has a bird that could be a turtle dove.
These "payre of turtle doves" are not sitting by her side, however.
The "chaire" may be of "ivorie" and the "tyre" of "golde."
Inscribed in the woodcut are the characteristics given by St. Paul
for Charity.
"Non inflatvr, non est procax, non invidet, benigna
est, patiens est, non qvaerit qvaesvnt, non irritatvr, non cogitat
malvm, non gavdet de inivsticia sed congavi et veritati."
The
French and Latin verses which follov/ concern themselves v/ith these
qualities and therefore are not pertinent to Spenser's depiction
except in a more or less indirect way.
The seven-headed beast with its rider, suggesting not
alone Spenser's Duessa but also his Lucifera may be found in this
work.
Many others have chosen this subject too, among them Cor-
rozet and Alciati, whose emblem is pertinent in title and content.
But first, the following stanzas from Montenay:
Ce vase piein de toute iniquite
La beste ausse So celle qu'elle porte,
Ont si tresfort refroidi charite
Par leur poison, qu'on la tenoit pour morte:
Mais vne chose y a, qui nous consorte,
C'est que prochain est Christ, ou ell© abonde.
Ia sa clarte7 nous apparoit si forte,
Qu'elle destruit les tenebres du monde.
lxvii.
lam fuerat diuinus Amor restinctus iniquo
Hoc vase, et lerna hac, quae vehit, et vehitur,
245
Niprope sit Christus: cuius d© lumine, tetrae,
Tamquam Sole Nouo, diffugiunt tentbrae.7?
The woodcut accompanying this emblem is of a lady, very coarse
and huge, riding on a seven-headed beast. The beast is most repulsive. There is a mountainous background with the inscription
"ABVNDABIT INIQVITAS" above, and a covered dish in the lady's
hand from which streams of what appear to be braided flowers,
are spilling into an u m from which issues flames, and beneath
is the inscription "REFRIGESCET CHARITAS."
V/e find in Alciati, an emblem that is much closer in content. The woodcut in this case is entirely dissimilar with the
exception of the lady riding on the seven-headed beast. In
Alciati the background is nondescript, the lady is much more
graceful and appealing and she carries in her hand what appears
to be a covered fruit dish. In the foreground are men falling
back in fear and some even crushed to the earth. The emblem is
entitled: "Finta Religione."
And beneath:
Sopra a sede real giouane bella
Vestita di purpureo habito adorno,
Altrui porge beuanda amara e fella,
Vnde giace gran turbaebbra d'intorno.
Dolce el principio e la beuanda; e quella
Nel fine a l'huom reca amarezza e scorno.
Tal Balilonia con parlar facondo
Scotto a falsa doctrina inganna in monde.0*-1
In the earlier edition, Alciati again uses the same subject with
added details:
Regali refidens meretrix pulcherrima fella,
Porporeo insignem gestat^honor© peplum.
Omnibus & latices pleno © cratere propinat:
Georgiae Montaneae, Emblematvm Ohristianorvm Oentvrai
(Tivvri: Christo. Froschouerum, 1584), p. 68.
On
Andrea Alciati, Emblemata (Lvgdvni: Rovillivm, 1580),
A. 5 verso.
246
At circum cubitans ebria turba iacet.
Sic Babylona notant quae gentes illice forma,
Et ficta stolidas religione capit.°l
Daniell*s translation of Paolo Giovio has been examined
earlier in this study. It remains but to make a few statements
about the worthy Bishop himself, because of a rather important
copy of his tract which has a direct bearing on the problem of
Spenser and the Emblem-writers. Giovio v/as born 1485 in Italy
and died in 1552. Ho was an accomplished scholar and an eloquent
orator.
His first profession v/as that of medicine, which he
practised successfully. Afterwards he applied himself to history and biography, and besides the lives of pontiffs and princes
of Italy, especially of the viscounts of Milan, he collected the
eulogies and the portraits of the illustrious men who had become
famous, whether for arms or literature. He wrote also a history
of his own time, embracing a period of fifty years, and narrating
the chief events in Italy, Hungary, Asia, Africa, and other regions .
At the storming and pillage of Rome by the Spaniards under Charles de Bourbon, May 6th, 1527, Giovio suffered great
losaes of valuable silver vessels, but from a Spaniard who had
taken possession of them he obtained the restoration of books
and manuscripts. As reward for his learning and virtues the pontiff bestowed upon him the bishopric of Nocera.
(Oettinger
Op. Oit., 1549 ed., p. 15. This is the copy that has
the Sambucus emblems bound with it and the edges of the book are
done in very fine gilt and are goffered with emblematical devices.
R. Baugham (an authority in binding) at the Huntington Library
says it is a contemporary binding as does the listing in the Hoe
catalogue•
247
names another Paolo Giovio, as bishop of Nocera, who was born
about 1550 and died in 1585. But Boissard's testimony to the contrary appears very decisive.) Moreover, "the mighty Cosmo, prince
of the Florentines," invited him to his court and made him one of
his counsellors. On his death in 1552 he was buried in the church
of St. Lawrence, and before a more illustrious monument was raised
to his memory the somewhat boastful inscription was painted on the
wall: "Of Paulus Jovius the most famous writer of histories, here
are deposited the bones until a sepulchre be erected worthy of his
eminent virtues." A later inscription recorded that he was the
glory of the Latin tongue and the equal of Livy himself.
There is a very fine copy of his work which is of the rare
first edition. It is a folio in a beautiful full calf binding
having blind stamped sides with emblems in compartments. The
title page reads: Jovius Paulus Novocomensis Episcopi Nvcerini
Illustrium Vivorum Vita©. Florentiaa: In officina Laurentii
Torrentini Dvealis Typographi, 1551* This is Sir Thomas Heneage's
copy and has his autograph on the margin of the title page. Incidentally, this is a very rare autograph. Heneage was a great
favorite with Queen Elizabeth and a number of his letters are preserved in the British Museum and the Record Office. Amongst his
friends he counted Sir W. Pickering, Sir Philip Sidney, Sir
Christopher Hutton, the Earl of Essex, the Earl of Leicester and
Sir Tobie Mathes.
This copy contains the Impress of Giouanni Chiuchiera depicted in a woodcut. Th© English translation of Daniell, it will
248
j
be recalled, does not contain the woodcuts, but his description
of this one is quoted in order to compare it with a few lines
from Spenser.
And now at the last I will not conceale the Impresa of
Giouanni Chiuchiera, accompted a famous Knight in Warre,
although it maie (like vnto the former) moue the beholders
to laugh, which had depainted in his Banner, (to shew his
courage and skill in the exercise of light Horse) a fierce
V/olfe with a bloodie Lambe betv/eene his legges, turning his
head backe regarding two great Sheepheards Matiues, whereof
the one being nerest, looking also backe behinds him to
see if the other dogges came in to succour him, as fearing
to assaile so terrible an enemie: the mot added thereunto
was, Pauent oues, Timent canes, intrepidus maneo."2
Spenser's simile is applied to Una when she is released from "Lawless lust by wondrous grace."
As when a greedie V/olfe through hunger fell
A seely Lambe farre rom the flocke does take,
Of whom he meanes his bloudie feast to make,
A Lyon spyes fast running towards him,
The innocent pray in hast he does forsake,
Which quit from death yet quakes in euery lim
V/ith chaunge of feare, to see the Lyon looke so grim.85
The antiquity, the importance, the prevalence, and the significance (interpretation) of Emblem-writers can best be summed up
in Horapollo who,according to the authorities, was a distinguished
Greek grammarian of Phenebethis in Egypt, flourishing in the reign
of Theodosius, A.D. 408-50, and teaching first in Alexandria and
later in Constantinople.
The age in which he flourished is uncer-
tain, and of his translator from the Egyptian tongue into Greek
nothing is known beyond the name, Philippus. From the evidence of
barbarous words introduced, and other marks of corrupted Greek,
the translation is said to be of a comparatively late age, and
some even bring it down to the fifteenth century.
82
Q p . Oit,, H.ij.
85,
l.6.l0.5-9.
o?
Be that as it
249
may, the work enjoyed great popularity in Spenser's time, for
between the first Aldine edition in 1505 and that at Rome in 1599
there were at least eight editions. A separate French version
was issued in 1545, a Latin in 1544, an Italian in 1548, and a
German in 1554.^
Horapollo's interest, as is seen from the title of his
work, was in hieroglyphics. Green in discussing the definition
of hieroglyphics and its relationship to emblems recounts a discussion by Champollion who had passed a disparaging judgment on
Horapollo. Green quoting Champollion says:
He avers: 'The study of this author has given birth
only to vain theories, and the examination of th© Egyptian
inscriptions, book in hand, has produced only very feeble
results. V/ould not that prove that the greater part of
the symbols described and explained by Horapollo did not
exclusively make part of what we call hieroglyphic writing, and belonged primitively to some other system of representing thought?'
He then shows that the system is anaglyphic rather
than hieroglyphic,—not sacred characters or sculptures,
but allegorical representations, which abound on the
Egyptian buildings. He afterwards admits, hov/ever, that
he found on monuments information of many of the hieroglyphics of Horapollo,—indeed of a great part of those
which are figured in Leemans' edition.°5
The volume in question is Dr. Conrad Leeman's Prolegomena, Horapollinia Niloi Hieroglyphica, Amstelodami, 1855* Green concludes the
above with his idea of how the "emblem frame of mind" judges source a.
There is a copy of each one of these editions at the Newberry Library.
®5Henry Green, Whitney' Choice of Emblemes (London: Lovell,
Reeve & Co., 1866), p. 275*
250
An emblem writer is seldom very critical in judging
the sources of his devices, or their exact meaning; it
is sufficient for his purpose if they are currently received and understood; he adopts them because they are
known, and not because they are authoritative or authenticated expressions of human thought. 6
The statement might be advanced that Spenser was "seldom
very critical in judging the sources of his devices."
(What man
of the Renaissance v/as?) And it certainly might be alleged that
it was "sufficient for his purpose if they were currently received and understood."
The passages from The Faerie Queene
which have been cited, obviously display the Emblem-book characteristics. That these same characteristics are to be found in
many other passages not herein included can be easily demonstrated. A passage chosen at random, especially if it happens
to be one of those expanded metaphors of which both Spenser and
the Emblem writers were so fond, almost invariably reveals these
emblematical qualities. For example, Book I, Canto I:
Whose double gates he findeth locked fast,
The one faire fram'd of bumisht Yuory,
The other all v/ith siluer ouercast;
And wakefull dogges before them farre do lye,
Watching to banish Care their enimy,
V/ho oft is wont to trouble gentle Sleepe. '
This stanza needs only the woodcut depicting the double
gates (one presumably of ivory and the other of silver) with the
wakeful dogs lying in readiness before them, to make a perfect
emblem for any Emblem-book.
Or to choose another from the last
book:
'ibid., p. 274.
87
1.1.40.1-6.
251
Like as a water streame, whose swelling 80urse
Shall driue a Mill, within atrong bancks i8 pent,
And long reatrayned of his ready course;
So soone as passage is vnto him lent,
Breakes forth, and makes his way more violent. ®
The content of the woodcut is obvious, and the moral that
can be derived from the analogy is apparent.
'6.1.21.1-5.
CHAPTER IX
SUMMARY
That Emblem-books were wide-spread,1 composed by important and famous men,
held in high esteem by the theorizers,5
and with profound regard by the creative artists,^" has been
demonstrated in this study.
The prominence and erudition of the
Emblem writers has been insisted on throughout this study, not
only because of the resultant prestige which such prominence
necessarily brings to the genre itself, but also because there
must have been something deeper and more profound in Emblembooks than ia always apparent today, for them to have caught and
held the interest of these learned and renowned men. The fact
that they claimed the attention of the intelligentsia makea Spenser' s interest in and use of them both natural and warranted.
That thia attitude was typically Renaissance is illustrated by
the quarrel between V/alter Haddon and Jerome Osorio de Fonesca.
Osorio was a Portuguese priest whose letter to Queen Elizabeth exhorting her to return to the Communion of the Catholic
Church waa published in French and Latin.
Haddon at the direc-
tion of the government, wrote an answer, which was printed at
Dr. McManaway has just discovered through careful collation of the copies at the Folger, the fact that there were three
separate editions of Alciati's Emblem-books published in Paris
in the year 1554.
2
,
.
.
x
Theodore de Beza, Calvin's successor i s j u s t one among
many examples of the Emblem writers whose reputation was i n t e r national .
Puttenham's four cancelled leaves t e s t i f y to t h i s esteem.
Ben Jonson's c i t i n g the Emblem-books i s one i l l u s t r a t i o n .
252
255
Paris in I565. Dr. Haddon was a very prominent man. He had accompanied the Queen in August 1564, to Cambridge and determined
the questions in law in the disputations in that faculty held in
her presence. He had likewise succeeded Owen Oglethorpe as President of Magdalen College, Oxford, though the fellows had petitioned in vain to retain and later to have him reinstated.
Haddon was also employed with Viscount Montacute and Dr. Nicholas
Wotton, in negotiating for the restoration of the ancient commercial relations between England and the Netherlands. Osorio's
epistle to Elizabeth had been translated by one Richard Shacklock,
who seems to have been both prominent and well educated. He was
a fellow at Trinity College, Cambridge, 1559, after having received his M.A. there. And we are told he removed to Louvain,
because of his devotion to the Catholic Faith. At the end of his
translation of Osorio's epistle, which is entitled A Pearle for
a Prince, is a letter to Haddon in v/hich he warns him against
further arguments against Osorio. Shacklock also v/arns him that
the wrath of God will descend upon him and says:
And that you may be the more afeared to abuse your hand
in writyng against Osorius, or any other Catholike, turn the
boke name Symbola heroica, heroicall dauyses, wherein amoing
(sic) many pictures you shal finde a shaking hand, with a
pen leapyng oute of it, & this posye wryten ouer it. Vlterius ne tende odijs. Let this be in paynted tabled euer before your eyes, let this be your heroicall deuyse and I
thrust it shal feare you from the lyke vyce. Which, I pray
God, you neuer commit agayn, . . . . and may you have God's
grace to repent of v/hat you have already done'.5
The significant feature about this communication is the
5(Antwerp, 1565), f. 79V. The letter is dated "Antwerp,
27 March to M. Doctor (Walter) Haddon."
254
citing of the Heroicall Devices as the motivating argument.
In
an age when a reference to a literary composition or a political
treatise might have been expected or even more likely a scriptural reference, it is the Emblem-book and not any of these which
Shacklock feels will drive home his point.
That Spenser knew this genre and composed it it in his
early career has been an accepted fact since his own day.
As
was noted, Francis Thynne, writing in the year 1600, calls him
an Emblem writer.
This appellation was extended to him down
through the centuries from Warton to Praz.
That his minor poems
contained much emblematical material is established in Volume I
of this present study,
Spenser'a interest in and use of Emblem writers and their
methods continued further during the composition of The Faerie
Queene.
Thia, it is to be hoped, has been revealed by the exam-
ination of parallel passages from the Emblem v/riters cited in
conjunction with passages from The Faerie Queene, in this investigation. This conclusion is justified, however, not from any
individual citation, but by an accumulative view of the entire
field.
It is clear that any of Spenser's passages may have had
its origin in a work other than an Emblem-book, (Cf. "Commentary"
in Variorum), or in the overwhelming supply of emblematic material which surrounded the man of the Renaissance in his painting,
sculpture, architecture, gardens, furniture, clothes, entertain-
6-For Haddon-Osorio quarrel see DNB.
255
ments and employments.'
And aa Professor Greenlaw points out that while not a
single element in Spenser's story is original with him, the one
point that commentators have missed is that the total effect is
profoundly original.
3penser here, as so many times elsewhere in his work
has created a new myth. It is not a literary mosaic, like
so many Elizabethan sonnets, composed merely of elements
taken from this source and that, or like the conventional
and bizarre combinations that we are familiar with in the
metrical romances. V/hat has happened is that Spenser has
drawn upon his experience in reading to construct a new
tale, profoundly original in its total effect, in which
this experience is transposed into a new spiritual reality.8
'A very good resume of this side of Elizabethan England
can be found in the account of the Landgrave of Hessen's reception of her Majesty's Ambassador cited in the appendix.
Q
Edwin A. Greenlaw, The Province of Literary History
(Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1951), P« H 6 .
The material quoted in the appendix is arranged in the
following manner. The title page from the book is given first,
then follows the page number of the quotation, after which a
description of the woodcut is given. This is followed by a quotation of the entire stanza in ita original language. Where
the book has been translated and some changes have been made in
the content, the translation is given v/ith a notation of th©
edition from which it is taken. V/hitney is given first because
of his relative importance to the study. Alciati comes next
and the others are arranged in order. Some relevant material
to which reference has been made in the body of the study, is
placed at the end of the appendix. The numbers which follow
the quoted Btanzas are the suggested parallels and refer to
Book, Canto, Stanza, and Line in The Faerie Queene. A check
list of Emblem writers is included. The author's last name,
place of publication, and date are given for the Folger Library.
The last name, the first word of the title, and date are given
for the Huntington Library. This arrangement is used since
both collections contain so many duplicate copies.
257
Geoffrey Whitney, A Choice of Emblemes, Leyden: Plantyn, 1576.
(Probably the only English book from the Plantyn press)
p.6.
(Woodcut of horses dashing chariot to pieces.)
The waggoner, behoulde, is hedlonge throwen,
And all in vaine doth take the raine in hande,
If he be dwrawen by horses fierce vnknowen,
Whose stomacks stowte, no taming vnderstande,
They praunce, and jerke, and out of order flinge,
Till all they breaks, and vnto hauocke brings.
That man, whoe hath affections fowle vntam'de,
And forwards runnes neglecting reasons race,
Deferues by right, of all men to bee blam'de,
And headlong© falles at lengthe to his deface,
Then bridle will, and reason make thy guide.
So maiste thow stands, when others doune doe slid©.
5.8.28-42.
p.8.
(Woodcut of Isis entering city standing on back of ass with
palm in outstretched hand, people in adoring attibude in front.)
The pastors good, that doe gladd tidinges preache,
The godlie forte, with reuerence to embrace:
Though they be men, yet since Godds worde they teache,
Wee honor them, and giu© them higheste place,
Imbassadors of princes of the earths,
Haue royall Seates, thoughe base they are by birth©.
Yet, if throwghe pride they doe them selues forgett,
And make accompte that honor, to be theires:
And doe not marke with in whose place they fett,
Let them behowlde the asse, that ISIS beares,
Whoe thowghte the men to honor him, did kneele,
And staied therefore, till he th© staffs did feele.
For, as he pass'd with ISIS through© the streets,
And bare on backe, his holie rites about,
Th'Eagyptians downe fell prostrate at his feete,
Whereat, the Asse, grew© arrogante and stowte,
Then saide the guide: oh foole not vnto thee.
Theise people bowe, but vnto that they see?
258
p.11.
Whitney
(Woodcut of a ship in a storm.)
The gallante Shipp, that cutts the azure furge,
And hathe both tide, and wisshed windes, at will:
Her tackle sure, with shotte her foes to vrg©,
With Captaines bould©, and marriners of skill,
With streamers, flagges, topgallantes, pendantesbraue,
When Seas do rage, is swallowed in the waue.
The snowe, that fallss vppon the mountaines great©,
Though on the Alpes, which seeme the olowdes to reach©.
Can not indure the fore© of Phoebus heate,
But wastes awaie, Experience doth vs teach©:
V/hich warneth all, on Fortunes wheele that clime
To bear© in mind© how they haue but a time.
Pasibus ambiguis fortuna volubilis errat,
Et manet in nullo certa, tenaxq loco.
Sed modo Laeta manet, vultus modo fumit acerobos
Et tantum constans in leuitate sua est.
2.12.32,7.
1.5.18.4.
p.12.
(Woodcut of b a r r e l f u l l of holes from each of which issues
stream of water.)
The Poettes faine, t h a t DANAVS daughters dear©,
Inioyned are t o f i l l the f a t a l l tonne:
Where, thowghe they t o i l s , yet are they not the neare.
But as they powr©, th© water forthe doth© runner
No pains w i l l ferue, to f i l l i t to the toppe,
For, s t i l l a t holes the fame doth runne, and droppe.
Which reprehendes, three fortes of wretches vain©,
The blabbe, t h ' i n g r a t e , and those t h a t couet s t i l l ,
As f i r s t the blabbe, no s e c r e t t s can r e t a i n s .
Th'ingrate, not knowes to vfe h i s frendes good w i l l .
The couetous man, thowghe h© abounde with store
Is not s u f f i s ' d e , but couetts more and more.
1.5.35.9.
259
p. 15.
Whitney
(Woodcut of two figures in air shooting children of Niobe with
arrows. Niobe drenched in tears looks on.)
Of Niobe, behoulde the ruthefull plighte,
Bicause shee did dispise the powers deuine:
Her children all, weare slaine within her sights,
And, while her selfe with trickling© teares did pine,
Shee was transform'de, into a marble stone,
Which, yet with teares, doth© seeme to waile, and mono.
This tragedie, though© Poetts first did frame,
Yet maie it be©, to ©uerie one applide:
That mortall men, shoulde think© from whence they came,
And not presume, nor puffe them vp with pride,
Lette that the Lorde, whoe haughty hartes doth hate,
Doth throw© them downs, when fur© they thinks theyr.
Est© procul leti, cernant finiera tristes;
Non similis toto meror in orbe fuit.
Bis septem natos peperi, bis pignora sepiem:
Me miseramJ Diuum sistulit ira mihi.
Dirigui demum lacrymis & marmora manant.
Sic mihi mors dolor est, sic mihi vita, dolor.
Discite, mortales, quid fit turgescere fastu,
Et quid fit magnos posthabuiss© Deos.
4.7.30.8.
5.10.7.8.
p.16.
(Woodcut of H e r c u l e s i n l i o n skin w i t h c l u b i n hand being
a t t a c k e d by P i g m i e s . )
While, H e r c v l e s , w i t h m i g h t i e clubbe i n hande
I n Lyons skinn© did sleep©, and t a k e h i s e a s e :
About him s t r a i g h t s approch'de t h e Pigmeis bande,
And for t o k i l l t h i s conquerour a a s s a i e s ,
But foolish© dwarffes? t h e i r e f o r c e was a l l t o small©,
For when he w a k ' d e , l i k e g n a t t e s he© c r u s h ' d them a l l .
This warneth v s , t h a t n o t h i n g s p a s t e our strength©
Wee shoulde attempt©: nor ani© worke pretend©,
Abou© our power: l e f t t h a t v/ith shame a t length©
Wee weakelinges prooue, and faint© before t h e end©.
Th© por©, t h a t stiu© with m i g h t i e , t h i s doth blame:
And s o t t e s , t h a t seek© t h e learned t o defame.
260
Whitney
Turpe est quod nequeas capiti submittere pondus,
Et prsssum inflexo mox dare terga genu.
o.i.^.y.
5.10.11,3.
5.5.24.5-7.
5.8.2.5.
7.7.36.7.
p. 18.
(Woodcut of donkey is not pertinent,
cant.)
Th© stanza is signifi
Report©, did rings th© snow© did hid© the hilles,
And valleys lows, there with alofte did rife:
Which newes, with dowte th© hartes of manie filles,
And Cowardes made, for feare at home to fries©:
But those that went, the truthe hereof to knows,
When that they came, might safelie passe the snow©.
For whie, the Sonne did make the fame to wast©,
And all about, discouered had th© grounde:
So, thoughe ofte times the simple be© agaste,
When that reportes, of this, or that, doe sound©,
Yet if they first©, would© seeke the truthe to knov/e,
They ofte shoulde finde, the matber nothing soe,
Mobilitat© viget, viresq- acquirit eundo,
Parua metu primo, mox ses© attollit in auras, &c.
llocte dieq patet: tota est ex are fonanti,
Tata fremis, vocesq, refert, iteratqu© quodaudit, &.
'
2.1.8.9.
' 2.1.9.1.
2.3.8,7,
p.23.
(Woodcut of sheaf of wheat.)
When autumn© ripes, the frutefull fieldes of grain©,
And Ceres doth in all her pompe appeare,
The heauie ear©, doth break© the stalk© in twain©,
Wherebie we© se©, this by experience cleare:
Hir owne excess©, did cause her proper spoils,
And made her corn©, to rotte vppon the soil©.
261
Whitney
So© worldlie wealth©, and great aboundaunce, marres:
The sharpenes of our sences, and our wittes,
And oftentimes, our vnderstanding barres,
And dullss th© fame, with manie carefull fittes:
Then sine© Excess© procures our spoile and pain©,
The mean© preferre, befor© immoderate gaine.
. . . . . nee t© iucunda front© fefellit
Luxuries predulce malum, qua dedita semper
Corporie arbitriis, hebetat caligin© sensu
Membraq Circeis effeminat acrius herbis.
3.1.51.3.
2.11.9.9.
p.27.
(Woodcut of net of fowles portrayed.)
Whil© nettes were fette, the simple fowles to take,
Who© kepte theire cours© aloft©, and would© not light©,
A tamed ducke, her hoame did straighte forsake,
And flew© aloft©, with other duokes in flight©,
They dowting© not, her traiterous harte at all,
Did flie with her, and down© with her did fall.
By this is mente, all such© as doe betraie,
Their© kindred neare, that doe on them depende,
And ofte doe make, the innocent a praie,
By subtill sleights, to them that seek© theire end©
Yea vnto those, they shoulde moste frendship show©,
They lie in waite, to work© their© ouerthrow©.
Perfide cognato s© sanguine polluit ales,
Officiosa aliis, exitiosa suia.
3.1.54.9.
5.9.13.1-4.
6.9.23.5.
(in addition to these references, a net is mentioned 17 times.)
* p.29.
( Woodcut of "Ringdoue" in nest while wind blows on bare
branches.)
262
Whitney
When Boreas could©, doth© bare both busshe, and tree,
Before th© Spring©, th© Ringdou© makes her nest©:
And that her yong© both sost©, and warm©, might© bee,
Shee pulles her plumes, bothe from her back©, and brest©:
And while shee stryues, her brood© for to preserue,
Ofte times for ooulde, the tender damme doth sterue.
Medea now©, and Progne, blusshe for sham©:
By whom©, are ment yow dames of cruell kind©
Whose infantes yonge, vnto your endless© blame,
For mothers dears, do tyrauntes of yow find©:
Oh serpontes seed© (?), each bird©, and sauag© brut©,
Will thos© condempne, that tender not theire frute.
1.2.33.7.
5.11.58.7.
p.30.
(Woodcut of a lady seated on a casket p u l l i n g out l a r g e
q u a n t i t i e s of h e r h a i r . )
What d o l e f u l l dam© i s t h i s i n g r e a t e d i s p a i r e ?
This prowes i s , whoe mournes on A I A X Toombe:
What i s th© c a u s e , she© r e n t e s her goulden h a i r e ?
Wrong© sentence p a s t e by AGAMEMNONS doombe:
But how©? d e c l a r e , VALISSES f i l e d tonge,
Allur'd© th© iudge, t o giu© a iudgement wrong©.
For when, t h a t dead ACHYLLIS was i n g r a u e ,
For v a l i a n t © hart©, did AIAX winne t h e fame:
Whereby, he olam'de ACHYLLIS armes t o h a u e ,
VLISSES y e t , was honored with t h e fame:
His s u t t l e speeche, the iudges did p r e f e r r e ,
And AIAX wrong'd© th© one l i e man of w a r r e .
Wherefore, t h e Knighte i m p a t i e n t of t h e fame,
Did loose h i s w i t t e s , and a f t e r wrought© h i s end©:
Loe, h e a r s t h e cause t h a t moou'de t h i s sacred dam©,
On AIAX toombe, with g r i e f s her time too spend©:
Which warneth v s , and thos© t h a t a f t e r l i u e ,
To b e a r e them r i g h t © , when iudgement they do g i u e .
1.9.35.
265
p. 32.
(Woodcut of "wicked wretch" not pertinent.
has analogy to Spenser.)
Thought of vers©
Th© wicked wretch©, that mischief© late hath wrought©,
By murther, thefte, or other heynous crimes,
With troubled minde, hee dowtes hee shalb© caught©,
And leaues th© waie, and ouer hedges climes:
And standes in feare, of euerie busshe, and brake,
Yea oftentimes, his shaddowe makes him quake.
A conscience clear©, is like a wall of brass©,
That doth© not shake, with euerie shotte that hittes:
Eauen so© there by, our liues we© quiet passe,
When guiltie mindes, are rack'd© with fearfull fittes:
Then keep© the© pure, and soils thae not with sinne,
For after guilte, thine inward© greies beginn©.
Conscius ipso sibi de s© putat omnia dici.
Conscia mens vt cuiqu© sua est, ita concipit intra
Pectora, pro facto spemq, metumq, suo.
1.7.44.8.
p.33
(Woodcut of Medea s t a b b i n g her c h i l d . )
Medea loe w i t h i n f a n t e i n her arm©,
Who© k i l ' d © her b a b e s , she© shoulde haue loued best©:
Th© swallows y e t , who© did suspect no harm©,
Hir Image l i k e s , and h a t c h ' d vppon her brest©:
And left© her younge, vnto t h i s t i r a u n t e s g u i d e ,
Who©, peecemeale did her proper f r u i t e deuid©.
Oh f o o l i s h e b i r d e , t h i n k ' s t e thow, she© w i l l hau© c a r e ,
Vppon thy yonge? Who© hath© her own© d e s t r o y ' d e ,
And maie i t be©, t h a t she© thi© b i r d e s should spare?
Who© s l u e her owne, i n whome shee shoulde hau© i o y ' d
Thow art© d e c e a u ' d e , and a r t e a warnings good,
To put no t r u s t s , in them t h a t h a t e t h e i r e b l o o d .
Medea© s t a t u a e s t : n a t o s cui c r e d i s Hirundo?
Fer a l i o : videm hee mactet v t i p s a suoa?
2.12.45.6.
264
Whitney
p.34.
(Woodcut of pine t r e e with gourd.)
The f r u i t f u l l gourde, was neighbour© t o th© Pine,
And lowe a t f i r s t © , abowt her root© did spread,
But y e t , with dewes, and s i l u e r droppes in fin©,
I t mounted v p , and almost© towch'de t h e head:
And w i t h her f r u i t © , and leaues on e u e r i e s i d e ,
Imbras'd© th© t r e e , and did t h e same d e r i d e .
To whome, t h e Pine w i t h longe Experience w i s e ,
And o f t e had seene, suche peacockes loose t h e i r e plumes,
Thus aunswer© made, thow o w g h t ' s t not t o d e s p i s e ,
My stock© a t a l l , oh f o o l e , thow much presumes:
In could©, and h e a t e , here longe h a t h bene my happ©,
Yet am I sounde, and f u l l of l i u e l i e sappe.
But when t h e f r o s t e , and c o u l d e , s h a l l t h e e a s s a i e ,
Thowghe now© a l o s t e , thow b r a g g e , and f r e s h l i e bloome,
Yet, then t h i e r o o t e , s h a l l r o t t e , and fade awaie,
And s h o r t l i e , none s h a l l know© where was thy room©
Thy f r u i t © , and l e a u e s , t h a t now© so high© a s p i r e
Tli© p a s s e r s by, s h a l l tread© w i t h i n th© m i r e .
5.10.20.7.
p.35.
(Woodcut of man, hounds and beaver.)
The Beauer slowe, that present daunger feares,
And sees a farre, the eager howndes to haste,
With grinding© teethe, his stoanes awaie he teares,
And throwes them down©, to those that haue him chaste:
Which being© found©, the hunter doth© retire,
For that he hath, the fruite of his desire.
Theise, soueraigne are diseases for to heale,
And for mannes healths, from countries farre are brought©,
And if herein, the writers do© not failes,
This beaste doth knowe, that he therefor© is sought©:
And afterward©, if anie do© him course,
He shewes his want©, to moou© them to remorse.
265
p.56.
Whitney
*
(Woodcut of a dog biting a stone.)
The angri© dogge doth turn© vnto th© stone,
Whan it is caste, and bytes the same for ire,
And not pursues, the same that hathe it thrown©,
But with the same, fulfilleth his desire:
Euen so, theyr are that doe both fight©, and brail,
With guiltless© men, when wrath© dothe them inflame,
And mortall foes, they deale not with at all,
But let them passe, to their© rebuke, and shame:
And in a rage, on innocentes do ronne,
And turn© from them, that all the wrong© haue donn©.
Sic plerique sinunt veros elabier hostes,
Et quos nulla grauat noxia, dente petunt.
4.8.36.6.
p.40.
(Woodcut of Hercules between Virtue and Vic©.)
When Hercvles, was dowtfull of his waie,
Inclosed rounde, with vertue, and with vice:
V/ith reasons firste, did vertue him assaie,
The other, did with pleasures him entice:
They longe did striue, before he could be wonne,
Till at the length©, Alcides thus begonne.
Oh pleasure, thoughe thie wai© bee smooth©, and faire,
And sweete delightes in all thy court©s abound©:
Yet can I hear©, of none that hau© bene there,
That after life, with fame haue bene renoum'de:
For honor hates, with pleasure to remaine,
Then hould© thy peace, thow wastes thi© winde in vain©.
But heare, I yeelde oh vertue to thie will,
And vowe my selfe, all labour to indur©,
For to ascend© the steepe, and craggie hill,
The toppe whereof, who© so attaines, is sur©
For his reward©, to hau© a crown© of fame
Thus Hercvles, obey'd this sacred dame.
1.7.17.2.
2.5.31.4,
3.12.7.6.
4.1.23.5.
5.8.31.4.
5.10.11.3
266
6.12.32.2.
3.3.1,8.
4.11.51.7.
Whitney
p.43.
(V/oodcut of man kneeling with hands upraised to stars.)
By vertue hidde, behoulde, the Iron hard©,
Th© loadestone drawes, to poynte vnto the starre:
Whereby, wee knows the Seaman keepes his card©.
And rightlie shapes, his oourse to countries farre:
And on the pole, dothe euer keep© his eie,
And withe the same, his compass© makes agree.
Which shewes to vs, our inward vertues shoulde,
Still draw© our hartes, although© th© iron weare:
The hauenlie starre, at all times to behoulde,
To shape our sours©, so right while woe be© hear©:
That Scylla, and Charybdis, wee maie miss©,
And winne at lengthe, th© port© of endlesse bliss©.
Conscia mens recti fame mendacia ridet.
Sufficit & longum probitas perdurat in auum,
Perq, suos annos hinc bene pendet amor.
1.2.1.2.
2.7.1.6.
3.2.7.7.
6.12.1.7.
p.44.
(Woodcut of lion and dog.)
The Lyon fierce, behoulde doth rente his praie,
The dogge lookes backes, in hope to hau© a share,
And lick'd his lippes, and longe therefor© did stale,
But all in vaine, the Lion none could© spar©:
And yet the slight©, with hope the dogg© did feede,
A g if he had, somme parte there of in deed©.
This reprehendes, the soones, or greedie frendes,
That longe do hope, for deathe of aged Sires:
And on theire goodes, doe feed© before theire endes,
For death© oft© times, doth frustrate their© desires:
And takes awaie, the yonge before the oulde,
Let greedie heires, this looking glasse behoulde.
267
Whitney
Filius ant© diem patrios inquirit in annos:
Vita iacet pietas, &.
1.1.17.2.
(Spenser uses the figure of a lion ("fierce") 46 times and
that of a dog 26 times.)
p.45.
(Woodcut of commander with shield on which is engraved a lion
in one hand; in th© other is a sword.)
Th© crewell kinges, that are inflam'de with ire:
V/ith fier, and sword©, their© furious mindes suffise:
Andofte to show©, what chiefelie they desire,
Within their© sheildes, they dreadefull shapes deuise,
Some Griphins feirce, some ramping Lions beare,
Some Tygers fell, or Dragons like to wear©.
All which bewray©, their© inward© bloodi© thought©,
Suche one, behoulde, kinge Agamemnon was:
Who had in shielde, a ramping Lion wroughte
And ©k© this vers©, was grauen in the brass©:
Mannes terror this, to fear© them that behoulde:
Which shield© is born©, by Agamemnon boulde.
Dum furor in curse est, currenti cede furoris
Difficiles adieus impetus omnis habet.
3.1.4.4-9.
3.3.60.8-9.
1.6.7.4.
p.46.
(Woodcut of woman with skulls strewn on ground.)
An aged dame, in reuerence of th© dead,
Vfith care did place, the sculles of men she© found©,
Vppon an hill, as in a sacred bed,
But as shee toil'de, she© stumbled to the ground©:
Whereat, down© fell th© heades within her lappe,
And here, and there, they ranne abowt the hill
V/ith that, quoth she©, no maruaile is this happs,
Sine© men aliue, in myndes do differ still:
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And like as theise, in sunder down© do fall,
So varried they, in their opinions all.
Mill© hominum species, & rerum discolor vsus.
Veil© suum cuiqu© ©st, nee voto viuitur vno,
Mercibus hie Italis, mutat sub sole recenti
Rugosum piper, & pallentis grana cumini:
Hie satur irriguo mauult turgescer© somno
Hie campo indulget, hunc alea decoquit &c.
1.4.36.8-9.
2.1.42.6.
p.67.
(V/oodcut of young man who is clinging to a tree.
riding an eagle in the clouds.)
Jove is
Both© fresh©, and greene, the Laurell standeth found©,
Thoughe lightninges flassh©, and thunderboltes do flie:
Where, other trees are blasted to the ground©,
Yet, not one leafe of it, is withered drie:
Euen so, the man that hath© a conscience clear©,
When wicked men, doe quake at euerie blast©,
Doth constant stand©, and doth© no perilies fear©,
V/hen tempestes rage, do© make the worlde agaste:
Suche men are like vnto the Laurell tree,
The others, like the blasted boughes that die. Integer vita, scelerisq purns
Hon eget Mauri iaculis nee arcu,
Nee venenatis grauida sagittis,
Fusee pharetra
Sin© per Syrtes iter astuosas
Sin© facturus per inhospitalens
Caucasum, vel qua loca fabulosus
Lambit Hydaspes.
1.12.5-6.
2.3.38.9.
1.1.9.1.
p.71.
(Woodcut of two fishermen letting down their nets into the
sea.)
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Whitney
The fissherman, doth caste his nettes in sea,
In hope at lengthe, an happi© hale to haue,
And is content, longe time to pause, and stale,
Thoughe, nothing© elles hee see, besides the wau©:
Yet, onelie trust for thinges vnseene dothe ferua,
Which feedes him ofte, till he doth almoste sterue.
If fisshermen, hau© then suche constant hope,
For hidden thinges, and such as doe decaie,
Let Christians then, the eies of faith© hould© op©,
And think© not longe, for that which lastes for aie,
And on Cod's worde, theire hop© to anchor fast©,
Whereof ©ache iote, shalbee fulfil'de at laste.
Non bou© matato coelestia mrniina gaudent,
Sed, que praestanda est & fine teste, fide.
5.9.11.5-6.
p.74.
(Woodcut of Tantalus punished in Hades by being placed in a
pool, his chin level with the water which flows away when h©
attempts to drink it.)
Heare Tantalvs, as Poettes do© deuine,
This guerdon hathe, for his offence in hells
The pleasante fruite, dothe to his lipp© decline,
A riuer faire vnto his chinne doth swell:
Yet, twixt these two, for food© th© wretch© do th© sterue,
For bothe doe flee, when they his neede shoulde serue.
The couetous man, this fable reprehendes,
For chaunge his nam© and Tantalvs hee is,
Hee doth© abound©, yet sterues end nothing spendes,
But keepes his goulde, as if it wear© not his:
V/ith slender fare, he doth his hunger feed©,
And dare not touche his store, when he doth need©.
Tantalus a labris sitiens fugientia captat
Flumina, quid rides: mutato nomine de te
Fabula narratur, congestis vndique saccis
Indormis inhians: & tanquam parcer© sacris
Congeris &
1, b , OU , b ,
2.7.57-60.
270
Whitney
p.76.
(Woodcut of two warriors sheathing swords and joining hands,
entitled "Coneordia".)
Of kinges, and princes greate, loe, Concorde ioynes th© handes:
And knittes their© subiectes hartes in one, and wealthi© make
theire Lands,
It bloodi© broiles dothe hat©, and Enuie doun© dothe thrust©,
And makes th© Souldiour learn© to plowgh©, and let his armour
rust©.
4.10.32-33.
p.83.
(V/oodcut of Paris surrounded by goddesses.)
To Paris, here the Goddesses doe pleade:
V/ith kingdomes large, did Ivno make her sute,
And Pallas nexte, with wisedome him assaide,
But Venvs faire, did winne the goulden fruit©.
No princelie giftes, nor wisedome he did v/ey,
For Bewtie, did comaunde him to obey*
Th© worldlie man, whose sight© is alwaies dimme,
Whose fancie fonde ©ache pleasure doth entice,
Th© shaddowes, are like substance vnto him,
And toyes more dears, them thinges of greatest price:
But yet th© wise this iudgement rashe deride,
And sentence giue on prudent Pallas side.
Regna Iouis coniux; virtutem filia iactat.
Et postea ibidem.
Dulce Venus risit, nee te Paris munera tangunt,
Vtraque suspensi plena timoris, ait.
2.7.55.7.
4.1.22.4-6.
6.9.36.7-9.
p. 94.
(V/oodcut of Envy, hideous hag with bared breast, chewing on
snake.)
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Whitney
What hideous hagge with visage stern© appeares?
Whose feeble limmes, can scarce the bodie stales
Whis, Enuie is: leane, pale, and full of yeares,
Who with the blisse of other pines awaie.
And what declares, her eating vipers broode?
That poysoned thoughtes, be© euermore her food©.
What meanes her eies? so bleared, fore, and redd:
Her mourning© still, to se© an others gain©.
And what is mente by snakes vpon her head?
The fruit© that springes, of such a venomed braine.
But while, her hart© shee rentes within her brest?
It shewes her selfe, doth worke her owne vnrest.
Vfhie lookes shee wronge? bicause shee woulde not see,
And happie wight, which is to her a bell:
V/hat other partes within this furie bee?
Her harte, with gall: her tonge, with stinges doth swell.
And laste of all, her staffe with prickes aboundes:
Which showes her wordes, wherewith the good shee woundes.
Fertilior seges est alienis semper in agris,
Vicinumq pecus grandius yber habet.
1.4.30-32.
5.12,30.5-9.
5.12.39.
p.98.
(V/oodcut of man stamping on "doclces".)
The dockes (though© troden) growe, as it is daili© sesne:
So vertue, thoughe it longe bo© hid, with wounding© waxeth green©.
1.1.12.9.
p.100.
(V/oodcut depicts man drawing picture on what is a table held for
him by another man. In th© background is a barking dog, th©
head of a bull showing the horns, and a man running off carrying some long package aloft.)
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Whitney
The
The
Th©
The
lions roar©: th© Bores their© tuskes do whet.
Griphins graspe their© tallantes in their© ire:
dogges do bark©; th© bulles, with homes doe thret.
Serpentes hiss©, with eyes as redd© as fir©.
But man is made, of suche a seem©lie shape,
That frende, or foe, is not discem's by face:
Then harde it is the wickeds wiles to scape,
Sine© that th© bad, doe maske with honest grace.
And
And
And
And
Hypocrites, hau© Godlie wordes at will.
rauening wolues, in skinnes of lambes doe lurk©;
CAIN doth seeke, his brother for to kill,
sainctes in shew©, with IVDAS hartes doe worke.
Howe, since the good no cognizance do© bear©,
To teach© us, whom© wee chieflie should imbrace:
But that the same th© wicked sort© do© wear©,
And shew© them selues, like them in eueri© case.
A table lo, herein to you I send©,
Whereby you might remember still to write,
His wordes, and deedes, that beares the face of frende,
Before you choose, suche one for your delite.
And if at length©, yow try© him by his tuch©,
And find© him hauIt, whereby you stand in doubt,
Wo harte, nor hand, see that you ioyne with suche
But at the first, bee bould to rase him out.
Yet if by proofe, my wordes, and deedos agree,
Then let me still within your tables bee.
1.1.Arg.
1.6.44,4.
4.4.29.8.
2.11.8.4.
p.107.
(No woodcut.)
In praise of the Right© Honorable my good Lord©, and
Maister, the Earl© of Loycester.
He© that desires to passe the surging Seas,
Because they are so wonderfull to see,
And without skill, doth venture wheare hee pleas©,
While that th© waues both cauhne, and quiet bee,
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Whitney
Wear© better farre, to keep© him on th© land©,
Then for to take such enterprise in hande.
For, if hee lacke his compasse, and his card©,
And arte therfore, to shape his course aright©:
Or pylottes good, that daungers may regarde,
When surge doth swell, and windes do© show© their might©,
Doth perill life, through© wanton wreckles will,
And doth to lat© lament© his lack© of skill.
So, he© that shoulde with will, bee stirr'd to wryte,
Your noble actes, your ^iftes and vertues rare:
If PALLAS ayde he© lacke, for to indite,
He© should but haste his follie to declare.
And wronge your rights, deserninge VIRGIL'S penne;
And HOMERS skill, if they weare here agayne.
Then, best for such to take a longer pause,
Then to attempte a thing© so farre unfitte:
For, they may knowe to write of suoh a cause,
Beseemeth best, the fine, and rarest witte.
Yet those that would©, I wish© their learning© sutche,
That as they shoulde, they mighte your vertues tutche,
2,7,1.6.
3.2.7.7.
6.12.1.7.
p. 107
(No woodcut. )
An other of th© same.
Since fame i s wight© of winge, and through© eche clymate f l i e s ,
And woorthy a c t e s of noble p e e r e s , doth r a i s e unto t h e s k i e s .
And s i n c e shee hathe e x t o l l ' d your p r a i s e s longe agoe.
That other c o u n t r i e s farr©, and n e a r e , your noble nam© do© know©.
Althoughe I houlde my peace, through© want© of learned s k i l l ,
Yet s h a l l your passing© fame bee known©, and bee renowned s t i l l .
And t h o s e t h a t haue d e s i r e , uppon your p r a i s e t o look©,
May find© i t t r u l y pen'd by fame, w i t h i n her goulden book©.
Where, on t h e formost f r o n t e of honours h a u t i e stag©,
Shee p l a c e t h you, in equall room©, with anie of your a g e .
Wherfore t o fame I y e e l d , and cease what I begonne:
Because, i t i s in v a i n e , t o s e t a c a n d e l l i n the Sonne.
1.10.59.5.
1.7.46.2.
274
p.108.
Whitney
(Woodcut of Janus with two h e a d s . )
The former p a r t e , nowe p a s t e , of t h i s my booke,
The seconde p a r t e in order doth i n s u e :
V/hich, I beginn© with IAJTUS double looke,
That as hee s e e s , t h e y e a r e s both oulde, and new©,
So, with regard©, I may t h e s e p a r t e s behoulde,
Perusing© oft©, t h e news, and eeke t h e o u l d e .
And i f , t h a t f a u l t s w i t h i n us do© appear©,
Within t h e y e a r e , t h a t i s a l r e a d i e donne,
As IANUS biddes us a l t e r with t h e y e a r e ,
And make amendes, w i t h i n t h e yeare begonne,
Euen s o , my self© suruayghinge v/hat i s p a s t ;
With g r e a t e r heede, may t a k e in hand© t h e l a s t © .
This Image had h i s r i t e s , and temple fair©,
And c a l l ' d t h e GOD of w a r r e , and peace, bicaus©
In w a r r e s , hee warn'de of peace n o t t o dispair©:
And warn'de i n peace, t o p r a c t i s e m a r t i a l l lawes:
And furthermore, h i s lookes did t e a c h e t h i s somme;
To bear© i n mind©, time p a s t , and time t o comme.
4.10.12.5.
p.lll.
(Woodcut of a hand holding a sword w i t h i n a f l a m e . )
This hande, and sword©, w i t h i n t h e furious flam©,
Doth shew© h i s h a r t e , t h a t sought PORSENNAS ©nde:
Whose c o u n t r i e s good, and eeke p e r p e t u a l l fame,
Before h i s l i f e did Scaevola commend©:
No pain©, had power h i s courage highe t o quail©,
But bouldli© spake, when fir© did him a s s a i l © .
V/hich sight©, a b a s h ' d t h e lookers on, b u t most©
Amaz'de the k i n g e ; who pardoned s t r a i g h t e t h e knight!
And ceasd t h e s i e g e , and did remooue h i s h o s t e ,
When t h a t hee sawe on© man so muche of might©:
Oh nobl© mind©, a l t h o u g h t e thy daies bee p a s t e ;
Thy fame doth H u e , and ©eke, for ay© s h a l l l a s t © .
2.3.16,5.
275
Whitney
p.115.
(Woodcut of mailed hand holding s t a f f with four wreaths on i t . )
Marc Sergius now©, I maye recorde by r i g h t © ,
A Roman© b o u l d e , whome foes coulde n o t dismaye:
G a i n s t e HANNIBAL he© often shewde h i s mighte,
Whose right© hande l o s t e , h i s left© hee did assay©
U n t i l l a t length© an i r o n hand© h©e p r o o u ' d :
And a f t e r t h a t CREMCETA s i e g e remoou'd.
Then, did defend© PLACE^TIA i n d i s t r e s s e ,
And wanne twelue h o u l d e s , by d i n t e of sword© i n France,
V/hat triumphes g r e a t ? were made for h i s success©,
Unto v/hat s t a t e did f o r t u n e him aduance?
V/hat speares? What crounes? v/hat garlandes hee p o s s e s t ;
The honours due for them, t h a t did t h e best©.
1.5.49.7.
p.116.
(Woodcut of l i o n s t a n d i n g on i t s hind legs holding a l o f t a
sword with i t s two f r o n t paws.)
When PCMPEY g r e a t , v/ith fortune long© was b l e s t © ,
And did subdue h i s f o e s , by land©, and s e a ,
And conquestes g r e a t obtained i n the East©,
And PAR THI A1IS, and ARABIANS, made obaye,
And s e a s , and l i e s , did in s u b i e c t i o n b r i n g e ,
Whose nam© with f e a r e , did throughe ItlDEA ring©.
And had r e s t o r d e kinge MASINISSAS r i g h t © ,
And ouercam© SEPTCRIUS with h i s power:
And mad© th© Kinge of PONTUS know© h i s m i g h t e .
Yet, a t t h e length©, hee had h i s hapless© hower:
For ouercome by CAESAR, f l e d for aid©,
To AEGYPTE land©; wherein hee was b e t r a i d .
Within whose t i m e , t h i s forme abou© was wrought©,
Whereby, h i s f o r c e , and j o b l e minde a p p e a r e s ;
Which, with h i s head t o CAESAR being brought©,
For inwarde g r i e f e , hee wash'd t h e same with t e a r e s ,
And i n a fir©with odours, and perfumes:
This p r i n c e s head with mourning he© consumes.
1.5.49.9.
276
p.120.
• Whitney
(Woodcut of cock on top of steeple, v/ith lion seated rather
casually in what looks more like a vestibule than a gat©.)
Th© Heraulte, that proclaimes the daie at hand©,
Th© Cocke I meane, that wakes us out of sleep©,
On steeple high©, doth like a watchman stand©:
The gate beneath, a Lion still doth keepe.
And why? theis© two, did alder time decree,
That at the Church©, their© places still should bee.
That pastors, shoulde like watchman still be preste,
To wake the world©, that sleepeth in his sinne,
And rouse them up, that longe are rock'd in reste,
And shewe the dale of Christ©, will straight© beginne.
And to foretell, and preache, that light deuine,
Euen as the Cock© doth singe, ere daie doth shine.
The Lion shewes, they shoulde of courage be©,
And able to defend©, their flocks from foes:
If rauening wolfes, to life in wait© they see:
Th©y should© b© strong©, and boulde, with them to close;
And so be arm'de with learning©, and v/ith life,
As they might keep©, their charge, from either strife.
1.2.1.5.
5.6.27.1.
4.5.41.8.
p.122-23.
(V/oodcut depicting chaos with fir©, air, earth, water and
the Greek letters
in center.)
V/hen Fire, and Aire, and Earthe, and Water, all wear© one:
Before that worke deuine was wroughte, which now© wee looke uppon.
There was no form© of thinges, but a confused masse:
A lump©, which CHAOS men did call: wherin no order was.
Th© Could©, and Heat©, did striu©; the Heauie thinges, and Light©
Th© Hard©, and Softe, the Wette, and Dry© for none had shape
arighte
But when they wear© disposed, each© on© into his room©;
The Fire, had Heate: th© Air©, had Light©: th© Earthe, with
fruites did bloom©.
The Sea, had his increase: which thinges, to pass© thus brought©:
Behoulde, of this unperfect© masse, th© goodly world© was wrought©.
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Whitney
Then a l l t h i n g e s did abound©, t h a t s e r u ' d th© use of man:
The Riuers g r e a t e , v/ith wyne, and o y l e , and mi I k e , and h o n i e ,
rami©.
Th© Trees did yeeld t h e i r f r u i t © : thoughe p l a n t i n g then
unknown©.
And CERES s t i l l v/as i n her pomp©, though© seede wear© neuer
sown©.
The season, Sommer was: The Groues weare alwayes g r e e n e ,
And euery bank©, did beare the badge of f r a n g r a n t FLORA Queen©.
This was t h e goulden w o r l d e , t h a t Poettes prased moste.
No h a t e , v/as h a r b o r ' d then a t home: nor h a t c h ' d , i n forren
coste.
But a f t e r , when t h e e a r t h e , with people did i n c r e a s e :
Ambition, s t r a i g h t © began t o s p r i n g e : and pryde, did banish©
peace.
For, as a l l tymes do© change: euen s o , t h i s age did p a s s e .
Then did t h e s i l u e r age i n s u e , and t h e n , th© age of brass©.
The Iron age was l a s t © , a f e a r e f u l l cursed tymes
Then, armes came of m i s c h i e f e s i n : and f i l ' d t h e world© w i t h
cryme.
Then r i g o r , and reuenge, did springe in e u e l l hower:
And men of mighte, did manadge a l l , and poore o p p r e s t w i t h
power.
And he©, t h a t m i g h t i e was, h i s word©, did stand for law©:
And what t h e poor© did plough©, and sow©: t h e ritch© away did
draw©.
None might© t h e i r wiues i n i o y e , t h e i r d a u g h t e r s , or t h e i r goodas ,
No, n o t t h e i r H u e s : such t y r a u n t s brood©, did seeke t o s p i l l
their bloodes.
Then v i r t u e s weare d e f a c ' d , and dim'd with v i c e s v i l e ,
Then wronge, did maske in cloke of r i g h t e : t h e n bad, did good
exile.
Then f a l s e h o o d , shadowed t r u t h e : and h a t e , laugh'd loue t o
skorne:
Then p i t i e , and compassion died: and bloodshed fowl© was born©.
So t h a t no v e r t u e s t h e n , t h e i r proper shapes did b e a r e :
Nor could© from v i c e s be© d e n e r n ' d , 30 straunge they mixed wear©.
That now©, i n t o t h e worlde, an other CHAOS came:
But GOD, t h a t of the former heape: t h e heauen and e a r t h e did
frame.
And a l l t h i n g e s p l a c ' d t h e r e i n , h i s glorye t o d e c l a r e :
Sent© IUSTICE down© u n t o t h e e a r t h e : such loue t o man hee bar©
Who, so s u r u a y ' d t h e world, with such an heauenly vewe;
That q u i c k l e y v e r t u e s shee aduanc'd: and v i c e s did subdue.
And, of t h a t world© did make, a p a r a d i c e , of b l i s s © :
By which we© doo i n f e r r e : That where t h i s sacred Goddes i s .
That land doth f l o r i s h © s t i l l , and g l a d n e s , t h e i r doth grow©:
Bicause t h a t a l l , t o God, and P r i n c e , by her t h e i r dewties knowe.
And where her presence wantes, t h e r e r u i n e r a i g n e s , and wrack©:
And kingdomes can not longe i n d u r e , t h a t doe t h i s l a d i e l a c k e .
Then happie England most, where IUSTICE i s embrac'd:
And eeke so many famous men, w i t h i n her chair© a r e p l a c ' d .
278
Whitney
4.2.47.9.
7.6.26.6.
7.7.14.6.
3.6.38.8.
4.9.23.9.
p.137.
(V/oodcut of ship sailing through stormy seas.)
The shippe, that longe uppon the sea dothe sail©,
And here, and there, with varrijng windes is tost©:
On rockes, and sandes, in daunger ofte to quail©.
Yet at the length©, obtaines the wished coast©:
V/hich being© wonn©, the trompetts ratlinge blaste,
Dothe tear© the skie, for ioye of perills paste.
Thoughe master reste, thoughe Pilotte take his ©as©,
Yet night©, and day, the ship her course dothe keep©:
So, whilst that man dothe saile theise worldlie seas,
His voyage shortes: althoughe he wake, or sleep©.
And if he keep© his cours© directe, he winnes
The wishes port©, where lastinge joy© beginnes.
3.4.9 ff.
1.9.40.3.
2.12.32.7-9.
p.138.
(V/oodcut of helmet i n which bees have mad© t h e i r
hive.)
The helmet s t r o n g e , t h a t did the head defend©,
Beholde, for hyue, t h e bees i n q u i e t s e r u ' d :
And when t h a t w a r r e s , with b l o o d i e b l o e s , had end©,
They, hony wroughte, where s o u l d i o u r was p r e f e r u ' d :
Which doth d e c l a r e , t h e b l e s s e d f r u i t e s of peace,
How sweete shee i s , when m o r t a l warres doe c e a s e .
1.10.63.7.
6 t u i v l #
3.3.49.1-5.
279
p.144.
Whitney
(Woodcut of s h i p s a i l i n g i n waves, Arion diving i n t o sea and
Dolphin w a i t i n g t o c a r r y him away.)
No m o r t a l l foe so f u l l of poysoned s p i t e ,
As man, t o man, when m i s c h i e f e he p r e t e n d e s :
The monsters huge, as d i u e r s aucthors w r i t e ,
Yea Lions w i l d e , and f i s h e s weare h i s h i s f r e n d e s :
And when t h e i r d e a t h e , by frendes suppos'd was sought,
They kindness© shew'd, and them from daunger b r o u g h t .
Arion l o , who gained s t o r e of goulde,
In o o u n t r i e s f a r r e : with harp©, and p l e a s a n t v o i c e :
Did s h i p p i n g t a k e , and t o CORINTHUS would©,
And t o h i s wish©, of p i l o t t e s made h i s c h o i c e :
V/ho r o b ' d t h e man, and threwe him t o the s e a ,
A Dolphin, l o , did beare him safe awaie.
Quis n e s c i t v a s t a s olim dolpbina per undas,
Lesbida cum s a c r o v a t e t u l i s s © lyram?
4.11.23.6-9.
p.147.
(Woodcut d e p i c t s lady v/ith arms o u t s t r e t c h e d t o r e c e i v e Cupid
who i s escaping from a be© hive in which he has been s t u n g . )
Lo CUPID h e r e , t h e honie hyes t o t a s t e ,
On whome, t h e bees did s t r a i g h t ©xtende t h e i r power:
For w h i l s t a t w i l l he did t h e i r labours w a s t e ,
He founde t h a t sweete, was sauced with t h e sower:
And t i l l t h a t time hee thought no l i t t l e t h i n g e s ,
Weare of suche fore©: or armed so with s t i n g e s .
The hyues weare p l a c ' d according© t o h i s mind©,
The weather warme, t h e honie did abound©.
And CUPID j u d g ' d t h e bees of harm©lesse kind©,
But whilst© he t r i ' d © h i s naked corpes they wounde:
And t h e n t o lat© h i s r a s h e attempte hee r u ' d e ,
When a f t e r sweete, so t a r t e a t a s t e i n s u ' d e .
So o f t e i t h a p p e s , when we© our fancies feed©,
And only ioy© i n outward© g a l l a n t showes.
The inward© man, i f t h a t wee do© not heed©,
Wee o f t e , do© pluck© a n e t t l e for a r o s e :
No bait© so sweete as beauti©, t o th© e i e ,
Yet o f t e , i t hath© worse poyson than the be©.
280
Epig. 4.3.
4.26.
2.11.9.9.
Whitney
p.149.
(Woodcut of Narcissus looking at his own reflection in the
stream.)
Narcissus loude, and liked so his shape,
He died at length© with gazinge there uppon:
Which shewes selfe love, from which there fewe can scape,
A plague too rife: bewitcheth manie a one.
Th© ritch©, the pore, the learned, and th© sotte,
Offend© therein: and yet they se© it not.
This, makes us iudge too well of our desertes,
When others smile, our ignorance to see:
And whi©? Bicause selfe love doth wound© our hartes,
And makes us thinks, our deedes alone to bee.
Which© secret sore, lies hidden from our ©yes,
And yet the same an other plainlie sees.
V/hat follie more, what dotage like to this?
And do© we so our own© devise esteem©?
Or can w© see so soon© an others misse?
And not our own©, Oh blindnes most extreme.
Affect not then, but trye, and proove thy deedes,
For of selfe love, reproche, and sham© proceedes.
3.2.44.6-9.
3.6.45.5.
p.153.
(Woodcut of s t a g a t which a man i s aiming a d a r t — dogs
in foreground.)
The s t a g g e , t h a t h a r d l y skap'd t h e h u n t e r s in the c h a s e .
At l e n g t h e , by shadow© of a t r e e , found© refuge f o r a s p a c e .
And when t h e eger houndes had l e f t e t h e i r wished praye,
Behoulde, w i t h b i t i n g of t h e boughes, him s e l f e h©e did bewray©.
Through© which, t h e h u n t e r s t r a i g h t did p i e r c e him t o t h e hart©!
Whereat, (quoth he©) t h i s wound© I h a v e , i s i u s t l y my d e s e r t © .
For where I good did find©, I ought n o t i l l r e q u i t e :
But l o , t h e s e boughes t h a t s a v ' d my l i f e , I did unkindly b i b e .
281
Whitney
Wherefore, although© th© tree could not revenge her wrong©:
Yet now© by fates, my fall is wrought, who might© have lived
long©.
4.1.49.8.
p.163.
(Woodcut of Aeneas bearing his father Anchises out'of burning
Troy.)
Aeneas beares his father, out of Troye,
When that the Greekes, th© sam© did spoil©, and sack©:
His father might of such© a sonne hav© oiye
Who through© his foes, did beare him on his backe:
No fier, nor sworde, his valiaunt harte coulde fear©,
To flee away©, without his father deare.
Which showes, that sonnes must carefull be©, and kind©,
For to releeu© their parent©s in distress©:
And during© life, that dutie should© them bind©,
To reuerence them, that God their daies maie bless©:
And reprehendes tenne thowsand© to their shame,
Who ofte dispise the stocks v/hereof they came.
Hinc satus Aeneas: pietas spectata per ignes:
Sacta patremg humeris: altera sacra, tulit.
3.9.40.8.
3.9.41.1.
p.172.
(V/oodcut depicting a candle, book and glass.)
Whiles prime of youthe, is freshe within his flower,
Take hould© of time; for it doth hast© away©.
V/atche, write, and read©, and spende no idle hower,
Inritch© your mindes with some thing©, euerie daye;
For loss© of time, all other loss© exceedes,
And euermore it late repentaunce breedes.
The idle forte, that ignoraunce do© taste,
Are not esteem1d, when they in yeares do© grows:
The studious, are with understanding grac'd,
And still prefer'd, thoughe first their cauling© low©.
Then hau© regard©, to banishe idle fittes,
And in your youth©, with skill adorn© your wittes.
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Whereby, in time such hap maye you aduance,
As bothe your Town©, and countri©, you may© frende:
For, what T would© vnto my selfe shoulde chaunce:
To you I wish©, whear© I my prime did spend©.
Wherefore behoulde this candle, book©, and glass©:
To vse your time, and know© how time doth© pass©.
1.10.59.5.
4.10.4.8.
4.2.33.1.
p.175.
(Woodcut devoted to a picture of Labour whipping Ire while
riding in chariot drawn by ants.)
Here, Idlenes doth weepe amid her wantes,
Neare famished: whome, labour whippes for Ire:
Here, labour sittes in chariot drawen with antes:
And doth© abound© with all he can desire.
The grashopper, the toyling ant© derides,
In Sommers heate cause she for could© prouides.
But when the coulde of winter did increase,
Cut of her hill, the ant© did looke for newes:
Whereas she harde th© grashopper to cease,
And all her songes, shee now© v/ith sighing rues:
But all to late, for now for food© she staru'd.
Whereas the ant© had store, she had preseru'd.
All which do© warn©, while that our Sommer lastes,
V/hich is our youthe: with freshe, and liuelie strength©.
Wee muste prouide, for winters bitter blastes.
V/hich is our age: that claimes his right© at length©.
Wherefore in youth©, let vs prouide for age;
For ere wee think© h© stealeth on the stag©,
2.3.40-41.
O • O • £ • J. •
p.180.
(Woodcut of man having just let go of a bird which is flying
into th© air and for which man is vainly reaching.)
285
Whitney
Who lookes, maye leap©: and save his shinnes from knockos,
V/ho tries, maye truste: ©Is flattringe frendes shall find©.
He saues the steed©, that keepes him vnder lockes.
Who speakes with heede, maye bouldlie speak© his mind©.
But hee, whose tonge before his witte, doth runne,
Ofte speakes to soone, and greeues when h© hath© don©.
A worde once spoke, it can retourne no more,
But flies awaie, and ofte thy bale doth breed©;
A wife man then, settes hatch© before the dor©,
And while he maye, doth square his speech© with hsede.
The birde in hand, wee may© at will restrain©,
But being© flowen, we© call her back© in vaine.
5.2.44.9.
p. 181.
(The famous woodcut of Occasion, with her bald head and th©
forelock flying in the breeze, v/ings at her heel and standing on the wheel of fortune amidst the tempestuous sea.)
V/hat creature thou? Occasion I do© show©.
On whirling wheele declare why doste thou stand©?
Bicause, I still am tossed too, and froe.
Why doest thou hould© a rasor in thy hand©?
That men maie knowe I cut on euerie side,
And when I come, I armies can deuide.
But wherefore hast thou winges uppon thy feete?
To showe, how light© I flie with little wind©.
V/hat meanes long© lockes before? that suche as meet©,
Maye hould© at firste, when they occasion find©.
Thy head behind all balde, v/hat telles it more?
That non© shoulde houlde, that let me slipp© before.
Why doest thou stande v/ithin an open place?
That I may© warne all people not to staye,
But at the first©, occasion to imbrace,
And when she© comes, to meet© her by the way©
Lysippus so did think© it best to be©,
Who did deuis© mine image, as you see.
(Cf, discussion in body of text also.)
2.4,43-46.
5.10.20.7,
284
p . 182.
llhltMBr
(Woodcut of women crowned by c u p i d . A l l manner of animals
form t h e background i n t h e p i c t u r e . )
Wh©n c r e a t u r e s f i r s t © wear© f o r m ' d , they had by n a t u r e s lawes,
The b u l l e s , t h e i r h o m e s : th© h o r s e s , h o o f e s : t h e l i o n s ,
t e e t h , and pawes.
To h a r e s , she© swifter.es gaue: t o f i s h e s , f i n n e s a s s i g n ' d e :
To b i r d e s , t h e i r winges: so no defence was left© for woman
kind©.
But, t o s u p p l i e t h a t wante, shee gaue her such© a fac©:
V/hich makes t h e b o u l d e , t h e f i e r c e , th© s w i f t s , t o stoop©,
and plead© for g r a c e .
2.11.9.9.
p.183.
(Woodcut of torch of wax with flame consuming it.)
Even as the wax© dothe feede, and quench© the flam©,
So, loue giues life; and loue, dispaire doth giue:
The godlie loue, doth louers croune v/ith fame:
The wicked loue, in sham© doth© make them liue.
Then leau© to loue, or loue as reason will,
For, louers lewd© doe vainlie languishe still.
3.1.58.3.
p. 187.
(Picture of Bacchus, crowned with a garland, naked, a win©
cup beside him and playing on th© tabret. n.b. "cann©".)
The timelie birth© that SEMELE did bear©,
See heere, in time how© monsterous he grew©:
With drinking© much©, and dailie belli© cheare,
His ©ies weare dimme, and fierie was his hue:
His cuppe, still fulls his head, with grapes v/as croun'de;
Thus time he spent with pips, and tabret found©.
Which carpes all those, that loue to much th© canne,
And dothe describe their© personage, and theire guise:
For like a beaste, this doth transform© a man,
And makes him speak© that most© in secret lies;
Then shunne the sorte that bragge of drinking much©,
Seeke other frendes, and ioyne not handes with such©.
285
Whitney
lunge t i b i s o c i o s pulchra© v i r t u t i s amore,
Nam Venere Baccho i u n c t a repent© cadune.
Vino forma p o r i t , v i n o corrumpitur a t a s ,
Vino sap© suum n e s c i t arnica virum?
1.4.21-23.
p.189.
(Woodcut of man with serpent held close in his arm, overlooking city.)
Thoughe, cittie strong© the cannons shott© dispise,
And deadlie foes, beseege the same in vain©:
Yet, in th© walles if pining famine rise,
Or ©Is© some impe of Sinon, there remain©
V/hat can preuail© your bulwarkesT and your towers,
When, all your force, your inward© fo© deuoures?
2.8.13.7.
5.12.28ff.
5.12.39.
p.192,
(Woodcut of man striking his blade on th© anvil.)
Who that with force, his burnish*d blade doth trie
On anuill hard©, to prooue if it be sure:
Doth Hazarde much©, it should© in peeces flie,
Aduentring that, which ©Is© mighte well indure:
For, there with strength© he strikes uppon the stith©,
That men maye knowe, his youthfull armes hau© pithe.
Which warneth those, that louing© frendes inioye,
With care, to keep©, and frendlie them to treat©,
And not to try© them still, with ©ueri© toys,
Nor press© them doune, when causes be too great©,
Nor in requests importunate to bee:
For ouermuche, doth© tier the courser free?
4.5.36-37.
286
p.199.
( Woodcut of two men with figure of time flying over their
heads•)
We© flee, from that wee seeke; Sa followe, that wee leaue:
And, whilst we© think© our webbe to skante, & larger still
would weaue,
Lo, Time doth© cut vs of, amid our carke: and care.
Which warneth all, that hau© enough©, and not contented are.
For to inioye their goodes, their howses, and their landes:
Bicaus© the Lord© vnto that ©nd, commits them to their handes.
Yet, thos© whose greedie mindes: enoughe, doe thinke too small:
Whilst that with care they seeke for more, oft times are reu'd
of all.
Wherefore all such (I wishe) that spare, where is no need©:
To vs© their goodes whilst that they may, for time apace doth
speede.
And since, by proofe I know©, you hourde not vp your store;
Whose gate, is open to your frond©: and puree, vnto the pore:
And spend vnto your praise, what God doth© largely lend©:
I chiefly made my choice of this, which I to you commend©.
In hope, all thos© that se© your name, aboue the head:
V/ill at your lamp©, their own© come light, v/ithin your steppes
to tread.
Whose daily studi© is, your countrie to adorn©:
And for to keep© a worthie house, in place where you wear©
born©.
2.12.75.8.
4.2.33.1.
p.211.
(Woodcut of man shooting arrow into breast of maiden.)
A sicknes fore, that dothe in secret wound©,
And gripes the harte, though© outward nothing show©;
The force whereof, the pacient© doth confound©,
That oftentimes, dispaire therof doth grow©:
And Ielousie, this sicknes hatha to name,
An he 11ishe paine, that first© from PLVTO cam©
V/hich passion straunge, is alwaies beauties foe,
And moste of all, the married sorte enuies:
Ch happi© they, that liu© in wedlock© foe,
That in their brestes this furie neuer rise:
For, when it once doth harbour in the harte,
It soiournes still, and doth too lat© depart©.
287
Whitney
Lo P r o c r i s h e a r e , when wounded t h e r w i t h a l l ,
Did breed© her ban©, who might© hau© bath'd© i n b l i s s © :
This c o r s i e sharp© so fedde vppon her g a l l ,
That a l l t o lat© she© mourn'd, for her amiss©:
F o r , w h i l s t she© w a t c h ' d h e r husbandes waies t o know©,
She© vnawares, was praye v n t o h i s bowe.
2.7.22.4.
3.11,1.
p.212.
(Woodout of Aesculapius with all the signs mentioned in th©
verse.)
This portrature, dothe AESCVLAPIVS tell.
The laurell crown©, the fame of phisike showes.
Th© bearde, declares his longe experience well:
And grauiti© therewith that alwai© goes.
The scepter, tells he ruleth like a king©
Amongst the sicke: commaunding euerie thing©.
Th© knotted staffe, declares the crabbed skill
Moste harde t'attain©; that doth support© his state:
His sittinge, shewes he must be setled still,
With constant mind©, and rash© proceeding© hate:
The Dragon, tells he doth our age renew©,
And soone decern©, to giu© th© sicke his dew©.
The cocke, dothe teache his watchinge, and his car©
To visit© ofte his pacientes, in their pain©:
The couching© dogge, dothe last© of all declare,
That faithfulnes, and loue, should© still remain©:
Within their brestes, that Phisike do© profess©.
V/hich partes, they all shoulde in their deedes express©.
1.6.43.7.
1.5.41.1.
1,5,36-39.
p.214.
(Woodcut of Phryxus on ram r i d i n g through w a v e s . )
288
Whitney
On goulden fleece, did Phryxus pass© th© waue,
And landed safe, within the wished baie:
- By which is ment, the fooles that riches haue,
Supported are, and born© through© Land©, and S©a:
And those enrich'd© by wife, or seruauntes goodds,
Are borne by them like Phryxu3 through the floodds.
An other of the like argument.
To M. I. E.
A Leaden sword©, within a goulden sheathe,
Is like a fool© of natures finest mould©:
To wham©, she© did her rarest giftes bequethe.
Or like a sheep©, within a fleece of goulde.
Or like a cloth©, whome colours brau© adorn©,
When as the ground©, is patched, rente, and torn©.
For, if the mind© th© chiefest treasures lack©,
Though© nature bothe, and fortune, bee our frende;
Though© gould© wee weare, and purple on our back©,
Yet are wee poor©, and none will vs comende
But onli© fooles; and flatterers, for their© gain©;
For other men, will rid© vs v/ith disdain©.
2.12.44.6.
4.1.23.9.
p.215.
(V/oodcut of Sisyphus rolling a stone up a hill.)
Lo© SISYFHVS, that roles th© restless© stone
To topp© of hill, with endless© toil©, and pain©:
And as it falles, he makes it still ascend©;
And yet no toil© can bring© this work© to ©nd©.
This SISYFHVS: presenteth Adams race.
The restless© stone: their trauaile, and their toil©:
Th© hill, dothe shew© th© day©, and eek© th© space,
Wherein they still doe labour, work©, and moile.
And though© till night© they strive the hill to clime,
Yet vp againe, the morning nexte betime.
Vita humana proprie vti-ferrum est: Ferrum si exerecas, conteritur: si non exerceas, tamen rubigo interficit. Item
homines exercendo videmus conteri. Si nihil exerceas, inertia
atqu© torpedo plus dettimenti facit, quam ©xercitatio.
J.* O0 oo * o •
289
Whitney
p.220.
( Woodcut of an oak tree being broken by a storm.)
The mights© oke, that shrinkes not with a blast©,
But stiflie standes, when Boreas moste doth blow©,
With rag© thereof, is broken downe at last©,
V/hen bending reedes, that couch© in tempestes low©
With y©elding still, doe safe, and sound© appear©:
And looke aloft©, when that the cloudes be cleare.
When Enuie, Hate, Contempt©, and Slaunder, rage:
Which are the stormes, and tempestes, of this life;
".'ith patience then, wee must the combat wage,
And not with fore© resift their deadlie strife
But suffer still, and then wee shall in fine,
Our foes subdue, when they with sham© shall pine.
1.8.18.6.
3.7,41.3.
4.3.9.8.
5.6.40.2.
p.227.
(Woodcut of thro© horses, two of which ar© bearing riders on
their backs. The third is riderless. A standard with some
insignia is in the foreground.)
Two horses free, a third© doe swiftlie chace,
The one, is white, the other, blacke of hews:
None, bridles hau© for to restrain© their pace,
And thus, th©y both©, the other still pursue:
And, neuer cease continuall cours© to make,
Vntill at lengthe, the first, they ouertake.
T M s formost horse, that ronnes so fast awaye,
It is our time; while heere, our race wee ronne:
The black©, and white, presenteth night©, and day©:
Who after hast, vntill the goale bee wonne,
And leau© vs not, but follow© from our birth©,
Vntill wee yeelde, and turn© again© to earthe.
Labitur occulte, fallitg volatilis aetas,
Et ceter admissis labitur annus equis.
7.6.9.2.
290
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p.229.
(Woodcut of Adam hiding behind tree of life.)
Behind© a figtree great, his self© did ADAM hid©:
And thought from GOD he© there might lurke, & should not be©
Oh foole, no corners seek©, thoughe thou a sinner bee;
For none but GOD can the© forgiue, who all thy waies doth see.
1.11.46.9.
1.11.47.6-9.
p.230.
(The final emblem in the book is entitled "Tempus Omnia Terminat" and is a rather vague woodcut of a stream flowing by a
huge tree. There is a house in the background and the sun
is setting on the horizon. Beneath w© read what might well be
called an inventory of th© important subjects treated therein.)
Th©
Th©
Th©
The
The
And
longest day©, in time resignas to night©.
greatest ok©, in time to dust© doth turn©.
Rauen dies, the Egle failes of flight©.
Phoenix rare, in time her selfe doth burn©.
princeli© stagg© at lengthe his race doth ronne.
all must end©, that euer was begonne.
Euen so, I, here a'o© ©nd© this simple book©,
And offer it vnto your Lorshippes sight©:
Which, if you shall receiue with pleasing© looke,
I shall reioyce, and thinke my labour light©.
And pray th© Lord© your honour to pros ©rue,
Our noble Queene, and countri© long to serue.
FINIS
4.2.33.1.
7.7.47-48.
291
LES EMBLEMES DE MAISTRE ANDRE ALCIAT, MIT EN RIME FRANCOYSE,
ET FVIS nagueres reimprime auec curieuse correcion.
On les vend a Paris en la maison de Chrestien Wechel
demeurant a lescu d© Basle, ©n la rue sainct Iaques, & a
lenseign© du Cheual volant, ©n la ru© Sainct Iehan d©
Beauuays. M.D.XL
HN 111073 (also the 1536 copy HN 111071 which is annotated
on almost ©very page in ink that is very faded. Early
Engl, handwriting.)
Th© first emblem is addressed to the Duke of Milan and depicts a shield against a tree with a serpent from whose
mouth a small body of a man is issuing, another significant
point in description of Error, p.12.
cf. 1.1.11-16.
p. 22.
Concordia
(Woodcut depicts two birds on either side of a scepter
with a flock of birds flying overhead. Scepter and birds
are standing on what looks like a block of marble.)
Cornicum mira inter s© Concordia uita ©st,
Inq; uicem nunquam contaminata fides,
Hinc uolucres has sceptra gerunt, 2, scilicet omnes
Consensu populi stantq; caduntq; duces:
Quem si d© medio tollas, discordia praeceps
Aduolat, & secum regia fata trahit,
p.23.
Concord©
L on peult parl©r auec merueilles,
De paix que chascun voit ©str©
Entre la turb© des eorneilles,
Qui non iamais valet n© maistre:
Pource les painct on sur le sceptre,
Que 1© peuple ostoit & donnoit:
Auquel quant discord© sceit naistre,
Tout se perd, chascun le cognoist,
C B C • O * X m
3.1.12.8.
4.4.30.9.
4.1.29.9.
292
Alciati
p. 32,
In auaros, uel quibus melior conditio ab extraniis offertur.
(Woodcut of Ship from which Arion is being lov/ered into
ocean near dolphin. In background Arion is riding safely
on top of another dolphin playing his harp.)
Delphini insidens uada coerula sulcat Arion,
Hocq; aures mulcet, fraenat So ora sono:
Quam sit auari hominis, non tam mens dira feraru ©st
Quiq; uiris rapimur, piscibus eripimur.
p.33.
D© ceulx qui ont bon heur par estrangiers.
Lon gectoit Arion en mer,
Qui tenant sa Harpe, suppli©
Quil ioue, auant que en eaue pasmer:
II chet sa chanson accomplye.
Mais leau© d© poissons remplye.
Preste vng Daulphin, qui le support©:
Contr© le mal que lhomme apporte.
p.42.
In occasionem.
(Woodcut depicting th© usual figure of Fortune.)
Lysippi hoc opus ©st, Sycion cui patria: tu quis?
Cuncta domans capti temporis articulus.
Cur pinnis stassusque rotor, talaria plantis
Cur retines? passim m© leuis aura rapit.
In dextra est tenuis die unde nouaculas acutum
Omni acie hoc signum me magis ess© docet.
Cur in front© comas occurrens ut prendar. at heus tu
Die cur pars calua ©st posterior capitis?
Me semel alipedem si quis permittat abire,
N© possim apprenso post modo crine capi.
Tali opifex nos arts, tui causa, aedidit hospes,
Vtq; omnes monem, pergula aperta tenet.
295
Alciati
p.43.
De la deesse Occasion.
I© suys Occasion qu© Lysippus forma,
La marque seulle ©stant du cher temps que lhomme a.
La ro© ay soubz mes piedz, dont ne puis arrester
Les plumes que ie y ay, me font plus fort haster.
Mon raso r sign© rend, que tout oultre ie taille.
Mes cheueulx au front seul, monstrent quon ne m© faille:
Car si le doz ie tourne, acoup puis ©schapper:
Veu que derrire poll nay, ou Ion me puisse happer.
A cause de vous tous, louu rier feist mo histoire,
Esperant que seray image monitoire.
Pource sante durant, mettez le temps a point,
Veu que en vieillesse, a tard remord au cueur vous poinct.
2.4.43-46.
p.48
Ex pace ubertas.'
(Woodcut of dove resting on grapes, wheat, on a rock in the
sea.)
Grandibus ex spicis tenues contexe corollas,
Quas circum alterno palmit© uitis erat.
His comptae Alcyones tranquilli in marmoris unda
Nidificant, pullos inuolucresq; fouent.
Laetus erit Cereri, Baccho quoq; fertills annus,
Aequorei si rex alitis instar erit.
p.49.
De Paix abundance.
Sur roc en Mer vray lieu de paix,
Voys Alcyone o ses petiz,
Son nid despiez & vign© espais,
La viuant a ses appetitz:
Ce te monstre les bien gentilz,
Quon a, quand Ion veult paix pour suyure
En bledz & vins sont lieux fertilz,
Qu 1© Roy scait tel oyseau fuyur©.
cf. 2.3.3.
3.3.49.1-5
5 pr 9
294
Alciati
p. 64.
Concordia
In bellum ciuile duces oum Roma pararet,
Viribus & caderet Martia terra suis:
Mos fuit in partes turmis coeuntibus hasdem,
Coniunctas dextras mutua dona dari
Foederis hac species, id habet Concordia signum,
Vt quos iungit amor, iungat & ipsa manus.
p.65.
Concorde
Pour la paix faire Se casser guerre,
Les anciens touchoient aux mains:
Et nauoient pour serment aultre arre,
Les capitaines des Romains
Ce sign© feist les cueurs humains,
Et ioignoit la main les Concordes:
Ores tel sign© nest ferme, ains,
Lon rompt bien du serment les cordes.
4.10.32-33
4.10.34.1.
p.66.
Qua© supra a nos, nihil ad nos.
(Woodcut of Prometheus tied to a tree while ©agle pierces
his heart.)
Caucasia aeternum pendens in rupe Prometheus
Diripitur sacri praepetis ungue iecur.
Et nollet feciss© hominem, figuloqu© perosus
Accensam rapto damnat ab igne facem.
Roduntur uarijs prudentum pectora curis.
Qui coeli affectant scire deumq; uices.
p.67.
Rien toucher c© qui est sur nous.
Promotheus vng homme feist,
Et puis osa luy donner am©:
Dont son cueur a iamais suffit
Au voultour, qui tousiours lentame:
295
Alciati
En cest© histoir© ©st donn© blasm©,
A cil qui tant est mal discret,
Quen cueur fol son cerueau affame,
Pour enquerir diuin secret.
2.10.70.8-9.
7.6.29.7.
p. 74.
In Deo Laetandum
(Woodcut of Jove in form of Eagle bearing off boy.)
Aspic© ut ©gregius puorum louis alite pictor
Fecerit Iliacum summa p^r astra uehi.
Quis ne Iouem tactum puarili credat amore?
Die haec Maconius finxerit und© senex.
Consilium mens atq; Dei cui gaudia praestant,
Creditur is summo raptus adess© Ioui.
p. 75,
Sefioyr ©n Dieu
Cil qui ©n dieu se resioyst,
Et y a tousiours sa pens©©,
Tantost de ce quil vault ioyst,
Ayant voy© a bien dispense©:
Et sent son am© ©str© aduancee,
Contr© le ciel quil subhaitoit:
Comme si Laigle en lair dress©©,
Pour Ganymedes lemportoit,
3.11.34.
p.46 (incorrect pagination' --"""snould be 76).
Inuiolabiles telo Cupidinis.
(Woodcut of fish in circles forming a sphere.)
N© dirus t© uincat amor, neu foemina mentem
Diripiat magicis artibus ulla tuam:
Baochica auis praesto tibi motacilla paretur,
Quam quadrir adiam circuli in orb© loess:
296
Alciati
Or© crucem & cauda & geminis ut complicet alia.
Tal© amuletum carminis omnis ©rit.
Dicitur hoc Veneris signo Pegasaeus Iason
Phasiacis laedi non potuisse dolis.
p. 77.
Estre inuincible du dard d© Cupido.
Si aux statuz ancians crois,
Amour perd son enchant©ment:
Quant tu metz deux cereles ©n croix,
Ou balequeue soit droictement:
Queue & bee aux croix iustement,
Qui est contre ars faulx guerison:
Et dont euita le tourment
De Mode© 1© saig© Iason.
l.Pr.3.2.
1.9.10.8.
2» o • c%> • y •
O • o • O • J.*
3.6.14.5.
3.6.49.8.
3.11.30.2.
3.11.36.6.
3.11.44.8.
3.11.48.5.
3.12.23.5.
4.7.1.1.
6.10.31.7.
1.4.46.5.
3.1.51.8.
3.5.42.5.
3.9.28.8.
4.6.40.5.
5,5,28.5.
6.10.31.7.
p. 78.
Spas Proxima
(Woodcut of s h i p i n storm w i t h winds blowing i t awry.)
297
Alciati
Innumeris agitur respublica nostra procellis
Et spes uenturae sola salutis adest:
Non secus ac nauis medio circum aequore uenti
Quam rapiunt, salsis iamq; fatiscit aquis.
Quod si Helena© adueniant lucentia syder afratres,
Amissos animos spes bona restituit.
p. 79.
Prochain© ©spoir.
La chose publique est souuent,
Sans auoir vaillant que esperance,
Comme la nauire soubz vent,
Voit son peril ©n apparence:
Mais si la nu© a transparence,
Qui les deux astres freres monstre,
Lors sont tous maulx en sufferance,
Et s© attend tost bonn© recontre.
4.11.52.5.
5.2.50.
5.11.29.
6.4.1.
(The number of times that rocks are used as the basis of a
figure in FQ:
1.7.33.7.
1.11.44.6.
5.12.41.4.
2.2.12.7.
5.2.30.2.
5.2.49.9.
5.9.4-15.
3.10.56-58.
3.3.8.4.
o.o.".y.
7.6.4.1.
4.11.3.1.
4.12.15.5.
4.12.17.2.
Practically ©very background in th© Emblem-books has a decidedly
rocky a s p e c t . )
298
Alciati
p. 94.
Custodiendas Uirgines.
(Woodcut of aged dame with long rod in hand, before whose fe©t
lies a dragon.)
Vera ha©c ©ffigies innupta© ©st Palladis, ©ius
Hie draco, qui domina© constitit ante pedes.
Cur diuae comes hoc animal? custodia rerum
Huic data, sic lucos sacraq; templa colit,
Innuptas opus est cura asseruare puellas
Peruigili, laqueos undiq; tendit amor.
p.95.
Viergies doibt Ion bien garder.
Cest ycy Pallas lymaige.
Que vng dragon garde par grand© cure,
Affin quon ny face dommaige.
Ce que nest pas fait sans figure:
Car il monstre que vierge pure,
Se doibt garder soigneusement:
Veu quamour chass© de nature.
La maculer honteusement.
3.1.4.
3.2.30ff.
p.100.
Ex bello pax.
(Woodcut of helmet with bees flying round i t . )
En galea intrepidus quam miles gesserat, & quae
Saepius h o s t i l i sparsa cruor© f u i t .
Parta pace apibus tenuis concessit in usum
Alueoli, atque'fauos, grataqu© mella g e r i t .
Arma procul iaosant, fas s i t tunc sumere bellum,
Quando a l i t o r pacis non potes a r t e f r u i .
p.101.
De guerre Paix.
Larmet dung hardy cheualier
En temps d© paix fut d© repos,
299
Alciati
De mouohes a miel ung milier,
Lont trouue pour ©lies dispos:
Tost y ont faict laurs petitz potz,
Mettans miel, ou meist sang la guerre:
Soit done noise hors d© tous propos,
Qui nest contraint pour paix acquerre.
2,3.31.
3.3.49.1-5.
5.Pr.9.
1.10.62.7.
p.112.
In auaros.
(Woodcut of donkey feeding on t h i s t l e .
of s t o r e s and p r o v i s i o n s . )
On h i s back a l l s o r t s
S e p t i t i u s populos i n t e r d i t i s s i m u s omnes,
Arua senex n u l l u s quo magis ampla t e n e t .
Defraudans geniumqu© suum, mensasque p a r a t a s ,
N i l p r a e t e r b e t a s , dxiraqu© rapa u o r a t .
Cui similem dicam hunc, inopem qusm copia r o d d i t ,
An n© asino? s i c e s t , i n s t a r h i e eius h a b e t .
Namq a s i n u s dorso p r e c i o s a absonia g e s t a t ,
Sequ© r u b o , a u t dura caric© pauper a l i t .
p.113.
Contre Auaricieux.
Vng rich© homm© a u a r i c i e u x .
A qui la terr© n© suffist,
Perd somme & pastz delioieux,
Pour fair© temporel proffiot:
Dont sembl© a lasne, auquel Ion feist
Porter du pain, vin, & chair dons:
Et il en malheur tout confict,
Ne menge qu© herbes & chardons.
1.4.28.
p.138.
In temerarios.
(Woodcut of Phaeton falling from his chariot being driven
th© sky in front of the sun.)
500
Alciati
Aspicis aurigam aurrus Phaetonta paterni
Igniuomos ausum fleeter© Solis ©quos:
Maxima qui post quam terris incendia sparsit.
Est temere insesso lapsus ab axe miser.
Sic pleriq; rotis Fortunae ad sydera Reges
Euecti ambitio quos iuuenilis agit,
Post magnam humani generis clademq; suamq;
Cunctorum poenas deniqu© dant scelerum.
p.139.
Contre temeraires.
Phaeton trop fier pour son lignago,
Le Soleil conduir© voulut:
Les cheuaulx trop fors pour son. aage,
Lont pugny d© c© quil ©sleut.
Maint homm© ©st, que mieulx luy valut,
QIAO en ieun© aag© ©ust moins eu riches se:
Car apres ©stat dissolut,
II chet soubz le mal qui le press©.
5.8.40.
1.4.9.
3.11.38.
p.144.
(V/oodcut depicts Bacchus crowned with leaves, naked and very
fat, with what looks like a drum in on© hand and a dish of
food in other.)
In statuam Bacchi.
Bacche pater quis te mortali lumine nouit,
Et docta effinxit hinc tua membra manu?
Praxiteles, qui me rapientem Gnosida uidit,
Atqu© illo pinxit tempore qua lis ©ram.
Cur iuuenis, tener aque etiam lanugine uernat
Barbasqueas Pylium cum superare senem.
Muneribus quandoq; meis si parcer© disces,
Iunior & forti pectore semper eris.
Tympana non manibus, capiti non cornua desunt,
Quos nisi dementeis talia signa decent?
Hoc doceo, nostro quod abusus munere sumit
Cornua, & infanus mollia sistra quatit.
Quid uult ill© color membris pene igneussomen
Absit, an humanis ureris ipse focis?
..
501
Alciati
p.145.
j
A la Statu© d© Bacchus.
P©re Bacchus, qui est c© qui ta congneu?
Et par saig© art a painct ton corps tout nud?
Praxiteles le painctre florissant,
Quand il me vit Gnosis seul rauissant.
Mais il ta painct auec ieune visage,
Quoy que soys vieulx plus qu© Nestor 1© sag©.
II a ce faict, pour tout homme asseurer,
Que qui scaura mes dons bien mesurer,
Sante aura, & lestat de ieunesse.
Cela te dis pour verite, ieu nest ce.
Et ce tabour, & cornes quil ta faict,
A mon aduis, nont marque en ton effeot:
Telz signes sont enseignes d© folye:
Monstrans qu© vin par trop prins Is fol ly©
Et rend mocque, oomm© sil labouroit
Fluter par rue, ou qu© sil tabouroit.
Qu© veuIt noter cest© rouge couleur?
Aa tu sentu quelqu© rude chaleur?
3.1.43.6.
1.6.15.2.
2.1.55.6.
3.1.51.3.
3.9.30.3.
p.152.
Alius pecat, alius plectitur.
(V/oodcut of dog biting ston© with man to one side with arm
raised in anger.)
Arripit up lapidem catulus morsuq; fatigat,
Nee percussori mutua damna facit.
Sic plaeriqu© sinunt ueros elabier hostels
Et quos nulla grauat noxia, dente petunt.
p.153.
Lung faict la fault©, lautr© a la pain©.
Le Chi©n quelqu© fois mort la pi err©,
Quon luy a gettee roidement:
502
Alviati
Mais en cela, son despit ©rre:
On le cognoist euidemment.
II laiss© sauf le fondement,
A soauoir cil qui faict loffence
Et veult corriger asprement
Linnocent, qui est sans deffence.
4.8.36.6.
p.156.
Avres Se Amor virtutis alium Cupidinem superans.
(Woodcut of cupid blindfolded tied to a tree by a vine-crowned,
winged figure.)
Aligerum aligeroq; inimicum pinxit Amori,
Arcu arcum, atq ignes ign© domans Nemesis:
Vt qua© aliis feat patiatur, at hie puer olim
Intrepidus gestans tela miser lachrymat.
Tor spuit inqj sinus imos (res mira) crematur
Igne ignis, furias odit Amoris Amor.
p.157.
Amour d© vertus surmonte Cupido.
Nemesis vng Cupido painct
Auec arc, feu, esles, h flesche:
Et d© telle force est faict, quil vainct
Cil qui par foil© amour deffei.ch©:
Affin que ©n tell© fault© quil peche,
II souffre: & il qui tormentoit
De crainte, h pleurs, ores sempesche:
Et feu doubt©, qui feu portoit.
Aultrement.
Deux fortes ©st d© dieux daymer:
Lung est daymer toutes vertus:
Laultre a vng dard beaucop amer,
Dont maintz ont grands affaulx sentus.
Tous deux sont d© feus reuestus:
Mais le petit (que Venus ayd©)
Est de lautre hahy, & battus:
Et si ny a point d© remede.
4.9. 1 and 2.
3.3.1.8.
505
Alciati
p.158.
Vis Amoris.
(Woodcut of Cupid with sheaf of arrows on his back tearing an
arrow in two, and fir© raining on him from heaven)
Aligerum fulmen fregit Deus aliger, ign©
Dum demonstrat uti est fortior ignis Amor,
p.159.
Force damour.
Le feu damour vainct la tempest©.
II nest feu qui tant dardeur face.
Car quand quelqung la en la teste,
II ard au cueur, ft en la face.
Iupiter, qui la fouldr© brass©,
Nen fait point d© telle vigueur:
Voire, si luy mesmes lembrasse,
II sen brusl© ft souffr© langueur.
2.2.26.5-9.
3.2.23.1-4.
o.il.2».y•
3.11.44.
3.11.46.1-5.
3.11.52.
4.7.1.
4.10.42.9.
4.12.13.3-6.
6.8.1.
6.3.25.2-4.
p.162.
In ©urn qui t r u c u l e n t i a suorum p e r i © r i t .
(Woodcut of Dolphin on shor© w i t h s h i p on s e a and rocky craggy
c o a s t in background.)
Delphinem i n u i t u m me i n l i t t o r a compulit a e s t u s ,
Exemplum i n f i d o quanta p e r i c l a m a r i .
Nam s i nee p r o p r i j s Neptunus p a r a t a l u m n i s ,
Quis t u t o s homines nauibus e s s e p u t e t ?
504
Alciati
p.163.
A cil qui a mal par les siens,
L© Daulphin de la Mer natif,
Ayant prins en ell© substance,
N© pensoy© point estr© aprentif,
En son amour & accointance:
Or sens i© ores son inconstance,
Gisant au soleil sur la greue.
C© nest done estrange sentence,
Quant la faulce Mer lhomme griefue.
3.11.42.6.
p.164.
Potentia Amoris
(Woodcut of Cupid holding fish in one hand and flowers in
other. Clouds above and trees in background.)
Nudus Amor uiden ut ridet pladdumq; tuetur?
Neo faculas, nee qua© cornua flectat habet.
Altera sed manuum flores gerit, altera piscem,
Scilicet ut terrae iura det atq; mari.
p.165.
La puissance Damour.
Cupido ne tient plus d© flesches,
Dare ny feu, dont maintz a pugny.
Ains ou lieu d© fes arc traictz, mesches,
Dune main sest d© fleurs garny:
En lautre ©st d© poissons muny,
Non d© insbrumens faisans aymer,
Car il publie pour vray, sans ny,
Quil est maistre ©n terre, & en mer.
Cf. Vis amoris for Spenser references.
p.166.
Qua Dij uocant eundum.
505
Alciati
(Woodcut of Mercury with Caducous, standing beside a stream.)
In triuio mons est lapidum, super©minet illi
Trunoa Dei effigies, pectore acta tenus:
Mercurij ©st igitur tumulus, suspend© uiator
Serta deo, rectum qui tibi monstrat iter.
Cmnes in triuio sumus, atque hoc tramite uita©
Fallimur, ostendat ni Deus ipse uiam.
p.167.
Aller ou dieu appelle.
Seals tu que signifi© Mercure,
Sur vng mur estant pres la voye:
Et qui da la monstrer prand cure,
Affin qu© nul ne se fouruoye?
C© veult dire, qu© dieu pouruoy©
En c© mondain chemin les hommes.
Car sans son ayde, on se desuoye,
En tant de faulx sentiers, ou sommes.
7.6.16-19ff.
7.6.18.2.
4.3.42.2-7
(The caduceus is always represented in Emblem-books as portrayed by Sponsar.)
p.168.
(The order is a bit reversed for th© next Emblem. One finds
the woodcut occupying the entire page and the French verse preceding the Latin. The woodcut depicts a lady sitting on a
barrel upon which is written "Spes". She is holding an anchor
in her hand. Facing her is a vine-crowned figur© with a
sheaf of wheat in one hand and a dish in the other. Th© figur©
is on a pedestal marked "Bonus Avent". Next is the blindfolded
winged god with bow in one hand and arrows in th© other.)
Au simulachr© d© Esperance.
Quelz pinceaux ont pourtraiot ceste gent© deesse,
Que la fac© a riant, ft monstre a tous liesse?
Elphidius me fist, Esperance on me nomma,
Prestant a ooup mon bi© a tout miserable hoe
Ma robe vert© enseigne, qu© ©n ioy© ietretiens,
506
Alciati
Et ce, iusqu© a la mort, dont le dard rompu tiens
Ouquel teps, est cass© tout le bien que donnoye
Ainsi coduis les g©ns a fin, sans grade money©,
Ce toneau ou ie seetz, faiot rapport d© Ihilsoire,
Dont Hesiod© a faict excellent© memoir©.
Car lors qu© du tonneau vertus au ciel voleret,
Et qu© grands maulx vrgens parmy 1© monde allerent.
In simulachrum Spei.
Quae Dea tam laeto suspectans sydera uultu?
Cuis penniculis reddita imago fuit.
Elpidij fecer© manus, ego nominor ilia,
Qua© miseris promptam spes bona praestat opem.
Cur uiridis tibi Passa? quod omnia me duoe uernent,
Quid manibus mortis tola refracta geris.
Quod uiuos sperare docet, praeado sepultis.
Cur in dolioli tegmine pigra sedes.
Sola domi mansi uolitantibus undiqu© noxis,
Ascraei ut docuit musa uerenda senis.
Quae tibi adest uolucris? Comix fidissimus oscon
Est ben© cum neque at dicere, dicit erit.
Qui comites? bonus Euentus, praecepsue Cupido,
Qui praecunt, uigilum somnia uana uocant.
Quae tibi iuncta astat, scelerum Rhamnusia uindiu,
Scilicet ut speres nil nisi quod liceat.
1.10.14.
(The next emblem i s devoted to "Illicitum non sperandum" or
"Rien esperer i l l i c i t e " . But the representation of the figure
of Spes i s p r a c t i c a l l y the same as given in other Emblem-books,
and no specification of the color of the gown is given.)
p.174.
Pax
(Woodcut depicts elephant drawing chariot with iBiplements of
war strewn on ground.)
Turrigeris humeris, dentis quoq; barrus eburni,
Qui superar© ferox Martia bella solet:
Supposuit nunc colla iugo, stimulisq subactus,
Caesareos currus ad pia templa uehit.
Vel fera cognoscit Concordes undique gentes,
Proiectisq; armis munia pa°is obit.
508
Alciati
Semper h i a t , semper tenuem qua u e s c i t u r auram,
Redprocat Chamaeleon,
Et mutat fadem, u a r i o s sumitq; c o l o r e s ,
P r a e t e r rubrum u e l candidum.
Sic ft Adulator p o p u l a r ! u e s c i t u r aura,
Hiansq; cuncta d e u o r a t ,
Et solum mores i m i t a t u r p r i n c i p i s a t r o s .
Albi ft pudia n e s c i u s .
p.191.
Flateurs
Cameleon s o u f f l a n t sans cess©,
Viuant d a i r , na f i x e s c o u l e u r s .
Adonc b l e u , verd ou i a u l n e , ft l a i s s e
Rouge ft blanc t a i n c t s de grandz v a l e u r s .
F l a t e u r s de Prince ont t e l z malheurs,
Mangeans peuple en v i l l e & c i t e .
Des meurs du p r i n c e grands p a r l e u r s :
Fors de blancheur ft p u r i t e .
4.1.18ff.
(p.192.
Venus.
Woodcut of cupid being stung by bees and rushing to
Cf. Epig.
)
p.198.
Remedia in arduo, mala in prono esse.
(V/oodcut of three women with winged figur© in distance.)
Aetheriis postquam doieat sedibus Aten
Iupiter, heu uexat quam mala noxa \iiros:
Euolat haec pedibus celer, ft pernicibus alis,
Intactumq; nihil casibus esse sinit.
Ergo Lita© proles louis hanc comitantur euntem,
Sarcturae quicquid fecerit ilia mali.
Sed quia segnipedes straba© lassaeq senecta,
Nil nisi post longo tempore restituunt.
p.199.
Maulx viennent promptement.
Et biens a difficult©.
509
Alciati
Attey d© Iuppiter chassee
Pour nuyre, vola sur la t e r r e .
Et ny f a i t pas vne passee,
Sens rendre feu, fain, paste, ou guerre.
Lites apres vont, non grand erre,
Car v i e i l l e s sont, ft mal t r o t a n s :
Dont Ion n© peult leur bien acquerr©,
Fors apres longue ©space, ft temps.
5.9.31-32.
p.200.
Eloquentia f o r t i t u d i n e praestantior.
(Woodcut of Hercules with lion's skin and long chain coming
from mouth which i s fastened to long and i n d i s t i n c t line of
men. Club in other hand.)
Arcum laeua t e n e t , rigidam f e r t dextera clauam,
Contegit ft Nemees corpora nuda leo.
Herculis haec i g i t u r faoies? non conuenit i l l u d ,
Quod uetus ft senio tempora cana g e r i t .
Quid quod lingua i l l i leuibus t r a i e c t a cathenis?
Queis f i s s a f a c i l i a l l i a t aure uiros?
An ne quod Aladen lingua non robore Galli
Praestantem populis iura dediss© ferunt?
Cedunt arma togae, ft quamuis durissima corda
Eloquio pollens ad sua uota t r a h i t .
p.201.
Eloquence vault mieulx que fore©.
Larc en la main, en lautre la massue,
Peau d© lyon estant cy apperceue,
Pour Hercules me faict ce vieillart croire
Mais ce quil a marque de si grand gloire:
Qu© mener gens enchainez a sa langue.
Entendre veult, quil feist tant bien harengue,
Que les Francois pour ses ditz d© merueilles,
Furent ainsi que pris par les oreilles.
Si done il a par loix ft ordonnances
Range les gens, plustost qu© par vaillances,
Dira Ion pas (comme ce ©st verite)
Qu© lespee au lieu aux liures quiet©?
Et que vng dur cueur par saiges mieulx s© rag©,
Que gros effort son asprete ne change?
510
Alciati
Pource Hercules ne faict pas grandes forces:
Et si font gens apres luy grandes courses.
5.1.2.9.
5.10.11.3.
O f v i fc^t• & •
2.5.31.4-5,
p.202.
In r e c e p t a t o r e s s i c a r i o r u m .
(V/oodcut of Acteon being b e s e t by hounds.)
Latronum furumq; manus t i b i Scaeua per urbem
I t comas, ft d i r i s ancta cohors g l a d i j s .
Atqu© i t a t e mentis generosum prodige c e n s e s ,
Quod t u a complureis a l l i a t o l l a malos.
En nouus Actaeon, qui postquam cornua sumpsit,
I n praedam canibus se d©dit i p s e s u i s .
p.203.
Receptateurs dhomicides.
Gens apres toy auec espees,
(Dont plusieurs ont gaign© le prendre,
Ou dauoir oreilles coppees)
Te font cornes au chef extendre,
Mais il t©n pourra ainsi prandre,
En nourrissant telz ruffians,
Qu© a Acteon: qui (faict cerf tendre)
Fust deuore de tous ses ohiens,
Cf. Chapter VIII
pp.208-10.
In Statuam Amoris.
(V/oodcut of Cupid sans wings leaning on s h i e l d with on© hand,
other r a i s e d as i f i n p a r t i a l b l e s s i n g . )
511
Alciati
Quis sit Amor, plures olim ceciner© poetae,
Eius qui uario nomine gesta ferunt.
Conuenit hoc, quod uestre caret, quod corpore paruus
Tela alasqu© ferens, lumina nulla tenet.
Haec ora hie habitusque dei est, sed dicer© tantos
Si licet in uates, falsa subess© reor.
Ecour nudus agat? diuo quasi pallia desint,
Qui cunctas domiti possidet orbis opes.
At qui quaeso niues boreamq; euader© nudus
Alpinum potuit, strictaq; prata gelu?
Si puer est, puerum n© uocas qui Nestora uincit?
An nosti Ascraei carmina docta sensis?
Inconstans puer, hie peruicax, pectora quae iam
Trans adijt, nunquam linquere sponte potest.
At pharetras ft tela gerit, quid inutile pondus?
An curuare infans cornua dura ualet?
Alas curue tenet, quas nsscit in aethera ferr©?
In scius in uolucrum fleeter© tela iecur.
Serpit humi sempereque uirum mortalia corda
Laedit, ft haud alas saxeus ind© mouet.
Si caecus uitamqu© gerit, quid taenia caeco
Vtilis ©st? ideo num minus ille uidet?
Quis n© sagittiferum credat qui lumine capitus
Hie certa, ast caeci spicula uana mouent.
Igneus est, aiunt, uersatqu© in pector© flammas,
Cur age uiuit adhuc? omnia flamma uorat.
Qu.in etiam tumidis cur non extinguitar undis,
Naiadum quoties mollia corda subit?
At tu ne tantis capiare ©rroribus audi.
Versus quid sit Amor carmina nostra ferent.
Iucundus labor ©st, lasciua per ocia, signum
Illius est, nigro punica glans clypeo.
pp.211-13.
A la statu© Damour
Plusieurs escripuains ont pris peine,
D© faire ©scripture certain©,
Du dieu damours, ft sa facon.
Et dient que cest vng garcon,
Qui nest point homme deuenu,
Et va volant par lair tout nud,
Auec vng arc, don flesches tire:
Rendant a plusieurs gros martyr©:
Et ayant maint cueur moult greu©:
Iacoit quil soit de veu© priue.
Vela c© qui en est narre,
Enquoy ie dis quon a ©rre:
Sil apartient que ause reprandre
Les vieulx, qui nous ont sceu aprandre,
Premier vecy ou i© mefonde:
Cil qui regn© par tout 1© monde,
512
Alciati
Est il dieu si debilemont,
Quil nayt point vng habillement.
Ou comme se pourroit il faire,
Que allant es lieux ou il repair©,
Le froit dhyuer qu© faiot la bise,
Ne tuast lenfant sans chemise.
Et si a c© ay vng respondant,
Disant quil port© feu ardant,
I© demand© comme il peult viure,
Veu qu© le feu a tout mort liure?
Et ou sa vie tel feu rendroit?
Si scait Ion bien quil lestaindroit,
Quand il va deuers les Naiades:
Nymphes, Seraines, Seriades,
Et aultres Deesses benignes
Procedans d©s maisons Marines.
D© rechief Ion lappelle enfant,
Qui neantmoins fut triumphant
Sur Nestor, homme d© grand aage.
Et quon tenoit tresmeur ft sage.
Dont nest vray semblabl© sentence.
Car lenfant ©st plain d© inconstanc©.
Et cestuy cy est inuincible,
Au moins a vainer© peu possible.
Et dez que vng cueur tient en surprise,
A peine en rompt Ion lentreprise.
Apres Ion dit que vng arc'il port©,
Et lenfant a main si peu forte,
Qu© ia nen pourroit vng arc tendr©,
Pas pour en scauoir grand cop rendre:
Consequemment Ion dit quil vole,
Et le vraye ny© telle parolle:
Car tousiours veult vers Ihomm© a H e r ,
Et n© va pas fort hault en lair.
Aussi nous congnoissons assez,
Quil na gueres doyseaux blessez.
Puis contraire apparenoe nott©
Ceulx qui dient quil n© voit gout©,
Pource qu© loiel sert a larchier,
A veoir ce, ou il veult lascher.
Et puis laueugle n© command©,
Qu© de drapeau ses yeulx on band©.
A ces moyens fais contredit,
A tout ce quon a d© luy dit.
Et quant a moy, scauoir t© fais.
Que amour est vng tresplaissant faiz:
Vng labeur, ou Ion prand repos,
Maladie en corps bien dispos,
Truaillant ©n oysiuete,
Gay ©n yuer comme en est©.
514
Alciati
p.219.
Ia renommee plus que la beaulte de femme est de pris.
Phidia feist vne statu©.
D© Venus dam© en volupte.
Soubz ses piedz meist vne Tortus,
Ou les meurs de femme a notte.
La Tortue garde son hostel,
Pour fair© voix, ne ouurant la bouche.
Et tost a test© ft piedz bout©
En sa maison dez quon la toucher.
4.10.40,4.
(The Aphrodite of the Cnidians, wrongly attributed
by Spenser to Phidias.)
p.220.
Bonis a diuitibus nihil timondum.
(Woodcut of three harpies being pursued by two cupids with
drawn swords.)
Iunctus contiguo Marius mihi pariete, nee non
Subbardus nostri nomina nota fori.
Aedificant ben© mummati, sataguntq; uel ultro
Obstruere heu nostris undiq; luminibus.
Me miserum geminae quem tanquam Phinea raptant
Harpyiae, ut proprijs sedibus eijeiant.
Integritas nostra, atq; animus quaesitor honesti,
His nisi sint Zetes, his nisi sint Calais.
p.221.
Bons ne d o i b u e n t c r a i n d r e l e s r i c h e s .
Mes v o i s i n s Maire ft Subbardus,
Ont i a t a n t h a u I t e d i f i e ,
Quilz r e n d r o n t mes manoirs perdue:
Car mon i o u r onb r a r i f i e .
Dont ay besoing d e s t r e a f f i e ,
D© Calahis ft de Z e t e s ,
Fors pour Harpies d e s s i e r ,
Et pour c h a s s e r m a l a i s e s t e l z .
2.12.36.9.
p.222.
515
Alciati
Consilio ft uirtut© Chimasram superari, id ©st fortiores ft
deceptores.
(Woodcut of man riding winged horse which is attacked by a
lion.)
Bellerophon ut f o r t i s ©ques superare Chimaeram
Et l i c i j potuit sternere monstra s o l i :
Sic tu Pegaseis uectus, petis aethera pennis,
Consilioqj animi monstra superba domas.
p.223.
Le Chimer© qui est a dire les fors, ft tropeurs,
sont surmontez par vertus ft conseil.
Bellerphon cheuallier f o r t ,
Sur Pegasus volant monta:
Faissant par luy s i grand effort,
Que la Chimer© surmonta.
Celluy qui des assaulx moult a,
Troublans ses e s p r i t & memoir©.
Si d© bon conseil se acointa,
Tost prand sur t e l z monstres v i c t o i r e .
6.1.8.2.
3.11.42.7ff.
1.9.21.9.
/
Y
516
Barthelemy Aneau (Anulus)
Picta Poesis, ab author© denou recognita.
vt pictvra poesis ©rit.
Lvgdvni
Apud Mathiam Bonhomms.
1556
7 ( p . 1 0 — 1552 © d . )
Typographi Agathandri Symbolvm
EK TOY PONYO KAEOE
(Picture of Perseu© flying through air with head of Medusa
in on© hand and sword in other.)
Persevs saxifica© caput ©xitiale Medusa©
Victor periculi gerit.
Aegid© Palladia armaius, clypeoq; corusco,
Acuta ft Harpe Mercuri,
Vertice pennato, geminii talaribus: auras
Carpens, volat mirabilis.
D© spicit, ac infra s© homines in saxa stupentes:
Fusis humi serpentibus.
Ecqvid id ©st ? Cv absoluit opus Sapietia pulchru
Acumine Eloquentia© :
Eu ©hit alte (adeo genus vt mortal© stupescat:)
LAB ORE PARAT GLORIA.
3.9.22.8.
p. 17.
Ingenivm, Et Labor.
(A woodcut of Chiron shooting his arrows into th© sun. Background shows a city with a hand coming out from heaven pointing
down at it.)
Chiron naturae cur fingitur esse biformis,
Anterioris Homo, posterioris Equus?
Contentoque arcu volucrem torquer© sagittam:
Ardua stelligeri qua petit astra Poli?
An quia forma hominis ratio sit propria? Bruti
Quadrupedis, proprium sit labor officium?
Vt quisquis studio aut opera contendit ad alta:
Huic sit coniunctus cum ration© labor.
7.7.40.7.
517
Aneau
p.29.
Seqvitvr Sva Poena Nocentem.
(Woodcut of Ixion bound to wheel with a bit of natural scenery
in the background.)
Conscivs offensarum, animusqae, suipsius vltor.
Viuit in inuita: vita cum viuere nolit.
Cumqu© mori ©xoptet: sua mortis vulnera sentit.
Nee tamen emoritur: sedfert sua tormina secum.
Carnificemque sui cum seipsum sentiat: a se
Vellet abesse quidem. Sed adest, ac vsque rotatur
Vt miser Ixion. ft se sequiturque, fugitqae.
1.5.35.1.
7.6.29.6.
(Aneau has another book.)
The Cock
Containing th© f i r s t p a r t of the most e x c e l l e n t , and Mytheologic a l l H i s t o r i e of th© valorous Squire A l e c t o r ; Sonne t o t h e
Renowned Prince Macrobius Fane-Gal; and t o t h e p e e r e l e s s e P r e i n c e s s e , P r i s c a r a x e , Queen© of high T a r t a r y .
Though long a t length
Imprinted a t London by Thomas Orwin,
and ar© t o bo© sold© by Edward White, dwelling by the l i t t l e
North-doore of S. Paules a t t h e signe of the Gun. 1590.
(Contains some magnificent
similes.)
518
Les V r a i s P o v r t r a i t s Des Hommes I l l v s t r e s En P i e t e Et D o c t r i n e ,
Dv. T r a u a i l desquels Diev s ' e s t s e r u i en ces d e r n i e r s temps
pour remettr© sus l a vraye R e l i g i o n ©n d i u e r s pays d© l a Chrest i e n t e . Auec l e s D e s c r i p t i o n s de leur v i e ft de l e u r s f a i t s
plus memorables.
PLVS, QVARANTE QVATRE
Emblemes Chrestiens.
Traduicts du latin de Theodore d© Besze.
Par lean D© La on
M.D.LXXXT
(Portrait of James VI of Scotland)
Emblem© XVII
p.257
(Woodcut of Ocean with boat riding waves. Figur© of man leaping
from bark which seems to be sinking. Picture of city in background and column and half bridge in foreground.)
Vois tu point ce vaisseau qui flottant a souhait
Au port ou il aspire eschouant s© deffait?
Consider© ceci toy qui ris ©n ce monde,
Qu© l'eau qui te soustient a mort n© t© confonde.
2.12.32.7-8.
3.4,9.
1.12.42.7.
( Th© sam© woodcut border et- al. appears in th© copy bound with
G. Montenay, with this Latin verse.)
p.239.
Tota viden' ventis expandens vela secundis,
Vt perit optato littore mer sa ratis?
Haec tu mente notes, cui fors aspirat arnica,
Haec ©adem ne te qua© vehit vnda ruat.
Emblemata XVI entitled in this volume
Nauis in portu impingens.
Emblem© XXXII
p.272
(Montenay copy of Beza with the same woodcut, only a very
elaborate border, depicts error.)
Vipera ©x vtero matris rupto ©rumpens.
519
Beza
Comme l e s vipereaux vont rongeant l e s e n t r a i l l e s
De la viper©, a f i n d© viur© par sa mort:
A i n s i 1 ' E g l i s e , h e l a s l e s t ruine© a t o r t ,
Par des n o u r r i s s o n s s i e n s , ©xcrables c a n a i l l e s .
Mais 1 ' i s s u e ft 1© f a i t d i f f e r n e t en ce p o i n t ,
Que l a viper© meurt donnant aux s i e n s l a v i e :
Et 1 ' E g l i s e s u b s i s t e ft ne decline p o i n t ,
Tandis qu'aux Apostats v i e ft grace e s t r a u i e .
(And t h e Latin of p . 2 5 1 . )
Viperei exedunt ceu matris viscera foetus:
Sic quos ipsa suo fouit alumna sinu,
Roditur, heu nimium sanctorum Ecclesia multisl
At non euentu, nee ratione pari.
Vipera nam salua infelix prole interit, illis
Haec contra ©xtinotis non peritura manot.
1.1.11-16.
1.3.16-20.
Emblem© V I I I
p.248
(Woodcut of man f a l l i n g back from cannon from which i s i s s u i n g
a b a l l of f i r e . From hand of th© man i s a fir© b r a n d . )
Vois t u pas 1© canon braqu© oontre l e s c i s u x ,
En se c r e u a n t creuer c e l u i la qui 1© t i r e ?
Le mesme t ' a d u i e n d r a , c r u e l m a l i c i e u x ,
Qui lasches sur l e s bons los b a l l e s d© ton i r e .
2.4.35.2,
Emblem© XXI
p.261
(Woodcut of very b e a u t i f u l precious ston© s e t in e l a b o r a t e
mounting of r i n g , )
,
La precieus© pierr© en o r s i n paroissant©
Vn l u s t r e plus b r i l l a n t represent© a nos yaux.
En vn beau corps a u s s i la v e r t u r e l u i s a n t ©
Monstr© i© n© say quoy d'exquis ft p r e c i e u x .
6.10.12.8.
520
Emblem© XXII
p.262
(Woodcut of dog barking a t moon.)
Comma la plain© Lune, ©sclairant© le monde,
Mesprise ce mastin qui en vain iapp© ft grond©.
Ainsi s o i t mespris© t o u t sot qui sans cesser
C h r i s t ou ses s e r u i t e u r s os© bien h a r a s s e r .
1.5.30.2.
Emblem© XXVIII
(Woodcut of seven snakes i n t e r t w i n e d t o form a c i r c l e ,
mounted with a dragon's h e a d . )
Demandes t u que v e u t d i r e c e c i ,
Ces coulevr© aux © n t o r t i l l e z ensemble,
Et ce dragon qui a soy les rassemble
Haussant l a crest© ft l e col endurci?
Pourquoy du c i e l vn b r a s s'auance a i n s i
Tranchant c© rond? 0 l e c t e u r , i l m© semble
Qu© par 1 ' e f f e c t , qui au p o u r t r a i t ressembl©
Suffisamment t u l i s leur nom i c i .
D'onfer Satan l e s poussa vistement,
Di©u l e s arma pour b a t t r e iustement
Le mond© v a i n ©sclaue de 1 ' i d o l e .
Mais C h r i s t , ayant ores de nous m e r c i ,
Va despecant ce rond venimeux c i
Par l e t r a n c h a n t de s a v i u e parol©.
1.1.3.9.
1.7.44-45.
1.9.52.9.
Emblem© XXX
p.270
(Woodcut of man ringing bell.)
Comme la cloche bruit pour autrui non pour soy:
Tu es tel, toy prescheur, qui par doctrine pur©
Tires les coeurs au bien d© qui ton coeur n'a cure,
Et maints sages rendant n'es point sage pour toy.
4.4.25.9.
4.5.13.6.
6.10.26.4.
sur-
521
Emblem© XXXIII
p. 273
(Woodcut with man before large rose bush.)
Quioonqu© imprudomment voudra cueillir des ros
Sentira qu'elles sont de picquerons encloses.
Riches pensez a vous, car parmi vos douceurs
Sont cachses beaucoup de picquantes douleurs.
2.3.22.6.
2.5.29.5.
2.9.31.7.
2.12.74.4.
2.12.77.1.
3.1,49.6.
4.3.51.7.
4.10.50.5.
5.3.23.5.
6.12.7.9.
Embleme XXXV
p.275
(Woodcut depicts great cauldron into which a hand from olouds
is pouring a l i q u i d . Cauldron is upon a f i r e which th© devil
i s prodding with his pitchfork.)
Tu voids Satan s i s o t , q u ' i l ose presumer
Qu'on a t t i s a n t le bois dessous costs chaudiere,
Emplie d'eau du c i e l , 1'escume estant a r r i e r e ,
Ce qui rest© dedans se pourra consumer,
Tel e s t l ' e s t a t d© Saincts. Contr© eux on void s'armer
Satan ft tous les siens en diuer se maniere,
Afin d'abolir t o u t : mais ceste emprise f i e r e
Et oes rudes efforts doyuent a rien tourner.
Christ f i d e l e ft puissant, qui sur les cieux habit©,
Est seur refuge aux s i e n s . Ennemi mal-heureux,
Continue t e s coups: plus t a fureur despite
Embrasera oa bas tes tisons furieux,
Plus 1'Eglise sera d'escume repurgee,
Pour ©n perfection se voir au c i e l range©.
5.12.1.2 and 3 .
Embleme XXXIX
p.279
(Woodcut of Angel Religion leaning on cross with on© foot o
skeleton, representing death holding aloft th© scriptures.;
522
Beza
Qui es t u (di le moy) marchant s i mal vestu©?
Je s u i s R e l i g i o n , d© l ' E t e m e l i s s u e .
D'ou v i e n t c© pauur© h a b i t ? s i de caduque a r r o y .
Quol beau l i u r e ©st-c© la? de mon pere la l e y .
Qu© ne t e couure t u . d© rondeur suis ami©.
Que v e u t dir© t a c r o i x . sans la c r o i x i© n ' a y v i e .
Et t e s a i l e s . i e fay l'homme volar aux c i e u x .
Tes rayons? I a b o l i l ' e r r e u r p e r n i c i e u x .
C© f r e i n ? l'ame par moy ses passions surmont©.
Et l a mort sous t e s pieds? l a mort i e mords ft dompt©.
5.9.44.7-8.
Embleme XL
p.280
(Woodcut d e p i c t s th© sun and moon with t h e e a r t h between as
c e n t e r of o r b i t of b o t h . Sun's o r b i t o u t s i d e of moon,)
Comme l a Lun©, esbant v i s a v i s du S o l e i l ,
Luit d'vne face e n t i e r e :
L ' e g l i s e a u s s i , voyant d© son C h r i s t le doux o e i l ,
Luit d ' e n t i e r e lumiere.
7.6.16.2.
o • o # Lc 0 & •
3« 3«16#2#
3.6.9.3.
Emblem© XLI
p.281
(Woodcut of Sun, moon and e a r t h a g a i n . This tim© with th©
p o s i t i o n s changed so t h a t th© moon i s darkened.)
Lors qu© 1© corps ©spais de la t e r r e e n t r e u i e n t
Au deuant du S o l e i l , la Lun© ©n n o i r se change.
Quand l a sagesse humain© ©n 1'Eglise s© t i e n t ,
Sa c e l e s t e c l a r i t e s© tourne ©n n u i c t ©strange.
1.8* 3 8 . 6 .
2.1.53.1-3.
2.2.44.2.
3.3.16.2-3.
4.6.43.9.
525
Emblem© XLII
p.282.
(Woodcut of e a r t h moon and sun, a g a i n , t h i s tim© in
positions.)
different
L ' i g n o r a n t croid la Lun© ©str© a b o l i e ,
Alors q u ' a l l © e s t plus proch© du S o l e i l .
Mais d© lueur ©11© e s t plus a n o b l i e ,
Plus de son f r e r e ©lie approch© son o e i l .
Ainsi c e l u i , que le f o l monde pense
Mort en la m o r t , v i t e s t a n t approche
De C h r i s t , duquel ayant la i o u i s s a n c e ,
I I a le b i e n s i long temps r e c e r c h e .
Embleme XLVIII
p.283
(Woodcut of s h i p i n storm with many on board working a t s a i l s . )
Voyant c e s t enrage f a i r e
Et l e s s i e n s , ©n percant
Tu v o i d s , h e l a s 1 au v i f
Du temps auquel 1© monde
noyer soy-mesm©
la nef qui l e s s o u s t i e n t :
c e s t e misere extreme
auiourd'hui s ' e n t r e t i e n t .
2.12.5.7.
2.12.32.7.
(By way of a p a r e n t h e s i s , not© t h a t in th© " e p i s t l e t o th©
r e a d e r " he makes t h e following s t a t e m e n t s . )
Le second l i u r e ©st r e s e r u e pour l e s R o i s , P r i n c e s , M a g i s t r a t s ,
ft Gouuerneurs d© Republiqijes, n o u r r i s s i o r s , d© I ' E g l i s © : ft pour
l e s v a i l l a n s chefs d© guerr© qui mesmes ont espandu leur sang
pour m a i n t e n i r l a vraye R e l i g i o n , (suoh peopl© as Thos. Cranmer,
Luther and V/yclif.) Latimer.
. . . Outre ce i ay a d i o u s t e quarate quatre Emblemes, me persuadat
q u ' i l s s e r o n t a g r e a b l e s aux l e c t e u r s debonnaires, a cause des
senteces n o t a b l e s ft Chrestienes qu'iceux Emblemes c o n t i e n e n t .
Th© English men t h e r e i n d e s c r i b e d : George Marche, George E g l e ,
Wm. Hunter, Wm. Tyndal, Hugues Latimer, lean Bradford, Jean
Hopper, Jean H u l l i e r , Jean Liefe, Jean P h i l i p o t , Jean Rogiers,
Jean W i c l i f , Laurent Saunders, Nicholas Ridley, Rbt. F e r r o r ,
Rbt. Samuel, Roland Taylor, Thos. Cranmer. Thos. V i t l e . C h r i s topher Cudman.
524
Emblemata N i c o l a i Revsneri IC. Partim E t h i c a , e t Fhysica:
Partim v e r o H i s t o r i c a , ft Hieroglyphica, sed ad v i r t u t i s ,
morumq; Doctrinam omnia ingenios© t r a d u c t a : ft in. quatuor
l i b r o s d i g e s t a , cum symbolis ft i n s c r i p t i o n i b u s i l f u s t r i u m ft
clarorum v i r o t u m .
Qvibvs Agalmatvm, Sive Emblematum sacrorum Liber vnus s u p e r a d d i t u s . Ex Recensione Ieremia© Reusneri Leorini 15 Francoforti
1581
And. A l c i a t u s
P. C o s t a l i u s ,
B. Anulus,
Achil Bochius,
CI. Paradinus,
Th. Beza,
l o a n . Sambucus.
Adr. l u n u i s , ft A l i j n o n u l l i ; quorum p r a e c l a r a i n g e n i j monimenta
mandata U t e r i s e x s t a n t , ad memoriam p o s t e r i t a t i s sempitemam.
(from E p i s t o l a D e d i c a t o r i )
Reusner, N i c h o l a s , Emblemata partim e t h i c a , partim v e r o h i s t o r i c a
e t h i e r o g l y p h i c a . F i r s t e d i t i o n . T i t l e v/ithin an ornamental
v/oodcut b o r d e r , p o r t r a i t of th© a u t h o r , 100 emblematic cuts by
V i r g i l S o l i s , and each page w i t h i n b o r d e r s .
F r a n c o f o r t i , 1581
In th© sam© volume are bound the follov/ing tracts by t h e same
a u t h o r , w i t h t h e exception of two: Principum Boiariorum e t
Palatinorum s y l v u l a , Lavingae R h e t i c a e , 1586 ( p r e s e n t a t i o n copy
from t h e a u t h o r ) ; Carmen lugubre d© obitu Christophori e t Eberh a r d i ducum Wirtebergicorum 1569; In mortem Maximiliani I I Carmena f u n e b r i a 1576; in n u p t i a s Ioannis Comitis P a l a t i n i E p i thalamium; C h r i s t l i c h e Predig durch Abrahamum Manne, n . d .
Aulae g r a t i a r u m , Lavingae n . d . Sylva Epigrammatum n u p t i a l i u m ,
Lavingae n . d . and 10 o t h e r s .
V i r t u t i s comes g l o r i a .
Emblem© III, p.4.
Ad D. Maximilianum, Maximil
Caes. F. Archiducem Austrium.
(V/oodcut of maidens praying before statue in tempi© —
ing and wending way up hill to castle.)
two leav-
525
Reusner
Qvid t i b i cum Musis, A l c i d e magne, t o g a t i s ?
Graecia quando vna vos c o l i t aede p o t e n s .
An quod prima duces Musarum oura p o t e n t e s ?
An Musae quod s i n t proxima cura ducum?
Sic e s t . nanque ducum c a n t a n t Musae i n c l y t a f a c t a :
R e t r i b u u n t Musis praemia digna d u c e s .
C r e s c i t honos regum Phoebeo carmine: Phoebi
R e g a l i r u r s u s munere c r e s c i t honor.
1.7.17.2.
3.12.7.6.
4.1.23.5.
5.8.31.4.
5.10.11.3.
6 .12.32.2.
cf. Muses
Soli animi, virtus
Emblem© VII, pp.9,10,
(Woodcub of a man and a maid holding hands facing each other,
man in foreground pointing to sun which is shining above.
Castle in background•)
Sol, oculus coeli, radijs illuminat orbem:
Et Phoeb© noctem disycit alba nigram
Sol animi virtus sensus illuminat aegros:
Et tenebras mentis discutit alma fides.
Si menti virtus, virtuti proeuia lucet.
Pura fides: nihil hoc clarius esse potest.
Aurea virtutes species, fideiq, Philippe,
Praeradians, coelo sic tibi monstrat iter.
Scilicet hie vitae Sol ©st, & Lucifer vnus:
Haec Phoebe, noctem quae fugat ign© suo.
Quao dum mente vides arrecta lumina: mundi
Impauidus tenebras despicis, atq metus.
Sol magno, Phoebeq micent, ft Lucifer orbi:
Dum tibi sic virtus luceat, atq fides.
Ad Dauidem Peiferum Jurecos. &
Consil. Saxon. Septemuiralem.
Emblema XIII, p.25.
326
Reusner
(Woodcut of t h r e e Idaean l a d i e s . In background man s t r u g g l i n g
w i t h a n o t h e r man; i n foreground man with cow, and man w i t h c r v phon.)
F e l i c i t a t i s mater e s t I n d u s t r i a :
Laborq Gloria© p a t e r .
Si n e s c i s , hoc Amaltheae cornu docet,
Plenum b e a t a c o p i a .
Cornu b o u i s , laborem sispiat asperum.
Nam bos l a b o r i o s u s e s t .
La©tam bonorum p o l l i c e n t u r copiam
F r u c t u s , quibus cornu s c a t e t .
c*. / . oo. o.
7.7.41.7.
P u l c r i t u d o c i u i t a t i s , Concordia.
Emblema XIX, p . 2 7 .
Ad Matthaeum V. Vesebeccium Jurisconsultum.
(Woodcut of temple v/ith two s t a t u e s one of w a r r i o r (woman) with
helmet, and spear, with mask i n other hand, facing ivy-crowned
god, naked with b i r d on one hand which i s r a i s e d a l o f t , and
c l u t c h i n g leaves t o h i s body with other h a n d . )
Qvam s p e c t a s , e s t mater opum Concordia: templum
Camillus olim cui s a c r a u i t splendidum.
Craterem f e r t dextra manus, cornuq s i n i s t r a ,
Pomis, ft odoro f l o r e plenum, Copia.
Punica mala Dea© dependent v e s t i b u s : a s t a t
Vtrinq c o r n i x , s a c r a auis Concordia©
Nimirum r e g n i v i s e s t Concordia s a n c t a :
Et P u l c r i t u d o c i u i t a t i s maxima:
Cui comes e s t pleno diues bonae Copia cornu:
Et Pax, ft alma Quies, I u s t i t i a e f i l i a .
Bacchus a d e s t , ft f l a u a Ceres, ft opima Voluptas:
Adsunt: Opes, ft F i r m i t a s , ft S a n i t a s .
Hospis, v t h o s t i s .
Emblema XXII, p . 3 0 .
Ad Andream Duditium, Senatorum, ft Oratorum
Caosareum.
327
Reusner
(Woodcut of maidens on knees before tempi©, other maidens
seemingly petitioning them t o com© away.)
Threicius Musas i n u i t a t sponte Pyreneus:
Parnassi quando splendida templa petunt:
Fallaciq Deas vultu c o l i t hospes, vt h o s t i s :
Nam parat his damnum, vimq Tyrannus a t r o x .
Continuo sumptis coetus sacer effugit a l i s :
Sublimis t e c t i s hie cadit, atq p e r i t .
5.8.31.1.
4.7.22.9.
2.12,52.8.
6.Pr.2.2.
0 v i t a misero longa
Emblema XXVII
Ad Hugonem Donellum Jurisconsultum.
Dij prohibete nefas
Emblema VI, p.63. Liber I I .
Ad Martinum Rulandum Medicum.
(Woodcut of camel facing troe v/ith great gap in i t s s i d e . )
Felle c a r e t , v i u i t q diu: s i t i s , atq laborum
Fert patiens tergo grande camelus onus.
Filius haud matri, nee f i t sua f i l i a patri
Coniux: casta fides obstat, amorq pius.
Si cogas, f u r i i h i e , foedoq repugnat amori:
Si non desistas cogere: nullus ©ris.
Oedipe, tuq Nero, quae vos dementia c e p i t ,
P o l l u i t haud sanctum s i fera castatorum.
1.4.27.2.
Cedite fatis
Emblema IX
Ad Joannem Schneideuinum Jurisconsultum.
(Woodcut of Lion with trees in background.)
Qvadrupedum quum fit Leo rex, Dominusq ferarum:
Ad Galli cantum cur, Strepitumqfugit?
328
Reusner
T e l l u r i , Diuum matri, sacer est leo: Marti
Gallus, qui Solis Prouocat oroiubar.
Sic vim diuinam metuit terrena potsstas:
Cui refragari fasq, piumq v e t a t .
Plus v a l e t humano diuinum robor© verbum:
Et r a t i o superos vincere sulla potest.
5.Pr.6.4.
7.7.36.3.
1.4.33.2.
1.1.17.2,
1.6.7.4.
1.6.24.4.
1.6.25.7.
Nil Christo triste recepto.
Emblema X, pp.68,69.
Ad Hieronymum Haunoldum Medicum.
(Woodcut of Rooster and hen near house.)
Praedatur pullos, pedibusq ©uiscerat vncis
Miluus ©dax: s i quos deuius error a g i t .
C o l l i g i t , ft f i d i s t e g i t hos gallina sub a l i s :
Gloccitu matrem t e s t i f i c a t a piam.
T e r r i b i l i s Sathanas sanctos a f f l i g i t , ft angit:
Et quacunq potest art© nocere, nocet:
Protegis alarum quos, Christe, potente sub vmbra:
Et saeuo tutos solus ab hoste f a c i s .
5.6.27.1.
Cum Oaruis Luctari nefas.
Emblema XXVII, p.87.
Ad Joannem Oretlium Cygnooomaum
(Woodcut of lion sleeping while bunnies play around him.)
May hav© suggested 4.8.31.1. No similarity in vers©.
Mille hominum species.
Emblema V, p.111. Liber III.
Ad Petrum Albinum Niuemontium.
329
Reusner
(Woodcut of goddess in tempi© with two figures kneeling before
it. Human heads strewn around and blindfolded man pursuing
woman who is carrying stones in her arms.)
Dvm genus humanum reparat cum coniug© Pyrrha
Deucalion: fortes poscit, aditq Themin.
Ilia caput velare moent: tunicisq recinctis
Frigida post tergum mittere saxa manu.
Parua mora ©st: vtriusq volant post terga parentis:
Patalatimq anima mollia saxa calent.
Nam maribus nudas ostendit pyrrha puellas:
Quos format iactu vir, reparatq suo.
5.Pr.2.7.
Vitae sapientia custos.
Emblema V I I , pp.113,114.
Ad Reinerium Solenandrum Medicum,
(Woodcut of young man v/ith bow and arrow before whom l i e s
ugly monster with upwound t a i l t h a t he has s l a i n v/ith an
arrow. Monster has wings, a l l i g a t o r h i d e , e a g l e ' s c l a w s ,
and tongue hanging out of mouth.)
S t r a t u s humi Python Phoebi i a c e t ©cc© s a g i t t i s :
T e r r i b i l i s serpens corpore, ft ore minax.
Qui modo p e s t i f o r o p r e s s i t t o t iugera v e n t r e
lam c i n c i s , ft p u l u i s , iam n i h i l esse p o t e s t .
P y t h i a iam c e l e b r e t securo Graecia corde:
Laurea v i c t o r i s c i n g z t honora c a p u t .
Prima docens rectum, c u s t o s s a p i e n t i a v i t a e e s t
Cum v i t i j s , morbos p e l l i t , ft omne malum.
1.1.14-26.
Quisque suos patimur manes
Emblema X, pp.116,117.
Ad Hieronymum Arconaturn Leorinum.
(Woodcut of t h r e e - h e a d e d b e a s t with weeping women ( t h r
them) following i t toward another woman who holds out
hands t o them.)
330
Reusner
Nocte s a t a S t y g i a , f u r i a e t r e s : d i r a Megaera,
T r i s t i s ft A l e o t o , Tisiphoneq f u r e n s :
Sunt s p e c u l a t r i c e s scelerum, v l t r i c e s q malorum:
Quod s u a d e n t , m u l c t a n t p r o t i n u s omne n e f a s :
I n s p i r a n t q graues animos, rabiemq metumq:
Menti, non membris v u l n e r a d i r a f e r u n t .
S c i l i c e t hae c o l u b r a e s u n t , haec f l a g e l l a , facesq
Mens hominis requi© quum n e q u i t aegra f r u i .
Cf.
Furies.
T r i a animi monstra
Emblema XI, pp.117,118.
Ad Christophorum Reusnerum FR. Germanum
(V/oodcut of harpies being pursued by Cupid.)
Qvae Strophades habitant Harypyiae: tristis Aello,
Ocypeteq ferox animis, ft dira Celaeno:
Sunt auida© volucres: fraudantes Phinea mensis
Appositis olim: contactuq omnia turpi
Foedantes: ft non tantum aedibus eijcientes.
Quem redimunt tandem iuuenes, Aquilon© creati,
Praestantes animis, Calais, Zethesq superbis:
Aurea cum Minyis dum vellera, Phasis ad vndu
Per mare non notum, prima petier© carina.
0 quam difficilis res est,ftplena pericli,
Inuida mens, ft auara, superbaq: monstra domantur
Qua© si non virtut© animi, probitateq vita©:
Cum fama, res atq fides mox interit omnia.
2.12.36.9.
Mac©rat i n u i d i a .
Emblema XII, p.119.
Ad Christophorum Vuolsium Annaemontium.
(V/oodcut of half-naked woman tearing her hair, long
serpent at feet. Another woman with streamer from hair to
hand is approaching her.)
Polypus exstimulante fame sua brachia rodit:
Sub brumam praoda deficient© sua.
331
Reusner
Inuidus alterius rebus macrescit opimis:
Et telis ses© conficit ipse suis.
Ferrugo rodit ferrum, lignumq teredo:
Et tineae damno vestibus ess© solent.
Liuor ©dax videt ingratos; carpitq videndo
Successus hominum: carpitur ipse simul.
5.12.28ff,
5.12.30.
5.12.39.
Musicae, ft Foeticae Vis.
Emblema XXI, pp.129,130.
Ad Dauidem Nephelithum Mathematicum
(Woodcut of Orpheus taming wild beasts.)
Terribiles Orpheus tigres, rabidosq leones,
Et Vohicres cantu lenijt, atq feras.
Saxa sono blanda© mouit testudinis alter
Amphion: Thebas dum struit absq manu.
Scilicet agrestes animos, hominesq feroces
Mollijt: ft populos imbuit arte rudes:
Quos blanda flexit prece comiter, eloquioq:
Et quos ius docuit, iustitiamq sequi.
Musica sic multum, multum diuina Poesis,
Concentu numeris conueniente, valet.
Si vox ©st, canta: genius si, carmina salta:
Commoda sed vita© carmina, grata Deo.
Carminibus mentes, mulcentur cantibus aures:
Fontibus aetherijs vtraq vena fluit.
Orpheus.
Tecum h a b i t a .
Emblema XXVII, pp.138,139.
(Young man approaching s a t y r , lut© lying on ground, Satyr
t r e e , and r i v e r flowing b y , )
In Attalum
Circuit horrentis dum pell© leonis asellus:
Turpiter ©xutus, fusteq caesus abit.
332
Reusner
Marsya, dum propria non vis in pell© quiesse:
Phoebeis digitis ©xcoriatus obis.
Sic elephantina quoniam Thraso pelle superbit:
Stultitia© arguitur proditor ipse suae.
Si sapis, ess© tua contentus forte memento:
Intra fortunam disc© manere tuam,
Quem natur locum tribuit, satis ©sse putato:
Si, quod habes, non vis, iam miser esse potes.
Nam quid habss, quod non habeas quoq muner© Diuum?
Et quo plura negas tu tibi, plura feres.
3.11.35.
C r e s c i t amornumi
Emblema XXXIII, p . 1 4 6 .
(V/oodcut of obese vins-crowned man with upblown b e l l y r i d i n g
upon an a s s , other f i g u r e s walking before and b e s i d e , and a
figur© in t h e clouds above. In f a r background seems t o be a
t a b l e or a l t a r , with f i g u r e in b a c k . )
In Auarum
C r e s c i s , ft A t t a l i c o domus a l t a r e n i t e t ab a u r o :
Corrasasq c o l i s , numinis i n s t a r , opes.
Nee s a t i s hoc, animam l u c r i s quoq vendis i n i q u i s :
Mercando s o l e r s ©xcutis cmne solum:
Exanimisq metu vix^ilas, t r e p i d a s q pauore:
Multaq possideas quum bona, p l u r a c u p i s .
Sic quondam s i t t e n s f u g i e n t i a flumina c a p t a t
T a n t a l u s : ft p o s i t a c o n t i n e t ora dap©.
1.4.27-29.
J- • O m OO • D«
2.7.57-60.
Animum reg©
Emblema XXXIX, pp.152,153.
Ad Cbertum Giphanium Juriscons.
(Woodcut of many women in a field.
serpent in th© heel.)
On© is being bitten by a
333
Reusner
Dum legit Eurydice floras, per amoena vireta:
Orpheio vix dum iuncta puella toro:
Occidit, in talum serpentis dente recepto:
Cons ortern linquit sic noua nupta suum.
Qui nescit motus animi cohibere feroces:
Accelerat mortem, pernioiemq sibi.
Fortis ©rat, Stygijs puer olim mersus in vndis
Aeacides: pede sed non quoq lotus ©rat.
Caetera qui vincit, se vineere nexcit, ft iram:
Inuictusq animis vincitur ipse suis.
At melius Iason, dum vellus ab hoste reportat
Phryxaeum: laudis victus amore nouae:
Calceolis lauat amissis in flumin© plantas:
Comprimit affoetus sic, cohibetq suos.
Responsare cupidinibus, fortiq superbae
Quiscit, Oberte; Deo proximus, ill© sapit.
Sursum Corda
Emblema XXXIX , p.154.
Ad Carolum Vtenhouium Pair Gandauensem
(Woodcut of maid riding upon bull into ocean, two women on
shore.)
Ivppiter Europam rapturus, Agenore natam:
Phoenicum simulans fertur in arua bouem.
Gaudet amans pulcri forma bouis: haud mora, tergo
Infidet: ft Cretam per freta virgo petit
Dum petit hanc, littus respectat saep© relictum:
Donee s© prodit Iuppiter esse Deum.
Fabula quid velit haec sibi, mesi Carol© quaeris,
Accipe, mens hominis regia virgo fuit.
p. 155.
Per mare quam mundi defert miserabile corpus:
Saep© taman patrios rospicit ilia lares.
Scilicet humanis mens facto obnoxia curis,
Luminibus cordis te, Deus alme, videt:
T© colet, & vero te contemplatur amore:
Perfruiturq sui cognition© boni.
Namq bonum summum Deus est, finisq bonorum
Summus: ab hoc vno vita, salusq datur.
End of Liber III
334
Reusner
Life of Christ in Emblems.
Liber IV.
Naked Emblems.
Sex Mundi Chiliades.
Emblema XXI, pp.227-238.
Ad Joan. Baptistam Hainzelium, P a t r . ft Spetemuirum Augustanum.
(Woodcut of t h e seven-headed b e a s t with t h e lady r i d e r . )
Sex mill© mundi annos p r a e d i x i t E l i a s
Ter maximus v a t e s Dei
Bis mi l i e sunt a n n i , vacuum: b i s mi l i e , Lex
Bis mi l i e , tempus G r a t i a e
Primum suo r e c e s s u millenarium,
Deo p l a c e n s , expers n e c i s ,
C l a u d i t , per arduum sublatus a e t h e r a ,
S a p i e n t i a e dux Enochus.
Fidus secundum i u s t i t i a © praeco Nohas:
Mundi v t r i u s q ft i n c o l a .
I t E l i a s c o e l o v a t e s , sub t e r t i u m
Aeuum, q u a d r i g i s i g n e i s .
Quarto sed aeuo, viuus in coelum r e d i t
Mortis triumphator Deus:
Ad dexteram nun proximus sedens P a t r i s :
Princeps f u t u r i s e c u l i :
Quem coelitum radiantem nonore mox nou©
Speramus adfore iudicem:
Caelos nouos, t e r r a s creaturum nouas:
P i j s daturum praemia,
Poenas m a i l s : quorum Deus quinto ferox
Regnare c o e p i t s e c u l o :
Trux A n t i c h r i s t u s : h o s t i s ft Dei, ft Deum
Pura colentium fid©:
F o r t i domandus coelitum r u r s u s manu,
Sexto malignus s e c u l o .
Donee nouo imperans b e a t i s seculo,
S i t omnia in omnibus DEVX.
335
lo. Mercerii I. C.
Emblemata, 1592.
p. 10.
(Woodcut of beast beset by flies.)
Vsqve Seqventvr
Vltio Certa Manet Sceleri.
Aestate vt media volucri bos percitus aestro,
Quem cornu aut fi sso pellere calce nequit,
Diffugit, ut passim stimulis ©xterritus, onmss
Vicino effusos orbe pererrat agros:
Sed quoquo excurrit, mulbus curcumolat hostis,
Vulneraqu© in caeco oectore caeca parat.
Frustra quis refugit calestis numinis iram,
Persequitur vindex crimina nota deus.
6.11.48.1.
p. 19.
(The woodcut of the vine growing up the elm. The woodaut in this
case hov/ever is different. There is included in the seen© a
hous© and some colums in th© background in front of which stand
tv/o men. There is also a smaller tree which upon close
inspection seems almost to be only a stick in the ground which
also supports a vine. The larger vino-clad tree has two bird
flying into it and a man reaching his hand toward it.)
Vitem humilem tenuis firmatam robor© pali,
Excoluit multos villicus iste dies:
Postmodo viciuae sociauit ineotus oliua©,
Maioris fructus praemia parta nutans:
Ilia sed excelsum ramis complexa cacumen,
Immensa cepit luxuriar© coma:
Destitit agricola ©latam compescere ferro,
Vt sint facta eius vota caduca vides.
Quae densis olim pendebat onusta racemis,
Nil acinos praater, granaqu© rara gerib:
Ornauit quondam faocunda© oocula mensa©,
Iam iam cornices nutrit ft ©ribhacos.
Sic vestro (reges) ditati numere, quorum
Personat antiquum fortia facta genus:
Dum scurris faciles, faclies consortibus adsunt,
Nulla vos dominos vtilitat© iuuant.
1.1.8.7.
Mercerius
336
p. 9.
(Woodcut of man bound to tree with cupid removing the dart he
evidently has shot at him. Above the man' head hangs a lute
suspended from a branch.)
Diffvsvm toto cor core wlnvs habet.
Seqvitvr sva poena svperbos.
Agnoscis tandem nimis audax Martia, quantum
Cedat dulcisonae tibia rauca lyrae:
Et quo tu insipiens certasti pignore, musis
Judicibus pellem victor Apollo refert.
0 Vtinam qui se stulti sapientibus aequant,
Exemplo possint velle pudere tuo.
cf. 6.1.11.16
p, 32.
(Emblema XXVII is illustrated by two serpents entwined and in
back serpent with spawn of small serpents issuing from side.)
1.1.22.6.
6.6.9-12.
Qvod fecit, Patitvr.
Qvod Tibi Non Optes Fieri, N© Fsceris VIIi.
Cum ruit in venerem, tumidum caput inserit ori
Vxoris, coitu turpis Exhidna nouo.
Sed foecunda maris satiata libidine coniunx,
In sertum rabido conterit ore canut.
Tarturit haec eadem corroso viscere foetus
Insidiis: proli cedit vterque parens.
Naturae ius ©st vt quod quis fecerit vitro,
Posthac inuitus perpetiatur idem.
Emblema XLI
p. 46.
Qvid Metvs Ad Pvervm?
(Woodcut of Medea slaying her son and strewing bones on sand.
Kneeling figure in background.)
Nescit Amare Timor.
Irati vt vitet patris Medaea furorem,
Absyrti irato traiicit ens© caput,
337
Membraqu© d i u e l l i t , diuulsaqu© spargit in agros
Semotos, aequi f r a t r i s iniqua soror:
Vt pater oblitos lachrimis dum c o l l i g i t a r t u s ,
Et tumulo, ft luctu, trist© retardet i t e r .
Qui metuit, generis nullo retinetur amore:
Sed mal© parta nimis, parta furore s a l u s .
5.8.47.3.
2.12.45.6.
338
Francis Thynn©. Emblemes and Epigrames. 1876.
p. 71.
"~"
'~
The vnapt not to be forced to learning©. (8) p. 57.
To Salamanca yf thow send an Asse,
to Oxford, Cambridge, Paris, or Dowaye, (Douai)
or that by travell to farthest lands he© pass©,
or in th© princes Court longe tyme doe staye:
yf, when he went, he were an Asse, noe art
will make him horse, for felde, for waie, for cart.
Then spare your cost, yf nature give not witt,
to send your sonns vnto the learned scooles,
for to the same, yf nature make not fitt,
doe what you cann, they still shall prove but fooles;
then tourne ech witt to that v/hich nature will,
els fondli© thow thy sonn© and cost dost spill.
p. 29.
Pouertie.
As fishe Remora staies the Shipp,
which ©lis with prosperous wynde
V/ould sayle vnto the port of rest,
sweet© comfort for to finde,
So© hated povortie, with greife
of fortunes hard disgrace,
Th© Labors of the vertuous mind©
doth vtterli© deface:
ffor none so© nobl© vertue doth dwell in ani© wight,
but want obscures it, forcing him to selence with dispight.
Vol. I.
Thynn©
339
p.p. 6,7.
Temperance abateth fleshli© Delightes.
Throw Citherean© Venus, I would knowe,
why thow, and Cupid houldinge of his bow©,
so© pensive bee, and over fier doe stand©,
warming of thy feete, and warming of his hande?
Oh why? doth lov© and lust© feel© their decaye,
Yf 66res and Iacchus be away©.
Where Sobernes doth raign© amongst the wise,
there lust and hurtfull pleasures still doe fris
They find© no© food©, nor anie warrs, can make
against the modest which sparing diet take.
But if that wealth and dronkennes beare stroke,
they, wicked warres of Lecherie, provoke.
2.5.1.ff.
p. 8.
He has two emblems devoted to "Fortune." On© is entitled:
"Art, th© antidote against fortune" in which h© records:
On rolling ball doth fickle fortune stand©;
on firm© and setled square sitts Mercurie,
The god of Arts, with wisdomes rodd in hande:
which covertlie to vs doth signifi©,
that fortunes power, vnconstant and still frayle,
against wisdome and art cannot prevaile.
l
ffor as th© Sphere doth move continualli,
and showes the cours© of fickle fortunes change,
soe doth the perfect square stand stedfastlie,
and never stirrs,- though fortune liste to range.
Wherefore, Learne Artes, which allwaies stedfast crove
therebye, hard happes of fortune to remove.
p. 10.
Th© other one is entitled just "Fortune" which has this description
at the ©nd.
Wherefore the cunninge Smirnians
her Image carved out,
With feet© cut from her legg, and sette
on ball turning© about©.
And for she could not setlad stand©,
They sayd, as doth appear©,
•Sweet Fortune, thow dost fli© in the ayre,
like bird© depainted her©.'
5.10.20.7.
340
l a n i l a c o b i B o i s s a r d i Vesunfini Embl©mata cum t e t r a s t i c h i s
l a n i A v b r i l T y p i s , 1584.
latinis
p. 18.
Humanae Vitae Conditio.
(Woodcut of ship traversing the sea, sun goinc; down, two other ships
in distance, and clouds above.)
Vita haec est tanquam pelago cummissa carina;
Instanti semper proxima naufragio
Optima res homini non nasci: proxima, si te
Nascifata velint, quam cito posse mori.
p. 19.
Vitae humanae conditio.
Les vents impetueux, la tempest©, et l'orage
Pirouettent en mer ce naui.re agite
Icy, des flots esmeus l'a, du ceil irrite,
Elle attend le danger d'un tout voisin naufrage
Tandis qu© nous errons en la Mondain© plage,
Le malheur nous assaut ainsi d© tout coste:
Soit d'envuis, de langueurs, de feu, de cruaute,
Et s'il est plus grand mal, contra nous il enrag©,
Heureux qui ne naisquit; ou qui naissant n'a pas
Plustost veu le soleil, que gouste le trespas
II despite ©n sa mort tout ce qui nous offence.
Mais plus heureux encor, quides maux au mylieu
Borne sa volonte du vouloir de son dieu;
Et sans s'effaroucher s'exerce en patience.
2.12.32.7
3.4.9.
2.12.7.
4.11.52.5.
5.11.29.
6.4.1.
l a n i l a c o b i B o i s s a r - d i Vesuntim Emblematum l i b e r , Emblemes Latins
de I . I . Boissard avec 1 ' i n t e r p r e t a t i o n f r a n c o i s e du I . P i e r r e
l o l y Messin, l a n i Aubry T y p i s , M e t i s : Excudebat Abrahamus Faber, 1588.
I n t e r l e a v e d t h r o u g h o u t and used as a "Liber Amicorum" or autograph
album w i t h i n s c r i p t i o n s i n L a t i n , French, and German. These i n s c r i p t i o n s a r e m o s t l y dated 1590-94. S e v e r a l have colored drawings and
coats of arms. This copy has th© sam© woodcuts and v e r s e s as the
1584 e d i t i o n .
Boissard
sa
This copy a l s o has i n t e r l e a v e d d u p l i c a t e s of t h e copies of the arms
and v e r s e s such as t h e s e :
1590 and th© i n i t i a l s W.S.M.V. appear a t the t o p of p . 12.
Ne
Ny
Ny
Ny
voyse au b a s l e qui naymera la dance
a l a cour qui dim ce q u ' i l pense.
sur la mer qui c r a i n d r a le denrer
au banquet qui ny voudra manger.
signed Jeaniaguer Combe D'Ibersheim.
p. 56.
Nee teuiere nee Segniter
Dum rem suscipies prudens quacunq gerendaur,
Consilium hunc T.Mlier sug^eret, inde senex
coeotu mora© impatiens festiva, aut, impiger; at tu
Levte, inqiut, proper©, tardus que iller lenis.
p. 72.
Ardenment, Et Chestement.
Escsute mes propos t e n d r e , ft c h a s t e p u c e l l e :
Si t u cerche s e a v a i r , comme t e s iours Leureux
P o s s e r a n t p i e i n s d' honneur saubs he jauz daucereux
D'un Hymen, qui chez toy t o u t bon Leur Amoncelle:
Pure, ft chaste e s t I ' a r d e u r de l'Luneble Colombille;
Soit p u r e , ft c h a s t e a u s s i tou b r a s i s r amoureux.
La t o r t u e a de beau le t r a t t e r paresseux:
La s o l i t u d e a i n s i face t a g l a i r s b e l l e .
Au gre d i ton Mary Compasse t e s d e s i r s :
D ' e s q u i l l e , ft de fuseau l i m i t e t e s p l a i s i r s :
Ne s o i s pour c a q u e t i e r e Lonteusement t e n u e :
Et Comm© ce v a i s s e a u , ou 1'encens e s t cache,
Ne s u f t d 1 a u t r e j a m a i s , que du p r e s t r e touches
Que de ton s e u l espaux t a couche s o i t Cognu©,
342
SYMBOLORVM ft EMBLEMATVM EX ANIMALIBVS QVA DRVPEDIBVS
DESVMTORVM CENTVRIA
ALTERA COLLECTA A
IOACHIMO CAMERARIO
MEDICO NORIMBERG
Exponuntur in hoc l i b r o r a r i o r e s turn animalium p r o p r i o t e s
h i s t o r i a © ac s e n t e n t i a © memorabiles.
An. S a l v t : M.D.X.C.V.
(100 copper plates)
Excudebat Paulus Kaufmann, 1595.
Avtores Recentiores.
Achilles, Bochius
Adrianus Junius
Albertus Magnus
v
Alexander ab Alexandro
Andreas Alciatus
Apollonius Menabenus Coelius
Apdreas Trevisanus
Coelius Caleagninus
Coelius Rhodiginos
Camillus d© Camillis
CaroIus CIusius
Costantinus Landus Comes
Cunradus Gesnerus
Erasmus Roterodamus
Franciscus Tertius Bergomas
Franciscus Petrarcha
Gabriel Faernus
Garzias de Horto
Georgius Agricola
Gregorius Bersmannus
Hisronymus Rus cell ius
Hieronymus Cardanus
Hospitalis Cancell Gallia©
Ioannes Sambucus
Joannes Bodinus
Joannes Baptista Pittonus
Julius Cnesar Scaliger
Julius Caesar Cappacius
Justus Lipsius
Lvcas Contilis
Matthias Michovius
Nicolaus Reusnerus, JC
Nicolaus Monardes
Olaus Magnus
Paulus Venetus
Paulus Jovius
Petrus Angelius Bargaus
Petrus Bellonius
Petrus Gillius
Petrus Martyr Historicus
Rerabertus Dodonaeus
Scipio Amiratur Neapol
Scipio Bargalius
Theodonus Gaza
Camerarius
343
Symbolorvm ft Emblematvm Ex Animalibvs Qva Drvp©dibvs Desvnttorvm
Centvria Altera Collecta a
Ioachimo Camerario
Medico Norimberg
Exponuntur in hoc l i b r o r a r i o r e s turn animalium p r o p r i e t e s turn
h i s t o r i a e ac s e n t e n t i a © memorabiles.
An S a l v t MDVCV
SYMBOLORVM ft EMBLEMATVM EX RE HERBARIA DESVMTQRVM CENTVRIA VNA
Collecta a
Ioachim'o Camerario
Medico
Norimberg
In quid r a r i o r e s s t i r p i u m pro p r i e t a t e s h i s t o r i a e ac S e t e n t i a e
memorabiles no paucae b r e u i t e r exponutur
An S a l v t M D XC
( F r a n c i s Bacons Booke i s marked i n s i d e b u t t h e w r i t i n g does n o t
c o n t a i n t h e c u r l e c u e ' s he uses on h i s " s " and "F" according
t o B. C. M i l l i c a n . )
Vol. I
Vol. E
Vol. m
Vol.IV
Camerarius
344
p. 31.
(V/oodcut of bear seeking bee hive in tree. He evidently has
disturbed the bees for they ar© flying around.)
"VIOLENTA-NOCENT."
Vt favus exitio ©st Vrso, sic saepe malorum
Autorem illaqueant visque dolusque suum.
Th© explanation on the next page is:
De Vrsis haec quoque Plinius litteris tradidit: oculi eorum h©b©
scunt crebro, qua maxime caussa favos expetunt, ut convulneratum
ab apibus os levet sanguine gavedinem illam. Et Solinus inquit,
nihil avidius quam mel captant, atque ideo alvearibus ubique
insidiantur. Narrant autem aliquando accidisse, ut Vrsus cupiens
alvearium in quercu veteri invader©, atque ind© mel aufsrr©, ita
valid© pedem anteriorem in ramum ses© reflectentem imoulerit, ut
ind© rursum sese liberar© neutiquam potuerit,fthoc modo detentum
ft captum fame periisse. Accommodabit sibect© hoc Symbolum quispiam
probus ac innocens, qui contra aliorum violentiam ft injustitiam,
qui seipsos saep© ©vertere, ft in suam perniciem ruere solent,
praeter omnium opinionem conservatur, quod Lucretii egregii versus
nobis subjiciunt,
Circumretit enim vis atque injuria quenque,
Atque undo exorta est, ad ©urn plaerunque revertit.
Rect© igitur Xenophon lib I memor. monet, prudentem non esse
violentum, cum sciat.
3.10.53.4-9.
From th© Bacon copy of Cameriarius.
2.2.22.5
p. 9. p. 10. p. 24a and p. 25 bear an analogy to Spenser.
345
Petri costalii pegma Cum narrationibus philosophicis.
(Printers device: Mercury fleeing with Medusa1 head. Serpents
springing up where drops of blood fall.)
Lugdvni, apud Matthiam Bonhomme 1555 cum privilegio Regis,
p. 4.
Ad Cupressum. In aulicosftAdmissionales.
(Woodcut of a tree, hills, house, and birds.)
Ite procul futiles aliorum in pradia blatia:
Noster adulantes nescit amar decor.
p. 5.
Aliud.
Aspic© non domitae fastigia summa cupressi,
Membr'aqu© diffusis luxuriat a comis.
Multus adoratis foliis innatus amaror
Fata dedit vitae tam diuturna sua©;
Nee furtiua timet male pastae praeliablatta©,
Alqui venenaris dentibus esse cibum.
Heu quibus auspiciis crescentes gloria regni
Hostili quateret barbar a segna manu,
Si sibi qui cernunt, in nublica commodat alpae,
Patriciae facerent atria missa domus.
p. 30.
In Catonem
Omnium rerum fatietas, praeterquam disciplinae
(Woodcut of Master seated holding book on kneos; pupil, not so
young, standing attentively before the pedagogue.)
Dum tibi pes alter cani est in lyntr© charotis
Magn© Cato, cura ©st discere Graeca tibi:
Quairis et ignota moriens tectoria lingua,
Nee cui cumque putas omnia nosse satis.
Quo disciplina quisque est instroctior omni,
Tanto se studiis dedicatiill© magis.
Costau
346
p. 43.
Ad araneam, vulgatu ex Diogene.
In corruptos iudices.
(Woodcut of a chest or box with a curved lid, looks like an
elongated old fashioned round topped truck, tiled floor ( at
least marked off in squares) an enormous spider web extending
from second rafter of southeast corner across room and around
corner of north east wall. On© fly and one spider.)
Dum volat, elatae telas disrumpit Arachnes
Oestron, ©t impauide mollia pensatirit.
Sed capitur tenuis macilenta corpore musca,
Nee fugit argutaretia ducta manu.
Sic pauper posit ft sortio vix effugit urna.
Sed diues rupto vimine tutus abit.
p . 69.
Honor debitus.
In disciolinam temporum.
(Woodcut of a dead horse carved in marble.)
Fortes equa, o quoties heredis v i c t r i c i b u s usa,
Nor a t Olympiads vincere careribus.
Huic statua e t t\imulus post ultima fata dicantur,
Et datur in manes debita palma suos.
Quin et honor a t a statuunt delubra Diana,
Quos posuit mundi ius dare cardinibus.
p. 95.
Ad Salamandram.
Inmilites.
(Woodcut of a salamander sprawled out.
bridge in background.)
There is a curved
Imbrifer autumnus vitales addidit auras,
Temperies fecib te salamandra a mori
Captat opis miles tunc cum furialis Enio
Euocat emeritos ad fer a bella duces:
Quod si percussaurentur foeder a porca,
Pauper in enigua deficit ill© domo.
p. 109.
In eimulachrum dea© Angeniorae.
Silentium Patunce.
(Woodcut of Silence with her finder on her lips.)
Qui nequis indomit a praebere repagula lingua
Et futilem multo Scommate vineis anum,
Qui que tui demons prodis consulta senatus,
Si sapis a nostra disc© tacer© dea.
Costau
347
p. 245.
In herbam Moly, ©x Homero
Magne res sine sagnis periculis no fiunt.
(Woodcut of a man plucking flov/er. Mercury appearing in a cloud
above.)
En tibi Maeonii vatis suauissima Moly,
Ostendit vitae fata, decusque tuae.
Lacteus est illi flores color, atraque radix,
Fxoriturque nigro palmite lactis bones.
Quid speras magnis rerum successibus uti,
Quireuacas oculos longe ab agene tuos?
An tibi Iduma acedent sine puluere palma?
Praxima quarendus damnatriuohus habet.
p . 302.
Exemplum s a n i e n t i s ©t s t u l l i .
Longinquitas tsmporis a d f e r t omnia.
(Woodcut of King on t h r o n e ; a d i g n i f i e d , v/ell behaved horse in
f i r s t colonade; a man holding on t o th© t a i l of a r a t h e r v i c i o u s
looking h o r s e . )
Vic s a p i e n s caudam paulatim v e l l i t equinam
Quam non una semel v i s superare p o t e s t .
Tapus ©dax, v a r i u s q , labos t i b i c u c t a vepedet:
A u d e i g i t u r , nex so© d e i i c i a r © t u a .
348
L© Pegme de P i e r r e , Coustay, auec les Narrations Philosophiqves,
mis d© Latin en Francoys par Lanteavme de Romieu Gentalhome
d ' A r l e s . Alyon, Par Mace' Bonhome, a la Mass d'Or. M.D.LX
au©c priuileg© du Roy.
p. 25.
(Woodcut of J u p i t e r on p e d e s t a l , 4 oersons, 2 men and 2 women,
each bearing a s i l v e r dish or bowl in which fish or some similar
animals are piled h e a d - t a i l - h e a d e t c . )
Au s a c r i f i c e s des P h a s e l i t e s .
Contre les mauuais r i c h e s .
Le P h a s e l i t e a J u p i t e r s o u l o i t
Fair© presens de p e t i t e importance,
Et a u t r e s cas presenter ne v o u l o i t
Semon c e l a quin' e s t o i t en vsance.
Aueugle n e ' , en la tienne sustance
Qui t a rendu s i auaricieux?
Dieu e t le paoure ont leur part ©t p i t a n c e ,
En l ' o r , que t i e n s s i cher e t precieux.
p . 44.
(Woodcut of Diana)
A la statue de Diane, contre les meurs fordides des notres.
De Diana 1'image paroissoit
Quand on ent roit, remplie de tristesse:
Mais a celuy fui de son temple yssoit
Sembloit monstrer apparente lyesse.
Maint fait bien peu de recueil et caresse.
Et plaint tousiours la mauuaise saison.
A ceux qui sont entres en sa maison
Mais lors leur fait semoce enstate et forte.
p. 54.
(Woodout depicts i d o l atop a stone p i l l a r . )
A 1'idol© du dieu Memnon.
Sur les Auocas.
Du dieu Nemnon l ' i d o l e nerendoit
Jamais oracl© a personne du monde,
Si 1© s o l e i l les rayons n ' e t e n d o i t
Droit en sa bouche, e t lors p l e i n de faconde
P a r l a i t : A u s s i l ' Auocat qui se fond©
Au gain, d© luyn 1 esperes one c o n s e i l
Ny que iamais en d r o i t i l vous resoonde
Sinon q u ' i l voye en premier 1© s o l e i l .
Costau
349
p. 7 1 .
(Woodcut of an old man with a money bag in h i s hand.)
Au p o u r t r a i t du sybareth© ©n r u e s .
ft mignons.
Contre vn t a s de braues
Voyez un peuc© sybarethe en p l a c e .
Emblant s a l u t s ft voix du populaire
Et presumant q u ' i l p a r t d© bonne grace
D'estr© enfum©. 0 la rusa v u l g a i r e ;
Chacun la S a i t , t e l l e faconde fair©
N'a plus de c o u r s . Allez done en a r r i e r e
Ou m© donnez le l o y s i r de m' a b s t r a i r e
Et me cacher au fond d'vne c a r r i e r e .
p . 76.
(Woodcut of a C a s t l e , man in c e n t e r , water, i s l a n d s , s h i p s ,
mountains in background.)
Liberte.
Viure comme t u voudras.
I© s u i s bien s o t d'endurer c e t
Qui t a n t m ' e n t r a i n t ft me s e r r e
Pour quelqu© pres t a n t s o i t i l
Vendre au donner l i b e r t e n© s©
anneau
le d o i t .
r i c h e ou beau
doit.
p . 105.
(Woodcut of a fountain whose main figur© is a lion.)
A la fonteine d© Dodona.
Contre les hautains
D© Dodona cy est la font depainte,
Pour ses effets par le monde estimee
Ayant pouuoir d'allumer torch© etainte
Puis latuer quand elle est allumee
La main d© Dieu contre cil est armes
Qui met ©n soy son espoir ft attente:
Mais esclaircit de eel la renommee,
De qui en peu la foriune est oontente.
Costau
350
p . 118.
(Woodcut of a donkey with a t h i s t l e before h i s n o s e . )
Sur la figure d e l ' Asned' Antrone
Tin homme f© deuoir mesurer aux q u a l i t e s , ft non a la q u a n t i t e .
Cest asn© cyd' admirable s t a t u r e
D'Antrone v i n t , ou de t o u t e memoire
Les asnes sont a u s s i grans par n a t u r e .
P e t i t e s gens cederont la v i c t o i r e
Acel qui met en grandeur pres ft g l o i r e .
Mais t e l z grans veaux souuent sont triumphans
Entroys e t a t s ; menger, dormir, ft b o i r e ,
Qui sont m e s t i e r s dsplus p e t i t s ©nfans.
p . 121,
(Woodcut of a man holding empty scales, tree to left,)
A la balance de Critolaus
Vertu furmonte tout.
Critolaus en balance metoit
Vertu a part faisant Sare Sidence;
Et autres biens a vertu acostoit
Presque infinis en nombre ft difference:
Mais quad vertu est mise en conference
Autre bien, la balance fait foy
Que d© trop plus grand© est la preference,
Qu© de 1'or fin au fer, ou bas aloy.
p. 175.
(Woodcut of an old man seated on stone bench, giving counsel to
youth standing before th© master. H© is playing a lyre.)
Sur Antigenidas consolant son disciple.
Ne prendre point du peupl© badault.
Cess© ton loin, abandonne tristesse
Laissant a part ce rude populaire:
Suffis© toy mon plaisir ft lyesse
Et qu© ta mus© a moy seul puisse plaire.
Costau
351
p . 205.
(Woodcut of a young man seated holding an instrument resembling a
g u i t a r ; group of men t o l e f t of p i c t u r e , foremost one in armor
evidently the spokesman.)
Sur Aspendius ioueur d'instrumens contre les f r o i s amis.
Aspendius c;rand ioueur de son tems (?)
Auoit s i basse ft gourde melodie,
Qu'ell© a p p o r t o i t a luy seul passetems.
Et n ' e s t o i t point des as s i s t a n s ouye.
C'est le pourir act des vulgaires amis,
Qui pour eux seuls s ' e s t i m e t e s t r e en v i e '
Et au be soing se monstrent s i remis,
Qu' a les p r i e r chacun y perd 1'enuie.
p . 241.
(Woodcut of an old man digging i n t o the e a r t h .
h i l l s background.)
Au p o u r t r a i t de C o r i c i u s .
A tree to right,
Labeur furmonte t o u t .
C o r i t i u s f e i t sa grand diligence
A labourer vn cham rude ft s t e r i l e ,
Qu© par moyen de la perseuerance
Fl le r e n d i t du t o u t bon ft f e r t i l e .
Aussi ne faut l a i s s e r comme i n u t i l e
Ce qu'on n© peut incontinent comprendre;
Car par labeur Pobscur deuient f a c i l e ,
Et par t r a u a i l on neut bout entreprendre
p. 251.
(Woodcut of two r e p t i l e s , a s p s , s t r e t c h e d across th© e n t i r e width
of p i c t u r e with t h e i r heads r a i s e d s l i g h t l y . Rock and t r e e s in
background.)
Sur l ' a s p i e .
Amiti© apres la mort.
L'aspic iamais d© la log© ne s o r t ,
Q ' i l n ' a y e vn a u t r e aspic qui le deffende,
A fin qu© s i par l'home e s t mis a mort,
Le suruivant a venger sa mort t e n d e .
Aussi deuons d'vne amiti© bien grande
Faire vn ami en toute notre vie;
A fin qu'aores n o t r e mort de nous rend©
Las immortal ft suffoque 1'enuie.
C os tau
352
p. 307.
(Woodcut of a man in act of plucking flpv/er, Mercury appears in
cloud directly above.)
A 1'herbe Moly
Par grandes d i f f i c u l t e s
on v i e n t aux honneurs ft b i e n s .
En cet h e r b e t t e ayant racine n o i r e ,
Homore a mis notre ©ur ft destine©:
Car ©11© rend la fleur comme I ' y u o i r e
Et ©n blancheur, comme l a i t , a f f i n e e ,
D'un© r a c i n e en noir contaminee.
Qui de gradeur brigue t i t r e s ft signes
Pour se noramer e n t r e les plus insignes
Faut qu'aux dangers i l expose sa v i e .
353
Devises Heroiques, Par M. Claude Paradin Chanoin© d© Beaujeu,
A leon Par Jan D© Tovrnes, et Gvil. Gazeav. M.D. LVII. Auec
Priuilege d© Roy.
Dedication: A tres noble Signeur, Monsieur Theode de Marze,
chevalier, Baron et Signeur dudit lieu, d© Belle roche, Lassenaz,
etc. Claud© Paradin, salut.
p. 16.
(Woodcut of a salamander surrounded with flames, f i r e i s s u i n g
from mouth, crown on the head. T a i l looped and curved around r i g h t
hind leq;.)
Nutrisco I extinguo.
La salemandre avec des flammes d© feu, e s t o i t la Deuis© du feu
noble e t manifique Roy Francois, e t a u s s i au parauant de Charles
Conte d'angoulesme son p e r e . Plene P l i n e . d i r que t e l l e best© par
s a froidur© ©steint 1© feu comme g l a c e , a u t r e s d i s e n t q u ' e l l e peut
v i u r e en i c e l u e : e t l a commune v o l i r q u ' e l l e s ' a n p a i s t . Tant y
ha q u ' i l me souvient avoir vu une Medaille en bronze dudit feu
Roy, p e i n t ©n ieune a d o l e s c e n t , au reuers de l a q u e l l e e s t o e t c e t t e
Deuise de l a salemadre enflammee, avec ce mot I t a l i e n : Nudrisco i l
buono, ft snengo i l r e o . Et dauantage outre t a n t de l i e u s e t Palais
Royaus, ou pour l e iourdhui ©11© e s t enleuee, i e l ' a y vue a u s s i en
reche t a p i s s e r i e a Fonteinebleau, aoompagnee de t e l D i s t i q u e :
Ursus a t r o x , Aquilaeq; l e u e s , ft t o r l i l i s Ansuis:
Ceslerunt flammae iam Salamandra t u a e .
p . 27,
(Woodcut of ermine-banded, fleur-de-lis decorated coat sleeve on
are extended from cloud; hand grasping a standard topped by a mailed
hand clenching a sword.)
Non sine causa.
En tant© amistracion et gouuernement de Peuoles, pais, terres et citez,
il est necessaire sur tout© chose que Iustice y regne: autrement n'y
estant aministree, et ne regnant icelle entre les hommes, c'est un
point assure, qu'il est force, que tant© humeine societe vienne a perir
et prendre fin. A cette causa donques, la superiorite et puissance,
et generalement tout Magistrat, tenant la Main, et Glaiue de Iustice
©n Main Royal©, doit estr© d'un chacun obei et honnore: comme estant
enuoy© de Dieu, et par lui establi ainsi, nour estre apui, proteccion
et defense des bons: et aussi terreur, creinte et punicion des meschans
et peruors. Et ce suiuant le conseil de l'apotre, disant: Ne voulona
nous donq point creindr© ou avoir peur d© la Iustice et puissance?
Paradin
354
I I ne nous f a u t qu© bien f a i r e : e t a i n s i en lieu de c r e i n t e , nous r e ceurons louenge d ' i c e l l e , car ell© e s t servante de Dieu nour notre
b i e n . Mais a u s s i s i nous faisons mal, creignons l a : Car e l l e n©
port© pas Glaiue sans cause: (from Car t o causa, a n t e , in large
t y p e ) en t a n t q u ' e l l e eat f e r u a t e de Dieu pour f a i r e I u s t i c e en
i r e ou vengeance, de c e l u i qui f a i t mal. Et nourtant, i l faut
©stre s u g e t : non point seulement pour l ' i r e , mus a u s s i Dour la
conscience. Pour c e t t e cause a u s s i payez vous les t r i b u t s : oar
i l s sont l e s m i n i s t r e s le Dieu, s'employans a c e l a , (a favoir les
Princes e t M a g i s t r a t ) . Rendez donq a tous ces qui leur e s t du:
a qui t r i b u t , 1© t r i b u t : a qui peage, le peage: a qui c r e i n t e , la
c r e i n t e : a qui honneur, 1'honneur.
p. 43.
(Woodcut of two birds g l a r i n g a t each other with deadly h a t e ,
apparently r e s t i n g on a rock from which rays are drawn in a l l
directions.)
Ante f e r e t , quam flamma m i c e t .
Le Deuise du bon Due Philippes de Bourgon^e, e s t o i t le Fuzil frappant
la P i e r r e , e t f a i s a n t feu, qui semble r e p r e s e n t i r la guerre e n t r e
deus fors e t puissans Princes par laquell© souuent s© minenb, consument,
ou r u i n e n t 1'un 1 ' a u t r e , outre le danger e t dommage i r r e p a r a b l e qui
©n s o r t , courant e t v o l a n t de toutes p a r s .
p. 47.
{Woodcut of two branches of l a u r e l crossed in shape of S t . Andrew's
Cross with a fir© or flame a t the i n t e r s e c t i o n , rays emanating
from c e n t e r . )
Flammescit u t e r q u e .
Deus batons ou branches de Laurier, frapees rudement l'un'3 contre
1 ' a u t r e , font feu par leur concussion (comme d i t HMne) oe que font
a u s s i les os du Lion, selon p l u s i e u r s . Ainsi car1 le heurt de deus
f o r c e s , n© peunt auenir que danger. Le commun prouerbe suiuant
a u s s i ce propos e s t v e r i t a b l e , que f o r t contre f o r t , n ' e s t pas bon
a f a i r e doublure. Le p o u r t r a i t d© c e t t e Deuise, r e t i r e a la
Croix s a i n t Andre, de laquell© se remerquoit d'anciennet© la deuant
nommee maison de Bourgongne, combien q u ' i l y a y t diferoic© quant a
leurs s i n i f i c a c i o n s .
P. 4 9 .
(Woodcut of an ostrich with its feathers plumed.)
Nil penna, sed usus.
L'autruche ©stendant ses esles et belles plume*, fair une grande montre
d© voler: ce neanmoins ne s'enleu© point de terre. Et en ce, fait come
las ypocrites, lesquelz par extern© aoarence, represented grande
Paradin
355
s a i n t e t © e t r e l i g i o n ; puis c ' e s t t o u t , e t n ' y ha que la montre:
car ©n dedens, t o u t e s t au c o n t r a i r e .
p . 70.
(Woodcut of a plant rising majestically, each bearing leaves and
blossoms. A serpent is coiled around stalks and too lazy to stretch
itself a few inches higher to reach the fruit.)
Latet anguis in herba.
En c u e i l l a n t l e s f l e u r s e t les F r a i z e s des chams, se faut d ' a u t a n t
garder du dangereus Serpent, q u ' i l nous peut enueniraer e t f a i r e mourir
nos c o r p s . Et a u s s i en c o l l i g e a n t les b e l l e s a u t o r i t e z , e t graues
sentences des l i u r e s , faut e u i t e r d ' a u t a n t les mauuaises o p i n i o n s ,
q u ' e l l e s nous peuuet p e r u e r t i r , damner, e t perdre nos ames.
p . 85.
(Woodcut of a pig with ring in snout.)
Prostibuli elegantia.
Le Sage en ses Prouerbes fit coparison de la beaut© et ordure de la
femme prostituee, a un© Truie, qui ha un Anneau d'or au groin.
p. 86.
(Woodcut of lion standing on hind legs, holding a sv/ord upright in
front paws, mouth open, tongue extended.)
Celsa potestatis species.
En la pierre precieuse, ou anneau de cachet qui fut trouue a Pompee le
Grand quand il fut occis (et lequel anneau fit plourer cesar, le regardant, quand il lui fut aporte) estoit la Deuise du Lion nortant une
Espe© (selon Plutarque) en sine pouuoit estre de vertuense et
magnanime execucion.
p. 87.
(Woodcut of an eagle poised on skull of deer between th© spreading
antlers.)
Ardua deturbans, vis animosa quatet.
Pour venir a chef d© chose ardue, dificile, et de grande enterprise,
d© c'est le tout que 1© bon vouloir, le corage, et la diligence:
moyen qui fait que les Aigles viennent a tuer les Cerfs; en se rcettans
sur leurs Rames, leur batans, ©t remulissans les yeus de poudre
(quelles ont amass© en leur pennage) et en fin les faisans trebucher,
et precepiter aual les rochers.
Paradin
356
p. 89.
(Woodcut of a Phoenix standing with o u t s t r e t c h e d wings on burning
pyre.)
TJnica semper a u i s .
Comme l e Phenix e s t a iamais seul e t unique Oiseau au monde de son
©spece. Aussi sont les tresbonnes choses de m e r u e i l l euse r a r i t © ,
e t b i e n c l e r semecs. Deuise que porte Madame Alienor d'Austreche,
Royn© d o u a i r i e r e de France. '
p . 113.
(Woodcut of a hand and arm extended from cloud, holding branch of
lilies.)
Semine ab aetherio.
La terre ayant englouti, Core, Daihan et Abiron sedicieus, perturbateurs du Sacerdoce et Saint Minister©: fut icelui confirm© diuinemet
©n la lignee d© Leui, par le mistere de la Vera;© d'Aaron, laquelle
entre les autres Verges des Lignees d'Israel, mises ensemble pour
le commandsment de Dieu dens le Tabernacle, fut trouuee 1'endemein
germee, florissant et formant des Amandres.
p. 140.
(Woodcut of a porcupine.)
Magnum vectigal.
Le Herisson s© getbant en quest©, ne se content© seulement d© s©
paitre des fruits qu'il rencontre, ains encures se couch© et roule
par dessus; a fin d'attacher d© ses pointes ce qu'il peut, tant des
uns qu© des autres. Et en cette facon les emporte en sa cauerne:
pour s'en nourrir longtems apres, de peu a peu. En quoy nous fait
aparoir, que pour avoir du bien, ce n'est r>as le tout que de
posseder plusieurs terres et reuenuz, ains d'estre songneus et
diligemment user d'espargue qui est un reuenu tant assure et si
grand quil contreint ordinairement les riches grans despensiers,
d© venir a recours aus petis locataires mesnagers et bien dispensans
les choses.
p. 155.
(V/oodcut of two c o n c e n t r i c c i r c l e s . Outer: 16 s t a r s spaced, 16 wheat
e a r s connected. I n n e r : sun and r a y s . )
Haec conssia numinis a e t a s .
Sur 1'auenement d'Auguste Cesar a l ' E m o i r e , aparut a Romme (selon
P l i n e ) a V enuiron du s o l e i l , comme une Coronne d ' e s t o i l e s , ou
Paradin
357
d ' e s p i e s d© B l e : ensemble des Cereles de diuerses c o u l e u r s . Vray
e s t que Suetone f a i s a n t mencion de r e l s i n e , ne p a r l e que d'un
Cercle seulement, en semblance de l'Arc e n c i e l ; tenant t o u t e f o i s
( a i n s i q u e dessus) t o u t e la r o t o n d i t e du S o l e i l , mais Dion confirmant de plus pres 1'opinion de P l i n e , d i t (outre la mencion q u ' i l
f a i t d'une E s t o i l e non acoutumee, sdonq a p a r o i s s a n t ) q u ' i l sembloit
a v o i r , que la lueur du s o l e i l se dimimiast. Et s'obfuouast; semblant
encores qu'en i c e l u i fussent t r e s C e r e l e s , l ' u n disquelz se demontroit,
comme ©nuironne d ' e s p i e s de Froment. Et d'auantage en autre l i e u
plus a u a n t , d i t encores l e d i t Dion, que le S o l e i l (come desses) se
diminuant e t obfugquant, l u i s o i t aucunefois la n u i t . Tant y ha, apres
t o u t e opinion, que du terns dudit Auguste, n a s q u i t I e s u c h r i s t notre
Sauueur; vraye lumiere e t s o l e i l de I u s t i c e , duquel l'auenement
a p o r t a n t i s humeins t o u t e abondance, uouuoir a u s s i bien e s t r e demonstre
par l e temoigna^e des cieus que f u s t sa mort e t passion, selon 1'Euan g e l e , auquel terns 1© s o l e i l perdant sa clarta, se f i r e n t tenebres
u n i u e r s e l l e s . Et ne f a i t a e s m e r u e i l l e r , s i les sines annoncans la
N a t i v i t e du f i l s de Dieu, ont estez obseruez des Payens(en ignorance
de l u i neanmoins) e t leur ont e s t e admirables, vu aue les urodiges
apres temoignans t a n t s a d i t e passion que r e s u r r e c c i o n , i l s ont
t r o u u e m e r u e i l l e u s . Ce que furent les tenebres de sa mort a Saint
Denis, e s t u d i a n t lors avec Apollophanes son Precenteur en E g i p t e .
Qui connoissant par son grand fauoir l e S o l e i l s ' e s t r e obscurci
outre N a t u r e , s© p r i n t ( a i n s i que d i t Suidas) a f a i r e t e l c r i e t
enclamacion.
(next sentence i n l a r g e type) Aut Deus Naturae p a t i t u r , aut mundi
machina d i s s o l u i t u r . Ou le Dieu de Nature soufre, au la machine du
monde veut tomber en r u i n e . Dauata^e quant au grand tremblement de
t e r r e , qui a u i n t a sa r e s u r r e c c i o n , Pline ( s i bien Ion considere
la concurrece du terns) ©n peut avoir assez apertement e s c r i t en
c e t t e maniere: ( r e s t of sentence in large type) Maximus terra©
memoria mortalium © x t e t i t metus, T i b e r i j Caesares p r i n c i p a t u XII
Urbibus Asiae una nocte p r o s t r a t i s : ( s i c ) Le plus grand tremblement
de t e r r e , qui s o i t de memoir© d'home, e s t c e l u i oui a u i n t au terns
de 1*Empire de Tibere: par ]equel en un© n u i t , furent ruinees
douze c i t e z ©n A s i e .
p . 170.
(Woodcut of water couring from a vase on a small flowering plant.)
Poco a poco.
D© mesm'es que Ion peut v o i r les Herbes venues, e t non point los
aperceuoir c r o i t r e ; a u s s i s© peuuent v o i r les Vertus c r u e s , e t
non pas c r o i t r e ; ny d i s c e r n e r leur l e n t acroissement.
Paradin
3.58
p . 172.
(Woodcut of an eagle v/ith outspread v/ings d i r e c t l y under parching
rays of sun; feathers dropping off from wings.)
Renouata i n u e n t u s .
L'Esperuier au S o l e i l , se purge de ses meschanges plumes: Ainsi
deuons nous f i a r e des v i c e s : aprochans L e s u c h r i s t .
p. 208.
Improbitas s u b i g i t rectum.
(Woodcut of a t r e e with vine twined t i g h t l y around trunk — few
leaves.)
Le L i e r r e c r o i s s a n t aupres d'aucun bois d r o i t , le gate e t ruine
par son e n t o r t i l l e m e n t . Aussi (comme Ion d i t communement). Le
t o r t bien mene, peut rendre le d r o i t i n u t i l e .
359
The Heroicall Devises of M. Clavdivs Paradin, Canon of Beauieu.
Whereunto ar© added the Lord Gabriel Symeons and others. Translated out of Latin into English by P. S.
London, Impreinted by
William Kearney dwelling in Adling street©, 1591.
pp, 3,4.
A varietie of pictures yeeldeth great pleas\ire and recreation vnto
man: so likev/ise the profit and commoditie that is reaped from them,
is not to be had in little regard or estimation, forasmuch as by the
vse of them vexations both of bodie and minde (v/hich are otherwise
intollerable) are easily mollified and asswaged. The truth hereof
hath beene at all times w e l l knovne to our auncestors, and amongst
them especially to great kings, princes and potentates, whivh
carrying at all seasons in their hautie and heroicall minds, an
expresse patterne ft image of virtue, haue hereby continued a
perpetuall memorie of the same, being verie aut in his owne
nature to decay and be forgotten. The first and originall cause of
this practise was this, that diuerse men according to the diuersitie
of their speciall conceites and inuentions, w e r e giuen to represent
and expresse the same w i t h sundrie formes and pictures, as it stood
most v/ith ech mans fansie ft good liking. These their deiuses being
this set downe in picture, ar© tearmed their armes, for that they
w e r e painted in their armes and in their bucklers, targets or
other militarie furnitures: for they tooke great nleasure to commende and beautifie in any sort, that thin?, in the v/hich they reoosed
a great hope of their securitie: and in their warres where death
w a s alwaies present before their eyes, they desiree continually to
carrie about them these deuises, vowing as it were thereby as w e l
to die as liue w i t h these monuments and memorials of vertue. This
commendable practise grov/ing by little ft little, was at length augmented w i t h the addition of certaine short and pithie sentences for
the better information of such as w e r e learned, which being ioyned
with the former deuises are vsed by certaine noble personages vntill
this present age, as it appeareth manifestly in the sumptuous buildings
and stately Courtes of great kings and princes, which are so copiously
enriched with such Emblemes and monuments, that this practise seemeth
to be more esteemed in these our dales than in anie former ares.
Wherefore w h e n I considered all these things with my selfe and
withall at the vnestimable benefit ft commoditie of these pictures I
thought it not altogether vnprofitable to bestowe sometime in couoling
and gathering together of such amongst the rest, as either v/ere
chiefly commended vnto vs by our ancestors, or are sDecially vsed
amono-est p-reat men at this day, or else are found© in the olde
histories"to be most memorable ft or principal note ft regard. And
P. s.
360
in so doing as the olde Aegiptians w e r e vont to expresse their
intentes and meanings by their Hierographicall letters: so hope I
by this meanes to stirre vp diuers© men to the apprehension and
loue of vertue, and for that cause I haue herento the rather added
certaine scholies or brief© notes for the better vnderstanding of
such matters, which otherwise seme to containe some difficult]e.
And whereas (right Noble Sir) you are alwaies giuen, according
to the naturall disposition of your ancestors, to al good knowledge
ft vertuous exercise, I am emboldened to offer vnto you this small
packet of Deuises, as a pledge of the good will and affection that
I haue to do you seruice, assuring my selfe that you will take no
less pleasure in perusing of them, than you haue alwaies, had
delight to see vertue in any sort reuerenced or exalted.
In the English edition he mentions the fact that there
appeared Latin and French editions also.
"I see the like to haue
ben don© in the same booke be in?; in French and Latin by verie
honorable and vertuous personages . . . . . "
And he adds:
for that sometimes I haue noted your Worship
to be well delighted with the substance ft nature
of this worke, as well in your beholding of some
other mens Emblemes, which haue bin worthie personages, as also in your deuising *• setting downe some
from your owne conceit, which if I coulde haue recouered, as oncce I was promised, and shewed some of
them by one of your seruantes, who is now in Irelande,
I had here adioined them vnto the others. 3rd June, 1591.
Herewith is appended the Dedicatorie:
To the R3.e;ht Worshipfvll the Renowned Canteine Christopher Car lei11 Esquier, commander of her maiesties
forces in the prouince of Vlster in the Realme of Ireland and Seneshall bhere of the Countries of Clandeboy
th© Rowte, The Glins, the Duffie, and Kylutaugh.
(Christopher Carleill married Mary Walsingham sister of Sir Fhilin
Sidney's wife.) This copy has the elaborate border for the title
page furnishing the models for some of the oarade of vices, similar
to Symeon's edition of Ovid.
361
Emblemata cum aliquot Nummis antiqui operis, Ioannis Sambuci
Tirnaviensis Pannonii.
Antverpiae: Ex officina Christophori Plantini, M. C. LXIV.
Cum privilegio.
p. 93.
(Woodcut of an eagle and i t s young, wing loosened lying on ground.
11 b i r d s i n a i r , t r e e in foreground; mountains in background.)
Generosa v e s t i g a .
Ad Iulium Comitem a Salmis,
Penna a q u i l a e non f e r t a l i a s , c o r r o d i t edendo,
Et nocet admixtis e nropiore loco,
Tuis neget a l i t i b u s diuinae munera f o r t i s
Non eadem, ft v a r i e d i s t r i b u i s s e Deum
Ante s o l e t tempus t e n e r o s d e p e l l e r e nido
P u l l o s , ft f o r t e s nrotinus i l i a f a c i t .
Aduersum c o g i t solem auoque s o l l i c i t a r e
Luminibus, lachrymae ne temere o f f i c i a n t .
Quo quid n o b i l i u s , v e s t i g i a parte t u e t u r :
Naturam r e t i n e n t r e l l i q u i a e ue parem
Sic quos commendat genus a l t o a sanguine Regum,
ConsDicitur, signum ft n o b i l i t a t i s habent.
F o r t i s equi nroles densa s i c puluere gaudex, (?)
D©p;©ner haud a q u i l a s u l l a columba t u l i t .
Sic atauos oroauosque tuos i m i t a r i s ft ornas,
I u l i Salmorum susniciende Comes.
1.11.34.
2.31.43.1.
6.10.6-9.
5.11.24.7.
4.7.18.6.
2.8.50.2.
5.12.5.9.
p . 119
(Woodcut of three men: one in cloak and cac, one in doublet - bareheaded holding cap in hand; one seemingly in skin of some animal,
bareheaded. Houses in background,)
Ambitio
„„. .
.
j_
i
Musarum, ex antiquis numis Q. Pomoonij, verae effigies, ft etymologica
vis ex Virgiles.
Sambuci
362
Quos l e u i s ambitio i n f l a u i t , populique fauorem
Muneribus c a p t a n t , g l o r i a vana subest
Hosque u t r i pleno a s s i m i l e s , ventoque t u m e n t i ,
Nam a r b i t r i u m v u l g i semper inane s o n a t .
Qui t r i b u i veram s i b i laudem q u a e r i t ineptos
Contemnat p l a u s u s , i n d i c i o q u e r e g a t
V i r t u s aeternum c e l e b r a t , p i s t a s a u e t u e t u r ;
Laus ft l a u d a t i s e s t p l a c u i s s e v i r i s .
2.7.46-47.
p . 184.
(Woodcut of an elephant standing in front of tree; man with hoe
standing near head of elephant; fish on box near elephant.)
Nusquam tuta fides.
Ad Petrum Sambukii parentem suum.
Dum rigidos artus elephas, dum membra quiet©
Subleuat, assuetis nititur arboribus:
Quas ubi venator didicit, succidit ab imo,
Paulatim ut recubans belua mole ruat.
Tam leuiter capitur duri qui in proelia Martis
Arma, viros, turrim, terp:ore vectat opes.
Nusquam tuta fides, nimium ne crede quieti,
Saepius ft tutis decipiere locis.
Hippomenes pomis schoeneida vicit amatam,
Sic Peliam natis Colchis acerba necat.
Sic nos decipiunt dedimus quibus omnia nostra;
Saltern conantur deficiente fide.
4.7.6.9,
Recalls the story in Topsell of the deer.
;
p. 185.
(Woodcut of a man seated before an onen fire with a lone; handled
instrument in right hand; small tubs, vats, pitchers on floor and
a bench to his right, window, door, and shelves around onen fire.
Alchimiae vanitas
Perpetuo fudat cur Carbonarius iste?
Dissociare igni ut mixta elementa queat.
Cur quod nusquam extat, fuit aut essentia quinta
Hanc pretio qverit, solicitatque focis?
Hoc stolidum mandat pectus nee sana voluntas,
Quid refsret lucri? venat ut ind© stipe.
Quae miseros hominum cepit dementia sensus,
Sambuci
363
I r . c e r t a u t c e r t i s s i n t redim.er.da bonis?
Sr>em r r e t i o nunquam t i b i ro"t l i c e a r i s egenam,
S o l u i t u r in fumur quidouid i n e r t u s a g i t .
1.5.40.1.
.2.9.55.8.
2.10.25.?.
2.11.39.9.
5.1.10.4.
p . 157.
(Woodcut of a sowing seed in foreground; man k n e e l i n r binding;sleaf
of wheat t o her r i ~ h t ; man with yoke'of oxen rilc-winc t o the l e f t ;
r i v e r , town and movr. t a i n s in background.)
Tervpestiu© cauendun cuioue a e t a t i .
DUE t i b i sunt v i r e s , i n u e n i l i a p e c t o r a , d i s c e ,
Teaue c o e r i -rnauus r.octe, die que p a r a .
Quod senel elapsun e s t , nunonam reuocatur in ortus
I em PUS , id exi'ir.u.s more f l u e n t i s aquae.
?7i t i b i s i n t messes a e s t i n a e , f r i r o r a loadent:
."i studeas i r m e n i s , nauea senecta r^eret.
Ostrea s i c r.octu pas cunt u r , Pincuia Fr.oebe
St f i u n t r-lsr.a, ter-.poribuscue cauent.
Kudus a r a , sere r.udus, hyems ignaua colono,
Formicisque minus cedecus e s t s a p e r e .
1.7.5.1.
2.2.44.1.
3.6.24.1.
4.5.14.3.
7.6.21.3.
Sambucus
364
p. 120-21.
(Woodcut of Muses with their symbolical representations.)
Musarum, ©x antiquis numis 0. Pomponij, verae effigies, ft etymologica
vis ex Virgilio. Ad Hannibalem Cruceium.
Clio gesta canens transactis tempora reddit.
Melpomene tra°;ico oroclamat moesta boatu.
Comica lasciuo gaudet sermone Thalia.
Dulciloquos calamos Euterne flatibus vr^et.
Terpsichore affectus citharis mouet, imperat, auget.
Plectra gerens Erato saltat pede, carmine, vultu.
Carmina Callope libris heroica mandat.
Vraniae caeli motus scrutatur, •*• astra,
Signat cuncta manu, loquitur Polyhimnia gestu.
Mentis Apollineae vis haec mouet vndique Musas,
In medio residens comolectitur omnia Phoebus.
1.11.5.8.
3.3.4.2.5.
l.Pr.
1.7.
1.11.5.6.
pp. 172-73.
(Woodcut d e p i c t s s i n r i d i n g in a c a r r i a g e drawn by two prancing
s t e e d s on t h e back of which r i d e s a piper and t h e other horse i s
drawn by an i n f a n t . V o l u p t a t i s h o l d s , what looks l i k e Mercry's
cadecus i n one hand and i n back of her i n the same c h a r i o t r i d e s
a f i g u r e holding his e a r s whil© cupid i s shooting an arrow from th©
r e a r ° o f t h e c h a r i o t . Cupid i s b l i n d . A dog with tongue extended
a l s o r i d e s in c h a r i o t . )
V o l u p t a t i s triumphus.
Qvi currus t r a h i t u r ceu domitis e q u i s ,
Et quo g r a t a voluptas s e d e t , ft penes
I l l a m quas comites semper habet s u a s .
Naturam i l l i u s innuunt.
Est duplex etenim, s u a u i s , ft improba,
Monstrat laeua manus commoda quae vehat
Haec, quae d e x t r a f e r a t c e r n i s ft obuiam.
Albo h a e c , i l i a ni<rro e s t equo.
Laeuam v i n a , venus, sece etiam d o l o r ,
Et f a c t i comes ©st quem quoque n o e n i t e t .
Saltantem stimulo promouet, ft puer
Caecus c u r a t ©quum nigrum.
Sambucus
365
Sed casta© s o c i j s u n t bona p u b l i c a ,
Virtutes celebres, g l o r i a , candidi
L e n t i a u r i g a , ft equi coneomitans honor.
Dotes a p p o s i t a s h a b e n t .
Tu quicunque s a p i s , d e l i g e desteram,
Ac laeuam fur^ito, praemia sunt enim
Aeterna i l l i u s , a s t huius ab omnibus
Detestanda bono, ft p i o .
pp. 6 8 - 6 9 .
(Woodcut p o r t r a y s old hag with l a p f u l l of s k u l l s which a r e r o l l i n g
down h i l l and strewn around. Another old hag seems attempting t o
pick them uo and t h e r e i s some s o r t of a church in background.
Cf. TNhitney, p . 4 6 . )
In t h e French e d i t i o n dated 1567.
V a r i i hominum s e n s u s .
Quelque v i e l i e p o r t o i t sur vn monta 1 ' e s c a r t
Force t e s t e s de m o r t s , mav f o i b l e ft c h a n c e l l a n t e
Se l a i s s a c h o i r en t e r r e , ft en d i u e r s e p a r t
Ell© v i t ca ft l a t o u t sa charge r o u l a n t e .
L o r s , d i s t e l l © , i l ne faut nrendre esbahissement
S i l e s viuans ne s o n t d ' o p i n i o n semblable,
Car mesme l e s oz morts r o u l e n t diuersement,
Et chaucun d ' e u x p o u r s u i t vn s e n t i e r d i s s e m b l a b l e ,
Voila comment a l o r s que nous sommes v e s t u s
De l a masse de c h a i r , en mainte ft mainte sort©
Nostra e s p r i t e s t p o r t e a r r i e r e des v e r t u s ,
A i n s i qu© l e c h e u a l d e s b r i d e se t r a n s n o r t e .
1.4.36.8-9.
p. 65.
In the Latin edition.
(Th© woodcut is identical but has an added Border which does not
appear in either the French edition or in Whitney and since there
is only three vears lapse between the French, 1567, and the Latin,
1564, it would seem that th© elaborate border either got lost or was
discarded because of the size of the French edition. The border
depicts a goddess of some sort on either side. The top border is
centered by an eagle with the usual scroll, work and grapes surrounding. The lower part has two large scrolls endinr. in dragons heads
and is centered with what looks like a cross between an umbrella and
a snail.)
366
Varij hominum senses
ad Franciscum Forgaz Episcop. Var.
Qvaedam anus in sacrum portabat crania collem,
Ossibus humanis ne minuatur honos.
_
Sed titubans egris pedibus cum verticem adiret,
Concidit, ac varium crania versat iter.
Ilia videns labi diuers© cuncta retrorsum,
Quodque adeo discors semita ferret onus:
Quid mirum si tot sensus, quot in vrbe figurae
Sunt, ait, in viuis, num ossibus vna via est?
Nonn© iecur Tityi restat, subitoque resascens
Exercet variae quae laniabat, auem?
Sic dum nos tellus indutos mole dolorum
Detinet, ancipiti mens vaga fertur ©quo.
367
Achillis Bocchii Bonon Symboiioarvm Qvaestionvm De Vniverso Genere
Qvas Serioilvdebat Libri Qvnqve Condictio Attende Lector Optime,
Siforte qvid contra Patrvm Deereta Sanctorvm Pia
Factvmve Dictvmve His Libis Infectvm Id, Indictvmve Siet.
Sacroscancta IvLi. Ill Pon, Max, Lege Cavtvm Est Ne Qvis Hoc Poema
.Avtore Inscio Invitove De Caebero Imprimere Neve Venal© Habere Vsniam
Avdeat. Bononiae in Aedib. Novae Academiae Bocchiana©
M.D.LV
p. CXLVI
ET CXLVII
(Woodcut which takes almost a whole page, depicts occasion in the
usual manner.)
Occasionem Qvi Sapis Ne Amiseris. SYMB. LXIX
and on other page
Ioanni Ivnio Antveroiensi Ivriscons Eloqventiss. Symb. LXIX
Iam tibi dum rebus se occasio arnica gerendis
Opportune offert front© comata, tone.
Momento praeteruolat haud unqi reditura.
Occiput en calua est, lentus es. ilia abiyt
0 hihil est. CC. bis centum nunciat, A nil
A. Quintum, Primum, I. Rursusft,o. nihil est,
Prinoipium nihil est: bis Centum plurima, quinq;
Non satis est, unus sat, vunit indenihil.
Et licet obscura haec uideantur carmina, possunt
Si bene perspisies singula, clara loqui.
2.4.43-46.
£ aP; £ 5 2 d e d ^ t o ?-lo XOVTO SHSCOPO HTOEHNO
(1 ^ d o u f o f ^ n 2
S
t . « r . « . th. seven Headed ^nster.
^ n U ^ ^ - o r " - - « a n o t e r V ^ ». in.-ipti« on t h .
llfo oTcccnS T t ° ^ l Z Z \ ^ oontains . beast spitting fire
and with a huge all wound round tail of a serpent.
1.8.6-7.
Bocchi
368
The rare first edition of this beautiful collection. On back of
dedication to Pope Paul III, Bochius, the Author, has writben a long
inscription presenting the Book to his friend Ludovicus Frontorius
dated August 1558. At th© end of book are bound in six of the
original pen and ink drawings by Bocchius.)
p. LVT - LVII.
Prima tenet primas rerum sapientia caussas. Symb. XXVIII,
(Woodcut of bald woman standing on rock; ap other standing on a wave
and still another sitbing on the water. In upper corner there is a
cherub hugging a peacock.)
In materiam priman mens notha solatenet. Symb. XXVIII.
Orta salo, uro salum, atq; solum, coelumq; profundum
Una ego corrumpens omnia progenero.
A me omneis Natura creat res, auctat alitq;
In me res omnis rursum eadem soluit
At licet hac uidear, quae picta est, praedita forma,
Omni forma prorsum ipsa tamen careo.
Sumq; mea, ac propria rati one incognita prima
Materia ilia ego, quam Mens notha sola tenet.
Achillis Bocchii. Bonon Symbolicarum Quaestionum, Devniuerso geners,
quas ferio ludebat, Libri quinquo. Bononia©, Apud Societatem Typographiae Bononiensis. MDLXXIIII. Curia© Episc. R. S. Inquisib, concessu.
p. CCXVI — Sapientiam Modestia, Progressio Eloquentian, Felicitatem
haec perficit. Symb. CII.
(Woodcut of a Shield with Medusa on it. In Center is a cherub and
Mercury is to one side.)
Stephano Salvio in hermathenam Bocchiam. Symb. CII.
Quis tibi Sancte puer, veres animumq, ministrat
Maximu, ut exiguo menstrum adamant© regos?
Nonn© vides summi eductam de vertice patris,
Auspice facundo Pallada Atlantiade?
Hanc cole totius menbis penetralibus ardens,
Sic animo poteris quicquid ft or© vales.
Incip© age; en virgo te iam Deus ©uocat orco,
M© duce perficles; tu modo progredere.
Iam pater en STEP*ANUS te SAVLIVS ille bonoru
Praesidium, atq decus, macte animo esse iubet.
Bocchi
369
p. CCIIII - CCV
Non appeti deber© gloriam, at sequi veram. Invidia enim pessima una
hoc vincitur, Symb. XCVII.
(Woodcut of Cato being followed by crocodil©; young man holding leg
and tail of crocodile., a third young man kneeling.
Baptista© Egnatio. Symb. XCVII
Nota paretonii Crocodilus bellua Nili
Dectantes fugitat, qui fugitant sequitur
Usu etiam ille caret lingua©, morbisq: leuandis
Utile corporeis, suaueq; stercus habet.
Sic uerat instantes spernit, spernentibus instat
Gloria quin maior spretaredir© solet.
Nil opus est lungua, Celebris quum fama loquatur,
Et virtus merces sit sibi pulchra satis.
Praecepuam utilitatem affert quoq; gloria, tollit
Multa animi vitia, atq; inuidiam superat,
Contra uana ilia est popularis, quae Crocodile
Fucatur suaui stercore gloriola.
370
Hecatomgraphie, par G i l l e s Corrozet, a P a r i s , chez Denys l a n o t ,
Imprimeur ©t L i b r a i r e , 1543.
P a r i s i a n a U x Bons E s p r i t z e t Amatevrs des l e t r e s .
pp. 174,75.
(Woodcut of a s h i p which has s t r u c k a hidden rock and i s l o s t . )
P e r i l Incongneu.
Le Rocher cache soubz les undes
Incongneu par les n a u t o n n i e r s , •
B r i s e la nef es eaux profundes,
Perissant iceulx mariniers.
In a longer poem which follows, Corrozet expresses h i s moral some
length
Fortune ©st p r e s t e e t tousjours a l'escout©
Et l o r s su'on Dense e s t r e b i e n seurement,
Le mal s u r v i e n t , duquel on ne se doubte.
Apres beau temps v i e n t furieusement
Grefle tombant, puis orage e t tempeste,
Et l ' h e r b e au s o i r seiche soubdainement.
Dessoubz la f l e u r l e c a u l t s e r p e n t s ' a r r e s t e ,
Qui picque e t peingt c i l aui la v e u l t c u e i l l i r ;
Ainsi doulleur v i e n t apres ,joye e t f e s t e .
Et quand on pense a son honneur f a i l l i r ,
De quelque f a i c t , c ' e s t souvent a t e l l e heure
Qu'on s ' a p p e r c o i t plus lourdement f a i l l i r .
Doncq icy bas n ' a r i e n s qui nous a s s e u r e i ,
Nous pensons doulx ce qui ©st bien amer,
Vraye cuydons la chose la moins s e u r e .
La nef p e r i t au m i l i e u de la mer,
Rencontre ung roch cache dessoubz les eaux
Qui la nef b r i s e e t la f a i c t entasmer.
0 l i e u peu seur I ©ntre marins r o s e a u l x ,
0 g r i e f p e r i l , non e t a n t e s p e r e ,
Chemin p a r e i l a celuy des oyseaulx.
A i n s i e s t i l a u ' e n ce monde pare
De t a n t de c a s , n ' a r i e n s ferme e t bien s t a b l e ,
Par quoy on l ' a a la nef compare
Qui se p e r i t c o n t r e ung roch r e d o u t a b l e .
2.12.7.
2.12.18-19.
4.11.52.
5.2.50.
5.11.29.
5.4.1.
6.12.1.
Corrozet
371
(Woodcut of lady with book in hand, and black bird on ground.)
Amour no se peult celer.
beneath
Le suys un l i u r e , auquel on a p p e r c o i t
Les ,~ras s e c r e t z de 1'amoureuse flam©,
1© souf Suys garde d© cest© bell© dame,
pour un amy qxiilque p a r t ou i l s o i t .
p . Gi.
(Woodcut of lady reclining under a tree, bees in air, cupid
holding aloft a flower with arrow in other hand.)
Si Cupido m© vient lancer ses flesches (or st)
Ses graps flambeaulx, E ses ardentes mesches,
Lors oue ie dors E suis ensommeillee,
Qu© fer a il quand seray resueilleej.
p. Dili.
Chastet© vain© Cupido
(Woodcut of P o l l a s w i t h s h i e l d on which appears head of man.
Cupid i s shooting an arrow a t h e r . )
Contre P a l l a s Cupido son dard l a n c e ,
Mais au deuant e l l e met son escu;
Et f a i c t s i bien q u ' e l l e 1© rend v a i n c u ,
Tout desnu© d'armes E de p u i s s a n c e .
np La c r u a u l t e damour.
(Woodcut of man seeing consumed w i t h flames or perhaps i t would
be b e t t e r t o say t h a t flames a r e shooting forth from h i s body.
Young lady s t a n d s near with branch of t r e e in hand offering i t
t o him.)
Puis que i e s e n t s p amoureux encombres,
Vn feu qui met coeur E corps a tormet,
Sans r e c e p u i o r d© dam a l l e g e m e n t ,
F a u l t que 1 ' © s p r i t s ' a n v o i s e soubz l e s umbres.
Corrozot
372
p . Dii.
Noblesse de science.
(Woodcut of monk seated a t desk evidently talking to a soldier who
is viewing his sword in a questioning manner.)
Achilles grand honneur merit©
Pour sa proeusse redoubtable:
Homer acquiert honneur senblabia,
Pour 1'hystoir© q u ' i l a ©script©.
Contre les f l a t e u r s .
(Woodcut of crocodile.)
Le Crocodille ayat la gueule ouuerte,
Dedans un champ s'ondort sur 1'herbe vert©
Vn serpeteau dedas so corps luy e n t r e ,
Et pour s o r t i r i l luy perce 1© ventre,
p, E i i ,
Plus par doulceur, que par force
(Woodcut of woman with rays of sun streaming on her and old man
with appearance of monk receiving rays of cherub.)
Contre la froidure du vent,
L'homme se tiant clos, E se ferr©,
Mais le Soleil le plus souuent
Luy fait mettre sa borre a terre.
La Force d'amour
(Woodcut of old man on on© sid© of picture—girl on other side* and
Cupid in center shooting off bow. He holds vase of flowers in other
hand,)
Cruel enfant, si tont fue brusl© E ard
Les ooeurs humains par flammes E flammeschss,
pourquoy to arc tire il tat de flesches?
veux tu soubs toy chascu faire soudard.
Corrozet
373
Triumph e d© humilit©
(Woodcut of lamb pawing a l i o n . )
Vn doulx Aigmeau foubz son pied t i e n t
Le Lyon des b e s t e s le p r i n c e .
Humilite m a s t r i e E vince
Les plus g r a n d s , que t e r r e s o u s t i e n t ,
p. F i i i .
Le vainqiieur furmont© par 1© vincu.
(Woodcut of a scene with c a s t l e in background and a fish wrapped
around sword. I t i s s i m i l a r t o A l c i a t i ' s trademark.)
Le c a u l t Serpent s ' e f f o r c e de ronger,
Rompre E b r i e s e r l ' e s p e e c l e r e E nue,
Mais s e s t esp©, au Serpent diminue
Toutes ses d e t s , E tashce a s ' e n veger.
Toutes choses sont p e r i s s a b l e s .
(Woodcut of two groups conversing.
man; th© o t h e r , two men.)
F i r s t group i s a g i r l and
Les choses de Dieu ordonnees,
Qui d© 1'humanibe dependent,
Toutes a un tendre f i l pendent,
Mourants apres q u ' e l l e s sont n e e s .
Le Monde i n s t a b l e .
(Woodcut of man walking on i s l a n d wibh stormy sea and shin in
background, holding in hand a globe.)
L© monde en une i s l e port©
Sur la mer t a n t esmeue E rogue,
Sans seur gouuernal vage E vogue
Monstrant son i n s t a b i l i t e .
Esperance conforte Ihome.
(Woodcut of a man bent beneath burden of wheel.
a staff.)
H© is leaning
Si fortune s o u s t i e n s E porte
Qui m'a f a i t un t o u r inhuman: i e t i e n s esoerance en la main,
Qui me c o n d u i c t , E me c o n f o r t e .
Corrozet
374
Experience aulcunesfois dangerous©.
(Woodcut of cherub with huge wings embracing a girl.)
I'ay este trop sott© E hardi©
Vouloir Cupido defbender;
Car quand il a peu regarder
I'ay est© perdu E perie.
Subtilit© vault mieulx que force.
(Woodcut of elephant wibh sernent on top and one on other side,
two or three looking from tree. All have streams coming from
mouth.)
Le
Vn
Et
Sa
fin Serpent de nature subtil©
iour vouloit a l'Elephat combatre:
n© pouuant par sa fore© l'a batr©
queue autour ses iambes entortille.
Faith, Hope and Charity appear here as in almost all th© Emblam books.
Contr© les auaricieux.
(Woodcut of a rich king dining and outside of his door, a poor man
half kneeling and interceding before a statu© placed upon a pole.)
Auarice decoipt son maistr©,
Ainsi qu'on diet vulgairement:
Qui de son bien veult content estre,
II vit bien plus heureusement.
Complexion d© femme.
(Woodcut of a woman walking nonchalantly with branch in on©
and sword in other.)
L© Tiens 1'Oliue a la main destre,
Et une espee a la fenestra,
En noise E guerre me repais,
puis quand i© veulz ie fais la paix.
<
Corrozet
375
Faire ce, qui ©st condesc©nt a beaulte.
(Woodcut of man standing behind a pillar and other young man holding
a mirror to his face in which image is reflected.)
Qui bie regard au miroir sa semblace,
II a d© soy parfaicte cognoissance.
Qui se cosnoist en ce mondain passage,
II est de tous estime comme sage.
Le grand ayant affaire du moxidre.
(Woodcut of tree encased with vines.)
Combien que ie soys vine Vigne,
Pleine de Raisins qu© i© norte:
Si ©st c© que i© ne desdaigne
L'arbre petit, qui me support©.
Peril Incogneu.
(Woodcut of ship sinking.)
Le rocker cache soubz les undes
incogneu par les nautonniers,
Briefe la Nefes ©aux profondes,
Psrissants iceulx mariniers.
Amour accomcaignee de vertu.
(Woodcut of Cupid on one stand and Virtue on other.)
Qu'and ces deux se treuuent ensemble
Par effect, E non en paincturo,
Tout s'en porte mieulx, ce me semble
Selon la rei?;le de droicture.
Plus que moins•
Fin de Hecatongraphie contenant cent Emblemes, Nouuellement
Imprime par Denys lanot Libraire, demourant a Paris ©n la rue
Neufu© nostre Dame a I'enseigne-Sainct lean Baptiste, contre
Sainct© Geneuiesue des Ardents.
376
ICONOLOGIA: o r , MORAL EMBLEMS BY CAESAR RIPA.
Wherein a r e expressed, various images of V i r t u e s , Vices, Passions,
A r t s , Humors, Elements and C e l e s t i a l Bodies.
as Design'd b y / The Ancient Egyptians, Greeks, Romans, and Modern
I t a l i a n s : / Useful for O r a t o r s , P o e t s , P a i n t e r s , S c u l p t o r s , and
a l l Lovers of I n g e n u i t y : / I l l u s t r a t e d with Three Hundred Twentys i x Human© F i g u r e s , / W i t h t h e i r e x p l a n a t i o n s / N e w l y d e s i g n ' d , and
engraven on Copper, by I . F u l l e r , P a i n t e r , and other Mas b a r s .
By t h e Care and a t t h e Charge of P. Tempest.
London:/ P r i n t e d by Benj. Motte. MDCCiX. F i r s t published in 1593,
p . 12,
F i g , 4 6 . C a r i t a : Charity
A Woman all in red, a Flame on the Crown of her Head, with an Infant
sucking, in her left Arm, and two other standing up, one of which is
embrac'd with the right.
Th© red Colour denotes Charity; th© Spouse, in the Canticles, was
pleas'd with it in her Beloved. The Flame signifies that Charity
is never idle, but always active. Th© three Children shew the
triple power"of Char ity, for Faith and Hope without her, signifi©
nothing.
1.10.4.8.
p. 25.
Fig. 100. Dolor©: GRIEF
A Man naked, Manacles upon his Hands, and Fetters on his Feet,
incompass'd with a Serpent, gnawing his left Side; he seems to
be very melancholy.
The fetters depote the Intellects, and discourses and produces
irregular Effects, being straitned by Perplexity, and cannot at bend
to its accustom«d Operations. The Serpent signifies Misfortunes,
and Evils, which occasion Destruction, and is the chief Cause of
Grief.
1.4.35.5.
Ripa
377
F i g . 2 5 . Armonia: Harmony
A b e a u t i f u l Queen with a Crown on her Head, g l i t t e r i n g with precious
S t o n e s , a Bass-Viol in one Hand, and a Bow, t o play w i t h , in the other.
Her Crown demonstrates her Empire over a l l H e a r t s , every one be ins;
w i l l i n g t o lend an Ear t o her Consorts; l i k e Orpheus, who, by h i s ^
melodious Tunes, made t h e very Rocks s e n s i b l e , and t h e very Trees
t o move.
2.12.70.8.
(There is th© idea of wind, water and trees with birds in the background of th© picture in Iconologia.)
p. 13.
F i g . 52. C i e l o : HEAVEN
A young Man of a noble Aspect, an Imperial H a b i t , f u l l of S t a r s ,
w i t h a Scepter i n th© r i g h t Hand, and in t h e l e f t a Flame-pot, with
a Heart in t h e middle, t h a t consumes n o t ; upon the r i g h t Pap, a Sun,
t h e Moon on th© l e f t ; h i s Girdle i s the Zodiac ( n b ) , a Crown adorn'd
with Jewels on h i s Head, and golden Ruskins on h i s Legs.
Young, because h© w i l l endure and never grow old, as t h e Heart a l s o
s i g n i f i e s . The Sim and Moon denote Heaven: The Golden Cothurni shew
his Incorruptiability.
5.1.11.7.
3.12.7.ff.
p. 2.
Blindness of Mind
Fig. 5. Affanno: DESPAIR
A sorrowful Man in Rags; with both Hands he onens his Breast, and
looks upon his Heart encompass'd with Serpents; his Garment is black.
Th© rags shew him to undervalue and neglect himself. His open Breast,
and the Serpents, denote the fFouble and Vexation of Worldly Things,
always gnawing the Heart.
1,9.35.
1.9.54.
(
Ripa
378
There i s no ©mblem devoted t o ENVY. But Spenser in 1.4.31.4 has a
snake m envy's bosom. Also the idea of being g i r t with a snake
or long snakes as m Gn. 626 or 1.10.40.9 i s found p. 2 1 .
cf. p . 3 . of Ripa for g r i e f encompassed with s e r p e n t .
p . 30.
F i g . 120. F e d e l t a : FIDELITY
A woman c l o t h ' d in w h i t e , with a Seal in one Hand, and a Key in the
o t h e r ; and a white Dog close by h e r .
The Key and Seal a r e Emblems of F i d e l i t y , because they lock up and
conceal secrets-: Th© Dog i s the most f a i t h f u l Animal in the World,
and beloved by Men.
1.10.12ff.
1.10.19-20.
p. 3 1 .
Fig. 128. Forza alia Giustitia sottoposta: FORCE OF JUSTICE
A Lady
a Lion
as the
to the
in Royal Apparel: crown'd; about to sit down unon the Back of
and seems to lay her Hand upon a Sword, which denotes Justice,
Lion does Strength; so that the Strength of the latter submits
former, i. e. iustice.
5.12.40.5.
p. 54.
F i g . 214. Monarchia mondana: Worldly MONARCHY.
A young Lady, of a haughty Look, in Armour; a Diamond a t her Breast,
and has her Head encompassed with splendid Rays; Golden Socks on her
Legs, s e t with precious Stones; She has t h r e e Scepters in her Hand;
where i s a Scroul OMNIBUS UNITS. On her r i g h t Side a Lion, and a
Serpent on her l e f t , ( i t i s r e a l l y under her f e e t in t h e c u t . )
P r i s o n e r s crown'd, c h a i n ' d and p r o s t r a t e ; with Trophies.
Her Youth denotes Ambition; t h e haughty Look, admiring our ovm
Excellency, Arm'd,-for Fear, and t o scare o t h e r s . The Diamond, not
y i e l d i n g t o any Force, 'so~one who domineers, r e s i s t s everything.
The Sun, shews t h a t she would be a l l a l o n e , who presumes t o be
above o t h e r s ; and t h a t none should come near t o look on h e r . me
Finger and the Motto, a r e Signs or Preeminence and Command.
cf. 1 . 3 .
8ff.
Ripa
379
F i g . 264. R i v a l i t a : RIVALS.
A Damsel crown'd with Roses; holds out a Gold Chain with her r i g h t
Hand; b e f o r e her stand two Rams b u t t i n g a t one a n o t h e r .
The Roses never w i t h o u t P r i c k l e s , shew t h a t t h e pleasant Thoughts
of a R i v a l a r e not w i t h o u t Thornes of Jealous i e . The two Rams,—
a l l p a s t o r a l Eglogs a r e f u l l of t h e i r j e a l o u s Pranks.
1.2.16.1
ff.
Fig. 281. Virilita: MANHOOD.
A Yfoman at fifty Years of Age, in Cloth of God; a Scepter in her right
Hand, end a Book in her left; sitting upon a Lion, with a Sword by
her side.
The Scepter, Book, Lion and Sword, intimate that at this Age there is
expected Consultation, Resolution, and a generous Determination of
Virtuous Actions; for Manhood is the Age between thirty-five and
fifty, when a Man is capable of Reason, and acts like a rational
Man in all Civil and Mechanical Actions; this is th© Aze wherein
a Man trets a Habit that may conduct him to a ^ood or bad End.
7.7.36.3.
1.4.33.2.
July
Wrath rides on.
Fig. 301. Valore: VALOUR.
This man is in his prime; his Garment of Cloth of Gold; A scepter
in his right Hand, and vdth a Laurel Garland; and with his left,
he strokes a Lion upon the Head. (The lion is in the affectionate
attitude of a dog when being petted.) recalls Una's taming of Lion.
1.3.5.ff.
p. 59.
Fig. 237. Peccato: SIN
A Youth blind, black and naked, seems bo walk through crooked Ways,
and by Precipices; girt round with a Serpent, gnawing his Heart.
His Youth denotes his Imprudence and Blindness, in committing Sin.
His Wandering shews his deviating from, and transgressing the law.
Black and naked, shews that Sin deprives Men of Grace, and the
Whiteness of Virtue. The Serpent is the Devil, continually seeking
to delude with false Appearances.
Ripa
38D
p. 42.
Fig. 166. Inganno: DECEIT.
A Man cloath»d with th© Skin of a Goat; from th© Middle, downwards,
ar© two Serpents Tails; in one Hand, fishhooks, in the other a Net,
full of Fish; a Panther by him, v/ith his Head between his Legs;
shews that Fish are catch'd by deceiving them; and the Panther by
hiding his Head, and shewing his fine Skin, intices other Beasts;
the two Serpents Tails shew Deceit.
1.8.48.4.
381
Hypocrisy, p. 488. Iconologia, Vol. II. Ripa, 1698.
Heresie, p, 37. (fig. 145) Ripa, 1709.
Gluttony, p. 37. (fig. 147) Ripa, 1709.
Hypocrisy, p. 38. (fig. 150) Ripa, 1709.
Lust, p. 50. (fig. 198) Ripa, 1709.
(2 rams) Rivals, p. 66, (fig. 264) Ripa, 1709.
1.2.16.
382
Amorvm Emblemata, F i g v r i s Aensis I n c i s a Stvdio Othonis Vaeni
Batavo-Lvgdvnens i s .
~
Antverpiae,
Venalia Apud Auctorem, P r o s t a n t apud Hieronymum Verdussen, M. DC. IIX
(Copy ovmed by Jonathan Forbes, M.D. with owner's s i g n a t u r e on t i t l ©
page, and w i t h h i s a n n o t a t i o n s t h r o u g h o u t . )
p . 155.
(Woodcut of Cupid seated beneath a tree with one of his own arrows
piercing his heart. His bow and quiver full are lyin» on th©
ground beside him. In front of him is a stag chewing on grass —
who is likewise pierced with an arrow.)
p. 154.
Ouid.
1TVLLIS IffiDICABILIS HERRIS.
Cerua venenato venantum saucia f e r r o
Dyctamno q u a e r i t v u l n e r i s a u x i l i u m .
Hei m i h i , quod n u l l i s s i t Amor m e d i c a b i l i h e r b i s ,
Et n e q u e a t medica p e l l i e r a r t e malum I
Solo senza r i m e d i o .
Cerca i l f\igace ceruo s a e t t a t o
I I d i t t a m o , che i l mal g l i d i s a c e r b a :
Et i o meschin pur c e r c o , ne t r o u o herba,
Che r i s a n i i l mio cor d'Amor p i a g a t o .
Rien ne me peut g u e r i r .
Le c e r f fuyard a t t e i n t d'vne v i s t e sagett©
Cerche parmy l e s b o i s le dictamne o f t e - f e r :
Mais n u l l e herbe ne peut de ce mal triompher,
Que m'a f a i t en mon coeur d'Amour la main t e n d r e t t e .
Then i n Mr. Forbes h a n d w r i t i n g .
A me I unwise & w i t l e s s Colin Clout I
That k y d i s t t h e hidden kinds of many a weed;
Yet k y d s t n o t en© t o cure thy sore h a r t - r o o t © ,
Whose r a n k l i n g wound as y e t does r i s e l y b l e e d .
Spencer,
(Taken from Th© Shepheardes Calender
"December"
11 91-94)
Vaenius
383
p. 161.
(Woodcut of Cupid picking a rose from an enormous rose bush.)
On th© preceding page we read:
ARMAT SPINA ROSAS, MELLA TEGVNT APES
Suauem Amor (ecce) rosam dum deligit vngue rosetis,
A rigidis spinis saucia membra dolet.
Quod iuuat, exiguum; plus est quod laedit amantes:
Quaeq(ue) ferunt, multo spicula felle madent.
Non e gioia senza noia.
Punge la spina chi la rosa coglie:
Ne si puo corre il bel piacer d'Amore
Senza amari sospir, pena, e dolore.
La sua dolcezza e chiusa ne 1© doolie.
Nulla rose sans espines.
L'Espine a cestuy la qui veut ceuillir la rose
En sanglante la main: d'Amour le doux plaisir
Sans l'aigreur des douleurs ne se laiss© iouir.
Car tousiours dans le fiel sa douceur est enclose.
And then in Mr. Forbes Handwriting
Of Honey & of Gall in Love there is Store;
The Honey is much, but the Gall is more.
Spencer.
Taken from The Shepheareds Calendar
Mar. Emb. 3,4. Epig
p. 174.
(Woodcut of Cupid p u l l i n g t h e f o r e l o c k of a n o t h e r w i s e b a l d
woman who h o l d s a cormcopia f i l l e d w i t h f l o w e r s . )
VHDECVMQVE OCCASIO PROMTA
Plutarch
Vt h e d r a v n d e u i s i n u e n i t , quo s e a l l i e ; 9 t :
s i c amans quaecumqu© o c c u r r u n t , ad amicae a d a p t a t nutum.
Mill© moy ens
L© l i e r r © t o u s i o u r s trouu© ©n quoy i l s ' e s l e w e ,
A i n s i 1© s a g e Amour f a i t de t o u t son p r o f i t ,
E t prend I 1 o c c a s i o n , p e n d a n t q u e l l e luy r i t .
Tout ©st v t i l © au s a g e , ft n u l m a l ne 1© g r e u e .
3.4.9.5-6.
Vaenius
384
p. 204.
(Woodcut of a s c r e a m i n g woman whose head i s v e r y much wrapped
t a k i n g money b a g s from C u p i d . Coins a r e d r o p p i n g from a h o l e
i n one b a g . )
AMANS SE SVAQVE PRODIGIT.
En, v t A u a r i t i a e l o c u l o s e x t o r q u e a t i n f a n s
P e n n i g e r : i n g e n t e s ham o d i t a m a t o r o p e s ,
P r o d i g i t i l l e suum dominae quo s e r u i a t , aurum,
L a e t u s i n o b s e q u i o c u n c t a d e d i s s e suo
Amour h a y t
1'auarice
Amour a 1 ' a r a r i c © ouure par s a p u i s s a n e
La b o u r s e b i e n ferme© & r e n d 1© c h i c h e ©sgal
( C h a n g e a n t son n a t u r e l ) a 1'homme l i b e r a l ,
Lors g u ' v n t r a i t p l e i n d ' a r d e u r en sa p o i t r i n e i l
lance.
ANTEIT VENATIO CAPTVM.
Venator s a l t u s atque i n i a l u s t r a t p e r e r r a t ,
S e c t a t u r q v a g a s p e r i u g a summa f e r a s :
Nee c e s s a t o r e r i s q u i amas; vener© necess© © s t .
Non p e t e t i p s a tuum p r a e d a c u p i t a sinum.
Pindar
S i v e r o a l i q u a e s t i n t e r nomines f e l i c i t a s ,
sin© labor© e x i s t i r .
(Cf. T h e a t r e f o r W o r l d i n g s )
Chasser a u a n t la
prince
I I f a u t c o u r i r l e c e r f par m o n t s , v a u x , p a r campaignes
La Dam© a u s s i s e v e u t par g r a n d pourch a s m a t t e r ,
n ' A t t e n s q u ' e l l e s© v i e n n e ©ntr© t e s b r a s j e t t e r . ^
Ce qu© s a n s p e i n e on p r o n d , b i e n t o s t on l e d e s d a i g n e
LIT.
ea non
585
The Paradys© of daynty d e u v i s e s , a p t l y f u r n i s h e d , with sundrv
p i t h y and learned i n u e n t i o n s : deuised and w r i t t e n for t h e W s t
p a r t by : ; . Edwards, sometimes of her P l a s t i e s Chanel: t h e r e s t ,
by sundry learned Gentlemen, both of honor and woorsV.rpe. v i s .
S. Barnard©
l a s per He-nrvood.
E. 0.
p . K.
L. Vaux.
>f. 3 e n 9 l
D. S.
R. F i n .
K. YIOOP, with o t h e r s .
Imprinted a t London by Henry D i s l e , dwelling in Paules Churclirad
of S a i n t Paules Church, and a r e t h e r t o be s o l d e .
1576
(The dedication states or rather restates v.hat has been stated
in the Preface. The book went through 8 editions in 24 years,
It is mentioned by Webb, Puttenhom and JJeres.)
Fol. 1.
The Paradise, of dayntie deuises.
1. Our pleasures are vanities.
Behold the blast which blowes, the blossomes from the tree,
The end whereof consumes and comes, to nou~ht we fee (f for s throughtout'
Ere thou therefore be blovrae, from lyfe that may not last,
Begin for grace to call, for time mispent and past.
Haue mind on brittle life, whose pleasures are but vayne,
On death likev.yse bethink©, how thou shalt not rewayne.
And feare thy Lord to greeue, which fought thy soule to saue,
To synne no more be bent, but mercie aske and haue.
For death Who doth not spare, the kinges on earth to kill,
Shall reape also from thee, thy pleasure, life, and will:
That lyf© which yet remaynes, and in thy brest appeares,
Hath sowne in thee such seedes, you ought to weed© with teares.
And life that shall succede, When death is worn© and past,
Shall spring for euer then, in ,ioy or paine to last
Where death on life hath power ye see, that life also
Hath mowen The fruites of death, which neuer more shall grow©.
Maris flitting life, fyndes surest stay.
Where sacred virtue beareth sway.
386
The sturdy Rocke, for all his strength,
By racing Seas, is rent in twaine:
The Marble stone, is pearst at length,
With little droppes, of misting rain'e.
The Ox© dooth yeelde unto the Yoke,
The Steele obeyeth the hammer stroke.
Fol. 9.
The stately Stagge y seemes so stout,
by yalping hondes at bay is set:
The swiftest bird y flees above,
is caught at length in Fawler's net.
The greatest Fish in deepest Brooke,
Is soone deceived with subtill hook.
Yea men hive seefe, unto whose will, all
things are bounded to obey.
For all his witte and worthy skill, doth fade
at length and fal away,
There is nothing, but bime doth wasb.
The Heavens, the Earth, consume at last.
But Vertue sittes triumphing still, upon y
Trone of glorious Fame.
Though spitefull death man's body kill,
yet hurts he not his vertuous name
By life or death, what so betides,
The sbate of vertu©, never slides.
Fol. 9.
E.iii.
387
The Landgrave of Hessen his prince-lie receiuing of her
Maiesties Embassador. Imprinted at London by Robert Robinson, 1596.
...th© middle stori© was vpon our side the vpper hall
where his ©xcellencie met my Lord Embassador, on th©
rigt side a verie goodly greate Chamber & on the left a
gallerie answerable, which William the Landgraues father
addorned with the pictures of all the Princes of Chistendome from Anno 60 vnto 88 the number of 140. (p.10)
...And thus was there a royall feast continued, in great
solemnities and varietie of excellent musike, and in the
middle of Dinner, the Prince began a health vnto her Maiesti©
whome h© often reuerontly termed, mother, this health
went round and while it was a drinking there was a deuis©
of a castell (serued vpon the table in a charger, which
had a water running about it, with fish swimming in it)
verie artificially donne v/hich short of, of itself© is
blowes as bit as petronell, and all besmoked the room©
with gunpowder, which with sweet perfumes burnt© was soon©
avoided, after this royall dinner, th© Ladies first withdrew©,... (p.14)
The Duke of Lunaburgh brought in the Seauen deadlie Sinnes,
and hee placed pride (indeed h© vsed vs some what strangely)
then cam© in an other compaei© with th© Sciences, and
another with the Nine Muses, one cam© in Post two masked
like th© Sunn© and th© Moon© whole deuise was the Seasons
of the Yeare but of all the Vnbekent ritter, cam© in like
a Prince with this musicke of Sackbotes & Cornets clad© in
greene Taseti© to the ground six© before and sixe behind©,
with th© most harmonious noyse that could be, answering
on© an other like an Eccho. This kind© of musike had a •
princely ayre, his deuise was or might be fitlie, th©
fowre Cardinall vertues, carying the globe of the earth
and sphere of heauen among them, & Consulting who after
cam© himself© masked like loue, riding all in white
crowned, and with a tripertite sworde in his hand vnder a
Crimosin Canopie borne ouer him, whereon was written at the
two endes Pramia fonis, & Bona ma lis on the one sid©
Virtut© & Consilio and on© th© other the Embleme of a
fagottewith Concordia simul manet. (p.16)
...which being gone the fire workes began for straugeness©
and admirabl© deuice exceeding all the rest, some for mounting, some burning in the water, some for their straunge
tearing of the aire vpright, some turning heere and there
388
after an hundred fashions, brusting© out into such noyses
and spectacles, as though hsauen and ©arth had gone
together, (p.19)
Th© doores ar© bordered about with timber to keep© the
stone together, and comming in, the flower ©uen and smoothly
paued, the chamber just square, the sides made like a wentscot, with crestings, indentments, and Italian pillar woorke,
and heereby deuided into 27 panes of carued Imagerie, to
the halfe proportion of a man, bearing vpon their shoulder
points escouchons with the blasoned armes of his signories,
th© ©lectors count of Palatine Duk© of Saxoni©, Marayquish
of Brandenburgh, and other houses of his friends and allies
of the protestant part, ouer these an other cours© of
indented doors and carued hollow workes distinct with
pillers, and in this compass© next the roofe, on the fower
sides fower stories carued, of the Creation, the Passion,
th© resurrection, and judgement verie cunningly don©, in
length about two yardes, compassed in with a frame of marble,
as though they hung loos©, the roofe is wrought with knot
worke, and thus to see to being in the chamber nothing but
marble, whereof h© hath th© mine in his country, the trouble
of his rowme is great in winter when to keepe th© ston©
from cracking and loosening, the stone is continually kept
hotte.
Th© next rowme to this was a faire square chamber hung
with tapestery, where th© gentlemen dined, for commonly
at the marbl© table, where the Dukes of Holstein, and Luneburgh, or the Graues of Nassaw, and of Zolmes, with Sir
Richard Fines, Master Brakenburie", and others as it pleased
his Lo. to appoint.
Th© third was a faire drawing chamber, seated round about,
and couered with scarlet, aboue the seates hung round, with
a rich smale wrought tapesterie of an ell broade, of Embleme
worke, and verses written vnderneath, ouer this vpon a
ledge of wentscot were diuers large tables of sundri©
deuises well painted with their posies to garnish th© chamber,
and among al, that was the best which had this Motto (Maior
autem horum est charitas, for it waxed cold.) Th© roof© was
"likewise flourished with painting & deuises, these rowmes
had the through light of fower faire wind owes, and in this
chamber were...
Next to this was my Lords bedchamber,... (describing the ornamenting of the coiling) seeling of the chamber,... with other
pictures to fill vp empti© places. The stori© taken out of
Daniell. (p.11,12)
389
The p a r i t u r e of t h i s rowme, was a painted t r e e t h a t grewe
up a t the door©, th© bodie bulking out branches ouer the
seeling.
i
390
An Epistle or Godlie Admonition of a learned Minister of the
Gospel of our Sauior Christ (inserted in handwriting by A. B.
Carro) Sent to th© Pastoures of th© Flemish Chirch in Antwerp,
who name themselues of the Confession of Auspur» e exhorting the
to concord with the other Ministers of bhe Gosoell.
Translated out of French by Geffray Fenton.
Here may the Christian Reader lern© to Icnow what is the true
participation of the body of Christ, ft what is the lauful use
of the holy supper.
Printed at London by Henry Bymneman
Anno 1569
Side notes "Description of the false Prophets and prechers of
th© Papistes." The true understanding of the wordes of the
Holy supper—and like phraiftses occur frequently. The outward
signs are given us for the understanding of our senses. And the
Strict Catholic interpretation is harned on throughout. "Note
th© absurditie of the fals 3 interpretation of the wordes of the
supper."
A New Discovery of the old Art of Teaching; Schoole, in four small
Treatises, by Charles Hoole, Master of Arts, and teacher of a
Private Grammar School in Lothbury Garden, London. Edited with a
Bibliographical Index by ET. Campagnac.
Liverpool, The University Press, London, Constable -': Co. Ltd. 1913.
"Written about Twenty three years ago, for the Benefit of Rotherham
School, where it was first used; and after 14 years trial by diligent
practise in London in many particulars enlarged, and now at last
published for the general profit, expecially of young Schoole-Mastars."
London, Printed by J.T. for Andrew Crook at the Green Dragon in
Paul's Church-yard, 1660.
In giving "A Note of Schoole-Authours,"
Alciati Emblemata
Reusneri Symbola
And in the bibliography in th© back of the book we find
Theodore d© Beza
Henry Estienne
And in discussing the "The Masters Method." we find
5. Emblems and Symbols out of Alciat. Beza. Quarles. Resnerus.
Chartarius. &C. (p. 182.)
and prior to that under the same heading v/e find:
" . . . .And sometimes you may let them translate
some selected Epigrams out of Owen, or those collected by Mr.
Farnaby or some'Emblems out of Alciat, or th© like Flourishos of
wit, which you think will more delight them and help their fansies.
pp. 158-59.
391
Table of contents from Symeon's Ovid.
Amor d i Febo, 25
Argo v c c i s o da M e r c u r i o , 31
Apollo sdegnato per amore d i g e t o n t e , 37
Aglaura mutata i n P i e t r a , 49
Ateone i n Cerbio, & l a c e r a t o , 54,55
A d u l t e r i o di Venere & d i Mart©, 64
Atamante i n f u r i a t e , 69
A t l a n t e in vn Mont©, 72
Ascalaso i n Guso, 84
A r e t u s a in F o n t s , 86
Aragna i n R a g n a t e l o , 88
Aurora innamorata di Cesalo, 106
Anima d ' H e r c o l e i n C i e l o , 128
A t a l a n t a i n Lionessa, 149
Adon© i n F i o r e , 147
A u a r i t i a d e l Re Mida, 150
Armi d ' a o h i l l © faccrecat© da Volcano, 167
Aiace d i s p e r a t o s'ammazza, 168
Aci i n Fiume, 178
Achemenide r i c o l t o da Enea, 183
Anass ( f f ) a r e t a in P i e t r a , 192
B a t t o i n vn Masso, 46
Bacco t r i o n f a n t e , 59
Borea r a p i s c e O r y t i a , 94
B i b l i d e in Font©, 131
Creation© & Confusion© d e l Mondo, 13
C o n s i g l i o de g l i Dei, 19
Cygno i n v c c e l l o , 36
C a l i s t o i n Orsa c o l S i g l i u o l o , 39
Coroni v e c i s a da Febo, 44
Coroni i n Cornacchia, 42
Cadmo s b a n d i t o d a l p a d r e , 51,
Cadmo ammazza i l S e r p e n t e , "52
Cadmo fern na i d e n t i , 53
Cadmo i n Serpent© con la m o g l i e , 71
Cyane i n F o n t e , 82
Contadini i n Ranocchi, 90
Cesalo g e l o s o d e l l a moglie, 107
Cerere c o n t r o a E r i s i t t o n e , 122
Cyparisso in Cypres s o , 136
C e r a s t e i n T o r i , 139
Cygno i n v c c e l l o , 163
Cenea donna i n huomo, 164
C o n t r a s t o t r a V l y s s e , & A i a c e , 166
Cercopi i n Soimie, 181
392
Compagni d'Vlyss© in Porci, 184
Circe innamorata d i Pico, 185
Canenta in Vento, 186
Compagni di Diomede in Vcoelli, 187
Cippo d i u e n t a t o cornuto, 196
Cesar© trausformato i n Cometa, 199
Diluuio, 21
Daucalione & Pyrra, 22
Dafn© in Alloro, 26
Dedalo con 1'alie, 113
Desorittione della casa del Sonno, 158
Eta dell'Cro, 15
Eta d'arento, 16
Eta del Rame & del Ferro, 17
Eaco & Cesalo, 103
Erisittone assamato, 124
Eccellenza d'orfeo, 135
Esaco mutato in Mergo, 160
Enea porta suo padre, 175
Enea Deificato, 190
Figura del Caos, 12
Fine del Diluuio, 22
Fetonte va in Cielo, 32
Fetonte ful inato da Gioue, 34
Fetonte guida il carro del Sole, 33
Fanciullo nella cesta, 41
Figliuol© di Hineo in Pipistrelli, 67
Fineo in Pietra, 76
Figliuole di Pierio in Gazzete, 80
Fanciullo in Tarantola, 83
Formiche in huomini, 105
Fame che va a trouare Eristtone, 123
Figliuola di Lyddo in Maschio, 133
Figliuole d'Anio in Colombo, 176
Guerra d© Giganti, 18
Gioue si consiglia per venire in terra,
Gioue innamorato d'lo
Gioue innamorato di Calisto, 3E>
Gioue mutato in Toro, 50
Gioue con Semele, 57
Giunone contro a Atamante, 68
Giasone & Medea, 95
Giasone addormenta il Serpent©, 96
Gioue, Filemon© & Bauci, 120
Gioue rapise© Ganimede, 137
Giunone & Alcyone, 157
Guerra Troiana, 162
Glauco innamorato di Scylla, 179
Heliadi mutate in Arbori, 35
Hiria in Lago, 100
Hercole & Cerbero, 102
Hercole & Acheloo, 113
393
Symeon's
Hercole & Nesso, 126
Hercole Auelenato, 127
Hippomene & A t a l a n t a , 145 & 146
Hecuba presa dai G r e c i , 169
Hecuba ft Polydoro, 172
Hecuba ft Polynnestore, 173
H e r s i l i a d e i s i c a t a , 194
H i p p o l i t o r i s u s c i t a t o , 195
l o mutata in Vacca, 28
I n c a n t i & impresa d i Medea, 97
I a c i n t o morto da Febo, 138
I f i g e n i a s a g r i f i c a t a , 161
Imagine & tempio d ' E s c u l a p i o , 197
Licaone mutato in Lupo
Leucotoe & Clytia, 65
Lucina corrotta nel parto d'Almena, 129
Loto & Diope Nynfe in Arbori, 130
Lyra & lingua d'Qrfeo, 149
Lupo fatto di Marmo, 155
Mercurio addormenta Argo, 29
Mercurio innamorato d'Herse, 47
Minerua a casa dell Inuidia, 48
Marinai in Delfini, 60
Morte di Pyramo & Tysbe, 63
Minuerua & le Muse, 78
Marsia scorticato da Febo, 91
Medea ringiuoanise© Esone, 98
Medea & Pelia, 99
Medea si vendica di Giasone, 101
Meleagro & Atalanta, 115
Meleagro muor©, 117
Myrta innamorata del padre, 141
Myrra vsa col padre, 142
Myrra mutata in Arbore, 143
Mida con gl'orecchi d'Asino, 151
Mercurio & Chiona, 154
Morfea in forma di Ceyce, 159
Mennone conuerso in Vcoello, 174
Medaglia d'Augusto, 200
Nittimen© mutata in Ciuetta, 43
Narcisso innamorato di s© steffo, 58
Nozz© di Perseo disturbate, 75
Niso & Scylla in vcoelli, 111
Naiad© in Isole, 118
Naufragio di Ceyce, 156
Nozze di Pyritoo, & guerra co i Centauri, 165
Naui d'Enea in Nynfe, 189
Niobe, saettat© co i figliuoli, 89
394
Symeon's Ovid
Crdinatione, del Mondo con la oreatione dell'Huomo, 14
Ocyroe in Caualla, 45
Orfeo racquista Euridice, 134
Crfeo vcciso dalle Bacoanti, 148
Penteo vcclsso dalle Baccanti, 61
Perfeo libera Andromeda, 73
Perseo, Medusa & Pegaso, 74
Polidette in Sasso, 77
Pyreneo & le Muse, 79
Plutone rapisee Proserpina, 82
Progn©, Filomena & Tereo, 93
Peste in Egina, 104
Perimele in Isola, 119
Peleo & Teti, 153
Polynnestore ammazza Polydoro, 170
Pulysona sagrificata, 171
Polyfomo & Galatea, 177
Polyfemo mangia gli huomini, 183
Pico mutato in Picchio, 185
Pomona & Vertunno, 191
Pastore in Vliuastro, 188
Ristaurantion© dell humana generation©, 23
Romolo fatto immortal©, 193
Serpente vcciso da Febo, 24
Syringa mutata in Canna, 30
Semele mal consigliata da Giunone, 56
Salmaoe diuenuta Hermafrodito, 66
Seren© con 1'Alie, 85
S c y l l a innamorata di Minos, 109
S c y l l a t a g l i a la r e s t a a l padre, 110
Superbia d ' E r i s i t t o n e , 121
S t a t u a d i Pimmalione, 140
Scylla mutata in Can©, 180
S i b y l l a Cumana amata da Febo, 182
T i r e s i a p r i u a t o de g l i occhi, 57
Tysbe spauenbata fugge, 62
Tritolemo & Lynco, 87
Tereo sforza l a cognata, 92
Teseo v i n c e i l Minotauro, 112
Talo mutato i n Pernio©, 114
Teletusa inganna i l m a r i t o , 132
Troia a l l a g a t a da Nettunno, 152
Vener©, Dupido, & Plutone, 81
Vener© innamorata d'Adone, 144
395
A partial list of Emblem Writers whose works ar© at the Folger
Shakespeare Library, Washington, D. C.
Alciati, Andrea. Lyons, 1534.
. Lyons, 1551. (Italian text)
. Paris, 1534. (Latin text)
. Lyons, 1544.
. Lyons, 1556.
, Lyons, 1564.
. Lyons, 1564. (diff. ed.)
. Lyons, 1566. (2 copies)
— . Lyons, 1566.
. Lyons, 1573. (2 copies)
_
. Antwerp, 1577. (2 copies)
. Antwerp, 1581. (3 copies)
. Antwerp, 1583.
. Frankfort, 1583.
. Paris, 1584.
. Lyons, 1588.
. Lyons, 1591.
»
„_..___..
. Lyons, 1600.
. Paris, 1602.
. Raphelengii, 1608. (2 copies)
......
. Lyons, 1604.
Paris, 1608.
Folger
396
Alciati, Andrea. Paris, 1618.
m
Antwerp, 1622.
, Padua, 1626.
—
, Lyons, 1549. (French text)
, Paris, 1574.
. Antwerp, 1692.
. Antwerp, 1648.
—
. Lyons, 1614.
. Patavii, 1621.
Baudoin, I. 1638. (2 Vols.)
Batillus, Lebeus. Francfurti, 1596.
Beza, Thedore. Geneva, 1580. (Alternating Latin and French text.)
. Geneva, 1599. (2 copies)
Bocchius, Achilles. Bologna, 1574.
Boissard, Jean Jacques. Metz, 1588.
. Metz, 1593.
Brunes, J . de. Amsterdam, 1636. (2 copies)
-
.
. Amsterdam, 1661.
Camerarius, Ioachim. Nuremberg, 1605.
C a m i l l i , Camille. Venice, 1586.
C a t a r i , Vincenzo. Venice, 1556. (This work was r e p r i n t e d frequently,
and t h e r e are many e d i t i o n s a t Folger.)
Translated i n t o French by Antoin© du Verdier, 1581.
C a t s , Jacob. Middleburg, 1618.
Th© HaP-ue, 1632. (There is a very lar^e c o l l e c t i o n of
Emblem-books by Jacob Cats a t the Folger. Among them is
the largest Folio.)
Coornhert. Leydon, 1585.
t
Folger
397
Corrozet, Gilles. Paris, 1543.
„ Paris, 1556.
, p a r i s t 1571.
Cramer, Daniel. Frankcort, 1624.
David, J. Antverpiae, 1605. (2 copies)
(This is the edition that has a woodcut devoted to "Occaaio,")
Emblemata Anniversaria Academia Altarfinae, 1597,
Emblemes Nouveaux, Frankfort, 1617.
Giovius, Paulus. Lyons, 1561. (Italian)
. Lyons, 1574. (Italian—2 copies)
. Lyons, 1561. (French)
Guerolt, G. Figures de la Bible, 1556.
. 1570.
(The author wrote Premier Livre des Emblemes, Lyons, 1550.)
Hadrianus, Junius. Antwerpiae, 1565. (2 copies)
(The first edition and said to be the most elegant issued
from Plantin press at this time.)
Heins, D. Amsterdam, 1608. (Theocritus A. Ganda)
Holbein, Hans. Lyons, 1538. (Many editions)
Paradin, Claude. Lyons, 1557. (First edition.)
. (Later editions enlarged with emblems from other
authors, and sometimes entitled Symbola Heroica, 1567.
12 editions prior to 1600 from presses at Lyons, Antwerp,
Douay, and Leyden. The English translation, by P. S.
London, 1591." Many editions, both Latin and French, at
Folger.)
Ripa, Cesar. Rome, 1603. (Many later editions.)
. London, 1709.
Ruscelli, G. Venice, 1572.
Venice, 1584. (This edition from the pen of V. and
not G. Ruscelli, hov/ever.)
i
Folger
398
Sambucus, Johannes. Antwerp, 1564.
. Antwerp, 1567. (Many other editions.)
Sinn©, Spelen van. Antwerp, 1562.
Rollenhagen, C. Cologne, 1611-13.
Symbola Hieroglyphica, 1686.
Vaenius, Otho. Antwerp, 1607.
And:
Briot,
Berthod,
Borniti,
Klinkhamer,
Lubboeus,
Taurelli,
Woytten,
Zweert,
and others.
399
A partial list of Emblem-books ab the Huntington Library, San
Marino, California.
Alciati. Emblematum. 1531.
. Viri. 1531.
. Livret. 1536.
. Emblematum. 1536.
— - — .
Mediolanensis. 1538.
. Les Emblemes. 1539.
— — — - . Les Emblemes. 1540.
— — _ - , Les Emblemes. 1542.
_
, Clarisslmi. 1542.
. Emblematum. 1544.
— — — - . Emblematum. 1547.
. Les Emblemes. 1548.
. Emblemata. 1548.
— . Los Emblemas. 1549.
. Emblemata. 1550.
. Fortes. 1558.
. Diverse. 1564,
. Emblemata. 1566.
. Omnia. 1577.
. Omnia. 1580.
-..—---, Omnia. 1583.
. Viri. 1608.
„_»
— . Emblemata. 1618.
400
A l c i a t i . Emblemata. 1621.
. Emblematum. 1870.
Amman. Theatrum. 1586.
Aneau. P i c t a . 1552.
. Picta.
1556.
. AAEKTOP. 1590.
Ayres. Emblems. 1683.
. Cupid's. 1683.
. Emblems. 1687.
. Emblemata. 1700.
Banchieri. The Nobleness. 1595.
Barker. The Nobility. 1559.
Batman. The Doom©. 1581.
. The Travayled. 1569.
Baudoin. Mythologe. 1627.
Beze. La Harangue. 1561.
— — . A Discourse. 1564,
. Dialogi 16th Century. 1574.
- — - , The Judgement, 1580.
——.
Ioones. 1580.
-. Les Vrais. 1581.
Blount. The Art. 1646.
Bocchi. Achillis. 1555.
Boccaccio. The Decameron. 1620.
Boissard.-Ioni. 1584.
- — . Emblematum. 1588.
Brant. Stultifera. 1488.
Huntington
401
Brant. Liber. 1496.
• Stultlfera. 1497.
. Stultlfera. 1497.
— . Esopi. 1501.
• The Ship. 1509.
. Stultifera. 1570.
. The Ship. 1874.
Bry. Icones. 1597-1602.
. Icones. 1498-99.
. Emblemata. 1596.
. Emblemata. 1596.
. Emblemata. 1596.
, Tractus Boissard. 1616 (?).
Callot. Capitano, N.D.
. Varie. 1616.
. Vie. 1626.
. A Book. 1640.
. Figures. 1629.
. De Carnival. 1718,
Camerarius, Symbolorum. 1595.
. Symbolorum. 1590-96.
. Symbolorum. 1654.
Capaccio. Delle. 1592.
Carro. An Epistle. 1569,
, Reg las. 1586.
. Spanish. 1590.
Cats. Moral. 1860.
Huntington
402
Cobes. The Table. (Not after 1537.)
Caglerus. Similitudinem. 1561.
Corrozet. Hecatomgraphie. 1543.
. Historiarium. 1549,
— —
. His tor jar um. 1551,
--. Les Propos. 1556.
. Memorable. 1602.
. Historie. 1608.
Costalius. Petri. 1555.
__.
, Le Pegma. 1560.
Cramer. Emblemata. 1630.
Davis. Ovid's. 1590.
Davies. Orchestra. 1596.
. The Dialoges. 1523.
Donatus, Hieronymi. 1504.
Doni. The Morall. 1570.
Epiphanius, Sancti. 1588.
Estienne. The Art. 1646.
. The Art. 1648.
.
«...
-. Emblemata. 1609.
. Emblemes. 1667.
. Emblemata. 1704.
Faerno. Fabulae. 1563.
_„..—-, Centum. 1573.
Faerni. Fables. 1741.
Fraunce. Insignium. 1588.
. Th© Third. 1592.
Huntington
Huntington
403
Giovo. Comentario, 1537,
. Libri. 1539.
. Pauli. 1549.
. Pauli. 1550-1552.
— - — . Illustrium. 1551.
. Dialoge. 1544.
. Th© Worthy. 1585.
. Regionamento. 1863.
Gall©. D. Catherinae. 1603.
Haydocke. A Tracte. 1598.
Heinsius. Danielis. 1640.
Heyns. Emblemata. 1625.
Haywood. Pleasant. 1637.
Holbein. Icones. 1554.
. Emblems. 1789.
. The Dance. 1816.
. Imitations. 1688.
Holme. The Academy. 1688.
Hugo. A Collection. 1624.
. Pia. 1628.
. Pia. 1686.
Menestrier. L'Art. 1662.
. L'Art. 1684.
. La Sience. 1691.
. Philosophia. 1695.
Mercier. Emblemata. 1592.
Montenay. Nobilis. 1584.
404
Montenay. Emblemes. 1620.
More. The Workes. 1557.
• The Mirrors. 1618.
. A Myrroure. 1559.
Nash. The Return. 1589.
Ovidius. Th© XV. 1567.
Paradin. The True. 1553.
. Devices. 1557.
-. Devices. 1557.
. Symbola heroioa. 1567.
Puttenham. The Arte. 1589.
. The Arte. 1589.
Quarles. Emblemes. 1639.
. Emblemes. 1643.
. Emblemes. 1669.
Reusner. Aulaea. 1579.
. In Nuptias. 1579.
. De Nuptiis. 1579.
. In Nuptias. 1579.
—
-. Emblemata. 1581.
Ripa. Iconologia. 1630.
. Iconologia. 1644.
——.
Iconologie. 1698.
. Iconologia. 1709.
Robert. The Landgrave. 1596.
Rosso. Historia. 1558.
Sambuous. Emblemata. 1564.
Huntington
Huntington
405
Sambucus. Les Emblemes. 1567.
. Emblemata. 1576.
Schoenhovius. Emblemata, 1618,
Simeoni. Les Illustres. 1558.
—.
, Le Sententiose. 1560.
. Glove. 1574.
. La Vita. 1584.
Thynne. Emblemes. 1600 (?).
. News. 1579.
. Newes. 1585.
Veen, Amorum, 1608,
. Amoris. 1660.
. Les Emblemes. 1667.
* Les Emblemes, 1668,
Webb©, A Discourse. 1586.
Whitney. A Choice. 1586.
Willes. Prematum. 1573.
406
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,
_. Emblemata Lib ell vs. Venetiis, 1546.
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Vita Auctoris
Th© author was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, May 24,
1903.
She graduabed from Loretto College Academy,
Webster Groves, Missouri in 1918.
She received her A.B.
degree from Webster College, Webster Groves, Missouri, 1926.
She entered the Sisters of Loretto, at Nerinx, Kentucky
in 1927.
She was instructor in English at Loretto Academy
Kansas City, Missouri, from 1928 to 1931.
She was mad©
instructor in English at Webster College in 1932 and
received her A.M. from St. Louis University in 1933.
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